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ritual in carrying out dakwah (religious propaganda).4. The growing popularity of these new Sufi-infused Islamic agencie

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Re-energising recognised Sufi orders in Indonesia Achmad Zainal Arifin Keywords: Indonesian Sufism, Thoriqoh, Nahdlatul Ulama, Habib Luthfi Yahya, tarekat muktabarah

Abstract: This article explores a current development in recognised Sufi orders (tarekat muktabarah) in Indonesia in response to the emergence of relatively new forms of urban Sufism. These new forms ignore one or more of the main characteristics of conventional Sufism as manifest in the recognised orders. The way in which Habib Luthfi Yahya teaches the practice of conventional Sufism provides an example of how conventional Sufism has now become more open, simple and attractive, not only for elderly members, but also for younger participants. Habib Luthfi has re-energised conventional Sufism by redefining its teachings in more understandable terms for the ordinary people, promoting the importance of social engagement through nationalistic Sufism and employing musical instruments and other cultural means to attract younger participants. The popularity of Habib Luthfi and his Sufi order shows that the recognised orders can successfully adapt to dynamic changes in society and meet people’s spiritual needs today. This suggests that conventional Sufism can continue to play a significant role in society without losing its basic features: embodiment in a tarekat (Sufi order), baiat (initiation), and ongoing guidance by the initiating spiritual master. New models of Islamic religiosity that emphasise the experiential or spiritual aspects of Islam and new institutional frameworks for cultivating Islamic spirituality have made significant contributions to the growing popularity of Sufism in recent years in Indonesia (Howell 2001; Howell 2007; Huda 2008; Zamhari 2010). The new frameworks include convocations like the majelis (assembly, forum) for the practice of popular emotive Sufi rituals (for example, zikir, salawat and mujahadah1) outside the Sufi orders (tarekat), and semi-academic Review of Indonesian and Malaysian Affairs, vol. 46, no. 2 (2012), pp. 77–104.

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courses, workshops and ‘training’ on Sufism, run on a commercial basis. As Julia Howell (2001) has shown, not only have these novel ways of organising Sufi education and practice succeeded in increasing the level of public participation in Sufi activities across social strata and age groups, but they have also had the effect of intensifying the commitment of many Muslims to perbuatan lahiriah (outer acts) of piety, such as attending the Friday services and wearing a headscarf, that have been the most visible markers of the recent upsurge of Islamic piety in Indonesia. Moreover, the promotion of Sufism through new kinds of institutions has been successful in softening the conflict between the Islamic Modernist movement (most notably exemplified by the Muhammadiyah organisation)2 and the traditionalist groups, principally represented by the Nahdlatul Ulama (NU)3 (Howell 2001:713). For most of the twentieth century, modernists disapproved of many practices associated with Sufism, whereas the Nahdlatul Ulama was founded to protect the traditional Islam of the pesantren (religious schools founded and run by an ulama (cleric)) which were the primary sites of the Sufi orders. The easing of the confrontation between the two largest religious organisations in the country, the Muhammadiyah and the NU, cannot be separated from the growing awareness in both organisations of the importance of spiritual values and compelling ritual in carrying out dakwah (religious propaganda).4 The growing popularity of these new Sufi-infused Islamic agencies of piety, however, has been challenged by the expanding neoSalafi movement,5 which is ideologically opposed to any Sufism practices. Groups in this movement include Yayasan Pesantren Wahdah Islamiyah (YPWI),6 Forum Komunikasi Ahlussunnah wal Jama’ah or FKAWJ,7 and at-Turots Foundation.8 In recent decades the neo-Salafi movement seems to have replaced the Muhammadiyah as the primary opponent of Sufism in Indonesia. In the past the Muhammadiyah played that role (Geertz 1960; Mulkhan 2000; Peacock 1978), sometimes attacking Sufi practices with bitter criticism. The Salafi groups, which are basically more strident purist movements, have now taken over as the main critics of those who practise any form of Sufism, calling Sufi practices bidah (literally, ‘innovations’ or broadly, ‘heresy’).

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Moreover, Islamic radicalism and the movement to establish an Islamic State in Indonesia, which are now promoted through the new Salafi groups, have indirectly threatened the Sufis. Somewhat perversely, this has presented Sufi groups, both traditional and contemporary, with new opportunities to influence the public. These days, Islamic radicalism is commonly seen as one of the biggest threats to the country. Many de-radicalisation programs have been launched in the last decade to eliminate potential dangers. Unfortunately, these efforts, mostly sponsored by Badan Nasional Penanggulangan Terorisme (National Counter-terrorism Agency), or BNPT, seem not very successful because they lack an appropriate cultural and religious approach. To address this problem, leading Indonesian Muslims have urged authorities to recognise Sufism’s potential to make deradicalisation programs more effective, using its tazkiyatun nafs (selfpurification) teachings and emphasis on tolerance (A Shihab 2009; Siradj 2006). They claim that the basic teachings of Sufism, which have been recognised for being open and accommodating to local ideas, can be used to combat Islamic radicalism that mostly results from narrow and exclusive interpretations of Islamic teachings. Unfortunately for traditionalists in the NU and the pesantren world generally, people outside the pesantren and Sufi orders have taken the lead in promoting Sufism. So both non-tarekat Sufism and the neoSalafi groups have become challenges to conventional, tarekat-based Sufism. The growing popularity of new models of Sufi spiritual expression, including non-tarekat-based majelis, zikir and salawat (such as Arifin Ilham’s Majelis Adz-Dikira and Abdul Hamid Madjid’s Majelis Salawat Wahidiyyah), and non-tarekat Sufi associations like KH Rahmat Hidayat’s Padepokan Thoha, worries the leaders of conventional NU Sufism. Such non-tarekat based Sufi groups are very attractive because of their practicality. Compared to conventional Sufi orders, they seem less complicated to join and less demanding of loyalty. The leaders of conventional tarekat-based Sufism are alarmed, not only by ‘sheep stealing’ by the non-tarekat Sufi groups but by the religious quality of the Sufism promoted by them. Tarekat leaders question the value of spiritual guidance offered by people who do not have an accredited

