CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE OP HUMAN BEHAVIOR: AN [PDF]

CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE OP HUMAN BEHAVIOR: AN ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL COMPARATIVE STUDY OF -

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TtfO GADSUP VILLAGES IN THE EASTERN HIGHLANDS OP NEW GUINEA by f MADELEINE LEININGER W

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A thesis submitted In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON

CONVERGENCE AND DIVERGENCE OP HUMAN BEHAVIOR: AN ETHNOPSYCHOLOGICAL COMPARATIVE STUDY OF -

*

TtfO GADSUP VILLAGES IN THE EASTERN HIGHLANDS OP NEW GUINEA by f MADELEINE LEININGER W

i

.

/

A thesis submitted In partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON

Date

April h, 1966

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TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE ijlj!

LIST op· TABLES

LIST OF PLATES

v.

ACKNOWLEDGMENT

Vi

CHAPTER l !Ell III

IV Vi

Ml

VIl!

i

Intre duct ion to the Prob lem The Stru ctur al Focu s: Ind1 vid.u al-R ole

.16

: Situ ation s

The Theo retic al Focu a: Cog nitiv e, a~d

Ego

Perceptu~l~

27

Autonomo~s - Behavior

Method

54

A Com parat ive View of the Two Gads~p Vill ages : The Phye1c~l Sett ings , Soci al Stru ctur e, and Cult ure H1at Gr1e e

78

Male -Fe-m ale Cogn i t1.0r:1s and Inte ract iona l Modes

lll6

Pir.ld !ngs fr.e>m the Pho·t ogra ph S1 tua t 1 ons

179 /

VIII IX

X

Find ings from the Phot ogra ph S~~uations and the Thema~1~ Appe rcep tion Teat

D1sc ass1o n of the Find ings

'305

.

34~

Summary /

N0TES

REFERENCES

265

353 3~7

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LIST ·OF TABLES ·· PAGE.

'!!ABLE

] · A Summary of the Individual~Rele Situat!o~a and the · Problem s P08ed fer Each SituatiG n II

Compara t-ive Census Pata of the Alruna ana Arona

III

Compar ative Stat1et 1cal Data · of C_lan ~iea and ;M arriage Practic es 6f Akuna and Arona P_eo~J!?le

IY.i

Village s

F.reql.:lenc ies· and Respons es to

Situati on

Numbe~

64

eo 97

In~! vi~ual-Role

One: The Garden Seene

~

Frequen cies and _Reapon aes te Indtvid ual-Rol e Sit~ation Number Two: Food and Village rs

190

v:i\

Frequen -cies and Reapon_a ea ~o Ind vidual-R ole S.1 tua t1on .Number Three: Mother and Gh1ld

196

-Percept ions and Cogniti ons of the. Sex ana the Health Stat\la of the Ch.1 ld in Photogr aph Situatio n Number Three

200

~]

. ~I!mlE

100

* ~I!

oo~m

205

and Reepona es · to Lndivid ual-Rol e umber F1 ve: a M·an and Boy N tioa .. -S i tt.ta

21]1

Frequen cies and Reapc::>nae·s to Individ ual-Rol e . Situatio R Nunif?er Six: Men with Bow- & Arrows

218

Pr~quenc.ies

a:nd Respons -e s te Individual-Ro~e Seven: a Village Meeting · Number 1on t ' S1tua

225

_Freque ncies and Res·p~naef? te Ind1vid ual-Rel e Situatio n Nlln?ber· 'E igtlt: Women and G:rass

235

~requenc1ee

.

XI rEI

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to Ind1vidu al-Roll.e Frequen cies S1taat1 on Number Four:· Boy and Cnildre a ~nd Respo~se~

.

Frepment

an~

behav10'r.

a substantial amount psych0analysts -~

or

B

unified theory of man' B

No dqu-bt there w·ill c0nt1nue to be

interaction among

anthropologists~

and other benaviora.l theor1et·a in the search

G.or a 8-Ci!eat'ific understandin g of human behavior.

·Among the d1rrerent seem that cognitive,

theo~et1cal a~pr~acnea, · ~ t

pe~cept~a.l,

would

and ego functioning constru'c ta

ceuld well provide us with sbme- significant :1!ns1ght·s about

. man•s aehav1or.

For . cognitive and perceptual theories are not

enly amenable tG» cro.sa-eul tural reaearch, but are quite

-

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natural ~

familiar, . a·n" !.n_t.e gral Giimenaiena f·o r antht'ope logical

lnq~~ry.

Mor·e ov·e r, · the·a·e · conceptua l. ·app~oachea have long been

~~ . ~n~erest

to many .anthropo logiata.

l!t is not my purpo's e to become involved in a gen.e ral

exegeei!a on the theories and 1aauea related to cognition·, perceptio n,_ and ego psycholog y; however;, 1 t ia impprtant to hlghliiht a·ome theoretic al ideas w.hlch are relevant to this . Essentia lly, I am intere·ate d fn the · cognitive and

study.

perceptua l tendencie s of cl!ll tural groups, the autenotnou·s and nGn-a\lten omoue pera.e nalfty typea~ and the ego function.1 ng modes

ar

sc;>c,tal groups-.

defined as a · part of

Te begin wi tfl_, the eg0 1a generally

t~e p:ers. o _nal~ty

which mediates the varying

demarid.a i:>r an ·1nd1 v~du-al' s 1nte:rnal and external world.

~n

recent years ego psycholo gists have adv.a nced some significa nt new concepts about the ego such aa the "conflict -free ego. spheren

and

the. "ave-rage f!Xpectabl e .e nv1:ronme nt" (Hartmann

Some theorists· tend to be largely intereste d jJ rr

1958:8-9~35).

:the mere

e·~ternal

and conaeious ego aspects; others tend to

focus mainly \!lpon the inteFnal anGl more unconscio us functioni ng

or

the ego..

Caud;t l!il! has epoken ·about theae emphases and

exprease~ his opinioR that more ~ttent1om should be ~iven to

the ego as 11!nfluence d by the cultural setting, o·r the external

realities .

He

comments~

Neverthe less, if psychoan alysis 1a to lay ~laim • • . ~ ta bece.ming a general! human psyeholog y, and if ft 1a ~o continue to ofter 1t8 interpret ations in &uch areas as

. .

30 .- .· .. .· 8091et~, - rei1gion 1 and arf, then a great deal -more needs· ~o be known concerning the influence on the development of the inner worlu of the systemat1~ ~ropertiea of events arising in the external world (Caudill 1962-:193-94). . ·

·

~n

a similar way, this study is concerned with the conscious

ego functioning tendencies of individuals and groups in relation to their own cultural

real ~ ties

and physical settings.

The ego-functioning tendencies of males and females and of adu] ts and children in making cnoices and performing acts are . . of much

~ ntereat

in a comparative study of two village groups.

For in focusing upon the ego-ftinctioning tendencies of two .social groups, one might be able to identify some discrimi-n ating behavioral features between the sampled populations.

But of considerable tnterest are the ego-functioning tendencies of the autonomous individual and how this ideal type contrasts with a non-autonomous i ndividual. eari~er

ffi t

was

P~aget

who

showed an interest in the concept of autonomy (i.e.,

~e~lation

of one•a behavior through rules cherished as one•s

own) in studying the moral development ~fa child (Piaget 1962). Erickson (1963:82-84) has a.lao used the term autonomy :1.! n apeak~ of

the development of an 1nd1vidual 1 s ego identity, partic-

ularly as it is connected with the modality of a child.

