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Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art Taking the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas episodes as a focal point, this study examines how visual representations of two of the most compelling and related Christian stories engaged with changing devotional and cultural ideals in Renaissance and Baroque Italy. This book reconsiders depictions of the ambiguous encounter of Mary Magdalene and Christ in the garden (John 20:11–19, known as the Noli me tangere) and that of Christ’s post-Resurrection appearance to Thomas (John 20:24–29, the Doubting Thomas) as manifestations of complex theological and art theoretical milieus. By focusing on key artistic monuments of the Italian Renaissance and Baroque periods, the authors demonstrate a relationship between the rise of skeptical philosophy and empirical science, and the efficacy of the senses in the construction of belief. Further, the authors elucidate the differing representational strategies employed by artists to depict touch, and the ways in which these strategies were shaped by gender, social class, and educational level. Indeed, over time St. Thomas became an increasingly public—and therefore masculine—symbol of devotional verification, juridical inquiry, and empirical investigation, while St. Mary Magdalene provided a more private model for pious women, celebrating, mostly behind closed doors, the privileged and active participation of women in the faith. The authors rely on primary source material—paintings, sculptures, religious tracts, hagiography, popular sermons, and new documentary evidence. By reuniting their visual examples with important, often little-known textual sources, the authors reveal a complex relationship between visual imagery, the senses, contemporary attitudes toward gender, and the shaping of belief. Further, they add greater nuance to our understanding of the relationship between popular piety and the visual culture of the period.

Erin E. Benay is Assistant Professor of Renaissance and Baroque Art at Case Western Reserve University, USA. Lisa M. Rafanelli is Professor of Art History at Manhattanville College, USA.

VISUAL CULTURE IN EARLY MODERNITY Series Editor: Allison Levy A forum for the critical inquiry of the visual arts in the early modern world, Visual Culture in Early Modernity promotes new models of inquiry and new narratives of early modern art and its history. We welcome proposals for both monographs and essay collections which consider the cultural production and reception of images and objects. The range of topics covered in this series includes, but is not limited to, painting, sculpture and architecture as well as material objects, such as domestic furnishings, religious and/or ritual accessories, costume, scientific/medical apparata, erotica, ephemera and printed matter. We seek innovative investigations of western and non-western visual culture produced between 1400 and 1800.

Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art Interpreting the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas

Erin E. Benay and Lisa M. Rafanelli

ROUTLEDGE

Routledge

Taylor & Francis Group

LONDON AND NEW YORK

First published 2015 by Ashgate Publishing Published 2016 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business Copyright © Erin E. Benay and Lisa M. Rafanelli 2015

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. Erin E. Benay and Lisa M. Rafanelli have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as the authors of this work. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows: Benay, Erin E., author. Faith, gender and the senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque art: interpreting the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas / By Erin E. Benay and Lisa M. Rafanelli. pages cm. — (Visual culture in early modernity) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-1-4724-4473-8 (hardcover: alk. paper) 1. Christian art and symbolism—Italy— Renaissance, 1450–1600. 2. Senses and sensation in art. 3. Sex role in art. 4. Noli me tangere (Art) 5. Jesus Christ—Appearances—Art. 6. Thomas, Apostle, Saint, active 1st century—Art. 7. Touch—Religious aspects—Christianity. 8. Sex role—Religious aspects—Christianity. I. Rafanelli, Lisa M., author. II. Title. N8180.B42 2015 704.9’48530945—dc23

ISBN 9781472444738 (hbk)

2014042809

Contents

List of Illustrations   Notes on Authors   Preface   Acknowledgments   Introduction   1

vii xiii xv xvii 1

Verifying the Resurrection: St. Mary Magdalene and St. Thomas at the Intersection of Word and Image, c. 400–1300  

17

2

Mary Magdalene as a Model of Piety in Mendicant Art  

59

3

The Doubting Thomas and Franciscan Renewal in the Early Renaissance  

97

4 “Toccate il vero”: Evidence, Belief and Images of the Doubting Thomas in the Public Eye   5

6

123

The Decorum of Touch: Private Devotional Images of St. Mary Magdalene and the Noli me tangere in Central and Northern Italy  

147

Experiencing Faith after the Reformation  

177

Conclusion  

229

Bibliography   Index

235 265

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List of Illustrations

Color Plates

1 Santi Buglioni (attr.), Noli me tangere, glazed terracotta, 1530–1540, Museo del Bargello, Florence (Inv. Robbiane, No. 57). (Photo credit: Scala/White Images/ Art Resource, NY)

6 Caravaggio, Doubting Thomas, 107 cm x 146 cm, oil on canvas, c. 1602, Stiftung Schlösser und Gärten Sanssouci, Potsdam. (Photo credit: bpk, Berlin: Gerhard Murza/Art Resource, NY) Black and White Figures

2 Giorgio Vasari, Incredulity of St. Thomas, oil on canvas, 1572, Guidacci Chapel, Santa Croce, Florence. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY)

1 Verifying the Resurrection: St. Mary Magdalene and St. Thomas at the Intersection of Word and Image, c. 400–1300

3 Andrea del Verrocchio, Incredulity of St. Thomas, 230 cm, bronze with some gilding, 1467–1483, Orsanmichele, Florence. (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY)

1.1 Anonymous, Sarcophagus of St. Celso, marble, late fourth–early fifth century, Santa Maria dei Miracoli presso San Celso, Milano. (Photo credit: Angela Baila. Courtesy of Padre Don Diego, Santuario di Santa Maria dei Miracoli presso San Celso, Milano)

4 Correggio, Noli me tangere, 130 cm x 103 cm, oil on canvas (transferred from panel), c. 1525, Museo del Prado, Madrid (Inv. No. 111). (Photo credit: Museo Nacional del Prado/Art Resource, NY) 5 Caravaggio, Conversion of Mary Magdalene, 97.7 cm x 132.7 cm, oil and tempera on canvas, c. 1598, Detroit Institute of the Arts, Detroit. (Photo credit: Detroit Institute of the Arts, USA/Gift of the Kresge Foundation and Mrs. Edsel B. Ford/The Bridgeman Art Library)

1.2 Anonymous, Myrrhophores, mosaic, early sixth century, San Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna. (Photo credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY) 1.3 Anonymous, Incredulity of Thomas, mosaic, early sixth century, San Apollinare Nuovo, Ravenna. (Photo credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY) 1.4a and 1.4b Anonymous, Incredulity of St. Thomas and Moses and the Law, ivory, late tenth century, Preussischer

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Kulturbesitz, Skulpturensammlung, Berlin (Inv. Nos. 8505, 8606). (Photo credit: bpk, Berlin/Art Resource, NY) 1.5 Anonymous, Bronze doors of St. Michael’s Church, 4.72 m x 1.15 m, bronze, c. 1008–1015, Cathedral of St. Mary, Hildesheim, Germany. (Photo credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY) 1.6 Detail, bronze doors of St. Michael’s Church. (Photo credit: Bildarchiv Foto Marburg/Dom-Museum Hildesheim/ Frank Tomio/Art Resource, NY) 1.7 Anonymous, Gospel Book of Otto III, Noli Me Tangere and Incredulity of Thomas, folio height 35.6 cm, tempera on vellum, c. 998–1000, Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek, Munich, CLM 4453, folio 251r. (Photo credit: Foto Marburg/ Art Resource, NY) 1.8 Anonymous, Incredulity of St. Thomas, 85 cm x 60 cm, Psalter-Hours, gold and tempera on parchment, last quarter of the thirteenth century, British Library MS. Harley 2930, fol. 115, First Canticle: Confitebor. (Source: British Library) 1.9 Tino di Camaino, Tomb of Cardinal Petroni, marble, 1318, Siena Cathedral, Siena. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 2 Mary Magdalene as a Model of Piety in Mendicant Art 2.1 Anonymous, Reliquary of St. Mary Magdalene, c. late thirteenth century, Saint-Maximin-la-sainte-Baume, France. (Photo credit: Pascal Robin. Courtesy of Paroisse sainte-Marie-Madeleine) 2.2 Guido da Siena, Crucifixion, 65.1 cm x 96.5 cm, tempera and gold on panel, Yale University Art Gallery

