A political ecology of conservation and development in Northwest [PDF]

People, parks and processes: A political ecology of conservation and development in Northwest Argentina

Thomas Tanner

A thesis submitted for completion of a Doctor of Philosophy degree at the University of Leicester 2003

UMI Number: U601326

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“It is not the strongest of the species that survive, nor the most intelligent, but the one most responsive to change”

Charles Darwin

People, parks and processes: A political ecology of conservation and development in Northwest Argentina Thomas Tanner

Abstract This study analyses socio-economic conditions and patterns of natural resource use in communities of the Andean Mountains of Northwest Argentina. It examines the impacts of protected area creation and the application of neoliberal development policy, which has become common across most of Latin America in recent decades, on two villages in Jujuy Province neighbouring Calilegua National Park. Using a political ecology framework to examine fieldwork and interview-based research, the study investigates the nature of factors influencing rural livelihoods in the region, both proximate and distant. The use of formal interviews and a case study to match rhetoric to practice uncovers deficiencies of the national protected areas system in Argentina. The example illustrates the pervasiveness of misanthropic, preservationist models rather than demonstrate the widespread adoption of people-oriented approaches to conservation. In common with many protected areas in South America, the creation of Calilegua National Park resulted in the displacement of tenant farmers, which has contributed to the reduced viability of traditional pastoral activity as a livelihood within the market system. Traditional agriculture retains an important role however, and the study reveals the diversity and dynamism of socio-economic activities and identities in rural areas of Latin America, rendering problematic assumptions of homogeneity commonly made by distant policy-makers. The increased prevalence of local waged employment has been aided by government schemes and has led to the emergence of newly configured networks of political clientalism at the village level based on asymmetrical relationships of reciprocity. This presents a paradoxical increase in the influence of the state within a development model that stresses reliance on market mechanisms and the withdrawal of government. Commonly acknowledged in the shantytowns of the city but largely unexplored in their contemporary rural context, these relationships are considered to threaten future sustainable economic and political development in marginal rural areas.

Acknowledgements This doctoral research was made possible by the BioAndes project, funded through the European Union’s INCO-DEV programme. This project has given me an experience, both practical and cultural, that I will never forget. Work in Argentina, Bolivia and Peru has kindled a love for Latin America and its people, and has truly enriched my life. For coordination of the BioAndes Project, and for PhD

supervision,

I would

like

to

thank

Professor Andrew

Millington

wholeheartedly for providing the intellectual capital and no-nonsense approach that have made this research so enjoyable. Heads of department who are willing (even keen) to spend fieldwork nights on concrete floors in the sub-zero highlands of Bolivia are few and far between. The advice and experience of Dr Anna Bee as co-supervisor guided me through the early research process. Thanks also to my examiners Dr Clare Madge and Dr David Preston for their constructive comments.

In Argentina, my debts of gratitude are many. Heartfelt thanks to people of the study area, who turned me from a frequently-sighted foreigner to a welcomed visitor. Don Solomon Apaza and Don Valentfn Mamam deserve particular gratitude, but thanks also to those who gave their time to be interviewed, partake in ‘metodos locos’, and share their social activities. Thanks also to formal interviewees, and to Claudio Daniele of UBA and Daniel Somma of APN for steering the BioAndes work in Argentina amidst a mounting crisis.

The people of Calilegua and Ledesma made the fieldwork period not just interesting and eye-opening, but also fun, and to all the staff at Calilegua National Park: Intendente Antonio Temporetti, Augustin Guaimas, El Viejo Alejo Zalazar, and Guillermo Nicolossi in particular, along with Pablo Perovic and his biology team from Salta. To my three mates and their families who made daily life a joy. Cracking sunflower seeds and chewing sugar cane with the kids are up there with the great moments. Rafael Tabarconte and Nelson Valiente and families provided all the company, football, beef and beer to banish any

iv

possibility of home-sickness. And to friend and companion Eloy Lopez, whose company crowned my time in Jujuy.

In Leicester, the entire rabble need mentioning, but there’s simply not the space. You’re all stars, particularly the cricketers amongst you. To Rachel and Lisa for balancing both sides of the story. To Xime and Caro for correcting my Spanish and checking translations. To Renata, Will and John-boy for providing constant entertainment and amusement. Charlie mate, it just wouldn’t have been anything like the same without you. And to Harry, you useless fur-ball.

Thanks also to Mam and Dad for being so solid and supportive, and extra special love to Dad for professional job on the unenviable task of proof-reading the entire thing. To big bro Rob for proving it can be done, on time. And most of all to Kate: Thank you for putting up with my frequent fujigrafting and loving me through it all.

Table of Contents A bstract

iii

Acknowledgements

iv

Table of contents

vi

List of figures

x

List of tables and list of boxes

xi

List of plates

xii

Chapter 1 Introduction

1

1.1 Aims and research questions

2

1.1.1 Research Structure

2

1.1.2 Rural livelihoods, neoliberalism and natural resources

5

1.1.3 Protected areas, rural com m unities and natural resource use

7

1.2 Thesis structure

9

Chapter 2 Development and conservation: Literature and conceptual overview

12

Introduction

13

2.1 Development and the environment

15

2.1.1 The cycle o f Latin Am erican development: liberalism, structuralism, dependency and neoliberalism 2.1.2 Structural adjustment and the neoliberal economic model

17

2.1.3 Dominance o f the neoliberal economic m odel in Latin A m erica

19

2.1.4 The environment and the neoliberal m odel

22

2.1.5 D irect impacts o f neoliberal policy

25

2.1.6 Indirect impacts o f neoliberal policy

29

2.1.7 Summary

32

2.2 Changing approaches to conservation

15

33

2.2.1 Biodiversity and its conservation

33

2.2.2 Protected areas: IU C N categories and current status

34

2.2.3 The ‘exclusive’ m odel o f protected areas and its failings

36

2.2.4 Transformation o f conservation approaches

39

Ecology

39

Economics

41

Ethics

44

Environmentalism

45

2.2.5 People-orientated approaches: Progress and problem atic

47

2.2.6 Squaring the circle: Protected areas and structural adjustm ent

53

vi

Chapter 3 Political ecology and rural appraisal: Research framework and methodology

55

Introduction

56

3.1 Political ecology and human-environment interaction

57

3.1.1 The developm ent o f political ecology approaches

57

3.1.2 Contemporary political ecology: Searching fo r middle ground

59

3.1.3 M ajor research areas

60

3.1.4 Political ecology and conservation in Northwest Argentina

61

3.1.5 Evaluation o f political ecology

64

3.2 The field research methodology

67

3.2.1 The populist influence

67

3.2.2 Rural appraisal and ethnography

68

3.2.3 M ethods drawn fro m the RRA ‘to o lkit’

71

Semi-structured interviews

72

Group discussion

73

Participatory mapping

73

Participatory calendars

73

Guided walks

73

Learning by doing

74

Direct and participant observation

74

3.2.4 Further data collection Formal interviews Secondary data collection 3.2.5 Reflections on the research m ethodology Ethical considerations Problems of data collection

74 74 75 78 78 79

3.3 Characteristics of the interview surveys 3.3.1 Location o f interviews 3.3.2 Age and sex distribution o f interview participants

82 82 82

Chapter 4 Development and parks in Argentina: Study area and protected area context

84

Introduction

85

4.1 Argentine economic and political development

87

4.1.1 Argentina in the 20th century: depression, Peron and the m ilitary

87

4.1.2 Redemocratisation, debt and hyperinflation: 1983-1990

88

4.1.3 Convertibility, stability and neoliberal reform: 1990 onwards

90

4.1.4 Neoliberal change and argentine society

94

4.2 Valle Grande department, Jujuy province

97

4.2.1 H istorical overview

99

4.2.2 The sugar industry in northwest Argentina

vii

101

4.3 The National Park system of Argentina

107

4.3.1 The changing fo cu s o f protected areas conservation in Argentina 4.3.2 Legal designation, effectiveness, and representativeness

109

4.3.3 Calilegua National Park

117

4.4 The study area: San Francisco and Alto Calilegua

112

123

4.4.1 Location o f the study area

123

4.4.2 Rationale fo r the study area

124

Chapter 5 Protected areas, dynamism and diversity: Rural livelihoods in Northwest Argentina

129

Introduction to the analytical chapters

130

5.1 Calilegua National Park: Creation and impacts

132

5.1.1 Legal considerations

132

5.1.2 Antecedent natural resource use in the area

133

Forestry

134

Pastoralism and related activity

135

Oil extraction

136

5.1.3 Local history o f park creation

138

5.1.4 Effects o f national park creation

143

5.2 Contemporary livelihoods

147

5.2.1 Livelihood diversity

147

5.2.2 Natural resource use

153

Bovine livestock

153

Other livestock and livestock-related activity

158

Cultivation

160

Hunting, collection, and traditional plant use

162

Fuel wood

164

Forestry

166

5.2.3 Land tenure and pastoral geographies 5.2.4 M igration and restructuring 5.2.5 Conceptualising livelihoods

Chapter 6 Dynamism and development: Community and clientalism in Yalle Grande

168 171 175

177

Introduction

178

6.1 San Francisco and Alto Calilegua: The fall and rise of villages of the Yungas

179

6.1.1 H ousehold characteristics

179

6.1.2 Village continua: San Francisco and Alto Calilegua

182

viii

6.1.3 M otivation fo r settlement in San Francisco

186

6.1.4 Infrastructure and services

188

6.1.5 Community issues

192

6.2 Political clientalism and development in rural Argentina

194

6.2.1 Clientalism, patronage and brokerage

194

6.2.2 The Argentine context

197

6.2.3 Political clientalism and rural development: The case o f San Francisco

200

Political inclusion and improved living standards

201

Lande’s addenda and functionalist perspectives

204

Subordination and political exclusion

208

Sustainable development and clientalism

213

Chapter 7 People, parks and processes: (Re)conceptualising conservation & development

219

Introduction

220

7.1 A conceptual model for conservation and development

221

7.1.1 Scale-aware research into socio-economic change 7.1.2 International influences 7.1.3 National influences

221 225 229

7.1.4 Regional and local influences

233

7.1.5 Local impacts and environmental trends

237

7.2 Conservation: Impacts, interactions, and values

244

7.2.1 Human impacts on Calilegua National Park

244

7.2.2 People-park interactions

248

7.2.3 Biodiversity and equity: Values, influence and interests

253

7.3 Conservation and development: Lessons from Northwest Argentina

261

7.3.1 A place fo r exclusionary approaches? Broadening protected areas conservation 7.3.2 Peopling protected areas: Anthropological awareness

263 268

7.3.3 Institutions and the political economy o f conservation

271

Chapter 8 Conclusions

275

8.1 Socio-economic change in Northwest Argentina

276

8.2 Conservation and development in Northwest Argentina

278

Appendices

281

Appendix Appendix Appendix Appendix

282 284 288 292

1: 2: 3: 4:

Full semi-structured interview schedule IUCN categories for protected areas Example excerpt from the research diary Conceptual models for biodiversity conservation

Bibliography

294

ix

List of figures Figure 1.1: Structure of aims and research questions Figure 2.1: Dual cycles of environmental sustainability and degradation

4 28

Figure 3.1: Respondents by gender and age

83

Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

4.1: 4.2: 4.3: 4.4: 4.5:

Regional Context of study area Federal protected areas of A rgentina Protected area type and jurisdiction by area National parks of the Argentine Yungas Study area

Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

98 108 112 119 124

5.1: Prim ary motives for National Park creation 5.2: Typology of motives for the creation of Calilegua National Park 5.3: Effects of creation of Calilegua National Park on residents 5.4: Primary livelihoods in study area 5.5: Primary, secondary and tertiary livelihood categories 5.6: Distribution of herd sizes of pastoralists in the study area 5.7: Cultivation in the study area 5.8: Fuel use, sale, and collection 5.9: Changing geography of seasonal pastures in the study area 5.10: Land tenure amongst pastoralists of A lto Calilegua and San Francisco Figure 5.11: Employment in Ledesm a Sugar Company 1980-2000 Figure 5.12: Industrial employment in Jujuy Province 1991-1999 Figure 5.13: Past migration from the study area

142 143 144 149 151 154 160 164 169

Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure Figure

180 183 184 185 186 193 193 205

6.1 Household composition in the study area 6.2: Place of upbringing of San Francisco residents 6.3: Population fluctuation in Alto C alilegua between 1995 and 1999 6.4: Rough population dynamics of San Francisco and Alto Calilegua 6.5: M otivations for settlement in San Francisco 6.6: Community issues in San Francisco 6.7: M ost important issues in San Francisco 6.8: Political machines and resource distribution

Figure 7.1: Full conceptual model for biodiversity conservation around Calilegua National Park Figure 7.2: ‘M inister scissorhands’ Figure 7.3: Conceptual model for Valle Grande, Jujuy Province Figure 7.5: Threats to biodiversity conservation in Calilegua National Park Figure 7.6: Study area opinions of the contemporary purpose of Calilegua National Park Figure 7.6: Spatial distribution of costs and benefits of Calilegua and other national parks Figure A(i): Early version of conceptual model Figure A(ii): Spanish version of conceptual model

x

170 172 173 174

224 229 238 245 249 255

292 293

List of tables Table 2.1: Factors explaining the rise of neoliberal economic policy (NEP) in Latin America Table 2.2: Environmental consequences of adjustment policies for agriculture in Latin A merica Table 2.3: Impacts of restructuring on the Latin American environm ent Table 2.4: IUCN protected area management categories Table 2.5: New approaches to protected areas Table Table Table Table

3.1: 3.2: 3.3: 3.4:

Types and examples of observation used within this study M ethods from the RRA toolkit in this research Topics covered by semi-structured interview schedule Formal interviews

20 27 32 35 39 69 71 72 77

Table 4.1: Changing foci of A rgentina’s national protected areas system Table 4.2: Designations of national protected areas in Argentina Table 4.3: Effectiveness of protected areas in A rgentina

109 113 115

Table Table Table Table Table Table

150 151 155 155 157 161

5.1: 5.2: 5.3: 5.4: 5.5: 5.6:

Formal waged labour in San Francisco Relative importance of livelihood categories Highland and lowland beef m arkets Annual bovine sales Calendar of pastoral activity Calendar of cultivation activities

Table 6.1: Main infrastructure and services in Alto Calilegua and San Francisco

186

Table 7.1: Values, influence and interests in and around Calilegua National Park

252

List of boxes Box 5.1: Livelihood ethnographies from the study area Box 5.2: M igratory ethnographies from the study area

148 173

Box 6.1: Constrained entrepreneurial autonomy in San Francisco

217

Box 7.1: Bioregional planning and the Yungas Biosphere Reserve

262

xi

List of plates Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate Plate

4.1: 4.2: 4.3: 4.4: 4.5: 4.6: 4.7: 4.8:

Calilegua National Park from the lowland sugar plantations M ontane Forests in Valle Grande Departm ent High altitude grasslands in Valle Grande Department Polylepis growth in gullies above Alto Calilegua Location of Alto Calilegua and San Francisco (photo looking east) San Francisco, looking north up Valle Grande Alto Calilegua from above during winter Alto Calilegua

121 121 122 122 127 127 128 128

Plate 6.1: Expansion in San Francisco: Breeze-blocks alongside the traditional adobe bricks Plate 6.2: Traditional slaughter in Alto Calilegua village Plate 6.3: The municipal slaughter house in San Francisco Plate 6.4: Road-block and demonstration by M unicipal workers in San Francisco, June 1999

212

Plate 7.1: M echanised sugar harvesting in the lowlands Plate 7.2: Industrial pollution from the Ledesm a refinery

231 231

xii

190 191 191

Chapter one Introduction

Chapter one Introduction

This thesis provides an analysis of socio-economic conditions and patterns of natural resource use in communities neighbouring a national park in the Andean Mountains of Northwest Argentina. While there is a considerable international literature regarding people-parks interaction, little of this has engaged with communities practicing pastoral transhumance. In addition, although socio-economic aspects of conservation have been studied for other areas of Northwest Argentina, none have investigated the wider impacts of structural adjustment and neoliberal policies, and none have focused on this particular national park.

By way of introduction, this chapter presents the aims and research questions underpinning the analysis, framing the questions with a brief contextual explanation. The introduction then goes on to summarise the structure and content of the thesis.

1.1 Aims and research questions 1.1.1: Research structure

The overarching theme of the study stems from the antagonism between different signals during the application of neoliberal policy in recent decades. Drawing on neoclassical economics, this policy underpins a development model which stresses the role of comparative advantage within a free-market system. In the case of Argentina, this advantage encourages the agricultural sector due to the abundance and fertility of land, as well as exploitation of other natural 2

Chapter one: Introduction

resources such as hydrocarbons, minerals and timber. Changes in government policy have reflected this doctrine, driving natural resource use, particularly that aimed at the export market. At the same time, the short-term shock of transition to the new model may force marginal sectors of rural society into unsustainable resource use to meet productive and reproductive needs.

The same period has witnessed attempts to afford greater protection to the natural

environment,

particularly

under

the

rhetoric

of

‘biodiversity

conservation’. Following heightened awareness of the global nature of many environmental problems since the 1980s, conservation has been encouraged by global environmental agreements as well as international funding for sites representing global values. While seemingly paradoxical and antagonistic to the neoliberal model, this has encouraged the withdrawal of areas from the market regime under the national park model of protected areas (Gwynne and Silva, 1999). This protectionist and misanthropic model has operated alongside a development model that encourages market-directed resource exploitation, and has

prompted

criticism for creating

social

conflicts with

resident

and

neighbouring inhabitants, as well as encouraging greater degradation outside the protected area boundaries.

Under the overarching theme of the study, the research questions are divided into two sections corresponding to the two broad aims of the research. The first aim, explained in Section 1.1.2, focuses on livelihoods and resources in the area, while the second aim (Section 1.1.3) relates local conditions to the neighbouring national park and the broader issues of conservation and development. The structure of these research questions is illustrated in Figure 1.1, providing a frame of reference for the study as a whole.

3

Figure 1.1: Structure of aims and research questions

la : What are the socio-economic patterns in the study area and how have these changed in the late 20th century?

AIM 1

To investigate how politico-economic changes in Argentina, particularly structural adjustment policies and neoliberal reforms since 1989, have translated to the local level in rural areas of the interior.

Antagonism between natural resource use and biodiversity conservation

AIM 2

To explore the inter-relationships between rural communities and protected areas in Argentina in light of changing socio-economic circumstances and new approaches to conservation.

1b: How are socio-economic patterns within the study area influenced by proximate and distant factors? 1c: What are the implications of these changing socio-economic patterns for natural resource use and the environment in the area?

RESEARCH QUESTIONS 2a: What have been the effects of National Park creation on neighbouring and resident communities in the study area? 2b: What are the implications of changing socio­ economic patterns for the aims and methods of the protected area? 2c: Has there been a significant shift in the aims and methods of protected area management in APN and in Calilegua?

Chapter one: Introduction

1.1.2: Rural livelihoods, neoliberalism and natural resources Following the inward-orientation of much of Latin America in the middle of the 20th Century, the establishment of a development model based on the neoliberal tenets of the free market and reduced involvement of the state have dominated since the last decade of the 20th Century. Coupled with the return to democratic rule in many Latin American countries, their effects on the political economy have been significant in both depth and spatial extent (Gwynne and Kay,

1999). The imposition of policies designed to provide economic

stabilisation and the impetus for political and economic restructuring, commonly termed ‘structural adjustment’, have altered productive and social relations from the continental to the local scale.

This research investigates the impacts of these changes in a marginal rural region of Argentina. These impacts relate not only to the new economic conditions,

but also to

societal

and

political

changes.

The

drive

for

‘modernisation’ and greater exposure to external cultures and markets have played a role as the globalisation of popular culture and consumption has accelerated1. The new conditions have also resulted in a re-configuration of state-civic relations. The political ecology framework employed within the research (detailed in Chapter 3) acts as a means of identifying and investigating the impacts of political interaction on local livelihoods.

The study’s first aim is therefore:

To investigate how politico-economic changes in Argentina, particularly structural adjustment policies and neoliberal reforms since 1989, have translated to the local level in rural areas of the interior.

1 These influences stem from both wider Argentina (particularly the capital, Buenos Aires) and from the international arena.

5

Chapter one: Introduction

Within this theme, it more specifically investigates:

Research question 1a: What are the socio-economic patterns in the study area and how have these changed in the late 20th century?

Research in recent decades has attempted to break down the assumption of geographically

remote areas,

particularly within

mountainous

areas,

as

detached from wider social, economic and political processes, and as determined principally by their physical environment (Funnell and Parish, 2001). In line with such thinking, this study takes an explicitly geographical line of enquiry, attempting to examine the multi-scalar influences on livelihoods and resource use in the study area. This accepts the role of both proximate and distant forces shaping socio-economic patterns, but bases such investigation on initial local-level research. With this in mind, the research therefore aims to answer the question:

Research question 1b: How are socio-economic patterns within the study area influenced by proximate and distant factors?

Rural areas in particular provide an interesting arena for study, as informed choices over resource use are often played out in the immediate environment. The research is therefore ideally situated to ask:

Research question 1c: What are the implications of these changing socio­ economic patterns for natural resource use and the environment in the area?

Although the field research was carried out before the onset of the currency crisis in December 2001, the results retain considerable salience for the post­ crisis situation. Jujuy is one of the smallest and poorest regions in Argentina, and the first waves of the crisis had already been precipitated in Jujuy by the negative socio-economic impacts of neoliberal restructuring and economic recession. The continuing prolongation of this recession, political upheaval,

6

Chapter one: Introduction

currency devaluation and banking restrictions represent a second wave, which has received far greater attention, in part because its effects have been felt across the entire social spectrum. The analysis and conclusions drawn from my thesis can therefore be equally applied to contemporary Argentine socio­ economic and environmental circumstances as they can to the late 1980s and 1990s.