~rom

retentive ~el1m1nat1ve

a sociological perspective, Rieaman

fl961) spoke of the autonom9ua ideal type with inner-directed sociological behavior. ~hip

In anthropology, Read's (1959) leader-

study of nonliterate people showed the autonomous

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end Sha.w.' .s

be 8·u ccesaf uli le·a der·s ; _l! n Nash

to

·i ndivi duals

~ 1962::.

· 252-6 3) aecul tura:ti on study , the autono mous perso naf1t y t 'y pe 1a 1.dent ~ 1!1ed. But 1 in ge·n eral, mea-ger attent iol'il has been ..

.

given ta the autone mous indiv idual . attr!b ute·s

Wha.t are the . perao nality

an autonomG>us 1f.ld1 viaua l? a non-au tonom o\:la

or

What are the eg.o-fu nct1o n1ng tende ncies and the

1nd1V,1d·ua. l?

ego stren gt·h attrib utes assoc iated with the

What ·migh t be the gener ic psych ologic al

autono mous .type?

or or a

~ mpact

this perso n- .

cultu ral alit.YI type upon the ev-olu tionar y develo pment area? Befor e prese nting some theor etica l viewp oints about the

&l;Jtonomous · 1ad1!v.1.dua1 and the relati onshi p to. an 1ndep enden t.deper ident pe.rso rntl1t y

let us f1.r st turn to the ma·jor

~on.ti-nuum.,

co~ttve and pe~ceptual ideas auPpo~t1ng this study . .

.

Both antnr opolo.g 1cal and psych ologic al cogni tive and ~r,~eptual

ideas· 'h ave· ee·e n

.consid~red ~ n

this study to help ..

under stand a.nd dlfre rentl ate the, behav ieral manif estati ons of sUbJe cts !'"rom the two v1lla·g e group s. Moreo ver, i-t is 1!mpor tant .to c .l ar.ify at the eutse t that 1n.ter.e at itn cogni tlve and · .pe~ceptual ~tud1es

P910~8~8;

ra~·

·1s Rot

~

nents

to

psycholo.~ica~

other s in the d1ac1p l:Lne have long b.ees

with diffe rent kinds .

restric~ed

·or

cogn1 t1v·e and

a.nthr 0~ nvolved

. ~rceptual res.e~rcn •

.

·t a some curre nt p·s ychol og1ca l v1.e.w s, one f1r.ld·s expo-

or

the

cognit~ve.

pea1t1 0n

stres~1ng.

as thein model ·an

!nd1v 1dual who can clear ly art1c·ulate and di.ffe rentia te his ex~r. iiienc.es.

Cogn itive theor 1ets hold that an indiv idual is

32 capaol~ o~

know ing, unde rstan ding , and givin g me-anin g to his

e~p>erifences and the

EmJ?has:1!s upon the . . -

worl d abou t · him.

_.

·c0ne ept

or. mean ing

~evealea ~n

and on cons ciou s "info rmat ion is c_lear ly

thes e state men ts: theo~iata,

"the attem pt to to igno re cone eiou s atate e or to redu ce cogn ition v10r beha licit imp of e med iatio nal proc esse s refle ctiv wh.at ie net only remo ves from the field . of .psyc holo gy a1mp 11·over m·o st wort h stud ying , bu~ also dang erou sly erson f1es high ly comp lex payc holo g1ca 1 phenomena (And · · 8Rd Aual:lbe 1 196.5 :4) •

P~om

the stan dpoi nt ot cegn 1t1v e

imp licit Mean ing, acco rdin g to Auau b.el • • • fa not an· difisely prec resp 0nse but a clea rly artic ulat ed and when ges fere ntia ted cona c!ou e expe rienc e that emer epts , or pQte nt'ia lly mear nngf ul ·sign s, symb ele, conc in , prop ositi oris a~e rela ted to and inco rpor ated a with nonon e ctur stru a give n 1nd1 v1du alrs cogn itive ar'b itr·a ry and aub·a tant ive _q aaie {And erson a-nd Ausu bel '

1965 : 8_).

.

.

.

.

l e·o mme nts rev:e al a a1gn 1f1c.aat shif t in psyc holo gica us focu s from the trad ition al impo rtanc e give n to unco nscio -. . . es, moti varienc expe itive cogn s ciou cons ~o moti vatio nal fo~ces and mean ings offe red' by 1nd1 :v1du a.ls. l!n fact , some

~heae

tion s,

mark ed year s. ag-o, Gord on · Allp ort (195.3 : 107- 19) dia·c uase d the ' . and leng -atan d,ing dictu ms in moti vatio -M l. theo ry ua· and irra tion al wn~ch _gave 80 muc·h emp~a·aia . to the unco nsclo rust the :behavio~ or man a,n d whict-1 had a te;Rd ency to dist

teDd.enc1e~

cons ciou s verb al

a~counts

of

peo,p le.

He said :

ed a This prev ailin g a·tmo ephe re of theo ry has enge~der kind o"f cont empt for the "psy c'hic aurfa ce" of 11feo ae The indi vidu al's cona qieu a repo rt is reje cted his of at thru ary untr ustw orth y, and the c0nte mpor moti ve-a is d1er e.gar ded in favo r of a "Gackward . thru st er his cond uct to earl ier form ative atag ea. The