(Early European Art, 1871.2). (Photo credit: Yale University Art Gallery) 2.3 Master of the Magdalene, Altarpiece, St. Mary Magdalene and Scenes from Her Life, 164.5 cm x 57.6 cm, tempera on wood, 1280, Galleria dell’Accademia, Florence (Inv. No. 8466). (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 2.4 Unknown follower of Giotto, Scenes from the Life of Mary Magdalene, fresco, 1315–1320, eastern wall of Magdalene Chapel, Lower Church of San Francesco, Assisi. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 2.5 Detail, Noli me tangere, eastern wall, Magdalene Chapel. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 2.6 Detail, Bishop Pontano and Mary Magdalene, eastern wall, Magdalene Chapel. (Photo credit: Gianni dagli Orti/ The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY) 2.7 Giotto, Noli me tangere, fresco, c. 1305, Cappella degli Scrovegni nell’Arena, Padua. (Photo credit: Scala/ Art Resource, NY) 2.8 Donatello, Penitent Magdalene, 188 cm, wood, c. 1457, Museo dell’Opera del Duomo, Florence. (Photo credit: Alfredo dagli Orti/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY) 2.9 Workshop of Fra Angelico, Noli me tangere, 166 cm x 125 cm, fresco, c. 1445, Cell 1, Convento di San Marco, Florence. (Photo credit: Erich Lessing/ Art Resource, NY) 2.10 Fra Angelico, Saint Dominic at the Foot of the Cross, 340 cm x 206 cm, fresco, 1441–1442, Convento di San Marco, Florence. (Photo credit: Scala/ Art Resource, NY)



2.11 Fra Angelico, Crucifixion and Saints, 550 cm x 950 cm, fresco, 1441– 1442, Chapter Room, Convento di San Marco, Florence. (Photo credit: Scala/ Art Resource, NY) 2.12 Garden Chapel, Ospizio della Maddalena, Le Caldine. (Photo credit: Lisa M. Rafanelli) 2.13 Fra Bartolommeo, Noli me tangere, fresco, 1517, Garden Chapel, Ospizio della Maddalena, Le Caldine. (Photo credit: Lisa M. Rafanelli) 2.14 Luca della Robbia (or Giovanni della Robbia), Noli me tangere, terracotta, 1505–1510 or 1520–1530, Chiostrino dei Morti, Santa Maria Novella, Florence. (Source [last accessed 18/09/2014]: http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/ File%3AChiostro_dei_morti%2C_ cappella_del_noli_me_tangere_di_ giovanni_della_robbia_02.JPG) (Photo credit: I, Sailko, GFDL, www.gnu.org/ copyleft/fdl.html, or CC-BY-SA-3.0, http://creativecommons.org/licenses/bysa/3.0, via Wikimedia Commons) 2.15 Santi Buglioni (attr.), Noli me tangere, glazed terracotta, 1520–1525, Museo del Bargello, Florence (Inv. Robbiane No. 19). (Photo credit: Scala/ White Images/Art Resource, NY)

List of Illustrations

ix

Fratrum Minorum, frontispiece, Figura Arboris Conformitatum S. Francisci cum Domino Iesu, 1510. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 3.3 Taddeo Gaddi, Incredulity of St. Thomas, 48 cm x 44 cm, tempera and gold leaf on walnut panel, 1330–1335, from dismantled sacristy cupboard, Santa Croce, Florence. (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 3.4 Taddeo Gaddi, Verification of Francis’s Stigmata, 41 cm x 36.5 cm, tempera and gold leaf on walnut panel, 1330–1335, from dismantled sacristy cupboard, Santa Croce, Florence. (Photo credit: Finisel/Alinari, Art Resource, NY) 3.5 Zanino di Pietro, Incredulity of St. Thomas, tempera on panel, c. 1395, Sanctuary of the Beato Sante, Mombaroccio. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 3.6 Giovanni Battista Cima da Conegliano, Incredulity of St. Thomas, 294 cm x 199.4 cm, oil on panel, 1502– 1504, National Gallery, London. (Photo credit: National Gallery, London)

3 The Doubting Thomas and Franciscan Renewal in the Early Renaissance

3.7 Giovanni Battista da Faenza, The Incredulity of Saint Thomas, 103.5 cm x 166.4 cm, oil on wood, c. 1500–1515, National Gallery, London. (Photo credit: National Gallery, London/Art Resource, NY)

3.1 Giotto (attr.), Verification and Death of St. Francis, fresco, 1290–1305, Upper Church, San Francesco, Assisi. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY)

3.8 Stefano dell’Arzere, Altarpiece, oil on canvas, 1543, Obizzi Chapel, San Tommaso, Albignasego. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay)

3.2 Anonymous, Analecta Franciscana Sive Chronica Aliaque Varia Documenta Ad Historiam

4 “Toccate il vero”: Evidence, Belief and Images of the Doubting Thomas in the Public Eye

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Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

4.1 Anonymous, Incredulity of St. Thomas, fresco, c. late fourteenth century, Palazzo Pretorio, Scarperia. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 4.2 Giovanni Toscani, Incredulity of St. Thomas, tempera on panel, 1419–1420, Galleria dell’Accademia (Inv. 1890 n. 457). (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 4.3 Paolo Uccello, Incredulity of St. Thomas (as reproduced in the Codex Rustici), fresco, 1435, originally on the façade of San Tommaso, Florence. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 4.4 Bicci di Lorenzo, The Doubting Thomas, 1439, fresco, fifth chapel of southern tribune, Santa Maria del Fiore, Florence. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 4.5 Mariano del Buono, Statutes of the Otto di Guardia, frontispiece, Incredulity of St. Thomas, 1479, Archivio di Stato, Florence, Ordinamenti degli Otto, c 4v. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 4.6 Pier Francesco Fiorentino, Incredulity of St. Thomas with St. Jerome, fresco, 1490, Palazzo Pretorio, Certaldo. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 5 The Decorum of Touch: Private Devotional Images of St. Mary Magdalene and the Noli me tangere in Central and Northern Italy 5.1 Correggio, Reclining Magdalene, 1522, formerly Dresden, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Staatliche Kunstsammlungen. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 5.2 Titian, Penitent Magdalene, 84 cm x 69.2 cm, oil on panel, c. 1531–1535,

Galleria Palatina, Pitti Palace, Florence. (Photo credit: Nimatallah/Art Resource, NY) 5.3 Titian, Noli me tangere, 110.5 cm x 91.9 cm, oil on canvas, 1509–1512/1515, National Gallery, London (NG 270). (Photo credit: National Gallery, London/Art Resource, NY) 5.4 Bronzino, Noli me tangere (based on lost cartoon of Michelangelo), 172 cm x 134 cm, oil on panel, 1531–1532, Casa Buonarroti, Florence (Inv. No. 1890 n. 6302). (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 5.5 Anonymous, Venus and Adonis Sarcophagus, marble, late second century, Palazzo Ducale, Mantua. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 5.6 Titian, Pietà, 378 cm x 347 cm, oil on canvas, 1575, Gallerie dell’Accademia, Venice. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 6 Experiencing Faith after the Reformation 6.1 Guido Reni, Saint Mary Magdalene, 175 cm x 135 cm, oil on canvas, c. 1627, private collection. (Photo credit: DeA Picture Library, Art Resource, NY) 6.2 Francesco Salviati, Doubting Thomas, oil on canvas, c. 1547, Musée du Louvre, Paris (Inv. No. 593). (Photo credit: Gianni dagli Orti/The Art Archive at Art Resource, NY) 6.3 Bronzino, Noli me tangere, 289 cm x 194 cm, oil on wood, 1561, Musée du Louvre, Paris (Inv. No. 130). (Photo credit: Erich Lessing/Art Resource, NY) 6.4 Lavinia Fontana, Noli me tangere, 80 cm x 65.5 cm, oil on canvas, 1581,



Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence (Inv. 1890, No. 1383). (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 6.5 Federico Barocci, Noli me tangere, oil on canvas, 1590, Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence (Inv. 1890, No. 798). (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 6.6 Cesare Nebbia, Doubting Thomas, fresco, c. 1595, Cappella Papale, Lateran Palace, Rome. (Photo credit: Erin E. Benay) 6.7 Caravaggio, Penitent Magdalene, 122 cm x 98 cm, oil on canvas, c. 1594–1595, Doria Pamphilj Gallery, Rome. (Photo credit: Alinari/Art Resource, NY) 6.8 Bernardino Luini, The Magdalene, 58.8 cm x 47.8 cm, oil on panel, c. 1525, National Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. (Photo credit: NGA)

List of Illustrations

xi

6.9 Caravaggio, Ecstasy of Mary Magdalene, 106.5 cm x 91 cm, oil on canvas, 1606, Musee des Beaux-Arts, Bordeaux, France. (Photo credit: RMNGrand Palais/Art Resource, NY) 6.10 Caravaggio, Entombment of Christ, 300 cm x 203 cm, oil on canvas, 1602, Pinacoteca Vaticana, Rome. (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 6.11 Guercino, Incredulity of St. Thomas, 115.6 cm x 142.5 cm, oil on canvas, 1621, Pinacoteca, Vatican Museums, Vatican State. (Photo credit: Scala/Art Resource, NY) 6.12 Mattia Preti, Doubting Thomas, oil on canvas, National Museum la Valletta Malta. (Photo credit: Gianni dagli Orti/ Art Resource, NY) Conclusion C.1 Apple iPhone advertisement, 2007