1.1.2 Protected areas, rural communities and natural resource use The principal motive for the study’s geographical location is the existence of a conservation protected area neighbouring the study area. Rural communities have commonly conflicted with the methods of such areas due to the restrictions they place on resource use. In part because of these conflicts, the last few decades have witnessed the emergence of new approaches to conservation that are more inclusive of local human populations. The research’s second aim proposes:

To explore the inter-relationships between rural communities

and

protected areas in Argentina in light of changing socio-economic circumstances and new approaches to conservation.

Created in 1979, Calilegua National Park is designed to protect a considerable tract of the forested slopes of the Andean chain. In common with many protected areas in South America and across the developing world, the consequent limitations on human-environment interactions have not been without consequence for communities living in and around the protected areas (Amend and Amend, 1995; Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997). The research thus asks:

Research question 2a: What have been the effects of National Park creation on neighbouring and resident communities in the study area?

7

Chapter one: Introduction

The emergence of the neoliberal development model in the region has considerable potential for environmental change through the alteration of natural resource use patterns in rural areas. Although the combination of economic and environmental aims has been central to new approaches to both sustainable development in general and protected areas management in particular, the forces of economic development are often at odds with conservation

aims. The

research places the environmental

impacts of

livelihoods in the study area in regional context by examining natural resource use trends and threats to the national park. By deed of its geographical location, the study area acts as an unofficial buffer zone for the protected area. The research therefore aims to determine:

Research question 2b: What are the implications of changing socio-economic patterns for the aims and methods of the protected area?

The much-debated changes in the conservation approach adopted in recent decades, outlined in Chapter 2, are centred on an inclusion of human elements within protected areas planning and management. While this issue remains centre-stage, ideas and practice have not always transferred from rhetoric to on-the-ground operation. In investigating this question, the research charts the progress

of

changing

approaches

on

the

Argentine

National

Parks

Administration (APN) generally, exemplified by Calilegua National Park. The research asks:

Research question 2c: Has there been a significant shift in the aims and methods of protected area management in APN and in Calilegua?

8

Chapter one: Introduction

1.2 Thesis structure The following chapters frame and analyse this research. A literature and conceptual overview is followed by an explanation of the methodological framework and data collection. Background information and context to the study area itself is then detailed, providing the basis for three chapters of results and analysis. The key conclusions to the research are then summarised before the inclusion of appendices and bibliographic references.

Chapter 2, ‘Development and conservation: Literature and conceptual overview’, details the debates and developments which provide the conceptual background to the research. It includes recourse to the pertinent literature, and is divided into two principal parts. The first charts the evolution and progress of the development model applied for Latin America in the 20th century. It explains the move from the open, liberal policies pursued until the 1930s, when economic stagnation among the dominant global powers prompted Latin American nations to pursue inward-oriented development strategies, fuelled by the scholastic evolution of dependency theory.

The lack of widespread success through pursuit allowed a renewed neoliberal foundation to development policy, which provides the context to this study. The dominance of the neoliberal model, based on free markets and a reduced role of the state, has been reinforced by the imposition of structural adjustment policies following the debt crisis of the early 1980s. The chapter goes on to investigate the direct and indirect impacts of these policies, with a focus in particular on agriculture, which plays a pivotal role in rural livelihoods in Latin America.

The second part of Chapter 2 analyses the changing nature of protected areas conservation in the developing world. It explains the transformation of the concept, imported from the North American national park model, by examining influences

drawn from dimensions of ecology, economics,

environmentalism.

The

new

‘people-oriented 9

approaches’

ethics,

and

(POAs)

are

Chapter one: Introduction

explained, with special reference to Latin America, before a brief critique of these new approaches.

Chapter 3, ‘Political ecology and rural appraisal: Research framework and methodology’ explains the framework and methodology for the research. A political ecology approach is used as a research framework, combining the concerns of ecology with a broadly defined political economy to facilitate analysis.

It stresses the contextual sources of environmental

change,

particularly state and interstate policies, and focuses attention on conflicts over access to resources, natural or otherwise. In addition, it highlights the political underpinnings and ramifications of environmental change, whose costs and benefits are often unequally distributed.

The second part of Chapter 3 describes the field research methodology, which was based on the tenets and tools of rural appraisal. Primary data was collected using semi-structured interviews and participatory methods within the study area itself, and through regional and national interviews in relevant conservation and development institutions. The variety of methods is explained, before a brief description of the sample characteristics of the interview survey.

Chapter 4, ‘Argentina, development and parks: Study area and protected area context’, puts the study area in historical and geographical context. The first section describes the economic and political development of Argentina, concentrating on the late 20th century. The second section reduces the scale of contextual analysis to the study area in Jujuy Province, in the Northwest of Argentina. Finally, section 4.3 introduces the protected areas of Argentina, discussing their legal designation, effectiveness, and representativeness. It then describes the geographical and biological context of Calilegua National Park, which provides the central motivation for the choice of study area.

Chapters 5, 6 and 7 present and analyse the research data. Chapter 5, ‘Protected areas, dynamism and diversity: Rural livelihoods in Northwest Argentina’, presents qualitative and quantitative data to investigate socio­

10

Chapter one: Introduction

economic patterns in the study area. Analysing the creation of Calilegua National Park and its direct and indirect effects, it draws upon the different histories of park creation. It then uses interview and participatory method data to illustrate and analyse contemporary livelihoods within the study area, with emphasis on their diversity and their implications for natural resource use.

Chapter 6, ‘Dynamism and development: Community and clientalism in Valle Grande’ investigates the community dynamics of the highland region, with reference to the economic and political development in the area. The depopulation of high altitude communities and consolidation of settlement in the mid-altitude zones of the Argentine Yungas since the late 1980s is illustrated for the study area. The remainder of the chapter then focuses on an important aspect of livelihoods revealed by the research, that of contemporary civic-state relations.

The

section

explains

contemporary

relationships

of

political

clientalism, examining their effects on the socio-economic conditions and implications for sustainable development.

Chapter

7,

‘People,

parks

and

processes:

(Re)conceptualising

conservation and development’, analyses the case study research in its wider context. It explains and develops a conceptual model for livelihoods and the environment, highlighting the complex and multi-scalar nature of influences mediating environmental impact. It then synthesises the human impacts on and threats to the protected area, detailing people-park interactions and considering the political ecology of divergent values, influence and interests related to biodiversity and protected areas conservation. Finally, the chapter draws out some of the lessons of the research for conservation and development in Argentina and beyond.

Chapter 8, ‘Conclusions’, summarises the main findings of the study and the lessons it provides for future research and policy-making.

11

Chapter two Development and conservation: Literature and conceptual overview

Chapter two Development and conservation: Literature and conceptual overview

Introduction This study investigates the effects of changing social, political and economic circumstances on natural resource use around a national park in the Argentine Andes. The review of the theoretical and case study literature places the study in context, and is divided into two parts. The first part examines the changing development model for the Latin American region. It discusses the inward orientated policies during the mid 20th Century following the structuralist critique and dependency theories, before describing the move to market based, outward-focused policies. Initiated by predominantly military regimes of the late 1960s and 1970s, this outward orientation has been greatly deepened by structural adjustment programs since the 1980s. It then discusses the impacts of new policies and conditions associated with the neoliberal model and its complementary discourse of modernity, with particular reference to the agricultural sector and the environment.

This transformation is used to frame the more general question of how livelihoods and natural resource use evolve as a response to the changing configuration of rural areas of Latin America in relation to the national and international political economy. Increased integration with wider market, state and societal structures has the power to radically transform local livelihoods. In this regard, the facets of globalisation go beyond the purely economic and political, but also include socio-cultural factors such as ethnic identity,

13

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

community, social movements, media and popular culture1

(Alvarez and

Escobar 1992; Salman, 1996; Schelling, 1998; Agrawal and Gibson 1999; Larram, 1999). This research focuses on the environmental and natural resource implications of new economic conditions, but acknowledges that these non-economic factors will mediate such environmental impacts

(Painter and

Durham, 1995).

The second part of the chapter concerns the changing nature of protected area conservation in the developing world. It charts the ideological influence of the North American conservation

model,

analysing the

reasons behind

its

problematic transfer to the developing world and the rise of both reformist and radical approaches in its place. Some of the new thinking and practice within global conservation is then detailed, giving particular reference to Latin American conservation efforts. Finally, a critique of the new approaches is presented in order to explain their lack of widespread and replicable success.

The adaptation of the Argentine protected areas system to these new approaches is investigated as part of this research, and may have important consequences for livelihoods in the study area. The search for a more effective but regionally appropriate approach is of major importance in the context of Argentine development (Gutman, 1987). Protected areas may be able to hold to the tenets of sustainable development if they can effectively protect biodiversity while at the same time contributing to local or regional socio-economic development (IUCN, 1980; WCED, 1987; Munasinghe and McNeely, 1994).

1 Globalisation is “the intensification of worldwide social relations which link distant localities in such a way that local happenings are shaped by events occurring many miles away and vice versa” (Giddens, 1990:64). It implies both a stretching of economics, politics and other social activities and an intensification of interaction, interconnectedness and interdependence across the globe (McGrew, 1992).

14

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

2.1 Development and the environment

2.1.1 The cycle of Latin American development: Liberalism, structuralism, dependency and neoliberalism Latin America’s integration within the world system in the colonial and early post-colonial era was as that of a primary resource provider (Galeano, 1973). As the geopolitical axis moved towards North America, a more resourceendowed country than the European nations, Latin America’s position began to wane (Lehman, 1990; Zack-Williams et al, 2000). Problems began with the onset of the North American ‘Great Depression’ in the 1930s, causing markets to crash and leaving Latin American businesses, politicians and policy-advisors to rethink the strategy for economic development.

This rethink was spearheaded by the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America (ECLA) under the leadership of Argentine economist Raul Prebisch. ECLA developed a structuralist critique of the world economy, arguing that development of the core nations of Europe and North America was inextricably tied to the underdevelopment of the periphery. The disparities between the two are reproduced through international trade, explained by two factors (Prebisch, 1950). First, the income elasticity of demand for raw materials and foodstuffs was less than one, implying that increases in consumer income would result in less than proportionate increases in demand for such products. Secondly, ECLA argued that uneven development was reproduced by an ‘unequal exchange’ between core and periphery. Peripheral raw material and agricultural exports are sold at prices which did not reflect their real value. Core countries, on the other hand, sold their products at prices above their real value, resulting in consistently deteriorating terms of trade for such products2.

2 The ‘terms of trade’ is the ratio of the export price index to import price index (Taylor, 1998).

15

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

The ECLA group supported their assertion by showing the brief increases in Latin American industrial development during periods of war or world economic depression. If industrial development could occur ad hoc, they reasoned, then it could be planned from within through deliberate policies designed to foster autochthonous development of sectors predominated by imports (Roxborough, 1979). This import-substituting industrialisation (ISI) aimed to prevent the reproduction of uneven development and demanded an important contribution from the state in subsidising infant industries and raising protectionist barriers.

However, this model suffered serious limitations, which the ECLA was itself among the first to recognise (Kay, 1989). The central paradox of this problem was that ISI itself depended upon imports of capital goods and technology, facilitated by the greater export of raw materials. Economic slowdown, unemployment, inflation and political instability led to the emergence of military regimes in the region from the mid 1960s. These generally opened up the economies to international capital once more as a way of overcoming the structural limitations of the ISI model (Larrain, 1989). The flaws in the inwardly orientated strategy became more apparent during the 1970s, when oil price shocks increased the requirements for foreign exchange for most countries. Many governments were forced to increase loans to cover this shortfall, benefiting

from

international

financial

institutions

newfound

surplus

of

petrodollars and consequent generous lending regimes (Edwards, 1995). These low costs loans were the precursor of the structural adjustment loans which became familiar in the 1980s, particularly after the explosion of the debt crisis in 1982 (Corbridge, 1993; Potter, 2000).

At the same time, the debate concerning development in the periphery became increasingly dominated by various versions of dependency theory, with substantial contributions from Latin American authors (Kay, 1989)3. These theories attempted to shed further light on the core-periphery relationship and can be divided into two groups (Murray, 1999). Popularised by writers such as

3 Kay (1989) notes for example that Andre Gundar Frank’s fame in dependency theory masks the contributions of other theorists whose works were not translated into English at the time.

16

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

Frank (1967), Emmanuel (1972) and Amin (1974), the neo-Marxist camp argued that the transfer of economic surplus from the periphery to the core explained the simultaneous process of development and underdevelopment. While this group regarded the global process of dependency in itself as a sufficient explanation of under-development, the reformist camp focused on the internal Latin American processes and their variability (Larrain, 1989). Writers such as Pinto (1962), Furtado (1965), Cardoso and Faletto (1969) and Sunkel (1972) shared a common belief that the obstacles to development lay in constraining structures within Latin America and a continued over-emphasis on primary product exports.

Dependency theory has played an important role within theories of Latin American development, though translation into policy practice has been limited in recent decades. However, its emphasis on the interaction between Latin American and international structures is of crucial importance. “Whatever version of dependency analysis we accept, it remains true that the dependency paradigm alerts us to the fact that much-needed reforms are impossible without a restructuring of the mode of articulation of the economy with the world economy” (Roxborough, 1979:69). The rebirth of neoclassical economic thinking about international capital and trade since the 1970s has overshadowed the achievements of these theorists. In considering global linkages, however, future development theory may benefit from the works of the dependency schools within an increasingly globalised world.

2.1.2 Structural adjustment and the neoliberal economic model In common with most of the developing world, Latin America has largely rejected the structural model in favour of an outward-orientated model based around the efficiency of the free market. In 1980 the World Bank began a loanbased programme designed to stabilise and restructure developing economies in the face of the shocks and crises of the 1970s (Dixon et al, 1995). Boosted by the debt crises of the 1980s and 1990s, this approach was reflected within the 17

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

other multi-lateral financial institutions, and the term ‘structural adjustment’ has become increasingly used to represent a variety of short- and long-term measures within the neoliberal model of economic development4. It is often difficult to draw a line between the two, but short-term measures tend to focus on fiscal, balance of payments and inflationary stabilisation while long-term measures aim to address a wider range of obstacles to growth (Duncan and Howell, 1992).

The uni-linear nature of the neoliberal model is supported by the long-running discourses of modernisation. Streeten (1987:1470) argues that “...the essence of development is structural adjustment: from country to town, from agriculture to industry, from production for household consumption to production for markets, from largely domestic trade to a higher ratio of foreign trade.” More specifically, structural adjustment involves the provision of development loans at very low rates of interest whilst simultaneously increasing the market orientation of economies of the less developed world. This is achieved through a process, “...by which the IMF and the World Bank base their lending to underdeveloped economies on certain conditions, pre-determined by these institutions” (Milward, 2000). These conditions, known as prior actions and triggers by the IMF and World Bank respectively, can be divided into three main policy areas. These reflect the tenets of neoclassical economics and represent the main ideological drivers of the new model (Henry, 1990; Gwynne and Silva, 1999): 1. Trade liberalisation and economic opening. 2. Increased role of market forces in resource allocation and production. 3. Fiscal prudence and reduced state intervention in the economy.

The lowering of protectionist barriers has been central to the outward orientation of the neoliberal model, promoting exports by allowing market forces to reap the rewards of comparative advantage (Rajapatirana, 1997; Dasgupta, 1998;

4 Streeten (1987:1470) notes the width of the term, commenting that “development is synonymous with structural adjustment and a paper on structural adjustment would be a paper on development”.

18

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

Dijkstra, 2000). This has stimulated new areas of production, particularly in nontraditional agricultural exports and has also led to the emergence of significant intra-regional trade and formation of free-trade blocs such as MERCOSUR and the Andean Community (Roett, 1999; Bulmer-Thomas, 2001; Rich, 2001).

Reforms have also limited the powers of the state within the economy, instead allowing market allocation of the factors of production to the more productive sectors. Monetary policy is used in order to control inflationary pressures, whilst trade union power and minimum wages have been reduced to allow undistorted labour markets

(Thomas,

1996).

Fiscal

deficits

are stabilised

through

improvements to taxation systems and cuts in state spending, often with consequent social impacts as a result of declining welfare provision (BulmerThomas, 1996; Mesa-Largo, 1997). Policies to encourage greater flows of international capital and production (Bielschowsky and Stumpo, 1995) are complemented by privatisation programmes, which have also enabled one-off contributions to fiscal revenues (Brown and Ridley, 1994).

2.1.3 Dominance of the neoliberal economic model in Latin America Structural adjustment and neoliberal policies have swept across Latin America since the 1980s, gaining regional momentum and with few countries taking alternative paths. The model has been reinforced globally by the ideological domination of neoliberalism following the collapse of the socialist model in Eastern Europe, the rise of the Asian export-orientated model and the crisis of more Keynesian interventionist policies (Gwynne, 1999; Zack-Williams et al, 2000). This dominance is reflected and reinforced by the considerable power vested in the international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank. The lack of consensus over alternative models for the region has enabled neoliberal policies to gain dominance, although Latin American development theory is widely considered to retain a potentially important role in future policy scenarios (Kay, 1989; Schuurman, 1993; Sunkel, 1993). In addition, David Hojman (1994) lists six factors that, to

19

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

differing degrees in different countries, explain the popularity of neoliberal economic policies (Table 2.1).

Table 2.1: Factors explaining the rise of neoliberal economic policies (NEPs) in Latin America (adapted from Hojman, 1994)

F a c to r Lessons fro m th e D ebt C risis

Q u a lify in g N o te s A lth o u g h NEPs may also be a reaction to d o m e s tic in s ta b ility o r h y p e rin fla tio n (eg C hile, C olom bia)

M ore h ig h ly q u a lifie d te c h n o c ra ts (especially eco n o m ists) D e ve lo p m e n t o f an e n tre p re n e u ria l m id d le class E xhaustion o f im p o rt s u b s titu tin g in d u s tria lis a tio n

Some co u n trie s had to rely on o u tsid e e x p e rtis e (eg Bolivia). In others (eg 1 980s A rg e n tin a , Brazil) th e y were unable to im pose chanqe These g roups are v ita l to the relative success (eg Chile) o r fa ilu re (eq Bolivia) o f NEPs. General acceptance, w ith exce p tio n s (eg B ra z il’s e x p o rt subsidies) o f ineffectiveness o f ISI, o fte n co m p o u n d e d by the ‘D utch disease’ 5 These have b oth fa c ilita te d and been in flu e n ce d by NEPs. Failure to develop such re fo rm s may e xp la in NEPs fa ilu re (eq in e ffic ie n t ta x system in Venezuela) D espite Silva’s (1999) reasoning re g a rd in g le g itim is a tio n (below), H ojm an argues th a t s u p p o rt is fa irly w idespread , p a rtic u la rly re s u ltin g fro m d is lik e o f h y p e rin fla tio n .

Tax re fo rm , fin a n cia l m o d e rn is a tio n and e x p o rt d iv e rs ific a tio n Favourable p u b lic o p in io n

However, there have been a number of notable critiques of the new model (Banuri, 1991; Sunkel, 1993; Smith et al, 1994; Green, 1995; UNRISD, 1995), and the barriers to the implementation of neoliberal policies in the region make their continuing dominance all the more remarkable. Dividing these barriers into three, Silva (1999) argues that they explain why the neoliberal model and complementary discourse over modernisation have yet to be publically legitimised in Latin America.

Firstly, the implementation of a market-based and technocratic development model was not a new concept in many Latin American countries, having been

5 Auty (1993) used this term to describe the resource curse in Latin America that boosted currency values during times of high mineral rents, making agriculture and manufacturing less profitable. These problems are compounded during recessions, when diversification into other sectors may be difficult. The same effect can also occur in other forms of export specialisation, such as agriculture (Murray, 1999).

20

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

adopted by military regimes across the region (Petras, 1986; Gonzalez Casanova, 1988). Latin American society has generally been wary of such policies in the democratic era, regarding them as inextricably linked to restrictions of civil liberty.

Secondly, the model is widely regarded as being externally imposed upon Latin American nations through global financial institutions, markets, professional linkages and political leverage (Stallings, 1992). The debt problems in the region since the 1980s have given the World Bank and IMF an unprecedented bargaining tool with which to press for structural adjustment programmes. This enforcement of a neoliberal agenda in return for restructuring of debt has reemerged during the Argentine economic crisis of 2001-2, in which the IMF refused aid until the national government promised a harsh programme of budget deficit-cutting reform (MacEwan, 2002).

Thirdly, the social and socio-economic impacts of neoliberal policies are at odds with expectations associated with a return to democratic governance (UNRISD, 1995). Silva (1999:53) argues that the new democratic era is expected to include “...an active role for the state...to meet the consequences of the immense ‘social debt’ left by the former authoritarian regimes”. Instead however, neoliberal reforms involved further retreat of the state from traditional social welfare roles, and resulted, at least initially, in socio-economic hardship imposed by the structural changes of adjustment (Roddick, 1988; Dixon and Scheurell, 1990; Abel and Lewis, 1993; Banuri, 1993; Crisp and Kelly, 1999). Reforms to promote economic liberalisation have been criticised for focusing myopically on economic goals while ignoring ‘socially relevant’ policy (Banuri, 1993). Indeed, while the neoliberal model trades-off short-term social costs for long-term economic gain, the model may not have accounted for the impacts of the former upon the latter (UNRISD, 1995).