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nasab (line of spiritual descent from the Prophet).9 They also worry about the authenticity of the zikir formulas taught in the novel groups and wish to retain and supervise the proper use of those formulas within the tarekat. These two aspects, the authenticity of the zikir or salawat formulas used by a group and the nasab of the leader, are the most important features used to determine whether or not those groups and their spiritual practices can be considered muktabarah (recognised). Most disturbing to leaders of the Sufi orders, however, are groups and individuals who claim that Muslims do not need to have initiation and on-going guidance from an authorised spiritual guide (a mursyid or syekh) at all, and so ignore or deny the importance of pursuing one’s spiritual journey within a conventional tarekat.10 Some tarekat leaders, however, have been modestly adapting to the changed market for Islamic spirituality. In line with Howell’s prediction that ‘tarekat with the best prospects for urban support are those whose principals are sufficiently comfortable with the urban culture to put at ease people coming from the nonreligious education system and who operate relatively openly’ (2001:723), this paper looks at how the leader of a conventional NU-affiliated Sufi order is successfully re-energising his tarekat in order to meet the demands of modern society. He has done this by providing simple interpretations of the teachings of Sufism, encouraging his followers to actively engage with society, and employing musical instruments and other cultural means in order to make piety more enjoyable for people who appreciate cultural life outside the pesantren world. This last initiative he has undertaken principally through a body connected to his tarekat, the Kanzus Salawat. I argue that his model of practising Sufism is effective in reaching out to important new demographics and can refresh conventional Sufism without abandoning its main features: its organisational framework, the tarekat, baiat (initiation) and mursyid. These features have been the means of preserving Sufism through the generations and Habib Luthfi is proving that they can continue to be so in today’s Indonesia. I also show how important Habib Luthfi’s current position as rais idaroh (national chairman) of JATMAN (Jam’iyyah Ahlith Thoriqoh

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Al-Mu’tabarah An-Nahdliyyah or Association of Recognised Sufi Orders under the Nahdlatul Ulama) has been for promoting his innovative dakwah methods. His model of practising and teaching Sufism can nonetheless be adopted and adapted by others in the pesantren world to strengthen it in the face of challenges from the neoSalafi movement and from changes in contemporary life-styles. Reconsidering the relationship of Sufism and pesantren

There has long been an intimate relationship between Sufism, tarekat and pesantren. According to Dhofier (1980:30) and Madjid (1988:104) in Howell (2001:704), the precursors of Indonesian pesantren are believed to have been places where Sufism was taught and practised by the members of the community. It can be said that the development of Sufism in the early days of Islam in Indonesia was supported mainly by the pesantren and pesantren-like communities. Although there was some tension between so-called wali putih (white saints, those who represent a sharia-oriented model of Islam and tend to reject, or be selective about, accommodation to local customs) and wali hijau (green saints, those who were prepared to accommodate to local practices) within the story of the Wali Songo (the nine saints) who are commonly believed to be the founding fathers of Islam in Java, the role of Sufis as the primary agents of Islamising the Javanese people is undeniable (Johns 1961; Ricklefs 2008). The prominence of Sufism in the teachings of pesantren had lasted from the earliest days of Islam in Indonesia and was well defended until the late nineteenth century, when closer ties with the Middle East brought the so-called intellectualist transformation of the pesantren (Qomar 2005). This was pioneered by young scholars returning from extended studies in Mecca, most notably those who had studied under the guidance of Shaykh Ahmad Khatib Sambas (d. 1875), recognised as the founder of the Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah tarekat in Indonesia. Unlike previously established tarekat in Indonesia, which paid more attention to the quest for God through mystical means, the teachings of this newer tarekat are more sharia-oriented. The influence of these young traditionalist scholars, coupled with pressures from the intense dakwah of the Islamic modernist

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movements inspired by Muhammadiyah and al-Irsyad al-Islamiyah11 and Persatuan Islam (the Union of Islam),12 resulted in the study of sharia, particularly fiqh (jurisprudence) becoming dominant within the pesantren world and in the diminution of the study and practice of Sufism (Bruinessen 1995:112; Qomar 2005:115). This early to mid-twentieth-century domination by fiqh studies created a significant change in the orientation of the pesantren. Although Sufism was still studied in most pesantren, its intensity was much reduced. Further, the pesantren as an institution seems to have been divided into two models. First, pesantren officially affiliated with certain tarekat are commonly known as pesantren tarekat. Examples are Pesantren Darul Ulum and Ploso in Jombang, Pesantren Sawapulo and al-Fitrah in Surabaya, Pesantren Mranggen in Demak, Pesantren Suryalaya in Tasikmalaya, Pesantren al-Falah in Bogor and Pesantren Buntet in Cirebon. Second, pesantren not affiliated with any tarekat and which usually emphasise the teaching of sharia or fiqh, are commonly called pesantren syariah. Examples include Pesantren Langitan in Tuban, Pesantren Lirboyo in Kediri, Pesantren Blok Agung in Banyuwangi, Pesantren Kajen in Pati and Pesantren Krapyak, in Yogyakarta (Bruinessen 1995; Dhofier 1980; Zamhari 2010:22–23; Zulkifli 2003). Just as the pesantren have diverged into two types, so their leaders, the kiai, have diverged into kiai tarekat and kiai syariah. Tension between pesantren tarekat and pesantren syariah is not uncommon in the historical development of pesantren. Pesantren Tebuireng, for example, is a prominent example of pesantren syariah. Syaikh Hasyim As’ary, founder of this pesantren and of the NU, banned the practices of the tarekat at his pesantren (Pringle 2010:129), although this did not mean that it was against Sufism. Indeed, at Pesantren Tebuireng, as at other non-tarekat pesantren, the books of Sufism, especially the great work of al-Ghazali (d. 1111), the Ihya’ Ulumuddin (The revival of religious sciences), are still studied, though with less ardour (Dhofier 1980; Qomar 2005). It seems that the figure of Imam al-Ghazali, who was a master of Sufism but did not belong to any tarekat, became a role model for some kiai not directly affiliated with any established tarekat.

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Syaikh Hasyim’s prohibition on Sufi practices at his pesantren resulted from careful assessment by the kiai syariah of Sufi teachings and their judgment that some Sufi concepts could lead to dangerous syirik (polytheistic) ideas and practices (Pringle 2010). It was also based on the fact that most santri (students) involved in tarekat at the time only wanted to obtain kesaktian (supernatural powers). They believed that some wirid or hizb,13 when properly practised under the guidance of the kiai tarekat (the leader of tarekat, also known as mursyid) who was an expert in practices that attached God’s ‘blessing’, could also help students gain such powers.14 So, we might well understand Syaikh Hasyim’s prohibition as arising from his concerns about the possible misuse of Sufi teachings by santri. For example, in Pesantren Tegal Rejo in Magelang, founded by KH Chudlori, where the teachings of Sufism include various kinds of fasting, wirid, and zikir, and have become the core of the pesantren syariah urriculum, only a few santri with exceptional Islamic learning are allowed to do intensive Sufi practice. Criticism of the pesantren tarekat by kiai syariah affected the popularity of Sufism among the santri of non-tarekat pesantren and alienated them from the tarekat. The growing popularity, however, of majelis zikir and mujahadah in the last two decades has stimulated new interest among the santri in practising Sufism in a broad sense. The ease of access to resources and references on Sufism has led santri from non-tarekat pesantren to participate in Sufi practices in a variety of new settings outside their pesantren. They have alternatives from which to choose what kind of Sufism they want to follow and what kind of practices they want to do. They do not necessarily look for baiat (initiation) or a strict guidance from a mursyid (Huda 2008; Kafie 2003; Zamhari 2010). In fact, santri, as well as other Muslims (especially those in the middle and upper classes in urban areas) prefer to find a spiritual dimension for their religiosity through simple and uncomplicated activities, rather than to follow a tarekat with its list of requirements and obligations to a teacher.15 Teachers within the pesantren — both pesantren syariah and pesantren tarekat — have responded to their students’ turning to other guidance. Pesantren leaders have registered criticism from their modernist counterparts and made changes in the pesantren institution to