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Notes on Authors

Erin E. Benay is Assistant Professor of Southern Renaissance and Baroque Art at Case Western Reserve University, Ohio. Her research examines the relationship of empiricism and the senses to early modern painting, the history of collecting in seventeenth-century Europe and global currents of exchange and mobility in early modern cultural history. She has published essays in Arte Veneta, Caravaggio: Reflections and Refractions (Ashgate 2014), Open Arts Journal, among others. Her next book (under contract with Giles) will focus on Caravaggio’s Crucifixion of St. Andrew at the Cleveland Museum of Art and reveals the ways in which imperial movement in part obfuscated “original” locations of production, collection and consumption, in this case between Italy and Spain. Benay’s current research project, Italy by way of India: Routes of Devotional Knowledge in the Early Modern Period will consider how travel between Italy and South Asia complicated the iconological construction of saints’ lives. Lisa M. Rafanelli is Professor of Italian Renaissance Art History at Manhattanville College in Purchase, New York. Her research interests include the relationship of early modern feminist theory to the visual arts, the thematization of the senses in sixteenth-century European art, and the reception of the European Renaissance in modern American culture. She has published essays in Comitatus, Critica d’Arte, IKON, Mary Magdalene Iconographic Studies from the Middle Ages to Baroque (Brill 2012), Sense and the Senses in Early Modern Art and Cultural Practice (Ashgate 2012) and To Touch or Not to Touch? Interdisciplinary Perspectives on the “Noli me tangere” (Peeters 2013), among others. Together with Erin Benay, she recently coedited a special edition of the Open Arts Journal, Issue 4: “Touch Me, Touch Me Not” (Winter 2014–2015). Rafanelli’s current research project explores the legacy of Michelangelo’s Pieta in contemporary culture.

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Preface

In December of 2009, Leuven, Belgium, along with many other cities in Western Europe and North America, experienced an unprecedented snowfall that brought holiday transport to a standstill and stranded travelers at airports for as many as five days. Among those grounded in the idyllic Belgian town were the authors of this volume. Invited by Drs. Barbara Baert and Reimund Bieringer to participate in a four-day colloquium hosted by the Iconology Research Group, we had gathered with scholars from around the world at the Katholieke Universiteit to discuss “Noli me tangere: New Interdisciplinary Perspectives.” Although we had previously met at meetings of the College Art Association and knew of each other’s work, we had never discussed the possibility of a future collaboration. Nonetheless, as we hunkered down in the snowy hamlet of Leuven, Belgian beers and piles of moules frites aplenty, the idea for this book materialized. In the years preceding the Leuven conference, we had both completed our dissertations and begun to make the necessary revisions in order to publish these projects in their entirety. Lisa Rafanelli’s dissertation, The Ambiguity of Touch: Saint Mary Magdalene and the “Noli me tangere” in Early Modern Italy (New York Univ., 2004) considers how Renaissance theories of sense perception and evolving understandings of gender inform depictions of the ambiguous encounter of Mary Magdalene and Christ in the garden (John 20:11–19, known as the Noli me tangere). Erin Benay’s dissertation, The Pursuit of Truth and the Doubting Thomas in the Art of Early Modern Italy (Rutgers Univ., 2009) suggests the ways in which representations of Christ’s post-Resurrection appearance to St. Thomas (John 20:24–29, referred to as the Doubting Thomas) gave visual form to epistemological shifts in doubt, reason, belief and physical (sensorial) experience. As the snow fell, and we talked, it became apparent that our topics were inherently and fundamentally linked. No two Passion iconographies convey more poignantly the individual’s quest for knowledge and faith, and the human inclination to investigate the world through the sensorium. Elegantly balanced against one another in the Gospel of John, the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas are a scriptural paradigm—thematizing the universality

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of faith and the complementarity of the roles to be played by both male and female believers. Central to both of our respective studies was the realization that the depiction of somatic experience—especially touch—was probably the most highly differentiated (and often provocative) aspect of pictorial representations of both subjects, and that this was especially apparent in the Renaissance and Baroque periods. We were surprised that neither this issue, nor the seemingly natural “pairing” of the Noli me tangere and Incredulity of St. Thomas more generally, had been investigated in the scholarly literature. Presumably, this is due in part to the fact that the two subjects do not systematically appear as a pair in the visual or verbal cultures of the early modern period. Nevertheless, as we hope this book will demonstrate, there is much to be gained from studying the two image types in tandem. Of course, once air traffic returned to normal, we faced logistical hurdles, with Lisa based in New York City and Erin in Cleveland. We quickly decided, however, that while it would be relatively easy to assemble our material into two autonomous essays, or to alternate the authorship of chapters, such a solution would inadequately challenge the reader to consider the implications of the comparison of these images. The result is a genuinely coauthored book, in which our scholarship has been woven together into a more fluid, readable, and we hope usable, volume. In so doing, we have both contributed enormously to the content, ideas and writing of the entirety of this book, rather than parsing out our respective areas of specialization. This is an unconventional approach in the humanities more generally and in the field of art history in particular. Indeed, in striving toward a coherent, collaboratively written whole, we have asked questions of each other—and ourselves—that have allowed us to rethink previously held assumptions, and to deepen our understanding of the development of devotional art in the Italian Renaissance and Baroque periods. As a result of working collaboratively, we have stripped superfluous details and tiresome digressions from our work in order to arrive at what we hope readers agree is a clean and persuasive narrative about the pairing, divergence and trajectories of two of the least understood and most universally compelling image types in early modern religious art.

Acknowledgments

The authors would like to thank Case Western Reserve University and Manhattanville College and the Manhattanville College Department of Art History for their generous subvention of the publication of this volume. We would also like to thank the many individuals and organizations that supported the development of this project, from its earliest iteration as a set of two dissertations to its current form as a cohesive monograph. Because the coauthored monograph is not a conventional format in the discipline of Art History, we are particularly grateful to the many scholars who saw in this endeavor the potential to achieve a greater degree of collaborative work than is the norm in the Humanities today. We would like to especially thank Drs. Barbara Baert, Reimund Bieringer, Kathleen Weil-Garris Brandt, Keith Christiansen, Karlijn Demasure, Yvonne Elet, Michelle A. Erhardt, Siv Tove Kulbrandstad Walker, Todd A. Marder, Sarah McHam, Amy M. Morris, Glenn W. Most, Lorenzo Pericolo, Catherine Puglisi, Felicity Ratté, Kandice Rawlings, Alice E. Sanger, Victor Schmidt, Jon Seydl, David Stone, Erik Thunø and Patricia Zalamea for their thoughtful feedback—at many different stages—about the material contained in the chapters herein. We are grateful to the College Art Association, the Iconology Research Group, the Renaissance Society of America, and the Sixteenth Century Society for the opportunities these institutions afforded us to air many of the ideas discussed in this book. Liz Kurtulik at Art Resource was invaluable in facilitating the reproduction of images. We are particularly grateful to Erika Gaffney at Ashgate for her advice and support. Finally, this book would not have been possible without the patience, care and love of our family and friends, who surely prevented us from succumbing to our own “doubting Thomases” within. Thank you Diana Bramham, Megan Cifarelli, Franca Carrieri, Roxanne Caruso, Matthew and Ari Feinberg, Vincenzo Franceschelli, Hector Gonzalez, Vanessa Hildebrand, Laura Morowitz, Ken and Marie Rafanelli, Ken Schneck and Jaime Tanner. We would like to dedicate this book to Phyllis Benay and to Isabella and Liliana Rafanelli-Gonzalez, who are—in ways both large and small—our inspiration.