Although not fully legitimised, neoliberal policies still dominate the region, and underpin conditions for international financial assistance. Under the guise of structural adjustment, debt relief or poverty reduction strategies, they retain a pivotal role in Latin American development strategies. Much of the NGO sector 21

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

has also been drawn into this project, aided by its capacity to develop strategies appropriate to local circumstance and perhaps by its potential to ‘absorb the backlash’ caused by its adverse short-term impacts (Bebbington and Thiele, 1993; Nelson, 1995; Reilly, 1995; Pearce, 1997).

The following section discusses the environmental and natural resource implications of new conditions, focusing in particular on the agricultural sector in order to situate the field research.

2.1.4 The environment and the neoliberal model Latin America has witnessed increased attention to environmental policy­ making, particularly since the Earth Summit of 1992. However, progress has been hindered by a number of factors including; the difficulty in linking environmental and social justice issues; the influence of groups with vested interests in environmentally destructive activities over regional governments; and new economic policies promoting natural resource exploitation amid weakening of the public sector’s regulatory ability (Kaimowitz, 1996).

Like poverty, welfare and institutional capacity, the environment has not been at the forefront of neoliberal policy-making. Rather, it has been bolted onto adjustment programmes and loan conditions more recently as a response to increased global pressure and the environmental emphasis of ‘sustainable development’. The perceived trade-off between environmental protection and economic growth has meant that the environment was not considered an investment priority by neither the lending institutions nor borrowing nations, particularly as environmental protection seemed to require increases in state spending (Reed, 1992). Despite the higher profile of the environment in recent decades, the influence of agriculture on environmental quality has often been ignored by multi-lateral development bank funding in Latin America, focusing instead on urban issues such as air quality and sanitation.

22

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

The debate over the environmental impacts of structural adjustment policies and the neoliberal development model is ongoing and unresolved. While it has been tackled from a multitude of perspectives, only the complexity and case specificity of the relationship have emerged as consistently common themes (Young and Bishop, 1995; Reed, 1996; Ahmed and Lipton, 1997; Richards, 1997). Studies taking a broad view of the effects of these policies may reveal important aggregate trends, while studying specific impacts, sectors or geographical areas provides a more detailed picture of the mechanics of this interaction. This research is interested particularly in impacts on agriculture and agro-industry, as this is one of the principal means by which economic and other signals translate to environmental impacts in the case study region. Agriculture in this case refers to both the larger, more profitable agro-industrial farms and small-scale farming for local markets and subsistence.

Macro-economic studies of structural adjustment and the environment can be broadly

divided

into

policy-based

approaches

and

political

economy

approaches. The former stresses that environmental gains can be achieved as a result of market-led efficiency governing natural resource use (Munasinghe and Cruz, 1994; Munasinghe, 1996). Neo-classical economics suggests that through the removal of price distortions, the promotion of market incentives and relaxation of trade constraints will contribute to economic and environmental gains.

In addition, stabilisation programmes may improve environmental

outcomes because economic instability often prevents sustainable resource use and penalises the poor.

In their World Bank sponsored reviews of environmental impacts of adjustment lending, both Sebastian and Alicbusan (1989) and Warford et al (1993) conclude that structural adjustment is, on balance, environmentally beneficial. “[Adjustment is a necessary, if not sufficient, condition for sound environmental management. Certainly stability, ‘getting prices right’, and public sector reform have virtually unambiguous - and beneficial - impacts on environment.” (Warford et al, 1993). While some policy-based approaches accept that there may be unintended environmental impacts from neoliberal reforms, but argue that these can be 23

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

remedied by economic and non-economic ‘complementary measures’ rather than a reversal of those reforms (Munasinghe, 1999). There is also an acknowledgement of potential trade-offs between macro-economic targets and environmental degradation, whereby a ‘second-best macroeconomic policy’ may be followed in order to safeguard the environment and maximise welfare (Malerand Munasinghe, 1996).

The political economy approach meanwhile, argues that environmental impacts can be explained by understanding how policies are adapted and implemented through

politico-economic

structures.

Environmental

improvements

are

therefore reliant upon changes to these structures themselves (Mearns, 1991; Reed, 1992, 1996; Redclift, 1995). This approach also permits a critique of policy-based approaches, arguing that they concentrate too hard on macroeconomic policy and ‘getting the price right’ at the expense of the policies themselves or a focus on sectoral implications (Fishlow, 1991; Zack-Williams, 2000). As this research uses a similar approach, it is instructive to divide the environmental implications of structural adjustment into direct and indirect impacts. Building on analysis by Reed (1996) and Mohan (2000), these can be subdivided into policy areas of particular importance, with reference to Latin America and rural livelihoods in particular.

24

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

2.1.5 Direct impacts of neoliberal policy Bolstered by exchange rate and economic liberalisation policies, the central motor of the new economic development model has involved the freeing up of trade and promotion of exports. Neoclassical economics suggests that developing nations should exploit their comparative advantage in order to compete on the global market (Taylor, 1998). In some cases, this may be in cheap labour, as witnessed in the maquila industry of northern Mexico (Sklair, 1989). In many parts of Latin America however, this advantage remains in primary products, particularly minerals and agriculture.

The continued emphasis in primary products has been highlighted as central to the region’s under-development and the failure to develop fully the export sector (Galeano, 1973; Tironi, 1985; Williams, 1986; Edwards, 1997). Following the structuralist critique, this dependency “partly accounts for the external vulnerability of Latin American economies, since the potential of local resources has not usually been mobilized for the satisfaction of the needs of the population” (Redclift, 1987:100; CEPAL, 1985). A reliance on primary products may be economically unsustainable due to terms of trade constraints when compared with manufactured imports, price volatility, ‘Dutch disease’, the development of enclave economies, the leaching of profits through foreign ownership and control, and protectionism and regionalism in the global core (Auty, 1993; Murray, 1999).

In addition, the environmental sustainability of this export boom has been questioned,

as the

pressures

of economic

profit force

out

long-term

environmental considerations. Extractive activities such as mining typically pose considerable health risks and are destructive of the neighbouring environment. Although environmental management and impact assessment have certainly been improved by investment regulations for transnational corporations, both large-scale

and

small-scale

mining

activities

remain

highly

destructive,

particularly through downstream pollution and in their long-term environmental

25

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

impacts (Schmink and Wood, 1992; Eggert, 1994; Miller, 1994; Peterson and Heemskerk, 2001).

Trade incentives for the forestry sector have resulted in increased forest degradation and indirect impacts from opening up logging roads (Browder, 1985; Brown and Pearce, 1994). With sufficient institutional capacity however, privatisation, longer concession periods, certification schemes and stumpage prices levied on standing rather than extracted volumes may lead to more efficient and longer term harvesting, with beneficial impacts on the environment (Vincent, 1994; Young and Bishop, 1995; Reed, 1996).

While the bimodal system of land tenure has been tackled by agrarian reforms in the past, the pattern of small and large farms, or minifundios and latifundios, remains characteristic within Latin America. This division has been reaffirmed by the new economic model, which has precipitated a general increase in production within the context of a shift from traditional to non-traditional products, as well as declines in acreage and rural employment (David et al, 2000). Declines in small farm numbers and increased inequality can be linked to structural changes, as the retreat of the state compounded their inability to take advantage of the new economic model owing to poor access to markets, capital, infrastructure and skills (Reed, 1996; Kay, 1999; David et al, 2000).

The discourse over the ‘viability’ of agriculture under the new conditions has been highly influential in recent years, and has permeated much Latin American thinking and policy, albeit in a less radical form (Kay, 1997). The division of ‘viable’ and ‘non-viable’ farms emerged from the Chilean experience, with the premise that where profitable production could not be achieved, peasant farmers should be “supported through social investment programs that would alleviate their poverty and ultimately facilitate their transition out of agriculture and into the urban economy” (Bebbington, 1999:12). However, in reality the divide between viable and non-viable is fuzzy and dynamic, and may ignore the importance of livelihood diversity, of which agricultural practice may be only one part.

26

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

Table 2.2: Environmental consequences of adjustment policies for agriculture in Latin America (adapted from Young and Bishop, 1995)

Adjustm ent Policies - Increase c ro p prices - E xp ort ta x re d u c tio n - Exchange rate d eva lu a tio n - R eduction o f in p u t su bsidies

Economic Consequences

Environmental Consequences

- Switch to tra dable crops - Increase in c u ltiva te d area - Incom e effects

- Increased / decreased rates o f soil erosion d e p e n d in g on crop choice

- C rop choice may be affected - Switch to a lte rn a tive in p u ts - P rodu ctio n m ay be reduced - Incom e effe cts + /-

- Use o f p o llu tin g a g ro ­ chem icals may decline - Im pacts on soil conservation / d e fo re s ta tio n depend on a v a ila b ility o f un cu ltiva te d land - Secure te n u re increases tim e h o rizo n b u t may have negative consequences if land clearing is a p re re q u is ite fo r o b ta in in q title - Im proved access to c re d it increases p la n n in g h o riz o n and in ve stm e n t in co n servation , b u t increased p ro d u c tio n may en ta il land clearing a n d /o r soil e rosion

- M ore secure land te n u re fo r sm all farm ers

- Incom e effe cts + /- Im proved access to c re d it

- Im proved c re d it fa c ilitie s fo r sm all farm ers

- H ig he r in v e s tm e n t levels - Expected increases in in p u t use and p ro d u c tiv ity - However, s ta b ilis a tio n may increase in te re s t rates, w ith the o p p o s ite effects

The principal economic and environmental impacts of adjustment policies related to agriculture are summarised in Table 2.2. Higher agricultural prices and greater market opportunities have provided incentives for new crops, expansion of the cultivated area and, depending on management and suitability to the local setting, changes to rates of soil erosion. Studies of non-traditional agricultural exports have questioned their sustainability, particularly in terms of water and soil resources (Stonich, 1991; Murray, 1998). Although higher input prices may be a disincentive for agro-chemicals, new forms of agriculture may stimulate or necessitate their use, with adverse consequences for both the environment and human health (Murray and Hoppin, 1990; Murray, 1998).

Environmental benefits are promoted by changes to agrarian time horizons, which can be fostered by greater security of land tenure and access to credit under neoliberal policies. However, these potential benefits are complicated by 27

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

the politics of land titling, which may deepen inequality through its bias towards the rural elite and encourage expansion of the agricultural frontier, as witnessed in credit schemes of the Brazilian Amazon (Browder, 1985; Mink, 1992). Longer time horizons encourage shifts to perennial crops, but also enable greater investments in inputs such as agro-chemicals to overcome problems of declining soil fertility (Murray and Hoppin, 1990).

The division of viable and non-viable farms can be mapped onto the model of environmental degradation outlined by political ecology approaches (Painter and Durham, 1995). A dual process of environmental degradation is driven on the one hand by capital accumulation of ‘viable’ farms, with inputs from cheap labour, natural resources and the state. On the other hand, degradation is also linked to the cycle of household impoverishment due to land scarcity and attempts to expand, diversify or intensify production to meet socio-economic needs (Stonich, 1991; Bedoya, 1995; Painter, 1995). This poverty-degradation cycle is influenced more indirectly by the consequences of the new economic policies. These two cycles of degradation are interdependent, and are shown in simplified form in Figure 2.1.

Figure 2.1: Dual cycles of environmental sustainability and degradation

Shortages of resources

Further impoverishment

Household Cycle

Lr Environmental degradation

Unsustainable resource use

Competitive pressures

Com m ercial Cycle Pressure on natural resources

28

Short-term perspective

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

2.1.6 Indirect impacts of neoliberal policy

Indirect effects, particularly through changes in real income levels, will mediate many of the direct consequences. Structural adjustment and neoliberal reforms have tended to increase inequality and poverty through their effects on agriculture, labour markets, and the declining provision of social services (Green, 1995; Lloyd-Sherlock, 1997a, 1997b; Zack-Williams, 2000). These linkages are often poorly recognised however, leading some commentators to argue that “the environmental ‘management’ practiced by international lending institutions pays little or no attention to the environmental practices of the poor” (Redclift, 1995:104).

There are important linkages between the productivity of the natural resource base and poverty owing to the high degree of dependence on agriculture amongst the rural poor (Reed, 1996). Substitution to tradable crops is often not the smooth transition proposed by economic models and may have negative implications for food security (Figueroa, 1993; Kay, 1995). In addition, the gains from higher crop prices will depend not only on an ability to switch production, but also upon the distribution of livelihood activities between cultivation and waged employment (Young and Bishop, 1995). Those unable to meet subsistence needs will suffer if wages have not risen in proportion to agricultural returns. This is crucial given the increasing importance of off-farm employment in Latin America (Berdegue et al, 2000).

It is possible to differentiate between the positive production effects of adjustment on the agricultural sector and the negative distributional ones, and while the negative effects on the poor are certain and immediate, the positive effects are more uncertain and long term (FAO, 1990; Thorpe, 1997). The common result is that, “the poor respond to their falling standards of living by migrating and by increasing their reliance on natural resources” (Reed, 1996:326). The new economic model has presented two basic options: back to the soil, or away to the city.

29

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

The movement to the city and non-farm rural employment is complicated by neoliberal reforms to labour markets and cuts to artificially inflated state workforces (Marquez and Morley, 1997). The resulting depression of real wages and flooding of labour markets has been compounded by cuts to social service provision in most countries, exacerbating social and economic hardship (MesaLago, 1997; Milward, 2000). Within the city, this results in increasing reliance on the informal economy and multiple employment strategies, as well as smallscale agriculture in peri-urban areas (Reed, 1996; Clarke and Howard, 1999).

Whilst studies of the environmental effects of structural adjustment have revealed immediate benefits from the recessionary impact of austerity, poverty may force the poor into unsustainable resource use strategies (Young and Bishop, 1995). Case studies contained in Reed’s (1996) account illustrate a wide range of coping strategies, many of which are based on the premise of ‘free and available’ natural resources and environmental goods. These include urban

to

rural

return

migration

despite shrinking

agricultural

frontiers,

deforestation for agricultural expansion, increasing use of non-timber forest products, small-scale mining, and natural resource based businesses such as hunting, exporting animal species, brewing and charcoal manufacture. “Each of these steps seeking to ensure their survival has come at the expense of consuming or straining the productivity of natural resources” (Reed, 1996:323).

Many studies also note the disproportionate impacts of these changes on women (see collections by Galdwin, 1991; Afshar & Dennis, 1992; Afshar & Barrientos, 1998). Women’s burden of work within both productive and reproductive spheres has been further intensified, a factor which, like social concerns, received little attention initially within neoliberal policies (UNRISD, 1995). The recent poverty-reduction emphasis of the IMF and World Bank’s loan packages however, suggests that social issues are finally being given a higher priority. Under the new poverty reduction and growth strategy approach (PRSPs), savings made from reduced interest payments must be used for social spending. Education and health are targeted in particular, and these must be implemented within a framework of sound macro-economic policy and good governance (Potter, 2000). 30

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

Institutions have played a central role in the debate over environmental impacts. Structural adjustment and neoliberal policy prescriptions for a restructuring and shrinking of the state is at odds with the need for strong institutional capacity to cope with the changes. The consequent declines in state capacity have led to intensive exploitation of natural resources without consideration of the impacts of such exploitation, nor for the future sustainability of such resource use (Redclift, 1995; Reed, 1996). A lack of capacity for environmental regulation, monitoring

and

compliance

has wide

implications for pollution,

waste,

management and sanitation and, of salience to this research, protected areas administration (Young and Bishop, 1995; PNUMA, 1996).

In addition, while neoliberal policies may “attempt to include environmental management within their compass...they do not always facilitate the transfer of control and responsibility for the management of local resources, without which sustainable

development

cannot

be

achieved”

(Redclift,

1995:55).

Decentralisation is increasingly regarded as something of a panacea for environmental conservation (Wyckoff-Baird et al, 2001). However, even if control and responsibility is passed to lower levels of government or other institution, this does not guarantee the capacity to carry out their newly acquired regulatory functions.

The withdrawal and shrinking of the state apparatus has contributed to the rise in NGOs as providers of vital services, welfare and environmental regulation (Clark, 1991; Uphoff, 1993; Reilly, 1995; Nelson, 1996). NGOs have been lauded for their ability to transcend national boundaries and thereby link local and global agendas and actors in ways that state and multinational financial institutions cannot (Princen and Finger, 1994). At the same time however, the basis of support for environmental issues may have been eroded through SAPinduced impoverishment. In Venezuela, research documented a weakening in the ability to sustain community-based organizations following a decline in living standards (Reed, 1996). NGOs have also been critiqued for being ‘employed’ by the World Bank to ease the impact and absorb the political backlash of structural adjustment, as well as facilitating decreased national control and 31

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

greater leverage for the bank and other financial institutions over domestic policies in developing countries (Nelson, 1995, 1996).

2.1.7 Summary In order to summarise the debate over the nature of environmental impacts of SAPs and neoliberal policy, the principle impacts of restructuring on the environment are summarised in Table 2.3 below.

Table 2.3: Impacts of restructuring on the Latin American environment (after Roberts (1996) and Sanderson (1993))

Positive Factors Free trade improves efficiency Internationalisation of environm ental regulations Green standards for production

Environm ental protection to attract loans Pressures of the environm ental movement

In e ffic ie n t ISI p ro d u c tio n replaced by cleaner e x p o rt-o rie n ta te d p ro d u c tio n Global in te g ra tio n encourages in te rn a tio n a l e n v iro n m e n ta l sta n d a rd is a tio n Dem and fo r green p ro d u cts has created q u a lity c o n tro l g u id e lin e s, in c lu d in g en viro n m e n ta l m anagem ent Some co u n trie s have im p ro ve d e n viro n m e n ta l p ro te c tio n in o rd e r to a ttra c t low -cost loans fro m m u lti-la te ra l sources In te rn a tio n a lis a tio n o f e n v iro n m e n ta l and social ju s tic e NGOs puts pressures on nationa l and tra n s n a tio n a l p ro d u c tio n

Negative Factors Lowest common denom inator and the race to the bottom Less respect for legal fram ew ork and lack of institutional capacity Economic crisis leads to unsustainable resource use G reater ineguality increases environm ental degradation Economic growth increases pollutants

In te rn a tio n a l c o m p e titio n encourages nations to low er e n viro n m e n ta l p ro te c tio n S h rin kin g state leads to less respect and lack o f confiden ce in e n viro n m e n ta l agencies A u s te rity and p ro lo n g e d e conom ic crisis associated w ith re s tru c tu rin g force p o o r in to u n su stain able use o f resources R estructuring has increased in e q u a lity, leading to w asteful c o n s u m p tio n levels Carbon d io x id e and o th e r p o llu ta n ts increase w ith econom ic g ro w th u n d e r the new m odel

32

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

2.2 Changing approaches to conservation This section introduces biodiversity conservation and the protected areas concept, briefly describing the present global distribution of areas. It outlines the rationale behind protected areas conservation in the developing world, tracing its export from North America through to its evolution into new forms in the late 20th Century. This transformation is explained by means of an exploration of its present failings, concurrent trends in theory and policy, and the emergence of environmental consciousness and discourses of sustainable development internationally. The new conservation ‘narrative’ and its related approaches are then illustrated before a critique and examination of its role in the future.

2.2.1 Biodiversity and its conservation The late twentieth century witnessed rising concern over the conservation of global ‘biodiversity’. This term, coined in the mid-1980s, is a shortening of ‘biological diversity’ and refers to the variety and variability of life. It encompasses “the variability among living organisms from all sources including, inter alia, terrestrial, marine and other aquatic ecosystems and the ecological complexes of which they are part; this includes diversity within species, between species and of ecosystems” (CBD, 1992:Article 2). It is generally viewed by biologists from three perspectives: genetic diversity, species diversity and ecosystem diversity.

Biodiversity and its conservation rose to prominence as new watchwords through a variety of interlinked trends. These included (Jeffries, 1997): ■ Environmental campaigns involving publicity, direct action and political activism; ■ Public awareness of, interest in and familiarity with the richness of wildlife via the media;

33

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

■ Global environmental threats such as acid rain, ozone depletion and global warming ■ Interest in biological resources, whether prompted by biotechnology in the developed world or sustainable exploitation in the developing countries. These trends combined with pressures from international environmental bodies for a global convention on biodiversity in the 1980s. After much negotiation, the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil was the location for the Convention on Biological Diversity. The Rio Convention stressed the conservation of biological diversity, as well as the sustainable use of its components and the fair and equitable sharing of the benefits arising out of the utilisation of genetic resources (CBD, 1992).

While

the

definition

of

biodiversity

has

widespread

acceptance,

the

interpretation of the term diverges widely. It is treated variously as: “an ‘object’ to be used and managed for development gain; a way of describing ‘things’ in order to know more about ecosystem health; or a social or political construct designed to achieve a special purpose” (Koziell, 2001:1). These differing interpretations and meaning are explored in more depth in Chapter 7. Similarly, while the conservation of biodiversity is broadly regarded as a global necessity, the prescribed methods of achieving this aim differ. Protected areas are one of the most prominent methods, and the conservation of biodiversity has become a central scientific rationale for their creation and maintenance.

2.2.2 Protected areas: IUCN categories and current status Broad international agreement has defined a protected area as: “An area of land and/or sea dedicated to the protection and maintenance of biological diversity, and of natural and associated cultural resources, and managed through legal or other effective means” (IUCN, 1994). In order to clarify the array of different titles given to these areas in different parts of the world, the World Conservation Union (IUCN) has classified protected areas into six categories, each with differing conservation and 34

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

development emphases. These are shown in Table 2.4, along with an idealised representation

between

management

category

and

degree

of

human

intervention in the environment.