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respond to modernity, particularly by adding general curriculum subjects and adopting advanced communications technology. That technology, in the pesantren and outside them, along with easy access in big cities to printed literature on Sufism and other subjects, has made it possible for santri to learn about Sufism from others, and even to join the many Sufi groups. This has prompted tarekat leaders to creatively present their teachings using popular means, such as creating simple majelis zikir and mujahadah associated with the pesantren, and even using the internet to promote their teachings and attract new members. The Naqshabandi Haqqani order provides an interesting example of the use of the internet for recruiting new members to tarekat by offering an online baiat. The requirements for prospective members in this baiat are actually similar to those in a face-to-face initiation. All sentences recited in face-to-face baiat are written, in the same order, on the screen for the innovative internet version. The future members just need to recite those words and then send their details to the organisation for administrative purposes.16 There is, however, a note in the directions for an online initiation stating that ‘anyone who takes baiat via the internet should renew his baiat when he meets Mawlana Shaykh Nazim (the master of the order) in person.’ Although this statement indicates that physical baiat is still considered the most appropriate form of initiation, the online baiat is quite attractive to many and suitable for modern people. I believe that in the future this online baiat has the potential to create a new relationship between pesantren and tarekat. Now, the pesantren is still considered to be the most important place for recruiting new members of tarekat, but that may be changing. Nevertheless, it is obvious that the leaders of tarekat need to do more to re-evaluate and refresh their strategies for surviving in the modern era. Negative impressions of tarekat as a rigid, complicated, and otherworldly-oriented institution can only be eliminated through serious efforts by leaders to meet spiritual needs in a rapidly changing society. To this end, pesantren acting as centres for recruiting for tarekat have also started to adapt to modernity. Although pesantren in general is still considered as a religious institution, many people also expect that its graduates will be able to compete successfully for jobs in any field

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and so to meet this expectation many pesantren have started to transform their curriculum to include general subjects (Dhofier 2009). This will change students’ relationships with their teachers. It seems that making some changes in the tarekat to re-energise them cannot be avoided if they are to survive into the future. Some leaders have, in fact, been successful in developing their tarekat. KH Ahmad Shohibulwafa Tajul Arifin, better known as Abah Anom, the leader of Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah tarekat (TQN), expanded membership through his Pesantren Suryalaya (Howell, Subandi & Nelson 2001). KH Ahmad Asrory al-Ishaqi successfully promoted tarekat muktabarah with his al-Khidmah majelis in Surabaya. As a mursyid of TQN, Kyai Asrory was able to provide a simple zikir for ordinary people. Thousands of people, most of them his sympathisers, gathered in every majelis led by Kyai Asrory. Both great TQN leaders have recently passed away, however, and efforts to eliminate negative impressions of tarekat are still needed. Sufism as presented by Habib Luthfi, with his trademark of Sufi Kebangsaan (National Sufism), provides an example of what can be done within the pesantren world and within tarekat muktabarah. He has become well known for making the tarekat more open and thus attractive to larger audiences. Knowing Habib Luthfi: mursyid of many tarekat

Looking at a photograph of Habib Luthfi, taken when he placed his ballot in a local election, no-one would believe that he is a leader of mursyid all over the country. Wearing a white T-shirt, jeans, and a cowboy hat, he looked far from the customary figure of mursyid, who are almost always pictured wearing a turban, especially when in public. Habib Luthfi’s unusual dress actually plays a part in achieving his main goal of promoting Sufism more broadly in Indonesia. Before discussing his ideas on re-energising orthodox (muktabarah) tarekat, however, it is worth knowing his family and educational background. His full name is Habib Muhammad Luthfi bin Yahya. The word habib attached to a person’s name shows that he is a descendant of the Prophet Muhammad. Habib Luthfi is descended from the prophet through the nasab (family tree) of both his parents.17

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Habib Luthfi’s education followed the typical model of the ‘wandering santri’ who moves from one pesantren to another. He received his early education from his own father, who was also known as a great ulama (religious scholar). Habib Luthfi then studied for three years at a madrasah salafiyah (a pesantren with general curriculum subjects)18 run by his extended family members. In 1959 he went on to Pesantren Benda Kerap, one of the oldest pesantren in Cirebon, which is also well known as a pesantren tarekat. He then studied at several pesantren in Indramayu, Purwokerto, and Tegal, after which he performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, and visited the tomb of the Prophet, his direct ancestor. He received instruction in the Haramain (the holy cities of Mecca and Madinah) and gained his knowledge of sharia and Sufism from great scholars, honoured with the title waliullah (saints of God), and from other reputable teachers. During his study in the Haramain, Habib Luthfi received an ijazah khas (literally, special authority) and ijazah ’am (general authority), which give him authority to teach sharia, Sufism (Syadziliyah order), Hadith (Prophet traditions), tafsir (Qur’anic exegesis), sanad (method of establishing chains of connection to the Prophet), Islamic history, nahwu (Arabic syntax), and tauhid (Islamic theology). As a mursyid (Sufi master or syekh), he is known primarily for his role as the leader of Syadziliyah tarekat. He has also, however, been appointed as mursyid for most tarekat in the country, including Naqsyabandiyah al-Khalidiyah, al-‘Alawiya, al-Idrusyiah, al-‘Atha’iyah, al-Hadadiah, Yahyawiyah, Qadiriyah wa Naqsyabandiyah, and Tijaniyah. This means he has authority to give a zikir talqin (initiation litany) to new members in all these tarekat. It is not surprising that due to his integrity and expertise as mursyid for so many tarekat, he was appointed as rais idaroh (national chairman) of Jam’iyyah Ahlith Thoriqoh Al-Mu’tabarah An-Nahdliyyah, the Nahdlatul Ulama’s association of official Sufi orders, usually known as JATMAN or Jataman.19 Currently there are forty-one active members of JATMAN and its ability to unify tarekat muktabarah in Indonesia is remarkable. In other countries, rivalry among the tarekat muktabarah generally makes such co-operation impossible. This is partly due to the exclusive loyalties people are supposed to have to their mursyid. The Tijaniyah