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Introduction

Throughout scripture we are told about the healing, revivifying and enlightening effects of Christ’s touch. Christ was, however, notoriously unpredictable when it came to being touched by others. Alternately welcoming or standoffish, he allowed an unnamed female sinner to anoint his feet with precious perfumes at the house of Simon the Pharisee, only to reject the touch of his closest female disciple, Mary Magdalene, when she saw him for the first time after the Resurrection. Days later, after entering a room through locked doors, Christ invited his incredulous apostle, Thomas, to touch his wounds, but then admonished him moments later for needing such sensory proof. Christ’s ambivalent reactions to touch may appear dichotomous, but appearances can be deceiving. Ultimately, his seemingly contradictory responses affirm what is the central paradox of Christian belief: Christ was both a man, intrinsically touchable and visible, and God, untouchable and unknowable. Biblical, hagiographic and artistic accounts compel believers to confront, if not embrace, this ambiguity. A fuller understanding of the mysteries of faith is in fact only attained when the believer engages with uncertainty and duality—male and female, vision and touch, faith and doubt, disguise and revelation, public and private. Interest in such binaries flourished during the Renaissance and Baroque periods, when the dawn of the age of Humanism and the return of an emphatically incarnational theology urged the faithful to celebrate Christ’s humanity, and by extension their own. There was a renewed appreciation of male (and to a lesser extent female) intellectual accomplishment and potential. The rise of scientific inquiry also placed new trust in empirical experience. In the visual arts, these interests play out in some rather well-known ways. Mimesis or naturalism in both anatomy and expression replaced formality and hieratic scale as representational norms. Organizational schema such as linear perspective rationalized pictorial space and encouraged viewers to imagine and accept the fictional reality of the painted surface as an extension of their own physical environment. These innovations were perceived visually, but appealed to the full sensorium of the beholder who was urged to recall their own bodily, sensory experiences by gazing upon, for example, the tender

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Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

way that the Christ child caressed his mother’s cheek, the evidence of acrid smells conjured by the reactions of onlookers to the Raising of Lazarus, or the sound of the spoken word, perhaps voiced in prayer in front of images of the archangel Gabriel alighting before Mary. For painters and sculptors tasked with creating images of Christ, there were new challenges. The shift away from more iconic representations of the Savior toward naturalism meant that artists had to find ways somewhat less supernatural than a mandorla, or body-halo, to convey Christ’s divinity. Often this was accomplished through the choice of subject: stories (istorie) were depicted with recognizable settings and characters, and focused on moments of naming or recognition of Christ as the Messiah, such as the Baptism of Christ, Annunciation, Adoration of the Magi or Last Supper. Although not previously acknowledged to function in this context, Christ’s post-Resurrection appearances to Sts. Mary Magdalene and Thomas are also significant “recognition subjects” right for the moment. Unlike representations of the Baptism, Annunciation, Adoration or Last Supper, however, the episodes drawn from the Gospel of John that came to be known as the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas (or, alternatively, the Incredulity of St. Thomas) openly confront questions about the persistence of doubt in the quest for faith, and the efficacy and limitations of the sensorium in ascertaining truth— questions that powerfully resonated in the humanistic context of the early modern period. Because these subjects so pointedly engage both male and female experience, we must also add to this list questions wrought by gender difference. Christ first appears to the Magdalene—a woman—in the guise of a gardener and she does not recognize him. When she hears him call her name, however, she identifies him as “Rabboni,” or teacher. Christ responds, “noli me tangere” (“do not touch me”), although it is not clear whether this seeming desire not to be touched is meant literally or as a metaphor, or if she had attempted to touch or not. When she tells the male disciples the news of what she witnessed, she declares, “I have seen the Lord” (John 20:11–18, emphasis added). The Noli me tangere episode has posed a challenge to theologians since at least the fourth century. The exact nature of the encounter is unclear; nor is it clear why Christ would reject his follower. Mary Magdalene’s unique privilege was also troubling to the early Church in other ways. How could deeply held beliefs about the untrustworthiness, intellectual and legal incapacity of women be reconciled with the opportunity afforded the saint as the first and solitary witness to Christ’s Resurrection, not to mention her role as “apostle to the apostles”? The episode of the Doubting Thomas presents a similarly paradoxical picture of the nature of belief, this time with respect to a specially privileged male saint. Thomas’s absence during Christ’s first appearance to the apostles leaves him at a perceived disadvantage, and thus he incredulously proclaims that unless he sees Christ for himself, unless he touches the wounds, he will not believe that Christ has risen from the grave. When Christ pays the apostle

Introduction

3

a special visit and offers him the proof he seeks, Thomas readily proclaims the risen Christ to be his “Lord and God.” The Gospel does not make clear whether Thomas actually touches Christ, or whether the sound of Christ’s words, or the vision of the Savior ultimately convinces the saint of the truth. Christ’s parting words to him only deepen the mystery: “Thomas, because thou hast seen me, thou hast believed: blessed are they that have not seen and yet have believed” (John 20:24–29). Philosophical traditions dating back to Plato and Aristotle deemed touch to be the most material, and therefore least intellectual sense. Thus, not unexpectedly, in the patriarchal system of the West, haptic experience was often associated with women.1 This same system holds sight and hearing to be the least material senses, and therefore most clearly associated with the intellect and the mind,2 and as one might expect, male experience. Thus, in more ways than one, the Gospel of John presents readers with a paradox. A man, Thomas, touches Christ, or at least accepts the offer to touch him, while it is a woman’s touch that is rebuffed. As a consequence, it is a woman who perceives the truth through what appear to be the higher sensory means of hearing and sight. These scriptural episodes, together with their depiction in the visual arts, challenge devotees of both genders to contemplate what it might mean to touch Christ, literally or spiritually. They also call upon the believer to ponder by what means, if any, human beings can investigate or understand divine truths. In the periods immediately prior to and following the Reformation in Italy, profound and rapid changes in theological, philosophical and scientific beliefs about the epistemological value of the senses, combined with changing understandings of gender, gender roles and gendered spaces to condition, we argue, iconographical variation within, as well as the reception of images of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas. In particular, we believe that the differing representational strategies employed by artists to depict touch, or the possibility of touch, were shaped by the specific needs of the intended viewers, all of whom had their own “horizons of expectations.”3 These expectations are determined by, among other things, “gender, social class, educational level, and familiarity with religious, artistic and social developments.”4 The result, as we demonstrate, is that over time in both image and word the paradoxes inherent in the Gospel of John were rationalized as inquisitorial touch came to be valorized, even though it was born of doubt. No longer the lowliest sense, this touch was both privileged and the purview of men because it was understood to be the necessary prerequisite for authoritative public speech. St. Thomas thus became an increasingly public (and therefore masculine) symbol of devotional verification, juridical inquiry and empirical investigation—the vita activa. Presumably because the prospect of the Magdalene’s apostolic primacy transgressed norms for female behavior, there was—especially in Early Christianity—a greater difficulty extrapolating the events of her life to a wider audience. But as we show, her life story was steadily refashioned over

4

Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

the centuries to include events that were not scripturally based, and that ultimately cast her as a repentant prostitute. As a result of this recalibration of her identity, the public face of the Magdalene tended to emphasize penance and prayer—the vita contemplativa. Images of the Noli me tangere—and therefore any depiction of the Magdalene’s touch, proffered or otherwise— tended to be found in private settings, if at all. It is in these private settings where the saint’s sensory encounter with Christ, and other aspects of her vita activa, could safely reflect the devotional aspirations of the devotee, whether male or female. Our consideration of gendered spaces and audiences for art works is informed by scholarship from a wide range of disciplines, and is shaped by the mind-set of greater inclusivity and flexibility forged by women’s and gender studies. Thus, we are indebted to the work of theologians such as Elizabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, historians like Joan Kelly Gadol, and art historians like Griselda Pollock, Thalia Gouma-Peterson, Patricia Mathews, whose work has broadened the base of historical inquiry by challenging the exclusivity of document-driven research, and by acknowledging that within patriarchal systems, women’s history was often not part of the written record.5 By examining scriptural and exegetical texts carefully, not only for that which is there but also for that which is not, Schüssler Fiorenza reconstructs the significant role played by women in the earliest days of Christianity. Similarly, Gouma-Peterson and Mathews reason that written and visual representations of women in male-dominated cultures can be understood to function prescriptively and proscriptively—signifying female behavior that is either desirable or to be discouraged, at least by men.6 Roger Crum and others have built upon this, demonstrating how evidence internal to a work of art may offer an unexpected glimpse into women’s history and reveal hitherto unappreciated facts about patronage, image function and audience.7 In seeking a gender-consciousness that is also gender-balanced, we have benefitted from the groundbreaking scholarship of Caroline Walker Bynum. Her work on modes of expression of gendered piety in the Middle Ages, and her arguments about male appropriation of female identity and imagery, have taught us to recognize the fluidity of and complex interplay between gender and devotional practices.8 Our analysis of Mendicant approaches to and appropriation of images of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas is informed by her thinking on the “symbolic gender reversal” typical of male clerics in the Middle Ages. Thus, we have taken as our task (as Judith Brown has cogently posited) an examination of gender “as a process in which men and women situate themselves and are situated by others along a shifting continuum that varies according to several characteristics, among them age, class, region, and even, but by no means only, sex.”9 The Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas are artistic themes well suited to such an approach precisely because they challenge, if not invert, expectations for normative gendered behavior. This inversion, we assert, hinges on the sensory experiences of the protagonists in each iconography.