.1 nd1 vic:lual lose·a hie right to be. believed. And w·h11~ he is ~uay lead .i!ng his 1·1re in the ~resent with a forward thrue·t into the future, m0at paychologla ta have bec0me busy tracing it backwa.Fd into the past

- ~~~lport

·

1953:108).

AlthouSh Allport's csmmenta might· be viewed as extreme and .

!n.attent1~e o~

t0 the 1mp0rtance·

o.r

.

past uncG!lBcious .experiences

an individual; y.et the idea of giving attention to the

present conscious

r~porta

or

1nd1v1~uals

ia nateworthy.

How often d9es an anthropologist wonder if he. can trust the d!rect

re~a~ana.es

and cognitive accounts of V.1l] lage ·informants? uaua~ly

Does the· anthropologist

give full consideration to the

1nfo:rmant 1 a co·n s:c 1ous. cemmenta, or does he consider them to be

ot 11m1 ted aign!ficance?

After w.ork.1ng with the two non-

We·s tern· village gro1:.1pa, I gradually realized that m0re

c·ons1c:leration coula be .given to the conseious statements or the Villagers

~nee

a working

G~nerally,

with t .hem.

relationship had been established

tne people disliked. it if I rechecked

some of their. verbal accounts after they had· glven signs of· accept:1:z:tg ~eel

and trus.t1!18 m'e.

Apparently, 1l t made the villagers

I ·was ·distrusting them after·

t~ey

had assumed

t:l.Gnship was esta·b lishee 1:1pon mutual acceptance. d1rec~ con-ac~0ua

o~

rela-

Thus ] found

atatement.s and explanat1:ona made by these

· nori-Wea.tern· people seemed te be· qui t ·.e rel1abl·e # once aig'f.ls of a trusting relationship were- evident.

While

t~e

past

de~ade

has

reve~led

signs of heightened

jlnteFest in eogn1t1ve ar;1d perceptua.l reaearcl:l by anthFopologiats

l4 . and psyc}101C?g1.e te, t ·h ere still! remain.s

generally accepted RFenc~ h (~och

£or

def1~t1on

or

no

clear-e~ut

or

cognition and perception.

~

1963: 402) na.a note.d the lack of specific meanlngs

th~s~ c~nstructs: .

.

_It follows that neither 'perception' nor 'qogn1t1on.' c-oul:d·_--~e · sa1;d to have· a ·m eaning, since they have mult·i~le meani:nge. Yet it eeema that psychologists 0f d1ffering -perauae1on~ · can ~i~cuas aueh topice as perc;epti·o n and cognition in o~dinary conversation with only oc~a~1onal reao~t to questions o~ _ defin1-

t1G>n.

Mos·t

C0gn ~ t1ve.

and perc.e ptual theorists see close relat1qnsh1ps

and undifferen-t iated I?roceaae.s between the two cencef,)~~ _llhich are s,p oken

We

or

in this e'ta tement:

have · rep~atedly

noted alae the

1mpos~1b111ty

of

cl~arly ~eparating

percept·tq.·a i. from cognitive processes. These · t .wo m~·rge ~in the Bruner-Postman hypothesis-theory, in m0dern social pa,ychology, 1n d1~-'ect1ve-atate aaa't:lmptiona; and in tire perce·P>tu.a l J~ud,gtJlenta required by- aeme ef tme d1m·e na1onal1s ts ;(,All_p0rt 1955: 4 55) • · · . In an eff0rt tq make these concepts· more explicit and cul tura-11~ 1me:a ningful, there 1!a a need to examine them w1 th

res·p ect ts d;tJ!'ferent cul tu~al tendeney to

l~nk p~reept1o.n

gro~pa ..

.Furthe~more,

with immediate

the

exper1enc~s

a.n~

~ensa~!on-s, and cognition with le~a -immedlat·e ex:pe.riences and . . . greater inferenc·ea (Koc·h 1963:4~) needs cross-cultural testing. .

.

Fer example, the··e·e ideas were somewhat different from my find-

ings with two aonliteFate gro.upa • . For there w:a·s ·a tendency

rar cognitive expreea1on·s to be associated with immediate

concrete experienees antl greater inferences;

p~~ceptual

-35 res~pen-se·s

were aas0c 1ated with leas imme diat.e

less infer ence s.

mean~ng.

It was also

to .n9te . the Vr! llage rs' respo nses to

stimW!1! which

and

In ado1 t .ion! b0ta cogn i t j!on and perca pti0n

were li!nke d with sensa tion and 1nteres~

e·xperi~ncee

w~re

~­

or

non-amb~guous

usua lly given in· a con.f 1dent , quic·k mann er!

and with some- elabo ratio n.

And the f:.)eople would valid ate

t ·h eir comm ents by e1 ting a direc t perso na 1 expe rienc e. . These respo n:Jes were consi dered · mo.rf! cog,n i t1 ve.· than perce ptual onee. Conv ersel y. the· villa gers • 1n1 t1al re-5p onae·s to ambig u.ot:ts st1mu lJ! were often given 1!n a he·e 1tan t, l imite d, a·n d 1nde ~nite manne~~

and seldo m offer ing

i~t~ally

f-

a direc t perso nal

l

e~rience.

genera~ly

With the·se perce ptual J;'ea.po na-ea , the subje cts

seemeci_ t0 o~ "read ing 1n" j,deaa which were uncert~tn

ta them; but they would. try ~0 ma~ the at1mu 11 . cong ruent with -

.

some f"am1 ).1ar 11.fe expe rie.nc e · or e.b ject.

variations. with

Th~re

were, howe ver,

the s.e xea, a~e group s, and v.illa ge·a , but theae

geru;: ral respo nse tende ncies were appa rent .with both ~illage group s. Ferha ps these f1nd1 ng·s tn1ght occu r wfth otheP non1!.1 terat e

group~.

~ gene~al,

:E found that both perce pt\lg l and

~ognit1ve

respo nses were· impo rtant. folr · a more cemp :iete unde~­ atand lng o~ the peop le. More over, these two cons truct s seeme d ~ore·

empi rical ly disti nct

th~n

Me~t . anthropolog1sts

some

theo~ists hay~

and some· psyc holog ists

impli ed. c~nceptu­

al1ze perce pt_1on as the dynam ic inter play betwe·eR an 1nd1. v1dua l and nis soeio cultu ral matr~ x. Blake and hie ce-w r1ter s (1951 )

.·

.

.

perc.eption:··

They cemment:

The eelec~1ve manner • • • fn percept·ion, however 1 is · largely QeteFm1ned l:>y the wnique interaction betweer:1 tbe individual and the cultural media which he has passed through a.n d of which lit~ ~s a pa:rt· ·at the prea.ent. Thus, tA'e wa:y on.e s·eea real! ty 1a contingent n~t Qnly:· on the ca:pac1ty ·of · h~·a .giv·e n .phyeieal atructur~ for detecting atf"mulua c0nfigurat!ons and integrating 1nfer~at1on a~0ut stimuli but als6 on mod.1f1cat1ona 111 the use .0f the atructiure whi·Qh d~rived · r~o~ · the 1mpa6t of experience. The summed e:ffec·ts res.\lll t . .tn the ~ ndividual f B having more or less appr6p~1at~ rea~onae . patterna ready in o~der to · cepe with. each of a myriad of spec1~1c stimulus conf1~u.rat1ons

(Blake 1951:9~. ~

[!flus an !sd1.v1diU'a l 1 s perceptien c.a.A also be v :!!ewed ae a select ~ ve

process. res.ult:i!ng from the interaction between the

.· nat ~ Y.iatic

factors and empirieal factors.

From the experiences

nelated apov·e with the t·wo. fladal:2p groups, it woule ·seem. that .

.

be>tfi perceptl;ra..l anereeptual gape between t ·h e sexes are great. .

Conversely, if .

'

there i:e leas dichot0m1zat1on _of ~nte'raex cognitive and per-

ce.p tual r0le performances, -k nowledges, ahd attitudes, the·n ene woulci predict fewer _1"ntersex antagonisms and atres.s -es. T •

Accordingly, one ·c e uld hypothesize that

exel~a1ve co~t~ve

secreta found w1t.ll each se.x group would tend to increase

interae2eual a·o cial distance and create asymmetrical male-fe·male rel~tio~ahipa.