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tarekat, for example, has a strict rule that its members should not follow other tarekat, or even practise their simple zikir formulas (Bakhtiar 2003; Mulyati 2004). JATMAN has had some problems, especially in determining the muktabarah status for certain tarekat, but they have been overcome (Zamhari 2008), and its success in eliminating tension among the tarekat muktabarah is widely recognised. For example, at an International Sufi Conference held by JATMAN in July 2011, some international delegations expressed their wish to establish similar associations in their countries. Given Habib Luthfi’s special position among the mursyid in Indonesia, the way he interprets and practises Sufism will become a model not only for the members of tarekat but also for those who are looking for spiritual values to underpin the obligatory Islamic rituals. Habib Luthfi also holds the important position of chairman of the Central Java provincial level Majelis Ulama Indonesia (Indonesian Ulama Council or MUI). But it is important to note the differences between his role in MUI and his role as chairman of JATMAN. The national level MUI has issued several controversial conservative fatwa (Islamic legal opinions), including fatwa on restricting religious tolerance and freedom. For example, in July 2005, MUI issued a fatwa on pluralism, secularism and liberalism, in which it was asserted that these three ‘isms’ are haram (prohibited) for Muslims. Another fatwa issued at the same time prohibited doa bersama (congregational prayer) between Muslims and non-Muslims. These fatwa seem to be directed against the natural teachings of Sufism, which are recognised for their openness and for accommodating local values, as shown in the history of the Wali Songo. One might ask, what actually is the political colouration of Habib Luthfi’s Sufism? The way Habib Luthfi practises Sufism, as will be discussed later, provides some answers. His Sufi activities and statements show that his ideas run counter to those underlying the MUI’s controversial fatwa on pluralism, secularism and liberalism. In the midst of Habib Luthfi’s busy schedule as chairman of the JATMAN and the MUI in Central Java, he routinely holds pengajian (lectures on Islam) for his tarekat members, as well as for the general public. His pengajian tarekat, called Jami ’al-Usul al-Tariq al-Aulia, are

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held every Friday Kliwon20 in the morning at his house in Pekalongan. In addition, as in other pesantren, he holds pengajian on kitab kuning (traditional books on Islam).21 Two of the kitab kuning taught by Habib Luthfi are the Ihya’ Ulumuddin (on Sufism) taught every Tuesday night, and Fathu al-Qarib (Fiqh studies), every Wednesday morning, for women only. He also conducts special pengajian for women every Sunday morning. Further, as a popular kiai, he has to give pengajian umum (religious speeches) in various cities in Indonesia. In some of these pengajian he addresses academic seminars and workshops at universities of high repute. Sufism and tarekat from Habib Luthfi’s perspective

Although Habib Luthfi is a member of a regional council of the MUI, as a mursyid he is known for his progressive and moderate thinking. Moreover, he delivers teachings of Sufism in simple language, easily understood by ordinary people. According to Habib Luthfi, Sufism is basically a means to purify one’s heart, performed in different stages.22 He emphasises the importance of detailed self-discipline when practising Sufism, often encouraging people to start from small things. For instance, on a matter of dressing, it is important to start putting on the T-shirt from the right-hand part and, when you want to take it off, to start with the left-hand part. When entering the mosque, one should start with the right foot first, but when exiting from the mosque start with the left foot (Luthfi 2010a). These practices are based on the example or sunnah (tradition) of the Prophet and are considered part of the practice of Sufism. To understand the sunnah, one must begin by studying the disciplines mentioned in books of fiqh (law) — guides to everyday behaviour — such as the pillars of prayer, the manner of the prayer, wudhu (purification or ablution) procedures, and so forth. In general, Habib Luthfi’s basic teachings are similar to those of other kiai, including non-tarekat kiai. But his ability to provide simple examples, which are derived from his daily experience dealing with members of his tarekat, makes his teaching more attractive and understandable for ordinary people. This can be seen in his explanation of maqomat or stages within Sufism. According to Habib Luthfi, there are three sources of Sufism, which also represent the several stages of

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the Sufi path to spiritual perfection (Luthfi 2009). Teachings for the first stage, tasawuf ‘ind al-akhlaq wa al-adab, also known as tasawuf akhlaqi (moral basis of Sufism), can be applied as early as possible in teaching our children, including using the right hand when eating and using the left foot first when entering the bathroom. This first step is necessary because the teachings of Sufism rely upon the moral values of Islam. These examples of etiquette or manners, though considered by many as trivial, actually imply basic values, like respect for life. At the second stage the practitioner is taught tasawuf ‘ind alfuqaha or fiqh Sufistik (Islamic jurisprudential basis of Sufism), taking him or her further, beyond ordinary understanding of fiqh. For example, before performing salat (daily obligatory prayers), one needs to perform wudhu (ablution). In this stage one is asked to reflect on the question: when the prayer is over, has the wudhu gone? In this case, Habib Luthfi’s Sufism teaches that the aim of wudhu is not only to purify our zahir (outer selves), our bodies, as we are obliged by fiqh, but also to create an influence on our bathin (inner self) — to keep all parts of our selves washed in wudhu, preserved from doing bad things. According to Habib Luthfi, this means ‘Kullu sufi faqih’ (every Sufi is an expert on fiqh). At the third stage one learns tasawuf ‘ind al-ahli al-ma‘rifat, or tasawuf ma‘rifat, in which everything is done based on direct knowledge of God. According to Habib Luthfi, many people behave as if they think they are at this level, as if they have already acquired al-‘ilm alma‘rifat (the secret of true knowing), but actually they do not even understand the meaning of ma‘rifat.23 Habib Luthfi said that the critics of al-Ghazali’s Ihya’ Ulumuddin were like this. They were mere theologians or philosophers without direct knowledge of God. For them, the truth of a Hadith rests only in its sanad (line of transmission). Someone like that, who has no al-‘ilm al-ma‘rifat, would judge that al-Ghazali’s Ihya’ Ulumuddin is invalid because it contains many maudlu’ (apparently fabricated or forged Hadith) and dha’if (weak Hadith). For those who understand al-‘ilm al-ma‘rifat, however, the use of maudlu’ and dha’if Hadith might better convey the truth than the arguments made by theologians and philosophers with a stronger Hadith as ‘proof ’.