Introduction

5

On the issue of sense hierarchy, the ground laid by Jeffrey Hamburger, Michael Camille and Mary Carruthers among others, unequivocally challenged and in many cases rendered moot the notion of viewing late Medieval and early Renaissance art through any sort of “period eye.”10 Their work reminded art historians that even according to the scientific theories of intromission and extramission espoused by Robert Grosseteste (1175–1253), William of Conches (1090–c. 1154) and Adelard of Bath (1080–c. 1152), vision— that sense most closely aligned with the visual arts—was never understood to be solely governed by the eyes. Instead, visible species were transmitted from the object, imprinted on the retina and stored as physical memorabilia in the “mind.”11 This fluidity between seeing and feeling, added “spatial and bodily means to the perception of the visual.”12 And thus for the Medieval viewer, true vision extended well beyond the parameters of sight and entailed insight, knowledge and ultimately faith.13 By disrupting the ancient primacy of the sense of sight, these scholars have provided an invaluable point of departure for those of us who argue for the epistemological relevance of an embodied mode of viewing or beholding early modern art.14 As noted by Francesca Bacci, there are intriguing parallels between this approach and recent developments in cognitive neuroscience, which is engaged in reevaluating how the senses interact. The idea of one sense dominating over the others has been “superseded in favor of the more accurate view that our perceptual system combines the information coming from different sensory modalities into one unified precept.”15 Richard Shusterman has usefully reframed this in terms of pragmatist philosophy, suggesting that the “living, sentient, purposive body” views objects and spaces in a somaesthetic way— elevating, rather than neglecting the body’s role in aesthetic consumption.16 Thus, as Geraldine Johnson has so eloquently proposed, we are now better able to reenvision Michael Baxandall’s famous “period eye,” arriving at a more aptly described “period body.”17 Numerous recent publications have expanded upon these foundations to include the visual culture of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, demonstrating unequivocally that the five senses functioned far more collaboratively than once understood. Alice E. Sanger and Siv Tove Kulbrandstad Walker’s Sense and the Senses in Early Modern Art and Cultural Practice investigates how the faculties of sense were thematized in art and in what ways they were made to function as agents of carnal indulgence, scientific revelation and devotional fervor.18 Wietse de Boer and Christine Göttler’s Religion and the Senses in Early Modern Europe further reveals the degree to which early modern religious theory and practice “considered sensation as an interconnected, or even integrated set of experiences,” thereby giving rise to profound conflict and difference, particularly during the Reformation period.19 In his short and cogent volume, The Sensory World of Italian Renaissance Art, François Quiviger argues that “a culture can be characterized through the ways in which it organizes the sensorium (the sensory system), and censors or promotes certain clusters of perceptions at

6

Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

the expense of others,”20 and yet what seems most apparent is that in the early modern period these perceptions were far less organized and autonomous than one might suppose. Much of this literature questions the primacy of vision in the visual arts by specifically exploring the alternative of tactility—frequently referring to the literal handling of sculpture and the ways that touch factored into contemporary discourse on the paragone between painting and sculpture.21 As such, touch is often linked to humanistic attitudes toward the manufacture, collection and ownership of art or, conversely, to the revival of classical texts that evoke touch as an aspect of sensual love.22 In further delineating the ways in which art was affectively consumed or performed via “non-optical modes of reception,” Barbara Baert, Andrea Bolland, Allie Terry-Fristch and Geraldine Johnson have asserted compelling intersections between gender and the senses.23 But while these scholars have made inroads, the intersection of faith, gender and the senses remains largely uncharted, especially for the period 1500–1700. Our study contributes to this ongoing dialogue by recognizing just how differentiated the representation and understanding of haptic experience was in this period, and how these modalities were specifically delimited by gender (both of the subject and the beholder). Much attention has rightly been given to the operations of the “gaze” in male-dominated societies, as Patricia Simons proved in her groundbreaking essay “Women in Frames.”24 Far less attention has been paid to how conceptions, representations and experiences of touch and tactility were used proscriptively and prescriptively. Images of Sts. Mary Magdalene and Thomas suggest that touch was far from the lowliest sense and might indeed have been understood to be foundational to both the formation of faith and secular knowledge alike. This realization has profound implications for the traditional gendering of sensorial experience— specifically the association of sight with men, and tactility with women—and, in turn, for the very meaning of these iconographies. Artists and patrons of Renaissance and Baroque depictions of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas were engaged in a particularly rich phenomenological dynamic, at once absorbing and contemplating the visual messages painted or sculpted for display, whilst being simultaneously reminded of the similar sensorial experiences of the saints. As Sarah Blick and Laura Gelfand have eloquently articulated, late Medieval and Renaissance viewers interacted with images imaginatively (completing a meditative or emotional act via the contemplation of a visual image), physically (moving around or through the work of art or building) and performatively (wherein the viewer or beholder engages physically and emotionally within a spacemind continuum).25 When we imagine early modern devotees engaged in this type of beholding—that is, not simply viewing, seeing or witnessing images but instead binding sight with other activities whether manual or kinesthetic— we understand the durational, epistemological impact of images with greater profundity.26 The somatic multiplicity of the subject who “beholds,” versus

Introduction

7

“sees,” contributes, as Erin Felicia Labbie and Allie Terry-Fritsch have shown, to the way that “sight becomes central to the acquisition of knowledge and certainty.”27 This distinction might be further extrapolated to imply the other senses as well, for it was in the early modern period that touch, smell, even taste, took on greater empirical relevance. Thus, for the perpetually doubting Thomas and the seeking Magdalene, devotional certitude is affirmed precisely through the senses, just as it was for early modern devotees who turned their gaze to the depiction of these iconographies. In the chapters that follow, we present anew works of art that have not yet been interpreted through the sensory lenses just described. A series of carefully selected case studies including works by Fra Angelico, Verrocchio, Michelangelo, Titian, Correggio and Caravaggio are reconsidered in light of the thematic concerns at the heart of this project. We reunite these objects with previously overlooked or little-known textual sources, and in the process, reveal a more nuanced picture of the relationship between popular piety, understandings of gender and the senses, and the visual culture of the period. Because doubt and sensory cognition are so fundamental to the subjects themselves, images of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas provide a unique platform for the evaluation of these issues and are conspicuously absent from the vast majority of examples cited by the many scholars listed herein. Misunderstood today as the perpetually negative “doubting Thomas,” for instance, St. Thomas was instead heralded in early modern culture as a model of intellectual and spiritual inquiry. The gory details of his curiosity are documented in representations of his Incredulity, in which his finger is often buried knuckle-deep in Christ’s side wound. While Glenn W. Most’s hagiographical and exegetical history, Doubting Thomas, provides an invaluable foundation for the work contained here,28 no study previous to Erin Benay’s dissertation and the current volume has addressed what these images may convey about the emerging dichotomy between belief and empirical modes of thought of the day. Similarly, a number of scholarly and popular works dedicated to the scriptural and Gnostic historiography of St. Mary Magdalene, explain the spread of cult devotion to the Magdalene in the West.29 While many are indispensable studies for this field, none focus solely on the artistic output of the Renaissance, or the iconography of St. Mary Magdalene. To the extent that they do, they are overwhelmingly concerned with the saint’s identity as a penitent and reformed prostitute. In fact, the Noli me tangere episode and the art it inspired has largely been disregarded, or dismissed as unchanging and formulaic.30 Most studies examining post-Tridentine iconography of the Magdalene similarly exclude the Noli me tangere and instead focus on her representation as a sensual penitent. The neglect of the Noli me tangere episode has been remedied in large part by the work of Lisa Rafanelli, and by the recently concluded four-year interdisciplinary research program “Mary Magdalene and the Touching of Jesus: An Intra- and Interdisciplinary Investigation of John 20:17 in Exegesis, Iconography and Pastoral Care” (Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, Belgium).31