Table 2.4 IUCN protected area management categories (from IUCN, 1994; Green and Paine, 1997)

N atural e n v iro n m e n t

1(a) Strict Nature Reserve 1(b) Wilderness Area M anaged m a in ly fo r science o r w ilde rn ess p ro te c tio n .

II National Park M anaged m a in ly fo r ecosystem co nse rvation and recreation

III Natural Monum ent / Natural Landmark Managed m a in ly fo r c o n se rva tio n o f sp ecific n a tural features

IV Habitat / Species Managem ent Area

Increasing Degree of Human Intervention

Managed m a in ly fo r c o n se rva tio n th ro u g h m anagem e nt in te rv e n tio n

V Protected landscape / Seascape M anaged m a in ly fo r landscape / seascape con se rva tio n and re creation

VI Managed resource Protected Area M anaged m a in ly fo r th e susta ina b le use o f n a tural ecosystem s Non P rotected Areas (P roduction Landscapes)

H ig h ly m o d ifie d e n v iro n m e n t

In addition to these categories, areas of international importance may be protected as UNESCO’s Biosphere Reserves or World Heritage Areas. Biosphere Reserves have multifunctional roles and aim to integrate the reserve into regional land-use planning (UNESCO, 1995). World Heritage Areas identify, protect and preserve areas with outstanding universal value and provide assistance and cooperation for the conservation of natural heritage (Thorsell and Sigaty, 1997). These are wider categories and may encompass a variety of IUCN classified areas.

35

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

The global network of protected areas given IUCN categories now exceeds 30,000, covering more than 13 million km2, or nearly 9% of the Earth’s land surface 6 (IUCN, 1998). The number and extent of parks has increased steadily from the turn of the 20th Century, accelerating during the 1960s. In South America nearly 1500 individual areas cover 1.8 million km2, representing over 10% of the land surface (Amend and Amend, 1995). Conservation areas remain both high profile and high priority in South America, particularly since the rise of the Amazon Basin as a cause celebre amongst the environmental movement and the higher profile of mountain environments during the 21st Century. The World Parks Congress of 1992 in Bali targeted a 10% protection level for each of the world’s biomes, and although this figure has been contested depending on species diversity and endemism (Myers, 1983), it remains an important target for global conservation strategies. The development of conservation ‘hotspots’ (Mittermeier et al, 1999) and ecoregions (Dinerstein et al, 1995) as bases for conservation strategies have also reinforced the impetus behind protected areas.

2.2.3 The ‘exclusive’ model of protected areas and its failings Modern versions of protected areas in the developing world draw heavily on the tenets of North American wildlife conservation and national park model. Initiated by the creation of Yellowstone in the United States in 1872, the rationale for these areas was originally to preserve areas of outstanding natural and scenic beauty, with such areas also amenable for recreation to the higher echelons of society (Runte, 1979). In the developing world, the protection of these areas is underpinned by a preservationist conception, excluding human interaction in order to maintain ‘wilderness’ or ‘pristine’ ecosystems. This conception is built upon the misanthropic foundation that people will tend to destroy a pristine nature that thus needs to be protected against human depredation (McNeely, 1993).

6 Although this figure may be inflated by those protected areas with a marine component (Green and Paine, 1997).

36

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

This approach to protected areas in developing countries has traditionally employed

a top-down

system

of

management

and

wildlife

legislation

enforcement, with quasi-militaristic exclusion of human interaction with the protected area. Yet resources to enforce this mode of conservation are severely restricted in the developing world, resulting in most cases in small numbers of parks staff with little training and low wages responsible for protecting vast areas.

The establishment, management and use of protected areas are informed by this specific ideology (Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997b). European conservation models have always been more ‘inclusive’ of the human aspects of protected areas, in large part due to the legacy of extensive landscape modification. Given the comparatively undisturbed nature of the terrain, the ‘exclusive’ approach stressing biological preservation of areas of wilderness and scenic beauty has spread most extensively in the developing world.

Although

there was

regional

differentiation

resulting from

management

background and local circumstance, the displacement of resident populations and lack of concern for local livelihoods witnessed in North American parks of the late 19th and early 20th Century was replicated across the world (see Amend and Amend (1995) for South America; McCracken (1987) for East and Southern Africa; Finger-Stich and Ghimire (1997) for western and Central Africa). It has been criticised in the South American context as “an attempt to transplant national parks, a rich country institution, to an alien setting” (Southgate and Clarke, 1993:163), and its failure to acknowledge local community has been described as alien and unacceptable to African culture (Lusigi, 1981).

Whilst the overall objective of establishing protected areas has been to conserve and maintain natural habitats and wildlife in the nation’s greater interest, in many cases their effect has been to halt, control or restrain the use of natural resources by local communities (Machlis and Tichnell, 1985; FraserStewart, 1992). Population and land resource pressures, as well as the increased influence of market signals, have led to conflicting demands upon 37

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

these areas (McNeely, 1999). The result has commonly included encroachment of agriculture and unmanaged resource extraction such as hunting, logging, and fuel wood collection within protected area boundaries.

This has been compounded by large-scale economic development projects such as irrigation schemes and mining activities, which have profound implications for both socio-economic and environmental conditions (Wells et al, 1992; Southgate and Clarke, 1993; Eggert, 1994). The failings of protected areas are linked to an inability to regulate these extractive processes, and highlight the institutional failings of the model, as well as conflicts with local people. Protected area systems have also suffered a lack of policy commitment from nation states, insufficient or instable funding, ineffective management by protected areas staff and inadequacy of public support (Bridgewater, 1992).

Reaction to these deficiencies has come in two main forms. First, conservation has moved away from focusing on protected areas as the sole means of biodiversity conservation. Instead, attention has been given to conservation issues in other settled and non-settled land to improve environmental conditions and resources outside the realm of protected areas, including both rural and urban areas in the developing and developed world (Western, 1994; Adams, 1996; Hale and Lamb, 1997). As John Terborgh (2000:1358) notes: “The major questions at issue do not concern parks; they concern the fate of wildlands outside parks. How can biodiversity conservation be achieved under the rubric of sustainable development outside the context of strict, people-free protected areas?”

Despite the attempts to broaden conservation, particularly in important regions for biodiversity, the continued importance of areas with minimal human interference is acknowledged by most and remains central to international conservation strategy (IUCN, 1993; Dudley et al, 1999). As a consequence, the second reaction to the problems has been more reformist in nature, attempting to include socio-economic as well as ecological concerns within the aims and methods of protected area management. While protected areas planning and management was formerly the domain of the biological sciences, they now 38

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

require a considerable input from social sciences (Machlis, 1992; Pimbert and Pretty, 1997). The new approach “recognises that the management of wildlife and habitats is only a small part of the picture; the far more challenging management task is finding the means to ensure that humans behave in ways that are consistent with conservation objectives” (Furze et al, 1997:x).

2.2.4 Transformation of conservation approaches New approaches include a mix of conservation outside protected areas and greater integration of the areas themselves within their socio-economic context. The transformation of the model and the emergence of new approaches are summarised in Table 2.5, below, and discussed in the context of four factors influencing the shift: Ecology; Economics; Environmentalism; and Ethics. The development of people-oriented approaches (POAs) is then considered, with a particular focus on the South American context.

Table 2.5: New approaches to protected areas (from Dudley et al, 1999)

Protected a re a s need to: EXPAND

in in in in

size concept the number of partners involved vision - from island to a system

to to to to

each other the w ider landscape society and the economy other countries

and CONNECT

Ecology There has been the mounting evidence that protected areas conservation suffers a variety of ecological deficiencies due to both their location and operation. From a purely ecological view, if the global protected area system has witnessed falling levels of biological diversity, then the effectiveness of that 39

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

system should be called into question (Wilson, 1988; Reid and Miller, 1989). Planning deficiencies include those of adequacy (the extent needed to ensure ecological viability), comprehensiveness of the full range of plants, animals, and ecosystems within the protected area network, and representativeness of the sampling of habitat types within protected areas (Pressy, 1994).

Despite the dramatic increase in the number and area of protected areas over the past 40 years, those government officials outside the domain of environmental protection have historically been less willing to proclaim protected status to areas of high opportunity cost in terms of other potential development options. The result is that protected areas have commonly been located in marginal areas, chosen with reference to political and economic constraints rather than ecological criteria for strict biodiversity conservation (Dixon and Sherman, 1991).

As well as resulting in a poor ecological starting point, location in the more remote and marginal areas has accentuated conflicts with neighbouring and resident human communities (Wells and Brandon, 1992). These communities, especially those that have experienced growth, have found themselves increasingly alienated from both sources of power and the means to support their livelihoods (Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997a). The result has been widespread encroachment and unsustainable resource extraction within conservation areas (Brandon and Wells, 1992). These problems pose a threat to the efficacy of biological conservation and have contributed to the view that unless protected area systems co-operate with the local communities, there will be a little chance of achieving conservation objectives.

New approaches have also stressed the need to integrate protected areas within the regional landscape to avoid the creation of ‘islands’ within a surrounding sea of environmental degradation (Zube, 1995; Miller, 1999; Phillips, 1999). This requires an understanding of ecological, economic, and cultural processes and provides a critique of the boundary approach to protected areas given that nature ‘knows no boundaries’ and parks are often too small to protect adequately large animals and trees (Eisenberg and Harris, 40

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

1989). They also erect psychological boundaries “suggesting that since nature is taken care of by the national park, we can abuse the surrounding lands” (McNeely, 1989:155).

New ecological thinking has also contributed to POAs, particularly in unearthing the ‘wilderness myth’ underpinning traditional approaches (Gomez-Pompa and Kaus, 1992). The work of landscape historians and advances in palaeontology, anthropology and ecology have revealed that most of the environments variously referred to as ‘pristine’ or ‘wilderness’ have in fact been profoundly affected by human intervention (Botkin, 1990; Gomez-Pompa and Kaus, 1992). Environmental protection and transformation cannot therefore be described from a purely biophysical perspective, as what we are trying to protect represents a cultural as well as biophysical artefact (Furze et al, 1997).

Although the 4th World Congress on Protected Areas in 1992 accepted the anthropogenic component of most landscapes, much environmental research remains accused of failing to incorporate the political and historical construction or the cultural ecology of human adaptation of environmental change (Furze et al, 1997; Batterbury et al, 1997). The traditional isolation of research in the natural sciences from its human context can be regarded as a contributing factor in both the problems now facing protected areas and the shift in thinking to embrace human communities.

Economics The shift in conservation thinking has been fortified by a renewed belief in markets as a method of fostering environmental conservation. Many policies and programmes have assumed the rationality of Homo economicus and the dual assertions that: “The way to move people is through their markets, [and] The way to save wild ‘nature’ is through the eye of the market” (Zerner, 2000:3). Economic evaluations of elements of the natural environment have become increasingly advanced, including those aspects already contained within

41

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

markets and those requiring use of a surrogate or hypothetical market (Pearce and Turner, 1990). As economists have developed more advanced methods to value aspects of protected areas, conservation organisations have been under increasing pressure to justify the selective withdrawal of such areas from market forces.

One

response

has

been

that

many

values

enshrined

in

biodiversity

conservation were ‘beyond price’, while others embraced the economic framework to examine the costs and benefits of protected areas as well as opportunities

for

capturing

their

benefits

through

sustainable

revenue

generation and resource use (Dixon and Sherman, 1991; Grove-White, 1997). Environmental economists have increasingly made use of market instruments to create incentives for biodiversity conservation through promotion of sustainable use (Dixon and Sherman, 1992; OECD, 1996; WWF, 1998; Wells, 1998). Positive economic values stemming from protected areas are varied both spatially and temporally, including: ■ Economic value of the role of

habitats (especially forests) in global

ecosystemic processes (Costanza etal, 1997), ■ Human contingent value of wildlife or habitats (Clark, 1995). ■ Possibilities of ecologically sustainable economic benefits of protected areas through such activities as tourism, trophy hunting, or sustainable resource extraction (Pearce and Turner, 1990; Dixon and Sherman, 1991). ■ The values of biodiversity and

indigenous knowledge as genetic and

biochemical material for commercial use (Reid et al, 1992; Baumann et al, 1996). Case studies from Latin America have shown favourable results from ecological taxation in Brazil, ecotourism in Costa Rica, sustainable forestry in Ecuador, managed species extraction in El Salvador and bioprospecting in Costa Rica and Ecuador (Reid etal, 1992; Vogel, 1997; WWF, 1998).

While there are many criticisms of the techniques used to elucidate such values (Foster, 1997), they also highlight a significant problem for local communities around protected areas. Due to the non-excludability of many of the benefits from protected areas, they can be difficult if not impossible to capture by local 42

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

communities or even national governments, as many of the most significant benefits are not confined to national borders (Dixon and Sherman 1991). The costs of protected areas on the other hand are heavily localised, and the notion of this imbalance is a significant contribution to the new conservation approach (Wells and Brandon, 1992). Local participation and the provision of tangible benefits from protected areas can therefore serve not only as a means of ensuring effective conservation, but also as a form of off-set for bearing the brunt of the costs. Early experiences signalled that where schemes provided some form of real tangible benefit from living in or around protected areas, whether or not it was an equal compensation for the costs incurred, they could create a more custodial attitude to the conservation of habitat and wildlife (Newmark et al, 1993; MED, 1994).

The new approach could therefore be regarded as an adaptive reaction by the international nature conservation lobby to the pressures of global capital and political fashion. Through the use of schemes designed to bring some form of tangible benefit to local communities, the conservation lobby can claim that while all the aspects of conservation can not necessarily all be monetarised, it is not completely blind to the forces of the market, and is attempting to combine both preservation of habitats and species with sustainable socio-economic development (WCED, 1987; IUCN, 1993).

The change was also prompted by similar shifts in development thinking and practice. The failure of highly centralised bureaucracies and capital-intensive grand design projects since the 1950s gave rise to new forms of development initiative. These were centred at the grass-roots level, and stressed the poor and disenfranchised, their knowledge, and their active participation within smaller-scale development projects (Chambers, 1983; Richards, 1985). This new brand of populism recognised local community dependence on the sustainable use of natural resources and gave them the decision-making tools to define their own priorities (Western and Wright, 1994). Grassroots schemes around protected areas to promote appropriate development fit snugly into this paradigm, enhancing socio-economic conditions whilst simultaneously helping

43

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

to alleviate the problems threatening biodiversity conservation (McNeely, 1984; Brown and Wyckoff-Baird, 1992).

Ethics The ethical dimension can be seen to have exerted contradictory pressures on conservation thinking and practice. On the one hand, the emergence of the deep ecology movement after the Second World War provided continuing support for preservationist thinking (Worster, 1985; Taylor, 1991). The idea of legal rights for natural objects elucidated by writers such as Christopher Stone (1973) proposed a role for humans as special guardians who are empowered to speak for the ‘voiceless’ elements in nature.

On the other hand, the aims and

methods of global environmentalism have come under increasing scrutiny from the perspectives of ethics, environmental justice and human rights (Nash, 1989; Martinez-Alier, 1993; Boyle and Anderson, 1996; Foster, 1997; Zerner, 2000) There has therefore been increasing

recognition within protected area

conservation that: ‘...it is often neither politically feasible nor ethically justifiable to exclude the poor -who have limited access to resources- from parks and reserves without providing them alternative means of livelihood.’ Wells et al (1990:2)

Two sets of conflicting rights are at play, the rights of local communities to control land and resources, and the rights of the international conservation community to deny them access to these species and resources (Western and Wright, 1994). In common with the role of the developing nations in agreements over climate change, protected areas conservation may be regarded as a restriction on the exploitation of the full potential of natural resources to forward economic and social development (Bhaskar and Glyn, 1995; Redclift and Sage, 1998; Rose and Stevens, 1998).

The establishment of national parks has commonly been accompanied by efforts to drive away resident populations through coercion or direct force, usually with no alternative source of livelihood (Anderson and Grove, 1987; 44

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

Diegues et al, 1992; Ghimire, 1994). In roughly half of the world’s protected areas (and 85% in Latin America), resident populations remain within the defined areas and use natural resources to some extent (West and Brechin, 1991; Amend and Amend, 1995). New approaches have therefore emerged as a way of compensating environmental injustice as an ethical right, particularly where ‘traditional’ resource regimes have been disrupted (Colchester, 1994). Local participation in protected area management has fitted into the growing recognition within rural development that excluded groups have the right to participate in the decisions concerning their livelihoods (Steifel and Wolfe, 1994). Initial attention paid to indigenous and/or dislocated communities connected

with

protected

areas

has

subsequently

been

expanded

to

encompass broader social groups, recognising the barrier that protected areas may present to economic and social development (Furze et al, 1996; Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997a).

Environmentalism The emergence of the more people-orientated approaches to international protected area conservation can be identified as part of the rise of the global environmental movement. Public interest in the environment was stimulated by a wide range of social, economic and political factors. Seminal texts, such as Rachel Carson’s Silent Spring (1962), the increasing influence of the media (particularly television), and a growing recognition of the effects of development and industrialism on the environment have all contributed to a growing awareness of environmental issues (Anderson, 1997; Doyle and McEachern, 1998). The discourse around indigenous communities also broadened to include greater sensibility over the

interests and

perceptions

of local

communities and the environment more generally (Colchester, 1994; Zerner, 2000 ).

Responding to both changing science and the environmentalist critique, conservationists widened their view from individual species (the species

45

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

imperative in conservation) to encompass biological diversity and ecosystems (the habitat imperative), which included human beings and their role in environmental transformation (Wilson, 1988; Botkin, 1990). While in the 1980s the raison d ’etre of many protected areas was expanded from large animal conservation to include the preservation of biological diversity and maintenance of ecological processes (McNeely and Miller, 1984), in the 1990s more attention was paid to their role in supporting local socio-economic systems (Ghimire and Pimbert, 1997).

The growth of international conferences stressing human interaction with the natural environment has also played a role in the changing approach to conservation. The 1972 UN Conference on the Global Environment in Stockholm ensured that the environment entered the political arena, and the publishing of the World Conservation Strategy in 1980 signified an acceptance of the broader aims of the conservation movement (IUCN, 1980). The Third World

Parks

Congress

of

1982

took

‘Conservation

and

Sustainable

Development’ as its theme, a topic popularised by the Brundtland Report ‘Our Common Future’ five years later (WCED, 1987). The Rio Declaration and Convention on Biological Diversity in 1992 signalled that the rights of indigenous communities, community participation, and global biological systems had been placed firmly on the political agenda (UN, 1994). In the same year, the Fourth World Parks Congress on ‘Parks for Life’ directly examined the conservation and development theme (IUCN, 1993), and the issue has retained salience at the highest levels.

The high political profile of the ‘sustainable development’ concept, particularly since the Brundtland Report of 1987 has undoubtedly aided the emergence of the new approach to conservation. This concept proposes the integration of socio-economic development aims alongside environmental concerns, thereby fostering

“development that

meets the

needs

of the

present

without

compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (WCED, 1987:43). While its definition has lead to considerable confusion over how to implement sustainable development (Redclift, 2000), the inclusion of the

46

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

concerns of ‘the local’, ‘participation’, and a synergistic relationship between conservation and social development fits within this new environmental rhetoric.

Within the context of improving partnerships for conservation generally, the rise of environmental NGOs has also played a significant role in the emergence of people-orientated conservation (Stolton and Dudley, 1999; Margoluis, 2000). NGOs have developed a greater role as state capacity has diminished and conservation emphases have merged with development objectives, particularly under the ‘sustainable development’ mantle (Uphoff, 1993; Nelson, 1996). Within conservation, their involvement can also be linked to the rhetoric of local participation and ‘thinking globally, acting locally’ espoused by mainstream sustainable development, as well as processes of decentralization (Margoluis, 2000; Kaimowitz etal, 2000; Wyckoff-Baird etal, 2001).

NGOs are able to transcend national boundaries and thus link local and global agendas and actors (Princen and Finger, 1994), while they also act as intermediaries between the national protected area authority and the local populations to implement locally appropriate projects (Suarez de Freitas, 1999). The receipt of technical and economic support from international NGOs often played a crucial role in changing conservation approaches. In Peru for example, support from WWF-US was pivotal in introducing participatory protected areas planning: “Relations between Peruvian NGOs and IUCN...provided a channel for the reception of conceptual tools...which were interpreted or adapted to Peruvian circumstances and applied with increasing success” (Suarez de Freitas, 1 9 9 9:1 68 ).

2.2.5 People-orientated approaches: Progress and problematic This examination demonstrates the wide range of factors influencing the rise of people-oriented

approaches

in

protected

areas

conservation,

including

important ecological, socio-economic and ethical dimensions of this shift as well as the rise of the sustainable development concept in theory and practice. As a 47

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

consequence, there have been important shifts towards bioregional planning and conservation of landscapes, as well as the inclusion of more social factors in the conservation process, which are mirrored by the variety of implemented projects and programmes (Zube, 1995; McNeely, 1995; Larson et al, 1998; Miller, 1999; Stolton and Dudley, 1999).

These have attempted to reform the protected areas approach rather than challenge the concept more radically and are generally based on a mix of four overlapping characteristics:

1. Offset programmes addressing local development needs. 2. Provision of indirect benefits from protected areas. 3. Provision of direct benefits from protected areas. 4. Participation in protected areas activities and management.