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Thus, Habib Luthfi asserts that the tarekat serve to infuse sharia with a spiritual aspect (Luthfi 2010a). One is not allowed to join a tarekat without having prior knowledge of sharia, especially fiqh. A popular phrase used among the Sufis to illustrate this relationship is ‘althariqah natijatu al-shari‘ah’ (tarekat is a fruit of sharia). Although Habib Luthfi believes that a tarekat is not the only way to get closer to God, he teaches that it is the safest way to reach that goal (Luthfi 2010b). Within a tarekat, he explains, the existence of mursyid, who give instructions on practising zikir and wirid, will help members of tarekat to understand and practise the concept of ihsan in their daily activities. The definition of ihsan comes from the Hadith of Gabriel, in which Muhammad gives the instruction ‘to worship God as though you see Him, and if you cannot see Him, then indeed He sees you.’ Among the Sufis, this concept is understood as a doorway to ma‘rifat, the highest stages in the Sufi world (Abubakar 1966; Luthfi 2010c). It is evident that Habib Luthfi still holds a classic understanding of Sufism, that is, that anyone who wants to experience God’s presence by performing zikir and wirid must have mursyid, zikir talqin, baiat (initiation), and ijazah (permission) from mursyid (Abubakar 1966; Mulyati 2004). Habib Luthfi, however, has a high commitment to re-energising the teachings of Sufism by urging the members of tarekat to engage actively in social activities and not merely focus on a personal relationship with God, for example through prayer, zikir and wirid. His success in doing that himself makes him an exceptional teacher of Sufism. Re-energising Sufism

Habib Luthfi is widely appreciated for his pleasing baritone voice, evident when he recites public zikir and wirid. But his growing popularity also comes from his ability to contextualise the teachings of Sufism in a way that is meaningful for contemporary Indonesians. In his pengajian, Habib Luthfi not only talks about Sufism, tarekat and other doctrines of Islam, but he frequently explains his approach to social problems, ranging through the crisis of nationalism, various forms of violence in the name of religion, to poverty and corruption issues. He urges his audiences, especially members of his tarekat, to

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engage in social activism in order to minimise other-worldly tendencies that may arise from practising Sufism. Of the many social issues discussed in his lectures, it seems the crisis of nationalism, especially among the young generation, has become his trademark theme.24 Young people respond to this. To attract wider audiences to his pengajian, he also uses musical instruments. His ability to play a number of these is exceptional among the mursyid in the country, many of whom even hold that such music is haram. It seems that these two features of his outreach — contextualisation and music — have become key elements in Habib Luthfi’s program for re-energising tarekat muktabarah and adapting to the current situation. Nationalistic Sufism

If we look at Habib Luthfi’s personal website, www.habibluthfiyahya.net, the home page shows a picture of him with the Indonesian flag in the background. Under this is a motto in Arabic and Indonesian: The level of someone’s belief depends on his love of the Prophet (pbuh). Someone’s love of the nation depends on his love of his land. Remember, there is no belief to those who do not love it.

This motto states that love of the country is as important as love of Islam. If someone believes in Islam, he has to prove it by following the sunnah (the example, as told in the traditions or stories) of the Prophet’s own conduct. One sunnah, according to Habib Luthfi, is to love one’s country, as shown by the Prophet’s love of the cities of Mecca and Madinah. There is also a popular Hadith, ‘hubbul wathan minal iman’ (love of homeland is a part of Islamic belief), that was commonly used by ulama to inflame the spirit of Muslims against the colonial government.25 In addition to inculcating the spirit of nationalism, Habib Luthfi has conducted special pengajian to commemorate national holidays, including Independence Day, Kesaktian Pancasila (Pancasila Sacralisation) day, and Sumpah Pemuda (Youth Pledge) day. These have always been held in Kanzus Salawat (the Salawat House), built next to his house in Pekalongan and which has become the centre of his tarekat’s activities. His concern to infuse the spirit of nationalism into members of his tarekat has also meant involving some military officers,

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whom he regularly invites to share their experiences with his santri. Interestingly, Habib Luthfi also uses musical instruments as a means to instill the spirit of nationalism. He even wrote a song titled ‘Cinta Tanah Air’ (Love of Country), in which he explores the relationship between nationalism and the teachings of Islam. Habib Luthfi’s concern for the crisis of nationalism, especially among the young generation, is also apparent through the establishment of MATAN (Mahasiswa Ahli Thoriqoh An-Nahdliyyah or NU student members of tarekat), at a national congress held in Malang, in January 2012. Immediately after MATAN’s formation, Habib Luthfi led baiat masal (mass initiation) for all board members and student participants. This mass initiation was not just for a particular tarekat, but for any tarekat muktabarah the students choose. According to the committee member of congress, some popular choices of tarekat muktabarah include Syadziliyah, Naqsyabandiyah, Naqsyabandiyah-Qadiriyah, Tijaniyah, Syatariyah, and Alawiyah (NU 2012). This initiation is allowable because of Habib Luthfi’s status as the chairman of JATMAN, authorised to initiate new members from all tarekat muktabarah affiliated with JATMAN. Habib Luthfi believes that by including the younger generation in tarekat, the spirit of nationalism can be infused more effectively. On various occasions Habib Luthfi discusses the problem of nationalism, drawing not only on Sufi Islam, but also on local culture, using, for example, the stories of the wayang. He eloquently relates stories about the deities Bimo, Krisno, and Semar, infusing into them nationalist teachings. According to Habib Luthfi, Semar, generally known as the main guardian spirit of Java, is the symbol of democracy. Described as the wise elder, it is Semar who can develop his community to maintain social relationships and who urges people to respect government officials. Krisno is a symbol of the palace. Krisno is known in Javanese as mandito sakjeroning noto (bureaucrat who also acts like ulama) and can therefore lead and build the nation, as well as build an intimate and profound relationship with God. This indicates that any effort to develop the country that does not start from ourselves and does not consider both material and spiritual aspects of life will not achieve success. The last wayang figure, Arjuno, symbolises jejeging

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bumi (equilibrium of the Earth), as an individual who devoted his life to maintaining order and national stability, the stability of the State (Luthfi 2011). Habib Luthfi’s nationalism is also apparent from his support of, and participation in, various religious ceremonies of the minority religious groups. For example, in the last celebration of the Confucian holiday, the Cap Go Meh26 in Pekalongan, he was asked to give a speech. He elaborated on the importance of fostering inter-religious harmony. He also said that every person of foreign descent, whether Arabic, Chinese, Dutch or any other nationality, must, if born in this country, cultivate a love for the Indonesian republic. This kind of support is very important because some people still consider an Indonesian Chinese as being not fully an Indonesian citizen. Habib Luthfi also actively supports Muslims in performing Javanese rituals, including sedekah bumi (offering for the earth) and wiwit (ritual to begin rice planting). Many modernist Muslims consider these to be heretical because they containing Hindu and Buddhist references. Habib Luthfi, however, argues that the legendary Wali Songo, Islamised those rituals so they are acceptable for Muslims (Luthfi 2010d). Habib Luthfi wants to show people, especially members of his tarekat, the importance of maintaining social relationships with others, including those who have a different religious orientation. It seems that he tries to remind his followers that membership of tarekat is not merely concerned with a vertical relationship between a person and God, as it is still perceived by most tarekat members. Rather, by actively engaging in social activities, members of tarekat will have a greater chance to benefit society, and have a better practice of the faith. Tarekat, music and youth