8

Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

Our study, the first to bring art historical consideration of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas together, strives to better understand what these subjects convey about evolving definitions of faith and gender, and how the depiction of these subjects in art engendered changing epistemologies of the senses. By expanding the iconological discourse in this new direction, we reveal the ways in which the interrelationship between gender and the human sensorium has been fundamental not only to the development of these particular iconographies but also to devotional art more generally. The first chapter of this book, “Verifying the Resurrection: St. Mary Magdalene and St. Thomas at the Intersection of Word and Image, c. 400– 1300,” provides the necessary background and contextual grounding for later developments in Renaissance and Baroque art with which this book is mainly concerned. As we demonstrate, using selective case studies that span from the fourth- to fifth-century Sarcophagus of St. Celsus (Milan) to the Tuscan tomb of Cardinal Riccardo Petroni (1318), the early pairing of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas in text and image informs how the subjects will be interpreted and visualized during the later periods in which both iconographies are popularized. These visual and textual traditions also provide a point of comparison against which we can gauge both subtle and significant changes to iconography, image context and patronage. Although the subject of the Doubting Thomas can be found in early Christological cycles by the fourth to fifth centuries, the Noli me tangere is not found until the ninth. In the earliest extant Passion-Resurrection cycles, the Doubting Thomas tends to be paired with, or in close proximity to, the myrrhbearing holy women (Myrrhophores), a group that includes, but does not single out, the Magdalene. This pairing concretizes the truth of the Resurrection of Christ—which does not, as yet, appear as an independent subject in the visual arts—and highlights issues of sense engagement and gender, whilst eliding the more problematic issues posed by the Noli me tangere. From the outset, Thomas’s encounter with the risen Christ is viewed through the lens of the masculine privilege of the Church hierarchy. Thomas is a surrogate for mankind, and it is through his doubt and his tactile contact with Christ that believers are given proof positive of the physical nature of Christ’s Resurrection. Sermons and homilies by St. Ambrose and Pope Gregory the Great evaluated in this chapter imply that Thomas’s skepticism and need for empirical proof were valued as much as, if not more than, “blind” faith. From these earliest sources, Thomas’s touch becomes central and the depiction of his physical contact with Christ’s wounds accrues additional, Eucharistic significance. Beginning in the ninth century in the West, a variety of cultural, political and theological developments set the stage for the emergence of new Magdalenian iconographies, including the Noli me tangere. Our examination of Bishop Bernward’s bronze doors in Hildesheim as well as imperial manuscript illumination reveals that once the motif appeared, artists began a visual discourse specifically concerned with the nature and meaning of the

Introduction

9

interaction between the Resurrected Christ and the Magdalene. As a natural outgrowth of this development, artists also explored the differences between the experiences of the Magdalene and Thomas by juxtaposing the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas in longer cycles, visually evoking some of the most difficult and compelling questions raised by that pairing, questions that until the ninth and tenth centuries were the province of the word, but not the image. In the late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, both the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas emerged as autonomous subjects, a shift that corresponds to the more general rise of the narrative altarpiece in Renaissance Italy. Their popularity, however, was in large measure because both the incredulous Thomas and the reformed Magdalene reinforced the most urgent messages of Mendicant preachers: the importance of experiential faith, penitence and salvation, and devotion to the Eucharist. Chapters 2 and 3 posit the ways in which the Dominican and Franciscan orders appropriated and disseminated these subjects in support of their missions. By reconsidering the Mendicant contexts of production and reception of significant frescoes and altarpieces of the Doubting Thomas and Noli me tangere, we further elucidate how the saints were not only fashioned into unlikely exempla for the pious but also incorporated into Mendicant efforts at self-imaging. Chapter 2, “Mary Magdalene as a Model of Piety in Mendicant Art,” examines how the saint’s identity as a reformed prostitute was fleshed out in Medieval sermons and hagiography, and came to be reified by preachers of both Mendicant orders who wanted to impress upon parishioners the need for self-reflection and penance. In word and image, men and women alike, including those on the margins of society—criminals and prostitutes—were urged to identify with this Magdalene, the beata peccatrix. Contemporary attitudes about gender, however, meant that it was less common for preachers to urge this same public to identify with the Magdalene as an apostle or teacher. Nonetheless, because the Magdalene’s encounter with Christ conferred unique privilege upon her, not to mention the apostolic charge to spread the news, under the right circumstances, both men and women of the Mendicant orders referred to the Noli me tangere in their efforts at self-imaging. The frescoes by Fra Angelico (1445) and Fra Bartolommeo (1517) discussed in this chapter attest to the potency of the motif in private, male settings, where through the process of “symbolic gender reversal” the Magdalene’s full identity could be celebrated. The popularity of the subject in female institutional settings beginning in the early Cinquecento, here illustrated by a number of lesser-known works of glazed terracotta, represents an important and heretofore unrecognized shift in the history of the image type, and reflects changing standards of decorum for the representation of devout women, an issue to be taken up again in Chapter 5. Chapter 3, “The Doubting Thomas and Franciscan Renewal in the Early Renaissance,” considers the promotion of the image of Thomas by Franciscans, the earliest to disseminate the theme, by focusing on significant frescoes

10

Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

and altarpieces of the subject from c. 1330–1572 by Taddeo Gaddi, Cima da Conegliano and Giorgio Vasari. In this section we explore how the Franciscans employed the theme to solidify the cult of their founder, St. Francis of Assisi, by appropriating the biblical story for the purpose of verifying religious faith, and subsequently adopted the Doubting Thomas iconographic tradition. Franciscan art engaged directly with the Order’s goal to create a more communal, accessible Christian church and worked in conjunction with the popular sermon to achieve these goals. Thomas’s doubt was, and continues to be acknowledged during the Octave of Easter, specifically, the Sunday following Easter. In a series of homilies likely commissioned by St. Francis, St. Anthony of Padua (1195–1231) described Thomas’s “confession of faith” as a “confirming of our own.”32 In the Franciscan interpretation, the retelling of Thomas’s doubt represented an opportunity for the entire congregation to be absolved from “sins, and [to] take away all doubt.”33 Associating primary textual sources, like St. Anthony’s sermon, with imagery of the Doubting Thomas, this chapter reveals the way in which an “old” story became colonized with new meaning, thereby revitalizing a visual tradition and an apostolic saint under the umbrella of Franciscan renewal. Like other well-known iconographies that confirm Christ’s dual nature as man and god, paintings and sculptures of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas helped the faithful to imagine God in a physical form and validated the senses in the process of belief. With the dawn of the age of Humanism and the reemergence of incarnational theology celebrating Christ’s life as a man, the artistic subjects of the Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas grew in popularity. The representations, however, appealed to increasingly divergent audiences, precisely because they provided artists and patrons a means of capitalizing on new attitudes toward the senses, knowledge, faith and gender. In the fourth chapter of this book, “‘Toccate il Vero’: Evidence, Belief and Images of the Doubting Thomas in the Public Eye,” for instance, works such as Paolo Uccello’s lost fresco of the Doubting Thomas in the main market square of Florence (c. 1435), and Andrea del Verrocchio’s bronze group on Orsanmichele (1467–1483) demonstrate how Thomas became a symbol of civic virtue achieved by touch and empirical testing. Images of the Doubting Thomas were frescoed near the entrances of Tuscan courthouses during the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries to serve as emblems of empirical evidence.34 Indeed, and as we argue, a lost fresco of the Doubting Thomas in the Palazzo Vecchio, Florence, and its inscription by poet and politician Franco Sacchetti (1332–1400) likely served as the origin of a judicial interpretation of the Incredulity. Other frescoes of the theme in communal palaces are now mostly deteriorated, but this use of the Gospel story undoubtedly informed better-known representations of the subject, such as Verrocchio’s sculpture. Formerly understood to be a continuation of the fourteenth-century communal palace tradition, we posit that Verrocchio’s sculpture and the other images of Doubting Thomas that it inspired were part of a new, Medici appropriation of the theme.35 Such an adoption represents

Introduction

11

an addition to the iconographic repertoire of the Medici family, which already included depictions of their patron saints Cosmas and Damien, and the heroic image of David. Previously used as a Eucharistic devotional aid in late Medieval piety, or as a typological example in Franciscan imagery, the Doubting Thomas came to be associated with juridical attitudes toward truth during the Renaissance. As such, images of Thomas functioned as unlikely but viable models of public male behavior, encouraging members of civic life to uphold their charge to investigate matters of the law. Simultaneous to the forging of a public persona for St. Thomas, the Noli me tangere became an image of private devotion, especially for elite female audiences who were—regardless of legal restrictions that preclude us establishing a paper trail of patronage—avid consumers and users of art. Chapter 5, “The Decorum of Touch: Private Devotional Images of St. Mary Magdalene and the Noli me tangere in Central and Northern Italy,” examines paintings by Titian (1509–1512/1515), Correggio (1520) and Bronzino/ Pontormo (1531), expanding the parameters of our discourse to encompass both new audiences and new artistic milieus in order to explicate what can only be described as stunning iconographical variation. In these works, the Magdalene’s sensorial reactions to Christ’s Resurrection, particularly her desire to touch, are thematized in new ways that are responsive both to the intellectual clime and the needs of the viewers. We posit that these images foster a dialogue about the value of the senses in matters of faith and about women’s intellectual and spiritual capacity in ways that parallel contemporary humanist inquiries about the status of women, the so-called Querelle des Femmes. Private devotional images such as these thus provide evidence of a countercurrent of philogyny in the otherwise misogynistic Renaissance. They do so, however, within socially accepted norms. Throughout this chapter, attention is drawn to the fact that while touch provides the dramatic impetus for the depictions of the Noli me tangere under consideration, the Magdalene’s touch is never consummated; inquisitorial touch remains the purview of men. As we reveal in the sixth and final chapter, “Experiencing Faith after the Reformation,” the role of the senses in the construction of visual culture underwent significant changes in the post-Tridentine milieu. The decrees of the Council of Trent urged artists to strictly adhere to the scriptures in their depictions of religious themes and demanded greater clarity of narrative and affect, as is well known. Moreover, Italian reformers sought to bring society back under control by reinforcing traditional expectations for female behavior. Together, these shifts can help us understand the iconological development of images of St. Mary Magdalene after the Reformation. Paintings of the Noli me tangere by Bronzino (1561), Fontana (1581), Barocci (1590) and Crespi (1688) reveal that the process of inquiry through proffered touch that was the focus of earlier depictions of the theme is eventually abrogated. That these changes may also be related to contemporary gender discourse is suggested by the abundance of images of the penitent St. Mary Magdalene from the same period, almost all of which, in no uncertain terms, celebrate somatic experience and sensuality.