The initial goal of new ‘people-oriented approaches’ (POAs) was to enhance socio-economic conditions with emphasis placed on helping to alleviate the problems threatening the aims of biodiversity conservation (McNeely, 1984; Brown and Wyckoff-Baird, 1992). The use of the Integrated Conservation and Development Project (ICDP) was central to this strategy, aiming to alleviate conflicts through buffer-zone management, compensation and substitution, and promotion of local development (Brandon and Wells, 1992). Early research suggested that the provision of tangible benefits from a protected area was likely to engender more custodial attitudes among neighbouring populations (Newmark et al, 1993; IIED, 1994) and that positive attitudes towards conservation tend to increase with levels of affluence and education (Inflield, 1988). Research from Ecuador and Dominican Republic have suggested that until local people are aware of the benefits and relevance of conservation to themselves, they will only adopt promoted practices in the short term (Richards, 1996; Richards, 1999).

Best initiated on a case-by-case basis, most projects are underpinned by the belief in greater actor participation in protected area planning and management, extending from basic consultation through collaborative management to 48

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

community-based

management

(Western

and

Wright,

1994;

Borrini-

Feyerabend, 1996; Pimbert and Pretty, 1997; Roe et al, 2000). Direct local participation in protected areas has been encouraged through use of local personnel, service provision for tourism and sharing of gate receipts (Wells and Brandon, 1992; Tanner, 1995; Archabald and Naughton-Treves, 2001). The establishment of the Kaa-lya del Gran Chaco National Park and Integrated Management Area in southeastern Bolivia in 1995 has combined administration by indigenous groups and collaborative community wildlife management in creating one of South America’s largest protected areas (Taber et al, 1997; Noss and Leny Cuellar, 2001).

While some projects have aimed to provide substitutes for natural resources such as fuel wood or building materials in order to lessen environmental impacts, others have attempted to offset economic losses to neighbouring residents through provision of social infrastructure such as health clinics, schools, mills or other social services (Stocking and Perkin, 1992; Larson et al, 1998). The approach has also included agricultural schemes, illustrated in the Sierra de las Minas Reserve in Guatemala, where sustainable practices are promoted on the assumption that better use of already cleared land will reduce pressure on the protected area (Larson et al, 1998; Lehnhoff and Nunez, 1998).

A wide variety of projects in Latin America have also attempted to harness the conservation benefits of community wildlife management around protected areas, building on historical precedent to adapt to contemporary conditions (Western and Wright, 1994; Ortiz von Halle and Mazzuchelii, 1997; Gutierrez et al, 1997). These include management plans for hunting and gathering of wild resources, such as in the Tamshiyacu-Tahuayo reserve in Peru (Bodmer, 1994); monitoring the impact of commercial or subsistence hunting, such as the Gran Chaco in Bolivia (Noss and Leny Cuellar, 2001); new non-consumptive uses for fauna resources; and generating direct payment or some source of economic benefit that can replace incomes from the consumptive use of a resource, such as community ecotourism projects exemplified by the ManuMadre de Dios region of Peru (Ortiz von Halle and Mazzuchelii, 1997).

49

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

The changing approach has required considerable changes to institutional and professional frameworks for conservation (Pimbert and Pretty, 1997; Stolton and Dudley, 1999; McNeely, 1999a; Cambell, 2000). The traditional domination of the biological sciences is having to make way for a more inter-disciplinary personnel. Partnerships between the national and regional state authorities, NGOs, and academics are now regarded as vital in securing conservation’s future (Jacobson and Robinson, 1990; Price, 1994; McNeely, 1995; Pimbert and Pretty, 1997; Stolton and Dudley, 1999; Tanner, 2000b; Abbot et al, 2000). International conservation organisations commonly rely on species-specific experts to aid decision-making, and despite a “...broadening of expertise in conservation

organisations

at

a

general

level,

species

based

conservation...remains dominated by biologists and zoologists” (Campbell, 2000:170).

Changing an established paradigm within conservation faces the considerable barriers of institutional inertia and vested interest in retaining an old approach (Leach

and

Mearns,

1996).

Chambers’

(1993)

concept

of

‘normal

professionalism’ - the dominant thinking, values, methods, and behaviour of professionals - can be extended to conservation (Pimbert and Pretty, 1997) and can prevent change through practices of specialisation, simplification, rejection, and assimilation (Chambers, 1993). Richards’ (1996) research from Honduran protected areas suggests that despite participatory processes promoted by NGOs, more regulatory frameworks may still be favoured by state institutions, even in the absence of the adequate resources or political will to be effective.

However, the spread of new approaches within conservation thinking has led to a greater acceptance of socio-economic considerations as a component of protected area aims and methods. The danger remains that the process of management remains heavily top-down, with only superficial lip-service being paid to local participation (Pimbert and Pretty, 1997). Few (1999) describes participation in protected areas planning in coastal Belize as a process of ‘containment’, in which participation is strategically managed to reduce conflict and exert control, while Ghimire and Pimbert (1997:3) note that “aspects of

50

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

human welfare are generally considered only when the primary purpose of nature preservation is threatened”.

The problematic nature of concepts of ‘participation’ and ‘community’ in development contexts can therefore be extended to new conservation approaches (Sharpe, 1998; Agrawal and Gibson, 1999; Jeanrenaud, 1999; Brown, 2001). Although participation is considered crucial as an agent for changing human behaviour, projects have rarely specified “what they mean by participation, nor detailed how they expect local participation in project development activities to reduce threats to nearby protected areas” (Wells and Brandon, 1992:42). Indeed, some of the benefits assumed by participation can themselves be questioned in the presence of unequal power relations at the local level (Brown, 1998, 2002; Few, 2001).

The perception of participation as a panacea for all ills is compounded by policy assumptions of communities as “small, homogenous and without internal conflict” (Brown, 2002). Instead, authors have highlighted their unstable and heterogeneous character in which “people have multiple and overlapping identities and interests, and the unity and identity of a community is best considered an ideal” (Jeanrenaud, 1999:127) or even “imagined” (Anderson, 1989; Brosius et al, 1998) and “mythical” (Agrawal and Gibson, 1999). Both community-based conservation projects and participatory processes may founder upon these assumptions and highlight the emerging belief within the political ecology framework used in this research that: “Understanding who has access to, and control of, resources has significant implications for who bears the costs of protected areas and who

reaps the

benefits

of

resource

management”

(Jeanrenaud,

1999:127).

The emergence of POAs and ICDPs has occurred within the context of a general ‘greening’ of rural development policy (Adams, 1990; Pearce et al, 1990), swelling the funding of environment-related projects. This has provoked a dual critique, with some authors expressing a fear that this may divert efforts and scarce funds away from the strict goal of biodiversity conservation, 51

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

stressing that this goal should remain the primary aim of any ICDP (Braatz, 1992; Sanjayan etal, 1997; Larson etal, 1998; Spinage, 1998).

Others maintain that “...evidence suggests that many of these activities are ‘experimental’, and designed principally to reduce conflicts over parks rather than to offer sustainable livelihood alternatives to local people” (Ghimire, 1994:196). At the extreme, new approaches are accused of representing a fagade behind which continuing preservationist legacies “...replicate more coercive forms of conservation practice and often constitute an expansion of state authority into remote rural areas” (Neumann, 1997:559).

Protected area management must increasingly combine its protective function with a development function. As a result, not only is it, “ ...fa c e d w ith a fu n d a m e n ta l sh ift in the m a n a g e m e n t m o d e ls w h ich th e y are being e x p e c te d to use, b ut p art of th e new m odel is a va g u e c o n c e p t w h ic h has little pre cisio n and o fte n even less o p e ra tio n a l value “ (F urze

et al,

1997:1 3).

While POAs and ICDPs considering conservation and development linkages provide encouragement and valuable lessons have been learnt for subsequent programmes, the lack of clear blueprints have further complicated the task. Success on a wide scale has therefore been difficult to replicate (Stocking and Perkin, 1992; Borrini-Feyerabend, 1996). This is due in part to the complexity of the approach, and while POAs represent a general tendency away from absolute protectionism, future research and practice needs to recognise POAs as a range of options rather than one single approach (Adams and Hulme, 2001). This complexity is illustrated by the increasing importance of market forces in solving conservation problems (Dixon and Sherman, 1991). A number of authors have argued that the market is not an appropriate institution in which to articulate the values bound up in the conservation issue (Sagoff, 1988; Jacobs, 1997) and that reductionist policy prescriptions are flawed, given that “ ...th e re is no sin g le m a rke t o p e ra tin g at a fixed scale and a s s o c ia te d w ith p a rtic u la r social and e n v iro n m e n ta l c o n se q u e n ce s. T h e re are, rather, m ultiple, c u ltu ra lly s h a p e d fo rm s of m a rke ts th a t are inserted into, and a rtic u la te d w ith, d iv e rg e n t e co no m ic, historical, and e n viro n m e n ta l c o n te x ts ” (Z erner, 2 0 0 0 :4 ).

52

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

A wide range of factors will therefore shape the future for people-oriented approaches to conservation. The expansion of ecological thinking has created a significant shift to regional and landscape orientation within conservation (Feinstein et al, 1995; BSP et al, 1995; Miller, 1996; Sarmiento, 2000). The success or failure of policy options in different situations will inevitably promote certain approaches in particular contexts. For example, the income generating approach

pioneered

by early projects has lost ground to approaches

consolidating existing livelihoods, having the perceived advantage of “starting from the premise of user interest and seeking to build on locally-expressed values and livelihood systems” (Brown, 1998:8). As Schelhas (1991:323) notes: “Tailoring park management strategies effectively to address the adjacent landand local

people’s- issues affecting an individual park,

requires an

understanding of the external situation specific to that parK' (emphasis added). Case study research is thus required to investigate local appropriateness and ‘fitness-for-purpose’ of different approaches (Schelhas and Shaw, 1995; Adams and Hulme, 2001; Studd, 2002). This must be supported by increases in local management

capacity

and

the

number of

partnerships,

meaning

that

administrative bodies retain a pivotal role in increasing the effectiveness of protected areas conservation (Wells and Brandon, 1992; Pimbert and Pretty, 1997; Wells, 1998; Stolton and Dudley, 1999).

2.2.6 Squaring the circle: Protected areas and structural adjustment The implementation of new approaches to conservation is further complicated by the significant, and often dramatic, transformations to social, economic and political systems in which they are embedded. The structural adjustment and other neoliberal policies outlined in the first section have had important consequences for the national and local institutional structures cementing protected areas conservation, as well as for changing macro-economic signals and socio-economic conditions in the neighbouring areas (Tisdell, 1994; Munasinghe and McNeely, 1994; Wyckoff-Baird et al, 2001).

53

Chapter two: Literature and conceptual overview

The neoliberal model reinforces the model of environmental protection through protected

areas, yet reduced government spending

is likely to

affect

environmental areas, as it is often considered a separate and less important priority than economic and social concerns (Gwynne and Silva, 1999). Cuts in funding are likely to restrict severely the effectiveness of conservation authorities unless other sources of funding can be found. New international funds, such as the Global Environment Facility (GEF), or international conservation NGOs, will therefore play a crucial role in shaping the future for South American conservation (Murray et al, 1997; Castro et al, 2001).

At the same time, newly configured political, economic and social relations under neoliberal policy and its complementary discourse of modernisation have affected patterns of natural resource use. The freeing up of markets and increased impoverishment in marginal areas has provided incentives for the exploitation of natural resources, and the new conditions may therefore produce environmental consequences which compromise the aims and objectives of protected areas conservation (Schelhas and Shaw, 1995). This antagonism provides the overarching theme of the research, as outlined in Chapter 1.

As well as investigating socio-economic patterns in the study area, the research examines how the Argentine protected area system has evolved and how the contemporary themes have translated into the formulation and implementation of policy. It identifies the salient themes and future directions within Argentine conservation, with relevant implications for the other South American nations. The field study permits an investigation of socio-economic dynamics, factors influencing these dynamics, and their environmental consequences through changing patters of resource use. Finally, it explores the interaction between socio-economic development and protected areas conservation in the region, allowing a critique of both new approaches and neoliberal policy in marginal rural areas.

54

Chapter three Political ecology and rural appraisal: Research framework and methodology

Chapter three Political ecology and rural appraisal: Research framework and methodology Introduction This research uses a political ecology approach to facilitate investigation and analysis. A relatively recent development, this chapter explains its origins and evolution before examining its use in a developing world environmental context. It ties the concept to the specificities of the research in Northwest Argentina and briefly presents a critique of the approach. The second section details and justifies the field research methods, ending with an examination of the interview survey sample characteristics.

56

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

3.1 Political ecology and human-environment interaction

3.1.1 The development of political ecology approaches The term political economy has been used to describe a range of approaches whereby the social economy, or way of life founded in production, is viewed as being operated and influenced by non-neutral agents, particularly as members of groupings such as class or common interest (Peet and Thrift, 1989b). The combination of a broadly defined political economy with the concerns of ecology has emerged in the form of ‘political ecology’ approaches, which are themselves varied but all stress the inter-linkages between, and the role of unequal power relations within, the economic and political spheres that determine access to resources and subsequent patterns of resource use (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Bryant and Bailey, 1997; Stedman-Edwards, 1998). Developments within the political ecology approach can usefully be traced using the distinction of structure- and agency-based approaches and the related issue of the treatment of scale.

The first phase of political ecology within the developing world literature was based on neo-Marxist foundations of structural explanation, favouring the use of class relations and the production of surplus as explanatory variables (Watts, 1983; Bunker, 1985). The explicit politicisation of the processes of production can be seen both as an attempt to resolve the impasse caused by the mostly apolitical nature of research based on neo-Malthusianism and cultural ecology, and also an acceptance that current natural resource use can only be understood as a result of the changing processes of global production (Bryant and Bailey, 1997). We can hence make an important distinction between the direct (and immediate) and structural (and historical) causes of human transformation of the natural environment (Goldblatt, 1996). Such work has often chosen to focus on the higher-scale transformations of globalisation and

57

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

structural adjustment, using techniques such as policy analysis and economic modelling (Tisdell, 1994; Reed, 1996; Munasinghe, 1996, 1999).

However, the later phase in political ecology studies has been critical of the deterministic and reductionist nature of such work, arguing that it tends to negate the influence of human agency and interaction of diverse actors with different interests, motives and unequal power capabilities to access resources (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Brown, 1998). Consequently, there has been a move away from neo-Marxist based studies towards studies that are aware of local differences between resource users, and their different values, motives, and access to these resources. Unequal power relations are crucial to our understanding of conflicting resource use, which is often mediated by social and interest groupings such as class, ethnicity, age, gender, family and political affiliation, and common resource use (Peet and Watts, 1996). Studies taking this more agency-based approach have tended to place more emphasis on the local scale, following Gallopin’s (1991:715) logic that, “th e

u n d e rs ta n d in g o f th e co n c re te

s y ste m ic co n d itio n s,

m e c h a n is m s and

p ro c e s s e s th a t g e n e ra te p o v e rty and e n viro n m e n ta l d e g ra d a tio n

or fo s te r

s u s ta in a b ility ca n be m o s t e ffic ie n tly gained by c o n c e n tra tin g on the local levels, w h e re th e d ire c t in te ra ctio n s betw e e n so c ie ty an d n a tu re ta k e p la c e .”

An understanding of such local processes can then help us to identify those processes at the higher scales that support, discourage or prevent sustainable activities.

Time scales also vary between political ecology studies, with studies of humanenvironmental histories challenging the unilinear notions of development and environmental transformation. These challenges ‘raise important theoretical and methodological questions for the study of long-term environmental change’ (Peet and Watts, 1996:12). What has previously been regarded as humaninduced environmental transformation has thus been shown in reality to be a complex interaction of human-environmental impact and biophysical changes external to human activities (Batterbury et al, 1998). Additionally, it has been shown that historical human impacts may in some cases have both contributed to higher biodiversity levels, for example through periodic forest disturbance, 58

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

and produced the very ecosystems which are regarded as pristine or virgin by the conservation community (Botkin, 1990; Gomez-Pompa and Kaus, 1992; McNeely and Ness, 1995; Fjeldsa, 1998)

3.1.2 Contemporary political ecology: Searching for middle ground The issues of structure-agency and of scale are still represented by the two main strands of contemporary political ecology in the developing world context. One strand is influenced by anthropology and stresses the role of cultural and social factors in determining patterns of resource use (Painter and Durham, 1995). They are generally anti-reductionist and appeal for a case study, agency based approach, although this has not precluded considerable spatial awareness. While orthodox ecology is criticised for treating populations as homogenous entities and neglecting the political dimensions of humanenvironment interactions, such political ecology explicitly acknowledges that: ‘the impact of human populations upon environments is mediated by cultural and political forces that do not act as simply multipliers and multiplicands, and cannot even be approximated in that way’ (Durham, 1995:252).

The other branch of political ecology has its foundations in political economy, attempting to integrate the human and physical approaches to environmental transformation (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Moore, 1993; Stonich, 1995). It argues that natural environmental processes cannot be understood outside the context of local productive relations and wider economic systems. The framework for such political ecology is generally based around the nature of production, class structure, market mechanisms, the state’s role in shaping policies, the role of international interests, and ideologies orienting resource use (Schmink and Wood, 1987).

Yet whilst the pendulum of structural- versus agency-based political ecology seems to have swung rapidly from one side to another, there have been attempts to cover a middle ground. In this context, studies have shown 59

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

considerable success in situating case study ethnographies within a political economy framework to understand the underlying political and economic mechanisms and structures constraining resource use choices at the local level (Madge, 1995; Moore, 1996; Brown, 1998). Although it may remain useful to note a distinction between the direct and structural causes of humanenvironmental transformation, the interaction of diverse actors from a wide spatial scale within the local arena may best explain the complex political process of conflict over resource use. It may also provide valuable transferable lessons for the types of wider scale changes and processes which foster more sustainable use of natural resources at the local level. Moore (1996:126) notes that: “ By fu s in g to g e th e r an u n d e rs ta n d in g o f the m utual c o n stitu tio n o f m ic ro ­ p o litics, sy m b o lic p ra c tic e s , and s tru c tu ra l fo rce s, it m ay be p o ssib le to u n ravel h o w c o m p e tin g c la im s to re s o u rce s are a rtic u la te d ” .

3.1.3 Major research areas Bryant (1992) has defined three major research areas in which political ecology approaches have been effective in studies of human-environment interaction in the developing world. Firstly, it has been used to study the contextual sources of environmental change, wherein the role of the state has been central to explanation of human transformation of the environment. State policies are often a complex mix of the demands of the state as both environmental custodian and economic developer and may be fundamental in defining natural resource use decisions (Walker, 1989; Peluso, 1993). However, Bryant notes too the importance of interstate sources of environmental change, such as warfare, international aid policies, and bi- or multi-national environmental management. These areas are considered under-researched, and may be crucial determinants of natural resource use, particularly when situated within the context of global capitalism as a source of environmental change (Redclift, 1987; O’Connor, 1989).

60

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

Secondly, political ecology has also paid attention to the concerns of conflict over access, both to natural resources themselves but also to the political and economic power to control this access (Bryant, 1997; Brown, 1998). While much literature has studied this topic from a historical point of view (Guha, 1989; Peluso, 1995), there has also been an important focus on the different actors involved in conflicting land-use. Resource use patterns can thus be regarded as a rich mosaic of diverse groups; the influence of state and community institutions, grassroots groups, conservation authorities, and gender differences have all been given considerable attention (e.g. Blaikie, 1985; Bebbington, 1996; Carney, 1996; Brown, 1998).

Finally, research has outlined the political ramifications of environmental change. This analyses questions such as how the costs and benefits of environmental change are distributed across human populations and the political and economic consequences of such inequality. Many studies have focused on the poor and their vulnerability to environmental change, both natural and human induced, particularly when living in the earth’s marginal areas (Blaikie, 1985; Zimmerer, 1996a). Changing environmental conditions may have serious consequences for the entrenchment of inequality and poverty, but it may also have political repercussions in the form of protest and resistance (Guha, 1989; Radcliffe and Westwood, 1993; Collinson, 1996).

3.1.4 Political ecology and conservation in Northwest Argentina In the context of conservation in Northwest Argentina, the three areas of political ecology research outlined above all play a role in the changing patterns of natural resource use as a response to economic and political change. The approach provides the framework for a detailed locational study that recognises not only the proximate causes of environmental change, but also the broader influences which are more distant in origin but that may have an impact on local natural resource use (Moore, 1996; Brown, 1998). As Stedman-Edwards (1998:3) notes: 61

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

“A c o m p le x ove rla y of p olitica l, e co n o m ic, and social causal fa c to rs a t local, reg io na l, nationa l, and in te rn a tio n a l sca le s is driving b io d ive rsity loss. Even in iso la te d area s, w h e re m uch b io d iv e rs ity loss is o ccu rrin g , a n u m b e r o f causal fa c to rs b e yo nd th e local level are likely to be at w o rk.”

Redclift and Goodman (1991:2) highlighted awareness of these broader processes with specific reference to Latin America: “T o d a y w e c a n n o t s p e a k o f w h a t is being lost in Latin A m e rica , w h e th e r tro p ica l fo re s ts , b io d ive rsity, the k n o w le d g e and rights of ind ig e n o u s p e o p le s o r so cia l ju s tic e , w ith o u t s p e a k in g of g lobal p ro b le m s and global c h a lle n g e s. T h e c risis o f d e v e lo p m e n t in Latin A m e ric a is in e xtrica b ly linked to w ider, g lo b a l issu e s. In fa c t, w h a t is m o s t u n s u s ta in a b le in Latin A m e rica to d a y is th e v ie w th a t its d e v e lo p m e n t is a p u re ly re g io n a l p ro b le m .”