This

aasumptio~ wo~ld

receive support

fro~

·a e·o rg S1mmel 1 s belief that social distance w.as inversely

related· to the amount otRe~

(Simmel

~sych0l 0g1cal

·ar

kn~wledge th~t

1950:330-~4).

each pers·on held . of the

Sinee there are other

aocto~

theoretical constructs which. ha~e provided a

background and rationale for .the hypothese-s· stated on pages

52 and 53, let us consider

th~~

now.

The general the0ry and research .Findf ngs of W'itldn ana ·fi:ts colleagues ·{ l954·) and the w0rk of Rudin and Stagner (~958), deal~ng

with the field-analytical and field-dep~ndent pers?n-

al :1! ty types, were. et1mulat:Lng 1de·a e to delineate behav19ral

41 d~ frereinc.e·S·

a·nd similarit ies or a

eul. ~tiral

group.

These

conatruet s woul'd als0 seem to ofr"er mutch future promise as

·· theel'eti~al ideas to be tested Qn a croe~-cultural basis, and especiall y with w ~ th

a concise

non~Western

people.

Sta.gner has provided us

summary of the f1eld-ana~yt1~al and field-

depe.n dent peraonal1 t 'y types in ·· the following comme:nta: · The fie.id -analytic al ·p~rson may perceive himself a a figure with society {or ~t least., nearby persons) aa ground. Sinc.e he habitt:tall y focuses on the figure and ign0re·s the ground, he will be . .leas affected by the· attitude~ · annse~ a. .

I

·

0

Since the be·h av1oral a1epoa.1t1ons· of warriors a-n d leaders

:fn t:h~ Highland-a

of

New Guine~ ar~ of much importance and are

closely interrelated roles, some pred1ct1o·n a· can be- offered

about perSOlilS in theoae roles. and taeir beha·vio:ral manifeos tations j!n relation to the autoon 0mpus type.

a warr1on with autonomous f i:ght 1

t:o

attrib~te~

One could predict that

would not be afraid to

take a calcula-ted war' r1ak; or challenge a threat.

At the e_ame time, he .ts not the pt:lgnaciouar warri·or who 1a ready

. ...

~

.·

to. _plunge iintp a fight at· tne slightest injury, or accusation,

but r.a.t ner n1s· a,uecesa as a wArrior wi !l!l! lie w1 th h i! a mor-al

fairness, cal·c ulated dec·1.s -10na, clev.e rnees, and timely moves in

battle.

Nor 1s the

~utonemous

always with the heroes,

~or

pensonalfty type to be

eq~ated

he may or may not choose to be one •

.The· a~ utonomou·s war~rior (and usually v.1! llage leader) has the

rreedem t ·e choose his course of action in fighting, aa he has

±n other situations where independent thinking and action prevail. . Ari autonomous· 1nd1 vid\lal 'a tolerance for

externa.~

threats, physical diecomrorts ., a.nd eminent. dangers {qualities

of

good egG strength) make h.irg

B

valuable

a1nd

respected

fighter. .•

·Ma·n y of the auto.n0moua individual • s attributes found

w1tin a person 1n a succeaafu!l! warrr-11or· role ~eaderah:1:p

role 'in New Gtll.hea.

Read 1 a

(1959) specifically deals - ~1t~ the the- men

m~st

ar~

also founrev1ous~y

qu~ali ties

disc\:la sed

seem to be 11il genera l accord wll t fi

character~z~at1ona

for the autonom ous

..

type, ·and reveal the leader shlp attrib utes- w:h~~h- are suppor ted b~

a New Guinea cul t1;1ral grou-J!>. _· Read's cencep t of the ideal of

~'equivalence" seems to have the 1m-p11c 1t attri-b utes· er social·-·· ·· _sena1t 1!lll! ty 1 self-co nac1ou ane·aa 6 aoe1al empath y, and .ael~.-··'

.:·:

contro l which. have been pred1ct eu1lc:l1ng of a new

The nat! ve·

v~ll~ge house.

a common imatru mental task fer the women, and

a~ter

This ia

the house

76 ~a

completed, a feaet 1e

house bu1·ld1ng.

h~ld

for those who aaa1eted with the

The remaining four choice photographs have

been described on page 69 with criterion numbef five.

~lready

All of theae photographs selected for thia criteria stated. ram111ar, and

In eum, the

realiat~c

phot0graph~

~tudy m~t

the

represented natural,

village situations and included back·.

ground stimuli with the actors.

The photographs are represen-

tative of different kinds of common role situations and act1v1t1ea in each village.

Moat importantly, males, females,

and children from both villages were represented 1n the

adulta~

photographs.

] n addition, the subjects had an opportunity to

select a picture of their choice to diacuaa with the investigator. lagea~

While all of the situations were evident in both vi ill 1~waa

expected that the perceptions and cognitions held

by t.he subjects might be different between apecific ind1v1d-

uals, malea and females, and the adults and children in each ¥1!lla~e.

In th1a chapter, photography

w~a

discussed as one of the

pri_ncipal research instruments selected for the 1ntena1ve · comparative atudy of seventy-eight subjects from the two village groups.

Specific cr.1ter1a were used in the selection of

the photographs and a etandard method of administering the p1cturce to the subjects was followed in both villages.

The

central a-im for the use or the photographs waa to elicit perceptual and cognitive data from the aub.jec ta regarding

77 1nd1Y1dua l Dnd role behaviora l

~1epoaitiona

nooiocult ural informati on which are ~roblem

~elated

and

o~her

speo1f1o

to the o nt.t'al

and hypothese s under examinati on in thie study. In addition, other anthropol ogical and poyoholog iaol

m.e thods nnd technique s were used to study not only the sampled

group but other people in both Villages. included the following :

Some of these

m thods

1) participant -observation~ of daily

activitie s of the villagers , 2) apec1f1c observati ons of a1tua tj_ons similar to the photograp h ones, 3) etructure d and non -. structure d info·r mal interview s with in.d1v1d1uals and small groups. 4) spontaneo us role-plny ing of dif'f eront sooial role I

s!tuntion s and cultural practices ,

5) "opportun istic inter-

ventlona" ( 1. e .. , moving :t!nto on-going group si tu.a tiona in a non:i!ntru.s1ve tnanner to observe and interview t 'he actors about

an event or

1nc1d~ryt),

6) proceaa-r ecordinga of daily act1v-

1t1.ert and situation s with the villagera , 7) a queat1onn a1re

guide to obtain cognitive preferenc es and

i~ages

of the

villagers , and 8) the ndmin1str at1on of the Thematic Apperception Teat to selected subjects for c6mparat1 ve data with the photograp h response a.

These methods and t ·e chn·i que,s were oon-

s::t!dered valuable for obtaining informati 0n abou.t male-fell)a le . interacti on modes; secret sex knowledge a and akilla, kinship

and ge;_eolog ical relations hips, social organizat ional features, soc1al1za t1on practices , culture tices,

~ ntervillage

hi~tory

data, warfare prac-

relations hips, religious and social prac-

tices, and the gfrneral behaviora l tendencie s of the villag rs . .

CHAPTER V:

A COMPARATIVE VIEW OF THE TWO OADSUP VILLAGES! THE PHYSICAL SETTINGS, SOCIAL STRUCTURE, AND CULTURE HISTORIES In