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Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

Just as images of the Noli me tangere declined in number, those of Doubting Thomas experienced their greatest popularity. A burgeoning of Doubting Thomas imagery, particularly in Roman art following the Council of Trent, c. 1590–1615 includes the little-studied frescoed vault of the Papal Chapel in the Lateran Palace by Cesare Nebbia (c. 1595), a fresco of Doubting Thomas by Francesco Salviati (c. 1553) in San Giovanni Decollato, the restoration of three churches dedicated to St. Thomas in Rome and, most importantly, Caravaggio’s c. 1602 Doubting Thomas. The rise and fall of Doubting Thomas and Noli me tangere imagery is, we posit, closely linked with the roles of doubt, inquiry, penitence and gender in the years following the Protestant Reformation. During this time touch was revalued with regard to faith as the new religious orders once again emphasized experiential devotion. These factors, together with the rise of empirical inquiry and skeptical philosophy, may have fostered a peak in representations of the Doubting Thomas, just as Mary Magdalene’s contact with Christ in the Garden was on the wane. The seeming contrast in markets for Doubting Thomas and Noli me tangere imagery thus highlights several key convergences in seventeenth-century Italian art and thought. The case studies presented in this book reveal a fluid and evolving relationship between faith, the senses and the complications wrought by gender in the process of belief. Although many contemporary studies find confirmation of the ancient hierarchy of the senses in Renaissance and Baroque art, this book makes clear that early modern attitudes toward the senses, especially touch, were far less rigid than was once understood. Perhaps more importantly, these attitudes were very often contingent upon the expectations and gender of the intended audience. In depicting the episodes of the Noli me Tangere and Doubting Thomas, artists explored the boundaries of knowledge and devotion, at once offering visual and tactile evidence of a world beyond their reach.

Notes 1

On this point, see generally J.M. Soskice, “Sight and Vision in Medieval Christian Thought,” in Vision in Context: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Sight, ed. Martin Jay and Teresa Brennan (New York: Routledge, 1996), pp. 29–43. This disposition coincides with the division of the female and male principles or “cosmic-religious principles or archetypes” in the Christian tradition: the female principle signifying the realm of humanity and matter, the male, the realm of the intellect and heaven. For more on this issue, see Elizabeth Schüssler Fiorenza, In Memory of Her: A Feminist Theological Reconstruction of Christian Origins (New York: Crossroad, 1983), p. 274.

2 Aristotle, The Metaphysics, trans. H. Tredennick (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Univ. Press, 1996), Book I, 980a; and Plato, Timaeus, trans. R.G. Bury (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1961), Section 47, p. 107 (on the primacy of sight); but see also Aristotle, “On the Senses and Sensible Objects,” in On the Soul, Parva Naturalia and On Breath, trans. W.S. Hett (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1995), pp. 437–39 (for the argument that hearing also makes a great contribution to wisdom). On the material nature of touch, Aristotle, The Nicomachean Ethics, trans. H. Rackham (Cambridge: Harvard Univ. Press, 1956), Section III. x. 11. For the hierarchy of the senses in the Western tradition most generally, see David Summers, The Judgment of Sense: Renaissance Naturalism and the Rise of Aesthetics (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1990); see also M. O’Rourke Boyle, Senses of Touch: Human Dignity and Deformity from Michelangelo to Calvin (Leiden: Brill, 1998); David Howes, The Varieties of Sensory Experience: A Sourcebook in the Anthropology of the Senses (Toronto: Univ. of Toronto Press, 2006).

Introduction

13

3

Pamela Jones, “The Power of Images: Paintings and Viewers in Caravaggio’s Italy,” in Saints and Sinners: Caravaggio and the Baroque Image, ed. Franco Mormando (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1999), pp. 28–48.

4

Ibid., p. 28.

5

Joan Kelly-Gadol, “Did Women Have a Renaissance?” in Becoming Visible: Women in European History, 2nd ed., ed. R. Bridenthal, C. Koonz and S. Stuard (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987); Joan Kelly, “Early Feminist Theory and the ‘Querelle des Femmes,’ 1400–1789,” Signs: Journal of Women in Culture and Society 8 (1982): pp. 4–28; Griselda Pollock, Vision and Difference: Femininity, Feminism and the Histories of Art (New York and London: Routledge, 1988); Thalia Gouma-Peterson and Patricia Mathews, “The Feminist Critique of Art History,” Art Bulletin 69 (1987): pp. 326–57; Patricia Mathews, “The Politics of Feminist Art History,” in The Subjects of Art History: Historical Objects in Contemporary Perspectives, ed. M. Cheetham, M.A. Holly and K. Moxey (Cambridge and New York: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1998), pp. 95–115.

6

Gouma-Peterson and Mathews, p. 338.

7

Roger J. Crum, “Controlling Women or Women Controlled? Suggestions for Gender Roles and Visual Culture in the Italian Renaissance Palace,” in Beyond Isabella: Secular Women Patrons of Art in Renaissance Italy (Sixteenth Century Essays and Studies Vol. 54), ed. Sheryl E. Reiss and David Wilkins (Kirksville, MO: Truman State Univ. Press, 2001), pp. 37–51.

8

Caroline Walker Bynum, Holy Feast and Holy Fast: The Religious Significance of Food to Medieval Women (Berkeley: Univ. of California Press, 1987); Fragmentation and Redemption: Essays on Gender and the Human Body in Medieval Religion (New York: Zone Books, 1992)

9

Judith Brown and Robert Davis, eds., Gender and Society in Renaissance Italy (London and New York: Longman Press, 1998), Introduction, p. 5.

10

Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in 15th-Century Italy: A Primer in the Social History of Pictorial Style (Oxford and New York: Oxford Univ. Press, 1988). See, for instance, Vision in Context: Historical and Contemporary Perspectives on Sight, ed. Martin Jay and Teresa Brennan (New York: Routledge, 1996); Cynthia Hahn, “Visio Dei: Changes in Medieval Visuality,” and Michael Camille, “Before the Gaze: the Internal Senses and Late Medieval Practices of Seeing,” both in Visuality Before and Beyond the Renaissance: Seeing as Others Saw, ed. Robert Nelson (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 2000); Jeffrey Hamburger, “Seeing and Believing: The Suspicion of Sight and the Authentication of Vision in Late Medieval Art,” in Imagination und Wirklichkeit: Zum Verhältnis von mentalen und realen Bildern in der Kunst der frühen Neuzeit, ed. A. Nova and K. Kruger (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2000), pp. 47–70; and Mary Carruthers, “Moving Images in the Mind’s Eye,” in The Mind’s Eye: Art and Theological Argument in the Middle Ages, ed. Jeffrey Hamburger and Anne-Marie Bouché (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2006), pp. 187–305.

11

For example, Hamburger, “Seeing and Believing,” pp. 47–8.

12 Hahn, p. 179. For a more comprehensive history of vision theory, see David Lindberg, Theories of Vision from Al-Kindi to Kepler (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1976). 13

See, e.g., Carruthers, pp. 287–302.

14

On the important distinction between “viewing” and “beholding,” see most recently Allie Terry-Fritsch and Erin Felicia Labbie, “Introduction: Beholding Violence,” in Beholding Violence in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. A. Terry-Fritsch and E. Labbie (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 1–14; see also Allie Terry-Fritsch’s forthcoming book Somaesthetics and the Renaissance: Viewing Bodies at Work in Early Modern Italy. Issues of beholding and performative constructs of artistic production and “viewership” are also investigated in the work of Elina Gertsman, whose work on Medieval representations of the Dance of Death situates visual objects as part of a complex somaticism (see, e.g., The Dance of Death in the Middle Ages: Image, Text, Performance [Turnhout: Brepols, 2010]).