The analytical framework must also be aware of multiple feed-back across and between the

different

scales.

As Argentine

biologist Gilberto

Gallopin

(1991:708) comments in his discussion of the human dimensions of global change, analysis “ ...m u s t ta k e into a c c o u n t th e m u lti-le ve l nature of the p ro b le m : c h a n g e s in th e local s o c io -e c o lo g ic a l s y s te m s c o n trib u te to global e co logica l c h a n g e s, a n d also to in te rn a tio n a l p o litica l an d e c o n o m ic cha n g e s: and ch a n g e s in th e glo b a l s o c io -e c o lo g ic a l

s y s te m s

g e n e ra te

o p p o rtu n itie s

or

co n s tra in ts

fo r

the

s u s ta in a b ility and d e v e lo p m e n t o f th e local so cio -e co lo g ica l s y s te m s .”

This research analyses the multi-scalar influences on natural resource use patterns. It encompasses the way that market conditions, political interactions at the local and wider institutional levels, cultural and communal resource regimes, demographic and migratory change, and changing livelihoods and production are all influencing factors on resource use and, through changes to ecosystems, to altering levels of biodiversity.

However, the relationships between, for example, poverty or population and the environment are not direct. Rather, they are mediated by a diverse range of factors at both micro and macro levels which affect decision making (Leach and Mearns, 1991; McNeely, 1998). Analysing the environmental engagement of the work of sociologist Anthony Giddens, Goldblatt (1996:25) hence argues that: 62

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

“ ..w e c a n n o t g ra sp the im p a ct of po p u la tio n ch a n g e w ith o u t re fe re n c e to the b a s ic te c h n iq u e s o f p ro d u ctio n : hu n tin g , a g ricu ltu re and in d u s tria lisa tio n . T h e s e e c o n o m ic p ra c tic e s are th e re fo re d ire ct ca u se s of e n v iro n m e n ta l ch a n g e : the hum an

p ra c tic e s

e n v iro n m e n t.

w hich

H ow e ver,

have unlike

a

sp e cific,

direct,

d e m o g ra p h ics,

m a te ria l

th e y

im p a c t

q u a lita tiv e ly

on shape

the a

s o c ie ty ’s fo rm s o f e n v iro n m e n ta l in te ra c tio n .”

In this sense, the research will need to draw on political ecology in its study of the contextual sources of environmental change insofar as this change may be mediated by both local and external factors producing natural resource use changes at the local level. Such study can then uncover the systematic interconnections among the dynamics of resource use, and associated patterns of capitalist accumulation, neoliberal political and economic policies, and rural marginalisation (Stonich, 1995). The building and validation of a conceptual model allows us to focus not only on what natural resources are being used, but also to uncover the rationale behind such use (Schelhas, 1991; Machlis and Forester, 1996; Coomes and Barham, 1997).

Political ecology also provides a suitable framework for the exploration of themes of conflict over access, particularly within the context of a rapidly changing local economic and political regime. Conflicts arise not only over access to natural resources, of particular importance in the context of resourceappropriation for the development of protected areas, but also in the access to the means of economic livelihood. Access to such means may arise from natural resource tenure, but also other arenas such as local politics, family and external ties, and community relations (Schmidt et al, 1977; Putnam, 1993). Such interactions are often governed by power relationships, and political ecology has focussed specifically on the ways in which one actor may exert control over the environment of other actors (Bryant and Bailey, 1997).

The differentiation in the valuation of, access to, and appropriation of natural resources is also a theme analysed by this research within the political ecology framework. Recognition of the biodiversity issue both as a constructed concept, and as heavily contested across a diverse variety of social actors has become a useful way of analysing the conflicting access to resources (Moore, 1993; 63

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

Blaikie and Jeanrenaud,

1997; Brown,

1998).The construction

of the

biodiversity issue has received ample attention from those keen to contest the values and interests therein, enabling an unpacking of the concept to show how it has been represented and mis-represented by different interest groups (Machlis, 1992; Blaikie and Jeanrenaud, 1997). As far back as 1949, Leopold noted the multiple meanings contained within the environmental arena, urging us to ‘think like a mountain’ - the only element in existence long enough to see all sides of the story - arguing that: ‘Only the mountain has lived long enough to listen objectively to the howl of a w olf (Leopold, 1949:138).

Biodiversity as a scientific issue has also been deconstructed to reveal its constituent parts as socially constituted (Latour, 1993; Machlis, 1992). This research draws on political ecology to study the way that biodiversity and its associated values may signify different

things todifferent people. This

differentiation in turn informs the conflicting access to and appropriation of these values. Such analysis can provide valuable insights regarding power relations contained within these conflicts and also possibilities for conflict resolution through the development of strategies of complementary ‘use’ of biodiversity.

3.1.5 Evaluation of political ecology It is perhaps briefly worth sketching a few of the critiques of the political ecology approach in order to inform the use of political ecology for the research on biodiversity conservation in Northwest Argentina. First, and perhaps most relevant to this research, it can be argued that political ecology negates to a large extent the importance of biophysical factors external to human influence. Natural environmental variability may be excluded from studies due to the assumption of longer time-scales over which it occurs, long lags between cause and effect, lack of data, and scale of process operation (Stedman-Edwards, 1998).

64

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

Additionally, Batterbury et at, (1997:126) argue that many recent studies, ‘either overlook biophysical aspects of environmental change, or uncritically accept “orthodox” explanations of physical degradation without appreciating the social and political construction of such models’. This is particularly significant, as political ecology is particularly keen on the deconstruction of scientific concepts (Machlis, 1993; Latour, 1993; Brown, 1998). This research had neither the expertise nor resources to undertake a study of biophysical change. Rather, it will assess the possible negative and positive consequences of human resource use on the environment whilst also including qualitative aspects of ‘natural’ environmental change.

There has also been limited success on finding a middle ground between structural and agency-based approaches. Stedman-Edwards (1998:14) notes of political economy strand approaches that: ‘[T]he focus on economic and class structures tends to underestimate both the role of other important factors and the possibility of significant changes in patterns of resource use.’ Others have decried a lack of awareness to politics in mediating most decision-making, a supposedly central pillar of the political ecology approach (Peet and Watts, 1996). Similarly, agency-based studies have tended to hold very static views of different interest groups, failing to see that a group such as ‘the state’ may itself be composed of diverse and multi-interested actors (Moore, 1993). This study therefore aims to cover the middle ground, accepting that structural forces may be crucial in determining resource use but that these forces will be mediated in the local arena by the interaction of diverse actors with conflicting access to such human and natural resources.

Notwithstanding these critiques, this research draws upon the strengths of political ecology as a framework within which to situate a locally grounded ethnographic study of natural resource use. It will enable analysis of the way that natural resource use is a reflection of, and is contested between, multiple forces and actors from both within and outside the local area. The impacts of socio-economic change for biodiversity conservation in protected areas and

65

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

beyond must therefore be seen not as isolated local events, but also within the context of the wider political ecology of changing resource use regimes.

66

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

3.2 The field research methodology The field research was carried out between May 1999 and August 2001 as part of the BioAndes Project, formally titled ‘Monitoring and modelling the impacts of changing government policies on biodiversity conservation in the Andes’. This was a multi-disciplinary study co-ordinated by the Department of Geography at the University of Leicester and funded through the European

Union’s

Institutional Cooperation with Developing Countries programme between October 1998 and April 2002. Its study areas were centred on national parks of the eastern Andes in Argentina, Bolivia and Peru.

The subject matter of this thesis is framed by and has contributed to the wider project. It presents the results of data collected for two of the four study area villages in Argentina, but draws out conclusions relevant to the valley as a whole. While I also participated in field research in the other Argentine study villages of Pampichuela and Valle Grande, I was involved to a lesser extent in data collection. A more complete regional analysis is provided in the BioAndes final report (BioAndes, 2002), a reference cited throughout this thesis1.

3.2.1 The populist influence Initially, it is perhaps worth highlighting the influence of the populist philosophy underpinning the data collection and extending into the research as a whole. Building on the work of Paulo Freire (1970) and popularised by development writers such as Robert Chambers and Paul Harrison, the approach stresses the richness and validity of rural people’s knowledge and questions the role of the outsider as ‘expert’. As Chambers (1983:98) comments: ‘For originators and bearers of modern scientific knowledge, it requires a major effort to recognise

1 This reference includes reports on other disciplinary aspects of the research, including animal and plant biology, macro-economic modelling, remote sensing, as well as a comparative synthesis study.

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Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

that rural people’s knowledge exists at all, let alone to see that it is often superior.’ Mukherjee (1991) likens rural people’s collective wisdom to a ‘grand storehouse’ of village well-being which remains virtually untapped.

Such populist philosophies encourage the researcher to regard the diversity of opinion and response as an advantage, rather than constantly creating averages or seeking homogeneity (Jones, 1995). Here, and in its stress on the actual and latent potential of human agency, it holds much in common with the anthropological strand of political ecology. Within this research, empirical data and analysis aims to reflect the multiplicity of responses and opinions and draws upon the potential of local knowledge, particularly with regard to the local environment (Brush, 1980; Brown and Levy Hines, 1995; Hurrell, 1995).

The collection of data for this research can be divided into three main areas: ■ Primary data from the study area and beyond ■ Statistical sources ■ Secondary sources. Each of these types of data is outlined below, followed by a commentary regarding

problems encountered

and

my attempts to overcome these

difficulties.

3.2.2 Rural appraisal and ethnography Primary data from the study site in Northwest Argentina was collected through both in situ methods with local inhabitants and interviews with other actors playing roles within conservation and development in the region. The research sought to combine methods and techniques drawn from the rapid rural appraisal (RRA) toolkit (McCracken et al, 1988), with an ethnographic approach suited to study at village level of a society and culture different to that of the researcher.

Ethnography has become increasingly popular within geographical research, and has developed considerable expertise in the study of social interaction and 68

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

culture (Cook and Crang, 1995). Its rationale stems from the tenets of naturalism in the biological sciences, arguing that direct contact, participation and observation are the most effective methods of understanding the social world (Denscombe, 1998). However, ethnographers generally accept both their influence in the human environment being studied and the subjectivity inherent within their written accounts, arguing that the understanding gained from greater and lengthier integration within a society is immeasurably greater than from one-off survey techniques.

Table 3.1: Types and examples of observation used within this study

C o v e rt

O v e rt

P a rtic ip a n t O b s e rv a tio n

D ire c t O b s e rv a tio n

D iscussin g e d u ca tio n and c h ild ca re issues w ith scho olte a che rs in capacity as occasional E n g lis h /C o m p u tin g te ach er A s s is tin g in b ra n d in g cerem onies, anim al sla u g h te r, a g ric u ltu ra l tasks and fo o tb a ll m atches as a m eans o f ta k in g notes, deve lo p in g ra p p o rt, in itia tin g d iscu ssio n , and le a rn in g by d o in g .

Inform al o bservation s, p a rtic u la rly in rem ote areas and d u rin g the scoping phase o f study. Id e n tity as ‘researcher’ n ot revealed N o ting proceedings in m eetings in the co m m u n ity, observation s w h ils t ca rryin g o u t interview s w ith in h a b ita n ts .

Traditionally centred on participant observation as a method by which to undertake in-depth research of a particular group or society, ethnography has expanded its method-base to include techniques such as focus-groups, interviews, photography and other rural appraisal methods (Cook and Crang, 1995). This research made use of both participant and direct observation in both covert and overt forms (see Table 3.1) along with other qualitative methods. At the same time, it is acknowledged that full participation within the society could not be achieved due to differences in race, ethnicity, gender, class, generation, language and other identities. As Peil et al (1982:159) note in their African handbook on research methods: “Because small groups are usually aware of who does and who does not belong and full membership is often based on birth, most observers are only partially participant...references to ‘participant observation’ assume that the data come from more than just watching what goes on.” 69

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

This study used a variety of methods from RRA, including observation, to provide a basic ethnographic account of changing natural resource use patterns in communities of the Andean Yungas of Northwest Argentina. RRA emerged from attempts in rural development to move away from formal surveys towards more innovative and iterative approaches stressing interaction with the local community

and

informal,

semi-structured

interviews

and

discussions

(McCracken et al, 1988). The approach developed in the late 1970s as a response to disillusion with both conventional questionnaires and their results, the need for a more cost-effective method of learning, and as a reaction to the spatial, personal, seasonal and diplomatic biases of rural development tourism (Chambers, 1992).

During the 1990s, there has been a drift towards Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA), which stresses the empowerment of local people to identify, analyse, and act upon problems and plan development projects. This has been regarded as a less extractive approach: ‘An RRA is intended for learning by outsiders. A PRA is intended to enable local people to conduct their own analysis, and often to plan and take action’ (Chambers, 1994:958). However, it is considered that this research, while it may utilise a number of participatory methodologies, is more suited to the RRA approach. As a piece of academic research rather than a development project, it was essentially an extractive process, with analysis undertaken by the researcher and with limited facilitation and empowerment of local people beyond bringing underlying issues about conservation and development to the surface.

However, it must be noted that the extended time in the field was key in enabling the use of RRA methods in an ethnographic context; the appraisal in this case was far from rapid. In this sense, the explicit trade-offs made in RRA between the quality, accuracy, relevance, and timeliness of information were not as crucial as in studies with serious time-constraints (Guijt and van Veldhuizen, 1998). Rural appraisal was therefore regarded as useful more for its diverse methods of data collection than as an organisational research framework. Rural appraisal has proved successful in many human-environment 70

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

studies and particularly in the study of communities within and neighbouring protected areas (Schelhas, 1991; Vochten and Mulyana, 1995; Pimbert et al, 1996; Warner et al 1996). Here it is hoped that the methods will provide both reliable and more detailed data on changing natural resource use and the following section outlines the methods drawn from the RRA ‘toolkit’, which includes observational techniques more common to ethnographic surveys.

3.2.3 Methods drawn from the RRA ‘toolkit’ The research methods drawn from the RRA toolkit are outlined below and a brief explanation is given regarding each tool and its application (McCracken et al, 1988; Chambers, 1992; Odour-Noah et al, 1992). Table 3.2 displays the particular contexts in which these methods were used in the field, providing a summary of primary data collection within the study area. Semi-structured interviews are regarded as the ‘core of good RRA’ (McCracken et al, 1988), while participatory methods allow the researcher to take a more facilitating role by ‘handing over the stick’ to local residents, enabling the presentation of information in more representative and communicable forms.

Table 3.2: Methods from the RRA toolkit in this research

Tool S e m i-stru ctu re d in te rvie w s 1

S e m i-stru ctu re d in te rvie w s 2 D irect and p a rtic ip a n t o b se rva tio n P a rtic ip a to ry m a p ping

P a rtic ip a to ry a g ra ria n calendars G uided w alks L earning by d o in g G roup d iscu ssio n

In d iv id u a ls o r G ro u p s in v o lv e d Key In fo rm a n ts (3 per com m unity): • P olitical re p re se n ta tive • O lder fa rm in g re sid e n t • State-em ployed w o rk e r (56 h ouseholds fro m San Francisco / A lto C alilegua) See Table 3.1 Nurses in A lto C alilegua and San Francisco O lde r residents in San Francisco Farm ers in A lto C alilequa and San Francisco M ixed g ro u p o f re sidents, A lto C alilegua Key in fo rm a n t househ olds, San Francisco Farm ers in A lto C alilegua and San Francisco Farm ers in A lto C a lile g u a and San Francisco F o o tb a llin g residents o f both localities (!) San Francisco: yo u n g w om en, fo o tb a lle rs A lto C alilequa: o ld e r w om en, fo o tb a lle rs

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Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

Semi-structured interviews

Such interviews are flexible in their approach, allowing respondents to talk freely, while conversation is steered by the facilitating researcher to cover a number of pre-determined topics. In this research, interviews were divided into: ■ More lengthy dialogue, recorded where appropriate, with key informants in each study site to gain initial and general insights into the histories and contemporary issues in each location. These individuals were also be used to clarify and expand on issues emerging during the field research. ■ Informal

interviews

with

local

residents

to

analyse

socio-economic

conditions, draw out salient issues and complete interview schedule. Covering 56 households in total, this method was the primary source for quantitative data within the research. The areas of research interest within this semi-structured schedule are shown in Table 3.3; a full schedule appears in Appendix 1). Whilst the former interviews were recorded where this was possible and appropriate, the latter were noted during or after discussion depending on circumstance and the rapport between researcher and interviewee.

Table 3.3: Topics covered by semi-structured interview schedule

B asic C h a ra c te ris tic s Age and g e n d e r p ro file s H ousehold and fa m ily c o m p o s itio n Years o f residence O ccup a tio n M ig ra tio n h is to ry

N a tu ra l R e so u rce Issu e s M ost im p o rta n t c u ltiv a tio n issues M ost im p o rta n t pastoral issues F uture n a tu ra l resource use N a tio n a l P a rk a n d C o n s e rv a tio n Issu e s How re sid e n ts affected by Park cre ation Local know ledg es o f Park crea tion Local p rio ritie s fo r con servatio n Local c o n ta c t w ith Park and a u th o ritie s

N a tu ra l R esources P astoralism and C u ltiva tio n Type and nu m b e r o f anim al / crop Location and land te n u re Inputs, o u tp u ts and sales H isto ry o f pastoralism / c u ltiv a tio n Firewood Forest C ollection / H u n tin g C o m m u n ity Issues Why are residents there M ost im p o rta n t issues fo r the c o m m u n ity G reatest changes over the last tw o decades F u tu re A s p ira tio n s Personal Fam ily C o m m u n ity

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Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

Group discussion

On a number of occasions, among individuals of similar profile I facilitated discussion of issues relevant to that group. Whilst highly informal and difficult to record, these discussions raised some of the most interesting issues that had proved difficult to investigate in a more formal or one-to-one contexts. As a male

researcher

for

example,

group

discussions

considerably

aided

understanding of changes in the domestic economy and changing gender roles within the communities.

Participatory mapping Mapping exercises were facilitated in an unthreatening environment. Using locally available tools (ranging from coloured pencils in the schoolhouse to pieces of firewood to maps etched into the ground) in order to map the local area and beyond. Such activity included mapping topography, grazing areas, and migration histories.

Participatory calendars Members of the community were invited to draw up calendars to show the inputs, processes and outputs for both cultivation and pastoral activities. The positioning of the various tasks within calendar months also facilitated discussion of contemporary and historical agricultural issues in the area.

Guided walks I was guided on informal walks through the villages and in the forest and high altitude grasslands in the study sites. Whilst such walks were not always easily recorded in written or material form, they proved very useful tool as they enabled clarification of unclear issues and areas, aided mapping and promoted discussion in a context of familiarity to the local residents. Such ‘triangulation’ of data through use of more than one method is fundamental to the success of 73

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

rural appraisal methodologies, and is also stressed within ethnographic study (Odour-Noah et al, 1992; Denscombe, 1998)

Learning by doing Ethnography stresses that knowledge of a particular society or group is best gained from interaction and participation within that group. Through performing the tasks common to local residents, rapport could be built up with subjects of the study and at the same time an enhanced understanding could be gained regarding the daily life in the study area.

Direct and participant observation Observation was performed in both covert and overt form in order to gain a fuller understanding of the society through long-term residence and greater integration and participation within society. Examples of observation include informal teaching, noting daily activities, learning by doing, and attending traditional ceremonies.

3.2.4 Further data collection

Formal interviews

In order to complement and situate the primary research from the study area, a number of formal interviews were also carried out. Such interviews enable an analysis of the contextual environment as it pertains to the issues of natural resource use, conservation and development. As the research takes the creation and existence of a protected area in Northwest Argentina as its base, interviews were carried out with staff from the Park authorities, including those working specifically in Calilegua, those in the NW region and at the national headquarters in Buenos Aires. The national agro-technical institute (INTA)

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Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

official responsible for extension activities in Valle Grande Department, Jujuy Province, was also interviewed for his insight into natural resource use and development in the area. Interviewees from the provincial municipal forum and local

tourism

association

represented

future

ecotourism-based

regional

development. Finally, issues relating to economic restructuring were discussed with regards to the changes witnessed in the Ledesma sugar company with its chief engineer in the lowland urban centre of Libertador General San Martin.

At a national level, in depth interviews were carried out in Buenos Aries within the government body responsible for national parks (APN), the university sector and related NGOs. Combined with secondary data, these interviews provided the basis for analysing the changing nature and future direction of the Argentine national

parks

system,

They

included

directors

of the

national

parks

administration itself, as well as academics and NGOs with an active interest in protected areas conservation (Table 3.4).

The interviews were transcribed and manually coded to facilitate analysis. These primary data enabled the researcher to gain a greater understanding of the processes operating in relation to the study area and, combined with secondary sources, helps place the field study within its context.

Secondary data collection In addition to primary data in the form of the field study and complementary interviews, the study also used secondary data from a variety of sources. Whilst secondary data is an inherent part of any geographical study of humanenvironment interaction, they are regarded as particularly important with regards to Northwest Argentina, as there is a lack of data, both socio-economic and environmental, for the study area. Statistical data taken from regional and national censuses enable local patterns and trends to be set within contexts at a variety of scales.

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Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

At the macro level, census and national economic accounting data are used to highlight the effects of structural adjustment policies since 1989 and the continuing dominance of neoliberal economic policy. This can be translated to those changes witnessed in the marginalised political economy of Northwest Argentina. In addition to such statistical data, secondary literature and analysis from newspaper reports are used to show the implications of recent changes for socio-economic patterns, resource use and environmental conservation. While only limited census data are available at departmental or municipal level, such secondary sources provide useful insight and enable comparison across the region and indeed the whole of the Andean chain and South America.