orde~

to 6at the stage for a comparative analya1a and

d!acuaoion of the behavioral dispositions of two Oad8up grou oj

. •'

some important sett~ngaj

mate~1al

the aultur

featur a of th d~scription

and

muat be presented about the physical

h1st~r1ea, and the social organ zation 1

Arona and Akuna villagers. d~acusa1on

~C

a d tailed

aonspectu~ ~nd

d,

nhio reeeorch study and tho

aenbrai problem under investigation.. a general

11~,

of theae aspects would be de .

but this 1a beyond the scope

~rrer

Ide

It 1e rrri intention to

discussion of

the~e a~eas

eo the

reader oan obtain a comparative v'1ew 'or the two HQoial group6 ~ I

Moreover .. a

~eneral

ethno.g raphy

nd aoc.: tal structure analye1a

have been made of tbe Oadaup people by Brian dt:.t Toi t

1964) ~ ]

( 1,9 63,

How~ever. I mua t add that while there are area a of

agreement with aomc of du To1 t • a ma terlal > there are clearly areas of d1Ba,greernent 1n whioh mtv empirical ..r1nd1nga nnd oba r-

9at1ona would not be corroborative with h1s data. ~owever~

It

~a,

not my plan to d1ecuBs theae ar as of ngr ement or

disagreement 1n this essay.

..•, : '

79

.

~

..

The AkunB ' and Arona people were the two Qadoup gro~pB studied and are the qnly

~~llage

groupo to whom my findings

and the d!ecusslon will perta1n.2

These OndBup people reaid \

in the easternmost part of the Eastern Hdghlanda of the Australian Trust Territory of New Guinea.

The Akuna people live 1n a

southwesterly direction from the Aron.a villagers, and the latter live near the Kaaeam Pass and the Markham Valley.3

Both

village gr6upe speak the Gadsup language and rea~de in a cultural and territorial area with approximately 6,000 Gad3up inhabitants.

]

~ 1ved

first with the Akuna people for seven

mon.the and then resided with the Arona people .for five months . during the year of 1963-1964. The Akuna people_ numbering 267 {aee Table II), live in two sections of. the village which are referred to as the upper and lower Akuna divisions.

The village ia enclosed by a split-

log fence and. surrounded by a number of .g arden plots ""'h1ch are nestled on the aidea of grassland (p1dg1n-lruna 1) knolls. or on the slopes of cleared forest rioges .,

The Akuna people live

largely in a rolling grassland environment, except for a fore5ted area which borders one edge of the village.

They are

located near the central pBrt of the Arona Valley area whieh covers a large portion of the Gadeup country.

A w1nd1ng road

on one side of the village frequently brings European from Ka1nantu, UkBrumpa, and A1yura to Akuna.

trave~ers

This road baa

been in ex1atence for a long time and has brought the Akuna

.'

.

l

. ,•

TAB'L ! · I~I

.

;·

,' ~

COMPARATIVE CENSUS DATA OP THE:1. AKUNA AND ARON& VILLAGES 1

Vl t.i 1 ag· e & U_[~~ ts -

-

Ch il.d ren ~

Adu l:ts 1 Males -

-

-

- ---

I" -

--

---.- · -

·-- -

Adults

~

Ha~ les

Females -

-

P.ema1ea •

•

-

_._

. - --

.

~

To tal

· - No •. ;o•f Houa e Units

Total in·~

Child

Units

~

-

-·

-

-

" Akuna

Upper Unit

55 .

~6·

54

. 52

13 '68

Total•

109

1'4

68

27 .

136

66

65

108

217

50

23

50

13

131

.·...., ' (j)) '~"!!to"

. 63

267

~

Arqna

~.

43

32

75

' 18

8

21·

14

35

·1!!1!

19

64

46

110

Upper tlnit

20

· 23

21

ltl~

Lower Unit

z

14

6

27

37

27

To,tal.a I

-.

-- . -

-· - .

--

-

-

- - ...

- -_--

.. -. -

29 .

--

I

. '

1 children si:xteen- yeara of age and y.o·unger;l adults· over 1 'a i)(teen years of a~e "

.. ~ I

. •

;

''> • .•

a·~

..

.ileople 1!t:t fai r. ly contin·u ous contact w.ith Euro.pe·a n m1ss.to naries, governm ent officer s, medical personn el, agr1oulturalista~ :.

traders . teacher s, a.nd other Europe~n V1 ·8~ tors. o :t, ~:tre

The· Alrun.a

way

has · ch~nged eince the· f1r.e t m1se1o:n ar1ee made contaet .

.

.

v 1!th the· pe·o ple aretm~ 1923. . And. einee the pre -cc:>ntac t daye,

there have been other cha_n gea a:uch as

~-he

suppres sion of open

var.rare , the d1aappe arar-l"ce or_ the men t s hou-a es; the removal of

the high pal15~dee, and the alterati ons ~ n the style of the house·s.

t1ng

These changes have nGt only

or

alte~ed

the physlca i aet-

the people, but have brought about other kinds of

change-s 1!n thei-r se>cial life. l

The - ~

people are sedenta cy hortic-u ltural!a ts with

fa i!rly l!arge g.ard·ena which produc-e ·yield·a to supply their -daily

_,

s·ubs!st·e~ce

ne·eds, but with only a

nOmic eJtc!lang ee·.

margin~ ]

aurp::tus for eco-

In recent year a, the selling of coffee and

l umber have llrought the village rs e.G.me · ca~·h income, and several . . young men have been e.m·p leyed on the coast or locally .

Occa-

sionall y, a few pigs, chicken s.,

~nd

or to nearby Gadsup village rs.

During my stay in . the v.illage ,

goats are sold to Europea ns .

.

cows were ~troduced as a:Aother pote·nti al source of income· and

f.or f"aod S\lpplem e.nt6.• ~~ng

to the Arona people, there are 110 village rs

·(see Table II) l1v1hg 0n the tep ~~~-:~,1Cte ·-. . . _._

clan groups. · As ] have ind ~ca teu;t-. a pave, t ·h e ae · p~-t-r i~·:r~fi~~~ ~·~_re ,

•

.'

4.

~

t~e maJ0r warring . Wl1 ts of the village. la~d,

.

were active 1n marriage

~

-

•

'

•

•

- ; ,.;

,

•

•

-

•

"Moreo~er ~ ·they claimed,1_ · ·

arr~ngementa, · made

Joint

.

"'

t

deeiaions., were active in social gatherings, and -als.o claimed ownership

or

the s·a .cred flutes.

Prom the various -accountS' ·of

the Akuna people, it was apparent these clans were of .central r.

importance in their ]lives, and especially 1a political, warfare, -and some social activities.

'l!b.e-r e were ten nearby G.adsup c lal'l groups w1 th ·whom the Akuna .~ople interaeted on the ~aa ~ ~ or warfare, political a.c~i:VJ1t1es,

marr!age ties, 8Rd S0Ci.Ceremon1al I

acti!~1t1ea.

Two

•

ef these ciana., the _Iyonnt:Inokeno clan and the Nonorakeno clan,

which were

o~iginal ]~

frQm Wapepa village., have been important

groups to the Akuna people in marrlage and pol1t1c·a l matters.

-And from t ne culture

fii~tery,

there is a high probability the

Wapepa cla~na ~ especially the

are very old Gadaup

ela'n g'r .oups which have had a different patte~ ef d!aRersal and

migration from the Akuna clans. whem the

~na

people pr1nc1pall¥

The other elan groups with ~nteracted

...

~ol1t1cal

in the paat were

from lkana; Tompena, Ammo.mWlta., Onnamuna, and Kundana vil l ages.

--

...

. . ....

94 .·

Before speaking

or . ~he

Arona clans, a comment can be

made about the attittJde . of: the Mruna· people in d1scuaa·1 ne the Apparer:ltly:, at the t1me tf.le Akuna people were moving to

c] ona.

their present off1c~r

to

v.~llage

site, they were told by a government