15

Francesca Bacci, “Sculpture and Touch,” in Art and the Senses, ed. Francesca Bacci and David Melcher (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2011), p. 135. The broader role of touch in cultural production is explored by Elizabeth Harvey in Sensible Flesh: On Touch in Early Modern Culture (Philadelphia: Univ. of Pennsylvania Press, 2002).

16

Richard Shusterman, Thinking Through the Body: Essays in Somaesthetics (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press: 2012), p. 3.

17

Geraldine Johnson, “The Art of Touch in Early Modern Italy,” in Art and the Senses, ed. Francesca Bacci and David Melcher (Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press, 2011), p. 59.

18

Alice Sanger and Siv Tove Kulbrandstad Walker, eds., Sense and the Senses in Early Modern Art and Cultural Practice (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012).

14

Faith, Gender and the Senses in Italian Renaissance and Baroque Art

19

Wietse de Boer and Christine Göttler, eds., Religion and the Senses in Early Modern Europe (Leiden: Brill, 2013), p. 13.

20

François Quiviger, The Sensory World of Italian Renaissance Art (London: Reaktion, 2010), p. 8.

21

This is the subject, for instance, of Geraldine Johnson’s “In the Hand of the Beholder: Isabella d’Este and the Sensual Allure of Sculpture,” in Sense and the Senses in Early Modern Art and Cultural Practice, ed. Sanger and Walker (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 183–98 and it is also a subject taken up by Andrea Bolland, “Desiderio and Diletto: Vision, Touch, and the Poetics of Bernini’s Apollo and Daphne,” Art Bulletin 82 (2000): pp. 309–30, esp. pp. 312–13, 318–23. The Noli me tangere and Doubting Thomas iconographies themselves could be used as fields of discourse for the artistic enterprise or for the paragone debate; see, e.g., Lisa M. Rafanelli, “Thematizing Vision in the Renaissance: The Noli Me Tangere as a Metaphor for Art Making,” in Sense and the Senses in Early Modern Art and Cultural Practice, ed. Sanger and Walker (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012), pp. 149–68.

22

Bolland, pp. 312–18.

23

Johnson, “The Art of Touch,” pp. 59–84; Barbara Baert, “‘An Odour. A Taste. A Touch. Impossible to Describe’: Noli me tangere and the Senses,” in Religion and the Senses in Early Modern Europe, ed. W. de Boer and C. Göttler (Leiden: Brill, 2013), pp. 111–15; Bolland. Carl Nordenfalk, “The Five Senses in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 48 (1985): pp. 1–22 and Carl Nordenfalk, “The Sense of Touch in Art,” The Verbal and the Visual: Essays in Honor of William Sebastian Heckscher, ed. K.L. Selig and E. Sears (New York: Italica Press, 1990), pp. 109–30. Nordenfalk has taken great strides toward understanding the thematization of the senses in Renaissance art, although his focus is on allegorical depictions of the senses.

24

See, e.g., Patricia Simons, “Women in Frames: The Gaze, the Eye, the Profile in Renaissance Portraiture,” in The Expanding Discourse: Feminism and Art History, ed. Norma Broude and Mary Garrard (New York: Westview Press, 1992), pp. 39–59.

25

Sarah Blick and Laura Gelfand, eds., Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative, Emotional, Physical and Spatial Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art ((Leiden: Brill, 2011), pp. xxxv–xxxvi. This understanding is close to that found in Allie Terry-Fritsch, “Florentine Convent as Practiced Place: Cosimo de’Medici, Fra Angelico and the Public Library of San Marco,” Medieval Encounters 18 (2012): pp. 230–71 (Special Issue: Merchants and Mendicants in the Medieval Mediterranean, ed. Taryn Chubb and Emily Kelley), p. 236, wherein the author articulates the process by which the beholder moving through space and viewing images in the process creates “a space enacted by its users.” For Bissera V. Pentcheva, The Sensual Icon: Space, Ritual, and the Senses in Byzantium (University Park: Pennsylvania State Univ. Press, 2010), p. 3, performativity is object-related, specifically, the shifting phenomenological effects on the surfaces of icons and architectural interiors. Pentcheva provides a summary of the many different interpretations, from the original meaning as articulated by John Austin, which was concerned with the simultaneity of utterance and action (John Austin, How to Do Things with Words [London: Oxford Univ. Press, 1962]), to a more anthropological interpretation linked it to ritual—utterances pronounced in the course of a ritual thus transform spectator into participant. Stanley Tambiah, Culture Thought and Social Action (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Press, 1985).

26

Indeed, this is not a dissimilar phenomenon to that described by Michael Fried in Absorption and Theatricality: Painting and Beholder in the Age of Diderot (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1988), p. 92; see also W.J.T. Mitchell’s elucidating Foreword to Beholding Violence in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. A. Terry-Fritsch and E. Labbie (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012), pp. xv–xxvii.

27

Terry-Fritsch and Labbie, “Introduction: Beholding Violence,” in Beholding Violence in Medieval and Early Modern Europe, ed. A. Terry-Fritsch and E. Labbie (Farnham and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012), p. 2.

28

Glenn Most, Doubting Thomas (Cambridge, Mass., and London: Yale Univ. Press, 2005), p. ix. Most’s text is an important expansion upon Ulrich Pflugk’s doctoral dissertation, Die Geschichte vom ungläubigen Thomas (Johannes 20, 24–29) in der Auslegung der Kirche von der Anfangen bis zur Mitte des 16 Jahrhunderts (PhD diss., Hamburg, 1966).

29

The finest among these are the studies of Susan Haskins, Mary Magdalene: Myth and Metaphor (New York and London: Harper Collins, 1993). Saxer’s 1959 study remains essential reading for anyone wishing to understand the spread of cult devotion to the Magdalene in the West. Victor Saxer, Le Culte de Marie-Madeleine en Occident des origines à la fin du moyen âge, Cahier d’archéologie et d’histoire, 3 (Auxerre and Paris: Société des Fouilles Archéologiques et des Monuments Historiques de I’Yonne, 1959). There are also studies examining the appropriation of the Magdalene by the Mendicant preaching orders. Katherine Ludwig Jansen’s book (based upon her dissertation) has redefined this field of study and is an indispensable resource. The Making of the Magdalen: Preaching and Popular Devotion in the Later Middle Ages (Princeton: Princeton Univ. Press, 2000). See also Katherine Ludwig Jansen, Mary Magdalen and the Mendicants in Late Medieval Italy (PhD diss., Princeton Univ., 1995).

Introduction

15

30

Colette Deremble, “Les premiers cycles d’images consacrés à Marie Madeleine,” M.E.R.F.M. 104/1 (1992): pp. 187–208, esp. p. 189 (“[l]’illustration du Noli me tangere apparaît de façon très stable à travers les siècles”); Lilia Sebastiani, Tra/sfigurazione: il Personaggio evangelico di Maria di Magdala e il mito della peccatrice redenta nella tradizione occidentale (Brescia: Queriniana, 1992), p. 240 (“[l]’impianto generale di questo tipo di raffigurazione è presocché immutabile”). Even in the foundational study of Susan Haskins, the Noli me tangere motif is barely addressed.

31

The investigations of this working group have been wide-ranging—from scriptural exegesis to philosophy and modern literature to contemporary pastoral practice as well as iconography. One of the organizers of the group, Dr. Barbara Baert, has published widely on images of the Noli me tangere produced north of the Alps, and her scholarly contributions are invaluable. Both authors of the current volume have participated in various aspects of this multiyear project, and have received enormous support and encouragement from the Leuven working group.

32

St. Anthony of Padua, Sermons for the Easter Cycle, ed. George Marcil (New York: Franciscan Institute, 1994), p. 101.

33

Ibid., p. 104.

34

Edna Carter Southard, The Frescoes in Siena’s Palazzo Pubblico, 1289–1539: Studies in Imagery and Relations to Other Communal Palaces in Tuscany (New York: Garland Publishing, 1979), discusses such civic appropriation, among others.

35

Andrew Butterfield, The Sculptures of Andrea del Verrocchio (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1997) considers Verrocchio’s sculpture with regard to the communal palace fresco tradition but he makes no distinction between the interpretation likely initiated by Franco Sacchetti in the Palazzo Vecchio (c. 1395) and Verrocchio’s sculpture made nearly 100 years later. In Chapter 3 of this book, we will advocate for a different reading of Verrocchio’s sculpture and its relationship to the earlier Tuscan tradition.

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