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Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

Table 3.4: Formal interviews

REGIONAL INTERVIEWS Issu e Protected A rea C o nservation

In s titu tio n N a tion al Parks A d m in is tra tio n (APN)

L o c a tio n C alilegua, Jujuy Province, NW A rg e n tin a .

In te rv ie w e e Park M anager Park Rangers (3)

A g ric u ltu ra l Engineer responsible fo r m u n ic ip a litie s in the s tu d y area C o -o rd in a to r o f the Yungas T o u rism Program m e Secretary

C o n s e rv a tio n / A g ric u ltu ra l de ve lo p m e n t

N a tio na l A grote c h n ic a l In s titu te (INTA)

Libertado r, Jujuy Province, NW A rg e n tin a

E c o to u ris m / Regional D evelopm ent

J u ju y Provincial Forum o f M u n ic ip a litie s Y ungas T o u ris m

San Salvador, Jujuy Province, NW A rq e n tin a Libertado r, Jujuy Province, NW A rq e n tin a C alilegua, Jujuy Province, NW A rq e n tin a . Libertado r, Jujuy Province, NW A rg e n tin a

Camara A s so cia tio n o f Park G uides In d u s tria l R e s tru c tu rin g / Regional D evelopm ent

Ledesma Sugar C om pany

Park m aintenance w o rk e r

N ational Park T o u ris t Guide C hief Engineer, Ledesm a

NATIONAL INTERVIEWS In s titu tio n

S e c to r

L o c a tio n

N am e

G overnm ent

APN NW T echnical D elegation

Salta, NW A rq e n tin a

G overnm ent

APN

Buenos Aires

C e n tro de Estudios A vanzados, Univ o f Buenos A ires In s titu to de G eografia, U niv o f Buenos A ires LIEY, U n iv e rs ity o f T ucum an. Fundacion PROYUNGAS Fundacion V ida S ilvestre A rq e n tin a Greenpeace A rq e n tin a

Buenos Aires

Juan Salguero Diana de U ribelarrea R odolfo B u rkh a rt Jorge M orello

Buenos Aires

C laudio Daniele

Tucum an, NW A rq e n tin a Buenos Aires

A le ja n d ro Brown

A cadem ic A cadem ic A cadem ic / NGO NGO NGO

Buenos Aires

77

Patricia M arconi

Javier Corcuera Dieqo M oreno Em iliano Escura

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

3.2.5 Reflections on the research methodology

Ethical considerations

As a piece of research reflecting social relations with regards to the natural environment, this study must make some qualifications from the outset regarding the ethical considerations and philosophical underpinnings of data collection. A consideration of ethical questions thrown up by research is becoming increasingly important, particularly in the context of studies in environmentally sensitive areas and by fieldworkers overseas (ASTEC, 1998; Madge, 1997). While it may be simple to define ethical research as that which does no harm (Homan, 1991; Burgess, 1994), this may mean different things to different people, and vary across time and space such that: ‘ethical research does not have a universally understood meaning’ (Madge, 1997:115). More than anything, this points to a basic requirement to consider my own position as a researcher in Northwest Argentina, an important aspect of any fieldwork, but especially in ethnographically orientated studies.

My positionality as a white, educated, male from Europe will have shaped the way that I approached the vagaries of day-to-day research. Not only will these characteristics affect interaction in the field, but it is also acknowledged that the researcher’s own culture will tailor description and analysis. Personal beliefs and interests relating to the study topic and experiences from similar previous research in East Africa have also required an on-going process of self-reflection during the research.

The explicit acknowledgement of the positionality of the researcher is vital to ethnographies, and indeed to social research in general, given that ‘the researcher’s viewpoint is largely a product of social relations both within the academy and between it and the world at large’ (Cook and Crang, 1995:7). It is also important to extend this logic of positionality to the subjects of the research, given the different and changing positions and identities within the arbitrary category of ‘upland inhabitants’. This has clear links with both the 78

Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

political ecology framework and the populist roots of RRA, stressing the need to desire to break down a homogenous ‘community’ into its diverse actors and knowledges.

Acceptance and reflection on such subjectivity thus creates a paradox for social research in general and ethnography in particular regarding naturalism and reflexivity: ‘On the one hand there is the belief that the best way of getting to grips with reality is through direct contact and observation. By being part of the action, the ethnographer is able to 'see things as they really are’. On the other hand, there is the awareness that people construct the social [and natural] world’ (Denscombe, 1998:73-74). Few researchers would claim objectivity within their approach. Rather, as I suggest here, ethnography provides the best approach to collecting data in a relatively isolated rural location where the researcher is studying a different cultural context through its lived experience.

Problems of data collection

Data collection in the field was by no means a simple or rapid process. It involved a gradual process of entry, trial and acceptance, in which the development of rapport with residents proved crucial in the success of the research (Chambers,

1992). The villages were first approached at the

institutional level in order to explain the purpose and scope and to seek official permission for the proposed study. These gatekeepers also played a vital role in the informal dissemination of information regarding the research amongst the community (Denscombe, 1998).

Once permission had been obtained officially it was a lengthy process to establish enough rapport with residents to enable the collection of primary data. Aside from the language difficulties of overseas research, many people initially

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Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

shied away from talking to a 'g ringo’ 2. Although there is sporadic contact with foreigners in the area from tourism activities and many have experience of urban areas, a tall foreigner with a strange accent spending considerable time in the region is likely to promote suspicion and opinion is bound to be swayed by the behaviour of gringos before me (Gormley, 1997). Initially, most residents were unwilling to discuss their lives with a stranger and some were openly hostile to requests to partake in the research. However, with increasing time, this commonly turned to intrigue as to why I was interested in their community and how could they be involved in giving me their opinions and experiences of life in the valley.

As with many studies around protected areas, the immediate assumption was often that I was ‘parks’ employee, a position difficult to deny outright as a number of residents knew that I lived in an APN building in the lowlands. This promoted a variety of reactions ranging from demands to explain and reply to the injustice of expulsion from what are now lands in Calilegua national park, to complete indifference to my presence on the grounds that the park never did anything for the people of the area. Additionally, it was important to explain that this work may provide a base of data for future development projects, but it cannot

guarantee

any material

outcomes;

the people

of economically

marginalised provinces such as Jujuy, and particularly in more remote rural areas are ‘accustomed to receiving assistance from the state; if you don’t arrive with seeds or something to give out then they aren’t interested’ (municipal worker, San Francisco). This tendency can be traced to the legacy of Juan Domingo Peron and subsequent populist policies of ‘asistencialismo’ by the Peronist party, which is discussed in Chapter 6 in the context of cliental networks.

This contributed to the considerable difficulties experienced in data gathering, as it required the researcher to effectively build friendship and trust with

2 The term gringo does not appear to have the same strength of negative connotation in this region as it may in other parts of Latin America. W hilst this is not always the case, the term is often used to describe somebody of western descent or simply of pale complexion, which is not uncommon in Argentina.

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Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

individuals before participation in the research. Early ‘rapid’ preliminary results differ quite starkly with those collected at later dates, to such an extent that it is hypothesised that respondents were wary to give truthful data regarding socio­ economic variables for fear of taxation reprisals. Fortunately, this was relatively unproblematic due to the extended time in the field, which was scattered across an eighteen-month period, but it does show the difficulty which would have faced a truly ‘rapid’ rural appraisal.

The problems experienced in mobilising members of the communities in order to undertake participatory methods also highlights the erroneous presumptions of much participation literature. This commonly fails to recognise that all rural communities will not necessarily jump at the chance to present their views to an outsider without prior understanding of any potential benefits to

both

themselves and the community as a whole. This may serve as a reminder to promoters of future regional development in the region who attempt to facilitate appraisals and carry out projects as to the difficulties of using such tools.

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Chapter three: Research framework and m ethodology

3.3 Characteristics of the interview surveys This section briefly introduces the research data by presenting the locational and demographic composition of the interview surveys.

3.3.1 Location of interviews The interviews were carried out within the villages of San Francisco and Alto Calilegua and at more isolated dwellings known as 'puestos’ in both the forest and higher altitude grassland areas near these villages. Many livestock breeders use puestos as seasonal locations to assist patterns of pastoral transhumance, and may therefore also have a dwelling within one of the villages.

In total, 61.5% of participants were residing in San Francisco, 26.9% in Alto Calilegua, and 11.5% in puestos at the time of interviewing. As Chapters 4 and 6 make clear, there is a strong continuum between the villages of Alto Calilegua and San Francisco. Most Alto Calilegua residents own dwellings in both villages, while others consider themselves part of the Alto Calilegua community through family and cultural ties even though they may reside permanently in San Francisco.

3.3.2 Age and sex distribution of interview participants Sampling of semi-structured interview participants attempted to ensure a broadly representative distribution across ages and genders within the study area (Figure 3.1). However, there remains a slight imbalance in terms of gender, with males accounting for just under 60 % of respondents. The slight gender bias of responses within the survey must therefore be taken into consideration, particularly as many decisions concerning natural resource use may be made within the traditionally female-dominated reproductive arena. 82

Chapter three: Research framework and methodology

may be made within the traditionally female-dominated reproductive arena. However, in a number of such cases within partnered households, interviews were conducted with both male and female household members.

Figure 3.1: Respondents by gender and age (n=56)

50 40

□ 50+ □ 30-49 □ 18-29

-------

30 20 10

0 Female

Total

Male

The ages of respondents were representative of age distribution of adults within the study area, with both the 18-29 and 30-49 age bands containing 38.5% and over 50s containing 23 percent of participants. This compares favourably with health centre figures for the adult population of San Francisco. Age distributions were similar across both male and female respondents.

This brief introduction to the interview survey provides the base for the field research data, which is presented and analysed in Chapters 5, 6 and 7. Having placed the analysis in broad context in Chapter 2, Chapter 4 focuses more specifically on Argentina, detailing the recent history of Argentine development and the background to the study area itself. It also draws on interview and secondary data to provide an introduction to the Argentine national parks system and its position regarding the people and parks debate.

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Chapter four Development and parks in Argentina: Study area and protected area context

Chapter four Development and parks in Argentina: Study area and protected area context

Introduction This study is concerned with socio-economic conditions and natural resource use in upland villages bordering protected areas of Northwest Argentina. In order to place the research in context, this chapter aims firstly to introduce the political and economic developments in recent decades and secondly to provide a commentary on the development and contemporary state of the Argentine National Parks Administration (APN).

In the first section, the path of Argentine development is traced up to the end of military rule in 1983 and into the period of democratic rule. National economic and political changes witnessed in the recent democratic era are discussed with reference to statistical and other secondary source literature. The political and social changes are then described before a more regional focus is taken. This provides the wider context of national transformation in which this study is situated, allowing an insight into the economic and political processes by which the study area in Jujuy province may have been affected.

The study area itself is then introduced with reference to its development, including historical patterns of trade and natural resource-based industrial development after the turn of the 20th century. An awareness of the history of the region is vital in our attempts to understand contemporary processes and political ecology studies have commonly stressed the need to assess past trends in order to explain present patterns of human-environment interaction (Blaikie and Brookfield, 1987; Bryant, 1992; Zimmerer, 1996a; Bryant and

85

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

Bailey, 1997).

The final section of this chapter introduces Calilegua National Park in Jujuy province, which provides the central axis for the study. It briefly illustrates the geographical and biological contexts, followed by an examination of the Argentine protected areas system and its evolution. This work draws on interviews carried out with policy and decision makers related to conservation in Argentina, as well as staff and interest groups specific to Calilegua and the Northwest.

86

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

4.1 Argentine economic and political development 4.1.1 Argentina in the 20th Century: Depression, Peron and the military Argentine economic management in the 20th Century can be divided between two poles of national populism, one stressing indigenous expansionist policies, income

redistribution

and full employment; the other characterised

by

neoclassical drives for fiscal stability, attraction of foreign capital and marketoriented reform. Some commentators have placed the blame for poor Argentine economic performance on the often rapid swings between these two poles (Diamand, 1986), while others have also noted that: The political instability in turn influences economics because it stands in the way of continuity and far­ sightedness in economic policies’ (Dornbush and de Pablo, 1989:50).

Argentina made its economic fortune around the turn of the 20th century as an exporter of grain and meat to Europe, facilitated by the British-built railway network that underpinned the industrial expansion of the fertile pampas. The Great Depression of the 1930s, however, brought economic collapse and the development of global trade protection; for Argentina it saw the beginnings of a half-century of authoritarian rule. No other leader’s legacy during this period was as lasting as that of Juan Domingo Peron, who directed national efforts towards industrialisation and self-sufficiency and promoted better conditions and welfare for Argentine workers (San Martino de Dromi, 1996). With Europe in economic crisis following World War II, Peron saw the path to development as one centred on state intervention. As Hugh-Jones (2000:3) points out: ‘While the world began to reinvent the market, Juan Domingo Peron decided that the state must not just direct the economy, but own great chunks of it’.

In 1955 Peron was overthrown and went into exile. While the military regimes that dominated the following two decades were determined to exclude the Peronists from power, little was done to remove his social or political reforms

87

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

(Skidmore and Smith, 1997). Indeed, the legacy of statist and welfareorientated policies of Peronism remain an important axis for enquiry within a study concerned with socio-economically marginal regions of Argentina. The military allowed Peron to return to presidency in 1973, viewing it as the only way to control the escalating guerrilla warfare between rival political factions, but his death the following year left his third wife in command of a nation in social disarray and an economy with structural difficulties and an inflation rate of 335% in 1975. Military government returned in 1976 and lasted until 1983, leaving behind an economic crisis fuelled by currency overvaluation, industrial decline and the onset of the debt crisis. It also left a nation mourning the fate of the ‘disappeared’, perhaps 20,000 in all, who were abducted without charge in an effort to combat guerrilla activity, as well as the soldiers and resources lost in the effort to repatriate the Falkland Islands in 1982 (Freedman and GambaStonehouse, 1991).

Whilst the period of the military dictatorship can hardly be considered successful in terms of economic strategy or social development, its leaders did manage to achieve some of their political aims. They created a significant subordination of the working classes and went a long way towards the destruction of Peronism as understood as a strategic alliance between the Argentine workers and bourgeoisie (Tedesco, 1999). Such factors may have helped in persuading the voters into the election of the non-Peronist candidate in the post-military government elections.

4.1.2 Redemocratisation, debt and hyperinflation: 1983-1990

The arrival of democratic rule in 1983 under the leadership of Raul Alfonsin and his UCR (Radical) Party was immediately beset not only by the social problems of a nation recovering from the hardships of military rule and the shock of the unequal war against the British over the Falkland Islands, but also by a lack of sustained economic growth and the onset of the debt crisis (Lloyd-Sherlock, 1997b; Tedesco, 1999; Schvarzer, 2000). The final throes of military rule had

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increased the national debt burden in both public and private sectors to an untenable level, and only the imposition of a freeze in salaries and prices under the terms of the Austral Plan in 1985 managed to curtail spiralling inflation rates (Acuna, 1994). Repeated attempts to ‘thaw’ this freeze and stimulate growth, however, met with fresh inflationary surges. Strategies of economic opening and state reform failed to stem the burgeoning debt payments or create economic prosperity.

The plan finally became obsolete as the Peronist-dominated Chamber of Deputies passed labour laws freeing up salary negotiations in 1988. The last push for inflationary stability came in the form of the Plan Primavera, or Spring Plan, applied in August of the same year. Consisting of agreements with the major Unions, the plan foundered after initial success and by July 1989, retail prices had risen 3,620% and wholesale prices by 5,061% on the previous year (Acuna, 1994).

Whilst the first democratic government may not have achieved economic success, it can be argued that it laid the foundations for economic restructuring initiated by the following government (Cisneros, 1996; Tedesco, 1999). It facilitated

a

restructuring

of

civil

society

and

the

re-development

of

constitutional government, particularly through its attempts to deal with the civil and human rights abuses of the military dictatorship. The government was faced with a triple burden of economic, political and international crises related to hyperinflation,

human

rights abuses and post-Falklands international

relations respectively. While Argentina’s economic problems were not tackled successfully, Alfonsin’s response in the political and international arenas may have been crucial in facilitating future economic change in Argentina.

The 1980s are often regarded as a ‘lost decade’ for the Argentine economy. Output per capita was 16% lower in 1990 than at the beginning of the decade, though employment grew 21 % due to increased state hiring of surplus workers (Marquez and Morley, 1997). With this artificial employment swelling the budgetary deficits and austerity in the mid 1980s failing to achieve internal or

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external financial stability, the crisis passed to a new government in 1989. Elected on the populist Peronist ticket, Carlos Menem and his Justicialista party were faced with a renewed crisis of economic stagnation, burgeoning debt and the re-emergence of hyperinflation.

4.1.3 Convertibility, stability and neoliberal reform: 1990 onwards Having provided a contextual introduction to the recent economic and political history of Argentina, it is the transformation witnessed since 1990 that is of greatest concern to this study. In the pursuit of ‘neoliberal’ market-orientated policies, successive governments have radically altered the daily lives of practically all Argentines. This study shows how these changes have translated down to even remote rural areas of the country and the subsequent consequences for development and natural resource use.

Prior to the election, Menem's policy proposals had been far from clear and sometimes contradictory, though broadly in line with the populist tenets of Peronism. Not for the first time, massive capital flight ensued as the middle classes and financial speculators panicked in the expectation of further economic chaos (Beckerman, 1995). The initial priority over and above all other factors was held to be the reduction of inflation rates, and new stabilization programs were installed in 1989 and 1990 (Schvarzer, 2000). Neither was successful and ended in inflationary bursts, with the 1989 inflation rate totalling 4,923% and consumer prices rising 20,594% from April 1989 to March 1990 (IADB, 1994). The failures of these programs may be attributable to the untenable fiscal deficit. Indeed, moves to close this gap through taxation and spending reforms most probably prevented the second from spiralling into the hyperinflation witnessed after the first (Beckerman, 1995; World Bank, 1996).

These failures came as Menem threw aside the traditional populist economics of Peronism, instead introducing widespread neoliberal reform along the lines 90

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

of the free-market structural adjustment of the ‘Washington consensus’. With the appointment of Domingo Cavallo as finance minister, the Convertibility Plan implemented

in April

1991

was central to plans for stabilisation

and

restructuring. The plan included measures to cut the fiscal deficit, redefine the role of the state, reduce foreign debt, stabilize prices and reduce the costs of production, as well as the binding commitment to maintain parity of the new peso against the US dollar (Acuna, 1994). The central bank was required to maintain the existing ratio between reserves and the monetary base, thereby preventing the financing of the fiscal deficit through the printing of new money (IBRD, 1996).

These reforms have had a lasting impact on the Argentine economy and facilitated the emergence of a new economic model for development based on the neoliberal doctrines of the market and free trade. As outlined in Chapter 2, this model has been the base of a new political economy in most parts of Latin America (Hojman, 1994; Gywnne, 1999) but in few cases were the reforms as rapid and embracing of the new doctrine as in Argentina during the early 1990s. Fiscal reform comprised massive spending cuts and an improved taxation system. VAT was broadened, given a more uniform level and tax collection efficiency improved (IBRD, 1996). Federal public administration reduced staff by 57%, a quarter of which were layoffs, three quarters being transfers of teachers and health workers to the provinces (World Bank, 1996). Defence spending was cut by half and military personnel cut by 80% (Sawers, 1996).

Privatisation proceeded with extraordinary pace, raising over $24 billion by 1994 in fiscal revenues and permanently reducing the need for government spending in formerly costly sectors (Gerchunoff and Coloma, 1993). Some of these sell-offs offered share for debt deals with banks, and market monopolies were commonly maintained to make the privatised company shares more attractive to buyers (Schvarzer, 2000). The real test for such privatisations however is whether their initial benefits can be extended to the majority of the population through improved services, social programs and overall rising living standards (Brown and Ridley, 1994). In many urban areas of the interior

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

however, once dominant employment in state industry has yet to be replaced by other meaningful employment, with consequent social and political costs (Sawers, 1996; IHT, 1999).

In the drive for market liberalisation, substantial cuts were made to industrial and agricultural subsidies, replaced by tax deductions and a bond scheme. Import tariff barriers, reduced from 65% to 35% under Alfonsin dropped further to 14% by 1991 and reduced to zero on most goods within the MERCOSUR trading bloc by 1994 (Roett, 1999). Consisting of Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay and Paraguay, with Chile and Bolivia as associates, MERCOSUR has played an increasing role in Argentine economics, now totalling over 30% of its total trade (Economist, 1996, 1999). Such intra-regional trade may have provided more solid foundations for balanced and equitable economic development (Cejas and Gans, 1998), though some commentators note that the bloc, while deepening incorporation into the world capitalist system, may also serve to reinforce their subordinate position within that system and neglect the benefits of trade with other nations (Richards, 1997; Yeats, 1997).

Restructuring did provide initial economic success, with a 30% growth in GDP between 1990 and 1994. Yet this growth had little effect on unemployment, which grew from 6.5% in 1991 to 12.2% in 1994, largely reflecting the state’s role as lender of the last resort in terms of employment provision throughout the 1980s (Marquez and Morley, 1997). Following the shocks of the Mexican crisis after 1994, world reaction to Russia’s liquidity crisis in mid-1998 and subsequent Brazilian devaluation in 1999, Argentine progress has been more difficult. With substantial macro-economic problems in the face of debt repayments and fiscal deficits, the economy has continued to stagnate following a 3% decrease in GDP during 1999.