atop all ·r nterclan. righting and become one big

united village group, namely, the Akuna people.

Consequently,

the people were extremely reluctant to discuss thein clans with me and several said:

"We were told by the government not. ·to

.s peak about different clans here, nor to .fight. between one another as we did f n the past.

So we had a big meeting some

years ago and now we say w.e - ..are al!JJ A.kunana and must not talk about our separate groupe [.c;lana]. If the government hears we are talking about our past groups, we w11 ] be put ~ n Jail." -~

~ted

~ nto·

Arona informants claim they were

group kriown as the

two divisions.:

the

Manama~no

Onapo~eno

·or~ ginally

one

clan which later splft

clan comprising the group

Wlder study and the Uronokeno claa composed of members :forming the Arona nucber one vlllage.lO

The Uronokeno ~lan was a ·

la;rger and stronger group than the OnaEokcno clan, and the former lived about a

~]e

several mountain ridg;es.

from tne latter group on the top There is a wel ] -known legend

or

a·r how

these two groups a·pl1t fr.om the old Mana.maken0 group because a big fight between ·two .tmpqrtctnt clan br-o thers.

Here again,

the v. ~ llagers tell how the name of Arona was given to them by a European hearing the prefiX of the Uronokeno group and

.· .

or

·.

:··

.:

• J•

;

. ...

'.:,. .

as·s ·u ming both tho Onapokeno and. U~onoxeno were one _group. However, both g_~o~ps ola ±m a separate b\lt related- social and cultural 1der.ltity, and they

pref·~r

te be recognized by out-

Bi_c:lers ~a autonomous v. j!llage gr"oupe. ·. Thus the a~udy group

prefers to .be known ae the Onapopa people. ....

:

In the pre-contact days, the Onapokeno clan and the Uron0keno clan generally maintained. ar-1

all .iance~

with one

another t .o p>rotect themselves during the warring period from·

the power.f.~l 1-ta~lfuam Valley., Tairora, Kapere (Gadsup), and lfundana ~oples.

Bat at tae ·eame time, these two c.lan group a

had .freq.u·e nt feuds and fo-u ght w1 th each other.

Nonetheless 1

the war-faJ;'e threats, marriage t ·ies, and a few social and pol:1! t1cal act.1v1t1e·s kept them· united . through the years .

the

~

clans, the Onapokeno group be-l i everahip oC the · parents o£ b0th the husband and w-ife {or wives). resic:lenc~

Th1B shifting of

oecurred large.ly dnr1ng intense f1ght1ng periods·, but

the praet.i ce waa also evide,nt for some mar~led couples regard- ·

less 0f warfare.

The culturally prescribed

pra~t1ce

was· for

·.

·.

the married couple to live 'wi~th the husband t a· household group tmti ll the Fiuslpand was ab~e to build his own house..

'residence

pra~. t1ce . wa~ · .

U.xorilocal

ev1clent with g per cent ef the Akuna

marr1i.g~s and 7 p~~ :-ce·n.t·;~·~·r{t·~~. -Arona marriage a. . Five per aent -

·· ·-:

" !.. ... . -

or the marri~ges had neoloc·a i --resid-e nce j!n both Village a. TGday, -the Aicuna men emph~t.1ca·ll~ ~tate they want their women.

to rcma1n ·1n the village, work . the· gardens, and not marry._ men rrom et·ner v.illages.

Mo~eover,

the rule of' clan exogamy pre-

ecr1bed ·in .the p~e-contact ·aays aeema to be gradually waning with some..

or

the rec.e nt marriage a in botfi villages.

At Akuna

v,~llag~ a few gil'l~ have rece-n tly married no·n -Gadaup men.

Wtth respect to tne form of marriage as

preaente~

in

Table IIl, ] 3 per cent ef the Akuna marriages were polygynous;

. S6 per -cent ~ere mQno.gamou~; and 1l! ·pe·r cent were unknown. contrast~

-41 per cent .of t~e Arona marriages w.e re · polygynous;

118 per cc.Rt were· me.

In

monogamou·~;

and l ill per ce!lt were unknown to

The art_thmet!c mean of the number or wive·s for the Akuna

men was 2.3 · which. wa.s computed for the ·marriage a. of the first arid

seco~ asce.nd~ng

number

or

gen.e rat1.on.

·w·i ves for the- Arona men was ~ .9 which covered the

~ame generatio~nal sp~n.

e~~teen

wi!.vea,.

and

~t

Accordingly 1 ·the mean of' the

wives

an~

One ef the Arona men, \ia·ioko had

several other Ar0na men had four ts eight

The maximum number of wives for the Alruna men watJ five,

wae .Pumpua who had the five wives.

There waa ala0

dence the Alruna· pe·o ple have had more ·monogamous marriages

ev ~ ­

sin~e

'•

..... :

. ....·

100 ·

contact with the miseionariee • . B~t aven prior to 6oritact with t'he mias1onar1ee 1 the Alruna peeple did ·no·t have aa many aa

~oted

~lves

for the Arona men.

mn consideratio n

of: other features of the social organ1-.

zat1on, I e·x plore.d with the 'l1!llagers their beliefs about arid

1 found the evidence to firmly

pl'actieea related to eubelans.

s·u b·s tantiate th1!a ass'\:Wled level of social

the patr1clans and the tionable.

pat~ilineages

organ~zat1on

be tween

quite limited and ques-

!£he vague and a.m b1guoua information from several

1nformant.e about the subclans was in sharp contrast with the .Alrunana • d1at1nct percept a · about tne1r "big clans'' and the patr111neage a.

thei ~

·Aronana' kn0w1e4ge about

At Akuna

v, ~ llage

the people a poke about "smaller clan group.s" who had interest i!n the la.nd and in the marriage_a of women groups. 11

l! ~k:e

the "big clan

As the Akuna people . apoke about these groups, ·they

were unable to trace the relat10nf:Jhip of the group members from a biological desaent basis; however, · t~ey ·indicated the groups ..

were united on the basis of the ideology of the

It ap~ared tG ·me the subclan runctlona and

descent principle. principle-~

~.lineal

of orgaruzat10n merged w.i th the ideology of the .

p~tr- 11!1!1 neage 1

.

but mast o·f

t~e

.

aub c Ian group ac ti v.1 ties and

central interests were aligned wltn the patr1clans. informants denied

t~e e~iatence

the clans and their

of .aubclana and spoke only of

patr ~!ineagea.

fr0m the Akuna villagers

The Arona

suggea~a

Therefore, while the data the exiatenc·e of subclans, r ·

· ··

.

~

reel the cfiaract.er, role, and

ror

bo~h

..

apecif~ c

functiona or

th~

subclan

VJ1llagers would need further 1nve&.t1gat1on and clar1-

. . ~~ cation before making a.ny aaae.r t1ve . etatemeata ·a bout them. pr~ncif)le

The

or

unilineal de·s cent

as

the

- ~deological

base tor social organization and for recognizing patr.111neagee as ~orporate · ( ~ .e., joint action and perpetual ·groups) was evf Named patr111neagea l n

dent with the Akuna and Arona people.

both

v~llages

were comprised of men and women who claimed

!"rom a traceable a·nd known agnatic ancestor, and wh1!ch,

desce~t

to me, vere 1.:1sually traceable relat1on.s h1pa. ideology of

some

pat.~.~ lineallty

not~ceable

existed

~h

t he v.illages, there were

differences :i!n the strength

the dogma of descent as wel] as

~n

·Although the

or

the ideology and

the behavioral .pract1ces