Habib Luthfi is one of the mursyid who uses musical instruments to attract a wider audience, especially from the young generation. The use of music for dakwah is not uncommon among the Sufis, and it is a problem for some sharia-oriented ulama and for almost all neo-Salafi groups, who consider music in any form to be prohibited. Notwithstanding the dispute on the status of music from an Islamic perspective,27 according to Habib Luthfi, music is universal and can be used effectively to attract people to

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Islam (Jindan 2006). Habib Luthfi’s enthusiasm for music is evident in the music studio in his house, where he has at least eight organs, complete with their audio systems (Luthfi 2010a). Habib Luthfi uses his expertise in playing some musical instruments, especially the organ, to show that the tarekat does not focus only on zikir and wirid rituals or on performing other formal religious duties. For him, music is the knowledge of God. It is universal. From a range of instruments, various kinds of music have been created. Furthermore, he has made a clear connection between between music and Sufi practices. When people listen to music, they can cry and laugh, grieve and rejoice. If music can makes people cry and laugh, I believe that the Qur’an, the most beautiful books, zikir, wirid, and other religious practices are [also] able to do so, if we can do it properly through the instruction of the expert, mursyid. (Luthfi 2010a)

For Habib Luthfi, membership of tarekat is not only related to formal rituals of Islam, but can be practised and expressed through daily activities, including music, even though some people might think music is not a proper part of religious activities. As a leader of orthodox Sufism, however, Habib Luthfi still emphasises the importance of the mursyid, the initiating master, in practising Sufism. While he is prepared to expand the conventional Sufi way, his approach to revitalising the movement will not radically change his perception of tarekat, baiat and mursyid. The notion of Sufism without tarekat, which is supported and developed in many modern or urban forms of Sufism, is not acceptable to him, as a key leader of conventional Sufism and the tarekat muktabarah. Conclusion

The revitalisation of Sufism during the 1970s and 1980s was pioneered mostly by academics, as a reaction to the loss of spiritual values in religious life. The new models for practising Sufism, however, such as mujahadah or zikir assemblies outside the tarekat, seminars and workshops, have ‘ignored’ the basic structural features of tarekat muktabarah — the need for initiation by a mursyid and on-going direction from him for practices like zikir. Champions of the tarekat

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have thus been challenged to re-energise their methods of dakwah to improve their promotion of Sufism. They have also been challenged by advances in technology, such as the internet, that enable their own students to look outside the tarekat and the pesantren that house them. But mursyid of orthodox tarekat, like Habib Luthfi, have used that same technology to facilitate connection with tarekat. Habib Luthfi has also demonstrated how conventional Sufism can be revitalised by presenting its teachings in ways that are more obviously related to daily life. He has shown that when the teachings of Sufism are adapted to their current context, they will inspire more people to join a tarekat. This has proven effective with the public. He has an exceptionally broad following, including among the young. In his tarekat pengajian, Habib Luthfi often addresses various social problems, such as poverty, corruption, pluralism, and the crisis of nationalism among the younger generation. He is an accomplished orator, and also actively participates in promoting his ideas on nationalism and pluralism by attending celebrations of some religious minority groups. In addition, he uses musical instruments to attract members of the younger generation to his pengajian. Finally, his positions as mursyid of all tarekat muktabarah in Indonesia and chairman of MUI in Central Java and Pekalongan have given him a great opportunity to realise his ideas of bringing tarekat closer to the people. Overall, Habib Luthfi’s efforts in re-energising conventional Sufism have refreshed the image of tarekat and made this institution, previously used almost entirely by the elderly, attractive especially to young people who can carry the tarekat tradition into the future.

Achmad Zainal Arifin is a lecturer in the Sociology Department, Faculty of Social and Humanity Sciences, UIN Sunan Kalijaga, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. He can be reached at [email protected] Notes

1. Mujahadah means striving—an intense spiritual effort that leads to levels of spiritual ecstasy or simply to becoming close to God and receiving His Blessing (Aziz 2004:44). Zikir is repetition of certain phrases from the Qur’an as litanies, for example, recitations of asmaul husna (the names of God). (For further reference on the rise of these groups see Huda 2008 and

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Zamhari 2010.) These two forms have been known as the most common means for practising conventional Sufism, especially within tarekat muktabarah. However, current phenomena show that they are also popularly used in any Islamic spiritual activities, regardless of the forms of the groups. 2. Muhammadiyah is an organisation founded in 1912 by KH. Achmad Dahlan, an official preacher of the Grand Mosque near the Sultan Palace of Yogyakarta. This movement is inspired by a wave of revivalism and modernisation in the Muslim world, especially the reformist ideas of Muhammad Abduh (d. 1905) and Rashid Ridha (d. 1935). As with the revivalist and modernist movements in the Islamic world, this movement has also brought the idea of purification with a slogan of ‘back to the alQuran and al-Hadith.’ (For further information about this organisation see Alfian 1989 and Noer 1973.) 3. Nahdlatul Ulama, shortened to NU, is a religious organisation that was established in 1926 by a number of traditional kiai or ulama (leaders of pesantren or clerics) as a reaction to the emergence of revivalist and modernist movements which threatened the existence of traditional ulama. The NU espoused a variety of religious traditions that the revivalists and modernists viewed as containing elements of TBC: Tahayyul (A. myth), Bid’ah (A. heresy), and Khurafat (A. superstition). (For further references see Bush 2002 and Fealy & Barton 1996.) 4. Since its Muktamar (national congress) in 1995 the Muhammadiyah, as a modernist and in some ways a purist movement, began to realise the importance of cultural dakwah. Since then, various efforts have been made to develop methods of cultural dakwah, including the program ‘spiritualised sharia.’ (See Muhammadiyah (Organisation): Pimpinan Pusat 2004; Mulkhan 2003; Zubir & Siandes 1999.) 5. It is important to note that the terms salafi, salaf, and salafiyah are three fairly popular terms among Muslims in Indonesia, although many have difficulty understanding their meaning in the context of the development of Islam. Recently, the term salafi is used more to refer to Islamic groups that embraced puritanical ideas, as pioneered by Ibn Taymiyyah (d. 1328). Traditional Muslims (principally those associated with the Nahdlatul Ulama) use the term salaf or salafiyah to mean ‘traditional’ because the NU pesantren teach the classical disciplines of Hadith studies that carry the stories of the ‘pious ancestors’ (the salaf), that is, the Prophet Muhammad and his Companions. The terms salaf and salafiyah have been used widely by traditional Muslims in Indonesia as parts of the names of their pesantren, for example, Pesantren Salaf Lirboyo in Kediri or Pesantren Salafiyah asy-Syafi’iyah in Jember, which simply mean Traditional Pesantren Lirboyo or Traditional Pesantren asy-Syafi’iyah.