Elections in 1999 saw power shift away from the Menem’s Justicialista party after two terms of office with victory by an opposition alliance headed by Fernando De la Rua. After Menem’s relatively quiet second term for policy changes, De la Rua followed broadly the same economic policies rather than

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promoting any alternative to the dominant neoliberal model for development. On gaining power, De la Rua decided to raise tax revenues and introduced further cuts in state spending and labour reforms in return for clinching deals with the IMF on an economic package to alleviate the fiscal and debt problems. The fiscal deficit reached over $10 billion or 3.8% of GDP in 1999, a third of which lies with provincial governments. Deals with the World Bank, the IMF and the private sector in 1999 and 2000 sought desperately to cover the yearly $20 billion needed to service the country’s then $123.5 billion foreign debt (Schvarzer, 2000).

By the end of 2000, a significant deal was agreed to provide an international aid package worth $39.7 billion, with almost two thirds of this sum available before the end of 2001 (Financial Times, 19th December 2000). In return, De La Rua and his government agreed to impose a five-year spending freeze, privatise the social security system, impose labour reforms and stimulate the ailing economy. An additional condition saw a promise to reduce the fiscal deficit to zero by 2005, but as Hugh-Jones (2000:5) notes: ‘Such promises are not new. Keeping them would be.’

However, the economic recession has been prolonged and public debt has grown to over US$170 million, 58.7% of GDP, by 2002 (El Pais, 2002). Despite the IMF bail out package of 2000, the continuing recession and the strict austerity measures (including tax rises and cuts in social welfare programmes) placed greater pressure on the over-valued currency and prompted massive savings withdrawals across the country. The government responded by imposing restrictions on access to bank accounts, leading to social protests and political crisis in 2001. This culminated in President De la Rua’s resignation in December 2000 and his replacement by three consecutive presidents in two weeks before the installation of Eduardo Duhalde on 1 January 2002. Devaluation soon followed, with the Argentine peso falling by 75% in the following three months.

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

If we consider the employment and fiscal spending shocks of neoliberal restructuring experienced in marginal provinces such as Jujuy as a first wave to the country’s crisis, the second wave came after the currency devaluation and subsequent banking restrictions imposed on depositors. The inability to devalue after the fall of the Brazilian real 1999 left Argentine exports uncompetitive, an effect that was compounded by falling world prices for agricultural products and global

economic

slowdown.

Dollar-denominated

debt

payments

were

complicated by the fall in exports and declining industrial production prevented the government from balancing fiscal budgets. High levels of unemployment have continued and "underemployment" has topped 30%.

4.1.4 Neoliberal change and Argentine society The social and political ramifications of Argentine change have been as dramatic as in the economic arena. While economic restructuring may have increased labour productivity, it has also resulted in increased rates of unemployment

and the

worsening

of the

already

unbalanced

income

distribution (IHT, 1999). The proportion of total income received by the poorest decile fell from 3.2% in 1980 to 1.3% in 1999, while the richest 10% increased their share from 27% to 37% (INDEC, 2000).

This inequality is traceable largely to increased unemployment, decreased welfare transfers and the fall in real wages, with the benefits of economic restructuring

falling

to

a

small

number

of well-placed

entrepreneurs.

Privatisations and the ‘rationalisation’ of public administration and state employment in the early 1990s led to massive job losses which have yet to be replaced by the new economic regime (Marquez and Morley, 1997; HughJones, 2000). One result, coupled with falling incomes for state workers such as teachers and medical staff, has been that more than half the nation’s middle classes slid into the lower classes; real wages were on average 30 % lower in the 1990s than during the previous decade (Schvarzer, 1998).

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

Pensioners too have found themselves relegated to the ranks of the Argentine poor as the purchasing power of pension payments has fallen dramatically in the 1990s (Lloyd-Sherlock, 1997a). As part of the deal with the global financial institutions at the end of 2000, state pensions are to be eliminated altogether by 2002 other than as cover for those unable to capitalise sufficiently their present accounts. Following the historical provision of social welfare, the embrace of globalisation and the neoliberal model raises crucial questions about whether Argentine development can proceed along a path that increasingly excludes effective investment in social projects (Lewis, 1993; Keeling, 1997).

Menem replaced the populist and working class affiliations of traditional Peronism and radically altered the articulation of societal relations with the state (Auyero, 2000; Pozzi, 2000). By neutralising a number of the trade unions through selective co-option into the labour ministry, Menem made it clear that neoliberal reform was to provide the new economic model for Argentina. ‘State strategy toward labor became a consistent and powerful sign to the bourgeoisie that the government was determined to pursue its new policy direction’ (Acuna, 1994:40).

De la Rua has continued the reform of the labour laws, albeit under pressure from

Washington,

and

new articulations of state-societal

relations are

emerging. Importantly, there has been a dislocation of political policy-making from the electorate, with economic policies instead locked into the market. However, while the national economy appears ever more driven by the external forces of globalisation, there is also a crucial internal dynamic which gives room for re-analysis of theories of dependent development and logics of clientalism (Cardoso and Faletto, 1966; Lloyd-Sherlock, 1997b; Auyero, 2000).

The dramatic changes within the Argentine economy have not been spatially even in their effects. The region outside Greater Buenos Aires and the fertile pampas, known as the 1interior’ has experienced an even more pronounced economic and political marginalisation (Keeling, 1997; Sawers, 1996). The regions of the interior continue to suffer from the ill-effects of neoliberal reform

95

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

through industrial and state employment cuts as well as declines in welfare spending and wages. At the same time, they are often in the weakest position to take advantage of the economic openings available from the new economic model due to poor access to markets, capital, infrastructure and skills (Kay, 1999; David et al, 2000).

Jujuy province in the far Northwest of the country is among the poorest federal regions in Argentina and provides a good area for the study of neoliberal change at the local level. This study focuses in particular on the changing socio-economic and resource use patterns of communities neighbouring a protected area, a location crucial to conservation efforts in its role as a natural buffer zone. The following section introduces the study area by means of a short history of economic and social development in the area and description of the national park around which the study is based.

96

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

4.2 Valle Grande Department, Jujuy Province Having briefly illustrated the context of political, economic and societal conditions in Argentina as a whole, attention is now turned to the study area itself. While the study is geographically centred on Calilegua National Park, which is described biogeographically in the next section, it is the human populations neighbouring the protected area that provide the focus of this research.

The department of Valle Grande covers a geographically isolated valley between the peaks of the Andean chain to the west and the sub-sierra of Calilegua to the east (see Figure 4.1). Its population of almost 2000 is entirely classed as rural, though increasingly concentrated in the main villages; the number living in agglomerated rural settlements rose by almost 600% between 1980 and 1991 (INDEC, 1980, 1991). Its economic base has been dominated by extensive pastoralism and small-scale horticulture, with waged employment and seasonal migration to external areas commonly adding to activities of household production.

By way of introduction and in order to enable a grounded analysis of contemporary conditions, the historical development of the area is described, drawing on the scant literature concerning Valle Grande itself and similar areas of the Argentine Yungas. The subsequent section then describes the development of the sugar industry in the region and its effects on the Yungas regions.

97

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

Figure 4.1: Regional context of study area

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6 8 °W

64 °W

66 °W

BOLIVIA Heights in metres

- 22°S

22“S -

3000

1000 .-.•.•.v.-.-.v.v.v.;.;.;.;.-;

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Sx < {: i’Trdpid'of 'Capricorn

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- 24“s

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^ I f ill ;t ■f&Ridyy-•: * S a n P e d r o '.

\

\

,> G ' ■'

24°S -

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'

' » W X . Rio San::: . S a lta : Francisco-::

I

- 26”S

2 6 °S -

Rio ' Salado Boundaries International Regional

- 28“S 70“W ___

I

C a t am a r c a

66 “W

64‘ W

I

98

28“S -

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

4.2.1 Historical overview In the context of pre-Colombian inhabitation, it is important to highlight the role of the Yungas as a frontier zone between the more arid pre-puna highlands, in this case the Quebrada de Humahuaca, and the South American lowlands of the Gran Chaco to the east. The Quebrada and Chaco were both homes to significant indigenous groups before the arrival of the Spanish. While there is considerable evidence of the Chaco groups in the San Francisco river valley to the east of the park (hereby referred to as the Ramal to avoid confusion with the village of San Francisco), the Valle Grande Region was connected more directly to the higher Quebrada area at this time (Serrano, 1962; Pereyra, 1999). Research in the areas close to Valle Grande has shown that inhabitants from the Quebrada, or quebradehos, used the Yungas region in order to provide necessary and complementary goods such as honey, hardwoods, wild animals, feathers, herbal medicines and early yields of crops such as maize (Ottonello and Garay, 1995; Ventura, 1995).

Preliminary archaeological studies within Valle Grande itself support such analysis, providing evidence of settlement, pottery fragments associated with the Quebrada styles and llama bones, which suggest inter-regional trade between the two areas (De Feo and Fernandez, 1997). This evidence dates from roughly 1250AD, corresponding with the Tardfo, or Regional Development period between 1000 and 1470AD, the time of maximum population densities of the quebradehos. Drawing on other historical study therefore, it is probable that Valle Grande played an important role within what John Murra (1972) and others have conceptually termed the ‘vertical control of ecological niches’ or ‘verticality’. Practised by the quebradehos, different ecological zones were utilised for distinct resources within an overall societal framework (Nielsen, 1988; Ventura, 1995; Ottonello and Garay de Fumagalli, 1995).

With the arrival of the Incas and their subsequent domination in the Quebrada from around 1470 until the mid 16th century, it is likely that settlement extended further into the Yungas, evidenced by the networks of transport routes 99

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

developed between the two regions. The arrival of the Spanish and subsequent colonial period between the mid 16th and 19th centuries led to natural resources use in lower parts of the Yungas by lowland indigenous people under an encomienda rental system of the new ‘land owners’. These haciendas formed by the Spanish Crown leasings also had the effect of keeping the upland settlement restricted to the higher altitudes and may be crucial in explaining the present agrarian structure and conflicts within Valle Grande and beyond (Reboratti, 1995, 1996).

With Argentine independence and the development of the haciendas, regional integration of the Yungas was gradually steered away from the arid areas of the Quebrada and towards the wide sub-tropical valleys to the east; in Valle Grande’s case towards the Ramal. This shift was consolidated following the arrival of agro-industrial activities in the lowlands after the turn of the 19th century, discussed in the following section. In addition, the unfavourable conditions for rearing mountain livestock under Juan Domingo Peron in the 1950s forced landowners to switch their attentions to forestry as the primary economic activity within the Yungas, a process which necessitated the development of better transportation networks between the montane and lowland regions (Ottonello,

1995;

Brown and Levy Hines,

1995). This

corresponds with the opening of the Valle Grande to Libertador road in the study area in 1952.

The contemporary orientation of Valle Grande must therefore be seen in the context of its historical association with the high and arid lands of the Quebrada. During this time, as in the adjacent Corral de Piedras catchment, it ‘was integrated within a subsistence-based regional economy in accordance with a form of complementarity which characterised the Andean area during the Regional Development period...In more recent times, in which the Yungas has integrated with the (lowland) valleys, it came to form part of a formal economy at national level in which the economic protagonists were the urban groups from the Jujuy valley’ (Ottonello, 1995:17. My translation).

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

4.2.2 The sugar industry in Northwest Argentina

One of the main explanations for this change in orientation lies with the development of agro-industrial activities in the wide valleys to the east, which open out in to the lowland plains of the Gran Chaco. While historical sources note the presence of sugar cane in the Northwest as early as the 17th century, its widespread production did not take off until the mid 1800s (Carillo, 1941; Scleh, 1945). At this time, Argentina’s role within the world system was geared towards the provision of food and primary materials (Abel and Lewis, 1985) and two processes can be regarded as enhancing this role between the mid and late 19th century (Morina and Velazquez, 1995).

Firstly, the formation of the nation state following independence in 1816 and the subsequent consolidation of a national hegemonic project provided the institutional and judicial frameworks for agricultural development. Secondly, this process

coincided

with

the

diffusion

of

capitalist

economic

relations

characterized by private ownership of the means of production, a waged labour force and market-oriented production. This enabled the expansion of sugar cane production into areas of the Argentine Northwest with suitable climates.

Commercial sugar production rose from virtually zero in 1876 to 163,000 tonnes in 1896 (Rutledge, 1987), with initial expansion based around the Tucuman province to the south of the study area and taking off later in the more northern provinces of Salta and Jujuy. The development of the industry was heavily influenced by the growing railway network, which reached Tucuman in 1887 and Salta and Jujuy by 1891, but it also benefited from government intervention in the industry through protectionist tariffs, credit and investment incentives and direct market regulation to prevent overproduction (Lewis, 1983; Morina and Velazquez, 1995). The modernisation process within the industry was also influenced by key entrepreneurs, led in the north by the English Leach family, who installed the machinery at the Ledesma refinery in 1876 and at three others in the region including their own refinery of La Esperanza in San Pedro de Jujuy (Rutledge, 1987). 101

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

The structure of the industry was geographically varied, with the northern sector developing around large sugar estates and integrated industrial complexes using a considerable waged labour-force (Whiteford, 1981; Giarracca et al, 1995). By contrast, the southern sector in Tucuman was based around a large number of smaller farms, which sold the sugar cane to the refineries for processing; even in the early 1990s, over 90% of all Tucuman sugar farms cultivated cane on farms of less than 20 hectares (Teubal and Giarracca, 1995; Keeling, 1997). The differences between the two regions persisted and deepened throughout the twentieth century and the Salta and Jujuy industry has enjoyed consistently higher yields partly due to its more suitable climate, but also through better use of irrigation and lower costs through scale economies and integrated production.

The industry rode the worst of the 1920s and 1930s crises through a mix of protectionism and a regulatory fund to aid the smaller farmers, but faced further problems through massive overproduction in the mid-1960s and 1970s. The latter crisis resulted in a reordering of power relations in favour of the already dominant sectors of high capital concentration and further penalised small producers, resulting in the closure of eleven refineries and over 6000 farms, mostly in the Tucuman region (Giarracca et al, 1995).

From the mid 1960s until 1991, the national governments attempted to control over-production through a quota system which limited successive harvests, while direct and indirect subsidies complemented tariff barriers to protect the domestic market. This prompted the industry to improve productivity and reduce costs,

particularly

through

the

introduction

of

mechanised

harvesting

techniques. While the quota system had closed all farms under three hectares, capital intensification further punished the small producers and brought further advantage to the large estates of the northern sector, as the southern industry lagged behind considerably in its uptake of the new technologies (Tort, 1982; Teubal and Giarracca, 1995). These changes had a dramatic impact on the labour market, a factor of production fundamental to the development of the

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

sugar industry in Northwest Argentina.

Traditionally, both the harvesting and processing of sugar cane require vast quantities of labour, particularly during the harvests between May and October. Within the Argentine Northwest, the availability of cheap labour was probably more important than government protection or improved transportation in explaining the form of agro-industrial development (Kirchner, 1980; Whiteford, 1981; Rutledge, 1987). Initially, harvest workers were forcibly recruited from the indigenous populations of Aracano and then the lowland Wichi, paying them in kind and retaining their services through indebtedness and repression (Sawers, 1996). As their numbers dwindled and production expanded however, other sources of seasonal labour had to be sought to fuel the industrial process.

While Tucuman industry began to draw on neighbouring provinces, in Salta and Jujuy the large estates began acquiring lands to the west of the sugar belt within the immediate Yungas and more extensively within the Quebrada and high plateau of the Andean puna further west (Rutledge, 1987). These relatively unproductive uplands were farmed by peasant groups of indigenous descent, whose labour could thus be co-opted by the sugar industry for the seasonal harvest. This semi-proletarian workforce suited the industry owners as they could return to their traditional lands for half the year (Whiteford, 1981). De Janvry (1981) describes this relationship as ‘functional dualism’, in which the large-farm sector enhances its competitiveness by paying reduced wages to seasonal workers in the knowledge that subsistence farming provides support during periods of non-wage work. Migration from across the Bolivian border was also encouraged, particularly following strikes stemming from increases in union membership and power from 1943 onwards. As well as providing the economic advantages of seasonal semi-proletarian workers, migrants were excluded from regulations protecting labour’s ability to organise, articulate grievances, or institute reforms. Bolivian migrants and their descendents remain an important source of labour in the contemporary agro-industry of the Northwest (Kirchner, 1980; Whiteford, 1981; Giarracca et al, 1995).

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

Although land acquisition was a more common strategy amongst the Salta estates, other strategies were employed to secure labour in other parts of the Yungas, including the study area of Valle Grande. Affiliations between sugar companies and political leaders, landowners and police officials commonly enabled

the

capture

of cheap

labour through

strategies

of coercion,

indebtedness and enforced economic necessity (Greco, 1995; Belli and Slavutsky, 1997).

The introduction of mechanised harvesting techniques in the 1970s however, resulted in huge reductions in requirements for seasonal labour. Manual harvesting requires roughly 30 person-days of labour per hectare, while semi­ mechanisation in which cutting remains manual requires between 10 and 15 person-days labour per hectare. When both cutting and loading are carried out by integrated harvesters however, this figure falls to just 0.6 per hectare, implying huge reductions in the manual work force (Aparicio and Benencia, 1995).

The result is that labourers have had to seek alternative, more distant agricultural labour opportunities, manual employment in the urban centres, or return to live off their own agricultural earnings (Whiteford, 1980; Giarracca et al, 1995). The mechanisation process also served as a threat to the possibilities of union organisation, particularly in the context of the military regimes. The refineries were renowned for their collusion with the military governments in waging their ‘dirty war’ against opponents of the regime. The Ledesma refinery within the study area, for example, gained national infamy for allowing use of its vehicles and creating blackouts during which residents were arrested, detained and ‘disappeared’.

In 1991, under the presidency of Carlos Menem, the sugar industry was to face another massive shock in the form of deregulation as part of the neoliberal policy reforms instituted in the early 1990s. Decree 2284 covered a host of economic deregulations and ‘completely defused the institutional network that had regulated agricultural activity for more than six decades’ (Giarracca and

104

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

Aparicio, 1995:163). The decree signalled the end of the National Sugar Office, its regulation of the industry and market and the abolition of the national sugar laws and all ad hoc regulations. The industry was thus opened up to the free market domestically and thereby forced to increase productivity and reduce costs in preparation for the opening up of free trade within the MERCOSUR bloc, in which Brazil had emerged as the market leader due to its considerably lower production costs (Aparicio and Benecia, 1995).

The first harvests after deregulation tested and demonstrated the capacities of the main actors in the sugar industry to adapt to the new conditions within the market. It further illustrated the advantages of the large producers, who were able to retain and enlarge their dominance as the agro-industrial groups were forced into an internal shake-up (Giarracca et al, 1995; Economist, 1998). Agricultural deregulation and falling global prices caused a 40% decline in national prices between the late 1980s and 1992 , which influenced a fall of roughly 10% of the planted area and 25% decline in total production between 1990 and 1994 (Aparicio and Benencia, 1995; Keeling, 1997). While world sugar prices have since regained some value, the future for the Argentine industry as a whole faces stiff competition from Brazil as sugar loses its position as a ‘special product’ and consequent continuing trade protection within MERCOSUR (Roett, 1999).

This provides a brief history of the sugar industry within Northwest Argentina and sets the scene for the responses to neoliberal reform within agriculture in general and the industry central to the study area in particular. The loss of employment due to increasing mechanisation of the harvesting and refining processes may have important consequences for the natural environment if local inhabitants choose to return to natural resource-based activities to ensure their livelihoods. The Ledesma sugar company situated in the city of Libertador General San Martin (commonly referred to as Libertador) does not face many of the disadvantages of the smaller producers of Tucuman and has been able to access considerable sources of finance in order to carry out a far-reaching restructuring programme. The use or otherwise of labour from the Yungas

105

Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

uplands of Valle Grande may thus have a bearing on land use and the success of conservation activities in and around the Calilegua National Park.

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

4.3 The National Park system of Argentina Having presented the historical and contextual background for the research, the final section of this chapter introduces the Argentine protected area system. Drawing on interview and secondary data elaborated further in Chapter 7, it charts the evolution of the Argentine national parks system, and briefly examines its legal bases, effectiveness and representativeness. Finally, it introduces the basic bio-geographical characteristics of Calilegua National Park as a prelude to the people and park interaction analysed in Chapter 5.

Calilegua National Park is itself one component of a wider national system of protected areas within Argentina (Figure 4.2). The country is governed under a federal system and the majority of its protected areas are administered by provincial or municipal governments. In terms of implementation however, the most important areas are the 32 parks administered from the national (federal) level by the National Parks Administration (APN), founded in 19341.

Argentina is noteworthy as a pioneer in national park creation in Latin America. Its first, Parque del Sur (Park of the South) in the Patagonian Andes was donated in 1903 and officially decreed in 1922, making it the third national park in the Americas. The park went on to become part of Nahuel Huapi, forming part of a network of large-scale parks in the Andean forests of Patagonia (Figure 4.2). This regional network connects with other provincial parks, and merges into Chilean protected areas on the occidental side of the Andes. Parks in other regions are smaller and more isolated, leading to a growing awareness of their inefficacy as ‘islands of biodiversity’. The Northwest in particular is considered under-protected given the small scale and limited interconnectivity of protected areas, and the diversity of forest ecosystems (Catalano, 2001).

1 APN was officially founded as the national parks office (Dirreccion de Parques Nationales) in 1934, legally establishing operating standards for the commission administering the Parque del Sur since 1924 (Fourcade de Ruiz and Uribelarrea, 1995).

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Chapter four: Study area and protected area context

Figure 4.2: Federal protected areas of Argentina (Source: APN, 2001b) ee*

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