associated with· the villagera' beliefs.-

For I found the

strengtll of the beliefs and th·e pract1~ea related to the patr1-

] ineages o~

atro~er,

corporate

more viable, and having more concrete

behavio~

with the Arona people than the

~nde

~ns •

..

Today, and even more so

~n

the

past~

the Arona people's social

11:fe and intereat·s were strongly ce~tered upon the be !llie.fs and pract1~es

pat~cl~~

of their

patr1 1 1~eages.

But as 1nd1cateQ above, the

were impor t ant t o the Aronans for warfare and mar-

riage reasons; h0w.ever, these "reasons" eeemed to be v1ew.ed as · "necessities" for their survival while their

pat~111neage

activi ties had a mor·e endurl ng soc1opeycholog1cal interest and mea~

to the people.

In contraa·t , the Alcuna peopl.e gave

....·

102 . .: . · evjfd.etloe· t:J~ their . mo4~ . or group -aot1-on· (both poll tical and.. ~

aocial) being roc'~·a:e.d '1a.rgel;v. up~n their. ·:Patrie lana • . !n other. woros, . !lt appe·aree!l that the nature .

or

the s.e.gme·n ta 1nV.ol ved i! n ·I

•

·pol1t1eal ~nd aoc"ia ~ act_ioa a.nd the central: 1rrtereata o'f -the :. · . ·. ~ ... .

·.

.

two v.illage

gro~pa

were differe·n t. , and eo t!)e c·o ncomitant

behavior also revealed d1ffere·nc.ea :1!n ·acti-ons, attitudes, and

coneerns.

Furthermore, there was. evidence of .,genealogical

( _shall.e wnesa aDd geRerally lea a

in~er,eat

in giving precise . -::· ·

genealogfes with the Akuna than Arena peop!le.

most attentive to and

~nterested

in giv1!ng accurate genealogies,

and eve·n 1n trying to trace relat1onah1pa te m~mber·s.

The Aronans -w ere

th~· 1r.

.P atrician

But they were especially interested .i!n claiming e~aet

ties with ~he~n patrj_l~n~age. 1~) has 5U-gg~ste,d 6

it

Pe:rhaps as Langnesa -(1964:162-

has :b'een mere expedient for the A:kuna

people to maintain. a looser reckoning o.f _their exact genealogical ties in arder te

accommoda~e

non-agnatic

espec_1 al1:r inta their important patriclana ..

members~

For ·1 t · waa true,

the Akuna people were ·i nterested in m.a1ntatn1ng .

·._

large

wa~.r~re

-

gr·o upa and

the ~:n .pa trj! c·~ ans.

~n

tt

rec;ruiting· big .

and

stro~ an~ .

f1~tera

"

into

.

N.e ne the ;le sa~ 1 t · would have ·s ·e emed just a .a '

expedient (0~ more · so) for the· ·Arona peo.p le to maintain a loose .

.

.

reckoning af un1.l:l.nea1 deacel'lt for the survival of their am.all group. clai:m~ng ~a

The Arona ·peop l e were ·n a·t eeJ:>ec i ally interested ~n

non-agnatic members except for warfare purposes.

my belief that some

or

t'he c_ruc1al differeneea in the

It

103

villagers • behavior and group interests oa.n be round largely

~n

·. the psychological d1apoa1t1ons of the v. i! llage groups, and these

behavioral tendencies are· closely related to the actual warfare practices,. soc!al interests, and eoc1al organtzational emphases

round in e·a ch v1:).1age. or and

~his

This 1e, of oourse, an important theme

essay which w11 ] beco'tne more a·pparent in the d1acuaa1on

anal~ sis

of the data.

For example', patr1clan warfare

activities and offensive fighting practices were interest to the Akuna peo.ple in their

ll~ ~ea,

o~

their-

Conver·a ely ' · the Arona people ~ere more

·i nterested· 1!n the act1 v1!t1es of had to struggl.e

central

which was an

emlllently fitting behavioral d1apos1t1on fen' many "great 1'1ghtet's."

of

frequ~ntly

th~1r

pa-trilineagea, but· they

with the tnreata of warra.z:-e and t.he

actual .f.tghting mos.tly tl! n a defena1 ve manner. .

For the A.Fonan

.

social interests and behavioral tendencies were different and wot:1ld not support con·t1nuoua

aggre.~aive .

action.

At A:rona, sections of the village were designated for residence areas of the different

patr~l1neages

in

o ·~er.

to

rac1]1tate some of their collective social and economic activ,-

:!!ties.

There wer-e three

patr~ l1neagea

1n the upper Arona

eect1Gn and one l!1ne.age group 1J! the lower vill-age area.

Eae.h

patr111neage ge,nerally maintained amicable eocial and work

relationships . with members of · the1r group. . ceremo~al

Whenever cel"ta-1n

feasts occurred, the members of the patr111~eage .

.

usually worked as a corporate group by ahowi·ng Joint action i!n

1.04

ide nt the

] t was. ev g or !ood~. co lle cti ng , eo ok ing , and s~arin >ral, eo o1 al,. and geo eal ogi e!- 11 .gro up fe lt c 1l! oe ely bou nd by. ma was ] esa evi den ce or str on g tie s. At ~a vil lag e, the re and _the re we re no sp ec ifi c vi les iti tiv ac up gro age ine r~] pat ce rta in patr~] 1neage gro up e. lag e sec tio ns aea ign ate d fo~ mbers ef some pa tri cla na sti ll] Ra the r, the re w~a evi den ce or me natura l! ~¥ some j how eve r, the re we re er otp n a~ one ar ne 11·~1ng ng clo se tog eth er. l ine ag e and cla n membe.r s !l! lvi ArOna pat r11 1n eag ea hav e Al tao ug h the re ie evi den ce the de sce nt and ·hav.e shown more ma n1 fea ted a str on ge r dogma or

.lo ag

co lle cti ve gro up

a~tion

tha n the

were some ge ne ral fea tur es

~aere

.

.

~

pa tri l1n eag e.

c~mmon

eti ~]

to bo th vil lag es wh iah

re .more Mo st of the se ma.n 1fe eta t1o na· we tly fou nd in the nt·a~t day s tha n pre sen

can be .aum ma r.tz ed he re. app are.n.t in the '

pre-eo . .

Member~hip

int o the

p~tr111neage

was

d~t~rmined

by

tor . · wn ·aoo tra ce ab le com..mon anc e·a 0'1 elo g1,c al dea c.e nt frotri a · kno . . . f~ther's ·de a·c en t · the s wa im it cla nta ma for !.n , es lag vil th . In. bo ·aed fr0 m nt wi th Ju ral r1g hta be ing paa l ~t'ne wh ich wa·s 1.mpo:rt.a lag ers sai d the y w.o uld oft en the rat he r to the son . The vil the y bel on ged ·to the "li ne or ide nti fy the ms elv es by aay 1pg nd rat he r. Th is sen ior man " who wa s th eir · r .a the r or gra ~ ~~~· ig s fre qu en tly zspoken or as a "b wa and ct pe s re· h m~c 1n ld he wae lly his anc.es tra l s·p 1ri!lt )fa s us ua man or: the pa st" and if dea d, y vil lag ers apo.ke of' the sol1dar~t rea re.d a~d/o~ rea·pe c't ed . The more ap pa ren t w~tR ~he Aron~ was s thi t bu a, age ~ne r~] pat or the

The me·n 's.

peo.p le, now and · l n the ·past., t;nan the Akuna people.

house (Wt.la ?na l a·nd the male ~ n1 t1at1on .ri tee- .were- round 1!n be-t h -

From the villagers !

longer, and mere

hara_he~.,

riites were

group than the Arona people.

expressed

life-cycle

~n - other

- ~ere e~phasized

aceo~nts~

mere

aee·ret_i~e

ceremo~ea,

by ~atn111neage

with the J\]runa

Ar.oru~ pa~r111neage

·was very active and

both social units.

ceremon~ea; wher~as,

out

ceremonies

s~me

members and others

or

~atr1clans

~ fi1t1at1on

Patr1l!1nea] - group uni.t y wa-e ii'lao

patriclan members.,

pre-puberty

the male

by

For . exa·mple., the