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6. YPWI was established in 1988 by KH. Fathul Muin Dg. Magading under the name of Yayasan Fathul Muin (YFM). In February 1998, to avoid a cult of personality, the name of organisation was changed to Yayasan Wahdah Islamiyah (YWI). In 2000, when they planned to introduce higher education, the group decided to add the word ‘pesantren’ to accommodate various kinds of educational institutions within the organisation. In 2002, through the second musyawarah nasional (national consultation), they officially declared themselves a mass organisation under the same name, Yayasan Pesantren Wahdah Islamiyah (YPWI). (For more information on this organisation see Jurdi 1968.) 7. FKAWJ was formed late in 1998 by Ja’far Umar Thalib. He is also credited with the establishment of Laskar Jihad in relation to conflict in Maluku. The Laskar Jihad was dissolved in 2002, but the FKAWJ is still operated and led by Ja’far Umar Thalib. (For further reference see Hasan 2006; Hasan 2008; Jamhari & Jahroni 2004; Nashir 2007.) 8. At-Turots Foundation was initiated by Abu nida’, Ahmad Faiz, and Ainur Rofiq. It focuses on education and other social activities through the establishment of Ma’had Jamilurohman as-Salafi, Islamic Centre Bin Baz (ICBB), Sekolah Tinggi Ilmu Kesehatan (College of Nurses) Madani, atTurots hospital, and BPR (people’s credit bank) at-Turots. To disseminate their ideas, the at-Turots network also publishes three magazines: al-Fatawa, as-Sunnah, and al-Furqon. For more information, visit their official website www.atturots.or.id. 9. Within conventional Sufism, nasab is usually seen from two aspects: jasmani (physical) and ruhani (spiritual). Nasab jasmani refers to a genealogical chain back to the prophet. Nasab ruhani refers to an unbroken line of descent from the teacher back to the prophet (Mulyati 2004). 10. These ideas were inspired by Tasauf Moderen by Hamka (1990 [1939]) and then received more attention from the public since the appearance of some comtemporary Sufistic televangelists, such as Aa Gym and Arifin Ilham. (See Howell 2008; Howell 2010; Watson 2005). 11. Al-Irsyad al-Islamiyah was established by Syaikh Ahmad Sukarti alAnshori, an ulama from Sudan, on 6 September 1914. The main goal of this organisation is to purify Islam from local cultures by establishing educational institutions, like madrasah and pesantren, and doing dakwah intensively. (See Badjerei 1996; Noer 1973; Ruswan 1999.) 12. Persatuan Islam, commonly shortened to Persis, was founded by H Zamzam and H Muhammad Yunus in Bandung, 12 September 1923. Similarly to other Islamic modernist organisations, Persis was heavily inspired by Muhammad Abduh through his articles in al-Manar magazine. The main figure of this

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organisation is A Hassan, who joined it in 1924. For further information about this organisation see Federspiel 2001 and Noer 1973. 13. Wirid is similar to zikir but it is done in a more routine and intense way, while hizb is a combination of do’a (prayer) and zikir. Among the tarekat muktabarah, the Shadziliyah order is known for its variety of hizb (Mulyati 2004:81). (For a study of Sufism as a means to obtaining supernatural power see Arifin 1993.) 14. The stories about the karomah (supernatural power or miracle) possessed by some great Sufis are not uncommon within the pesantren tradition and other traditional Muslim communities. (See Amin 2008; Johns 1961; Kartodirdjo 1966; Mulyati 2004). 15. Generally, all tarekat muktabarah pre-entry requirements include a face-toface meeting, obtaining permission from the mursyid, fasting and reciting some wirid hundreds of times (mostly three hundred times) after performing prayers five times every day. Soon after fulfilling those requirements, the future members have to meet the mursyid again to take baiat and receive more obligatory wirid that have to be done on a daily basis (see Mulyati 2004). 16. It is written on this page that ‘for those people who cannot reach one of our authorised representatives, the Shaykh has granted permission to take initiation by reciting the Bay’a [baiat] text along with this recording. Once you have done this, you must fill out the form with your detailed contact information in order that we can inform the Shaykh of your initiation over the Internet. Click on the hands to make Bay’a [baiat] with Mawlana Shaykh Nazim, head of the Naqshbandi-Haqqani Order, by reciting along with Shaykh Hisham Kabbani’ (see http://naqshbandi.org/about/baya.htm). 17. Habib Luthfi was born on 10 November 1946. His mother is a syarifah (title of woman who has a line of descent from the Prophet), with the name and nasab as follows: sayidah al Karimah as Syarifah Nur binti Sayid Muhsin bin Sayid Salim bin Sayid al Imam Shalih bin Sayid Muhsin bin Sayid Hasan bin Sasyid Imam ‘Alawi bin Sayid al Imam Muhammad bin al Imam ‘Alawi bin Imam al Kabir Sayid Abdullah bin Imam Salim bin Imam Muhammad bin Sayid Sahal bin Imam Abd Rahman Maula Dawileh bin Imam ‘Ali bin Imam ‘Alawi bin Sayidina Imam al Faqih al Muqadam bin ‘Ali Bâ Alawi. From his father, the line of descent from the Prophet is as follows: Rasulullah Muhammad SAW, Sayidatina Fathimah az-Zahra + Amirul Mukminin Ali bin Abi Thalib, Imam Husein ash-Sibth, Imam Ali Zainal Abiddin, Imam Muhammad al-Baqir, Imam Ja’far Shadiq, Imam Ali al-Uraidhi, Imam Muhammad an-Naqib, Imam Isa an-Naqib ar-Rumi, Imam Ahmad AlMuhajir, Imam Ubaidullah, Imam Alwy Ba’Alawy, Imam Muhammad,