~ n~ereated

1n ·b1rt'h and

patril ~ neagea

the Akuna

and

were active. 1n the male 1n!t1at1on and marriage There was evidence of collec·t1ve group action aa

cere.m on1ea.

the ¥ii!l!lagers pre.pared

for· and· carr! ed out the

speclfl!c

~ere·­

momes., ana w1t·h ·SFJec1.f1c duties and rol:ea for different m~mbers

or

the · patr111neage.

/Wfth respect to

bGth

v. ~ llages

ea1d: .

~ ineage

"Onl~

inheritance, the 1nfbrmants in

men can own land, and not the· women. •

WQmen work the gardena ~a-l,se,

~nd

claim the

•

4

r~ghts

to the fo0da they

but the ga-rden land doea not belong to them.

womaa marr~ea,

st.le is expected to wc::>rk in t 1he

husband and she- leaves her fat~er' s garden."

~ garden

When the

or

her

In addition to

the s0n 1nher~t1ng nts father's land, he was a1·a 0 giv.en the

fences, secret flute·s~ trees, cl:z:una., bows ·a nd arrows, a~nd other

pos-sessions ef his father. tat1on that the son

w,ou~d

Mor~over,

there w.as a_lao an . exp~c-_~

auc.c eed hie father in maintaining his

J

106 r~ghting skills and orator1oal -ab1]lt1es, but onl y through sel~-och!ev~ment

could these be realized. · ]n sum, patr111n-

eages were found

~n

both

~~llagea·

with

m~m~ers

claiming

d~eQent

frem a knewn and -traceab.le a.g natic ancestor. ~ Howev~er, the

strengtR

or

the dogma of descent and the behavioral pFaqticee

associated wil th the pat:r,l! !l!ineages varied in·- each v11J:ag~.

In

. the past ·?nd: today,· the _Arona -people gave more evidence of

atFonger

W11l ~neal

behavior

aaaoc ~ ated

descent b'e liefa and c·o rpora te kinds of gr.oup

with their patr111neages than the A:kuna

people. ]n the la·s t portion of this chapt-e r, let ua consider tne

cttruture histories and w·a rfare pract1oe·s of the Alcuna and Arona peopl.e .

The·r e are some 1mp6rtant comparative rea turea or the

· early social ] 1fe of the two worthy.

Turn~ng

~ut

~ire

gr9upa whtch are note-

first to t -h e Ar·ona peop1e., l learned they have

made twenty-two known . around their

~ ~ llage

movea · d~r1ng

_ terr1tor1a~ ho~e

the past four generations

baae.

This ah1.ft1ng of re.a 1dence,

remaining together as a group waa a predominant mode

for the Aranans

dur~ng

tQe

pr~-contact

daya.

or

MoreoV,er,

these group · mov-es were ·wel!l! known to the villagers-, for they were able to state the sequences 0f and c1rcwnstances _.for each . chang~ 1/n- re-s idence.

They satd their -r"1rst four· movea occurred

before the big fighting eaye with

th~

Markham people and were

made p!r1nc1pally for ne-w· hunting grounds to obtain wild game and bush rooas.

The next ten moves were made dur1ng the leng

·

-...

per.10d or time in w.h1cl'( the Arona :people afrld _·other a l lies .

.

· · · ·rought the l!>asamaa and Waikumba people from the ·Markham

Vall~y.

Taeee two large -and powerfu l Markham Val l ey groups stole wild foOds:' pi a, ·aM tre~.s from the Aronans .

fighting develop ed

. themsel ves

in~o

large wars

w ~ th neighbor~

Gradual ly; , the

an~ ~he

clan groupe.

Aronans aligned

The fighting wae

.~ .:-..violent : . . . and ce>ntinu . .ou.s .w.1 th tne Aronans aad other Gadeup groups ...

~

_ltGis1ng s.e veral of their people 1 later discove ring the Markham

pe·o ple had cooked and

extreme ly angry

w~~ H

cona~med

wi~h

-T he Aronana became

t he Dasama people, and so they began to

kill and eat the Markham pe.o ple.

fighting

them.

The AroRana believe their.'

the Markham groups was the moat abhorre nt,

vioieRt , and destruc tive kind of warfare they ever

pUrsued ~

Furth:er more 1 as the Aronana fought. the Markham people, they fGund themsel ves taking a defensi ve

poait~on

whdch often forced

them to move to new location s for protect ion.

They were fre-

guentiy buildin g ~v houses and replacin g those ~ardena which had been ae·at.roy ed 1n the fightin g.

The Aronana admit they were depende nt upon their neigh-

boring Gadaup clansme n to assist them

Markhama and other enemy groups.

~n

the fighting of the ·

But the Arona

v1llage~s

were

never certain they could depend upon these nearby Gadsup clans, for they had eften had

~eud~

.with theae · people.

Moreove r, the

.Ar0nnns had to depend upon thee·e clans t0 protect them from

the

~trong

and large KBpore# Kundana , and two Ta1rora gr0ups.

.·

.. . -

• 4" •

•

..

1~

.

. . . . '.... ,_

..

-' Thus 1 a·s the· .A_ronans fought the~e grc;l_up.s, they gene.ral ly ·took

....

.

.

a ·m ore defe·n el ve ._ ~ han of fen~! ve positio n, ·a nd ~oually rough~ mountai. nous r1dge8~• Mo.reove r., .. the Arona -. ;~ - · ,·.. ·· . , from tlle- ,top or the ~ -- ~emen a~d· older chi~dren wer~ · reported to have been active in _

in

- ·th~ ~1gh t ing~

.· When the wa~ra·re was fi-n ally suapretJ eed b Y,i the

Euro·gea na, the Arona peopl~ vere grea.t ly; relieve d; ~gain_, they

new forest sites

~1nd1ng

moved about

buah foods, a wat.e r

~or

supply, and good garden· ] and. F.rom th.e ethnohi story

of

the Arena people, ther.e are

several ~eature ·s s·u ggee41v e of p~t·nilocal banda as the Aronans • early

ro~

groups_,

fora~gers

4

•

••

..

er social

orga.n~zat1on

such ae the small mobile

populat ion de ns jlt !ies, low of wild foocta, . .

viroloc al residen ce, and the te.rr1to r1al movemen ts around the-ir home ·base.

Service ~ 1962: 101-5.0 ) bel1~ves the patri! local banda

to have· ·be·en thf! early or generic structu ral! rorm or arga.n iza.

.

t ~Gn ·o f peoples· during the Paleoli thic -and he attempt s to shaw

i!n M s :work that both the "fam~ ~1al n and " .c omposit e band" .

.

levels of a:ociC?ci :.tltural 11)tegra t1on were b.rough_t about; by .

.

·C·h a,n ges fFem

po·st~European

band struct~·a.

contact s on the former patr1.lo cal

More recentl! ~ 1. Owens (1965:6 75-90) has dis~

c-u ssed f:JOme · of the cond1 t1ons fo-r th~ formati on and mainten ance

or patrilo cal banda as w~ll as the ~mpl1cat1ons ~f t~s type of s .e clal groupin g.

caaract er1at1c s

He offe.rs tbe

i'ollow~ag

er patrilo cal bands:

summary

o~

the

~ajor

.

.· _.;..

Al ll -Patrilocal ba~~a. sha·ra ._ a ·- number -or charae.t er_istics ·. .All! · are . ·rorageFS"'" "for w~i~d f _o oda, are s·mall in aba.olut~. .,·, . 81ze ··(30-100+ tndlvidual·e), ·have l-0\11 to extremal¥ lQW ·. . pop~lat1.on dens! ties ( 1-s·o e~quare .1~ilea ~r person} 1. : lack acy b>ut-. sex Bfld age apecla 1 ti-e B i and all pre at:im- ~~ , . ·· · _ a~.ly hav·e m~n-1til:ai te·c llnGlqg1cal development. Furt~her ,. · _. . · .~ . :._.: · . _terr.·1tor1al1~y tends -teward the "home-base ~' variety, _ ~ - --· ·~ .·.. with relat1.v ely .fluid bQund-a riea, non-kinship aod·~l1t1es · ~· ·_~ ·a·re. absent 0r we·akly developed, ar:1d leadership (such as: ·. g ure. The pre-eminent · ~: _.: ";..