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Imam Alwy, Imam Ali Khali Qasam, Imam Muhammad Shahib Marbath, Imam Ali, Imam Al-Faqih al-Muqaddam Muhammd Ba’Alawy, Imam Alwy al-Ghuyyur, Imam Ali Maula Darrak, Imam Muhammad Maulad Dawileh, Imam Alwy an-Nasiq, Al-Habib Ali, Al-Habib Alwy, Al-Habib Hasan, AlImam Yahya Ba’Alawy, Al-Habib Ahmad, Al-Habib Syekh, Al-Habib Muhammad, Al-Habib Thoha, Al-Habib Muhammad al-Qodhi, Al-Habib Thoha, Al-Habib Hasan, Al-Habib Thoha, Al-Habib Umar, Al-Habib Hasyim, Al-Habib Ali, and then, Al-Habib Muhammad Luthfi. This nasab, along with further information about Habib Luthfi can be obtained from his official site: http://www.habibluthfiyahya.net/index.php?option=com_ content&view=category&layout=blog&id=40&Itemid=29&lang=en. 18. The madrasah salafiyah here is similar to the pesantren institution in terms of its curriculum, but differs in its accommodation arrangements. In many cases, madrasah salafiyah is a part of the learning system within a pesantren. It is likely that most of the family members of the pesantren’s leader will only study at the madrasah and not stay together with other santri in the building complex of a pesantren. 19. JATMAN was established on 20 Rabi’ul Awwal 1277 H or 10 October 1957 in Pesantren Tegalrejo, Magelang by KH Abdul Wahab Hasbullah, KH Bisri Syamsuri, KH Dr. Idham Cholid, KH Masykur, and KH Muslih, under the name Jam’iyyah Ahli al-Thariqoh al-Muktabarah (JATM). Then, in Muktamar Nahdlatul Ulama XXVI in Semarang, in the month of Rajab 1399 H or June 1979, this organisation was ratified by adding the word ‘anNahdliyah’ at the end of the original name (see Howell 2001; Mulyati 2004). 20. In the Javanese calendar system, one week consists of five days, namely: Pon, Wage, Pon, Legi, and Pahing. If we combine this five-day system with the seven-days in the modern calendar system, then the cycle will be repeated every thirty-five days. (For more information on the Javanese calendar system see Geertz 1960; Purwadi 2006.) 21. Kitab kuning literally means yellow books because yellow is the colour of the paper used to print the book. The books were written in Arabic by earlier Islamic scholars. The books cover most subjects on Islamic knowledge, including Sufism, Qur’anic exegesis, Hadith, Fiqh, Nahwu and Sharaf (Arabic grammar). (For an excellent work on the chronicle of these books see Bruinessen 1995.) 22. This idea is central for his model of Sufism, especially for applying the teachings of Sufism in daily life (Luthfi 2010c). 23. Actually these three sources of Sufism are commonly followed by most tarekat muktabarah worldwide, especially those who follow orthodox Sufism or Sunni Sufism. (See Siregar 1999:69–131.)

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24. In many tarekat, nationalism becomes one of the most important teachings of Sufism. The grandson of the founder of Tarekat Sanusiyah in Libya, for example, became king after defeating colonialism (Mulyati 2004:375). Historically, in Indonesia, many Sufis were also in the front line in the fight against colonialism. Hadratus Syaikh Hasyim Asy’ari was even recognised for his role in jihad revolution during the Surabaya war to defend the new Republic of Indonesia (Basori 2006; Ricklefs 2008). 25. Some Muslims claim that this is not a Hadith, but a proverb from Arabic culture. There are, however, some other Hadith which imply a similar meaning (see Shihab 2000:454–5). 26. Cap Go Meh is the 15th and last day of the Lunar New Year celebration for the Chinese community. The term comes from the Hokkien dialect and literally means the fifteenth day of the first month (which was also the first full month in the New Year). 27. Basically, music is still considered as masalah khilafiyah (unconfirmed status due to different opinion) among the ulama, even within NU or among traditional ulama. (For further reference on this matter see NU Organisation 2011).

References

Abubakar, A 1966, Pengantar Ilmu Tarekat: Uraian tentang Mistik, 2nd edition, HM Tawi, Jakarta. Alfian 1989, Muhammadiyah: The Political Behavior of a Muslim Modernist Organization under Dutch Colonialism, Gadjah Mada University Press, Yogyakarta, Indonesia. Amin, SM 2008, Karomah Para Kiai, 1st edition, LKiS Pelangi Aksara, Pustaka Pesantren, Yogyakarta. Arifin, I 1993, Dabus: Ilmu Kekebalan dan Kesaktian dalam Tarekat Rifaiyah: Kasus Pesantren Nurul Haq Surabaya, 1st edition, Kalimasahada, Malang. Aziz, AA 2004, Tarekat: Kesalehan Individu vs. Kesalehan Sosial: Studi Dinamika Tarekat Qadiriyah-Naqsyabandiyah di Darul Falah, Pagutan dan Darul Muhajirin, Praya, Lombok: Laporan Penelitian, Sekolah Tinggi Agama Islam Negeri Mataram, Mataram. Badjerei, H 1996, Al-Irsyad Mengisi Sejarah Bangsa, Presto Prima Utama, Jakarta. Bakhtiar, A 2003, Tasawuf dan Gerakan Tarekat, 1st edition, Angkasa, Bandung, Indonesia.

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Basori, R 2006, The Founding Father Pesantren Modern Indonesia: Jejak Langkah KH. A Wahid Hasyim, 1st edition, iNeis, Ciputat, Tangerang. Bruinessen, M van 1995, Kitab Kuning: Pesantren dan Tarekat: Tradisitradisi Islam di Indonesia, 1st edition, Mizan, Bandung. Bush, R 2002, Islam and Civil Society in Indonesia: The Case of Nahdlatul Ulama, retrieved from http://www.griffith.edu.au/ins/collections/ secure/pdfs/bush_2002.pdf Dhofier, Z 1980, The Pesantren Tradition: A Study of the Role of the Kyai in the Maintenance of the Traditional Ideology of Islam in Java, PhD thesis, Australian National University, Canberra. —— 2009, Tradisi Pesantren: Memadu Modernitas Untuk Kemajuan Bangsa, Pesantren Nawesea Press, Yogyakarta. Fealy, G & Barton, G 1996, Nahdlatul Ulama, Traditional Islam and Modernity in Indonesia, Monash Asia Institute, Monash University, Clayton, Victoria. Federspiel, HM 2001, Islam and Ideology in the Emerging Indonesian State: The Persatuan Islam (Persis), 1923 to 1957, Brill, Leiden and Boston. Geertz, C 1960, The Religion of Java, Free Press, Glencoe, Ill. Hamka 1990 [1939], Tasauf Moderen, Pustaka Panjimas, Jakarta. Hasan, N 2006, Laskar Jihad: Islam, Militancy and the Quest for Identity in Post-New Order Indonesia, Southeast Asia Program Publications, Southeast Asia Program, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY. —— 2008, ‘The Salafi madrasas in Indonesia’, in Noor, FA, Sikand Y & Bruinessen M van (eds), The Madrasa in Asia: Political Activism and Transnational Linkages, ISIM/Amsterdam University Press, Amsterdam, pp. 247–74. Howell, JD 2001, ‘Sufism and the Indonesian Islamic revival’, Journal of Asian Studies, 60(3), pp. 701–29. —— 2007, ‘Modernity and the borderlands of Islamic spirituality in Indonesia’s new Sufi networks’, in Bruinessen, M van & Howell, JD (eds), Sufism and the ‘Modern’ in Islam, IB Tauris, London, pp. 217–41. —— 2008, ‘Modulations of active piety: Professors and televangelists as promoters of Indonesian “Sufisme”’, in Fealy, G & White, S (eds), Expressing Islam: Religious Life and Politics in Indonesia, ISEAS Press, Singapore, pp. 40–62.

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