Guilt and Guiltlessness: An Integrative Review [PDF]

Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x

Guilt and Guiltlessness: An Integrative Review Hanyi Xu*, Laurent Be`gue, and Re´becca Shankland Universite´ Pierre Mende´s-France

Abstract

This paper reviews the relationship between guilt and prosocial behaviors, and integrates multiple antisocial phenomena with the construct of guiltlessness both at the interpersonal and intergroup level. Interpersonal guilt is basically prosocial and introspective. Collective guilt is the vicarious acceptance of misdeeds of the ingroup. Yet it is sometimes so painful and detrimental for the individual and the society to tolerate guilt that people do not feel guilty, especially when the possibility of reparation is low. We argue that guilt is the acceptance of the mildly undesirable self whereas guiltlessness is the rejection of unbearable mental distress of anticipatory guilt. Guiltlessness requires great efforts for defense and justification. Multiple strategies and justifications are sought to relieve guilt. Furthermore, guiltlessness is related to various personality and ideology variables and entails moral disengagement. Guiltlessness can be destructive because, for example, during times of large-scale conflicts ordinary people who feel guiltless are inclined to become ruthless. Reciprocity morality, ostracism, deservingness, empathy, and self-control are proposed as means of explaining the origins of guilt and their implications for guiltlessness.

To take upon oneself not punishment, but guilt – that alone would be godlike. Friedrich Nietzsche

In the film ‘Atonement’, young Briony mistook Robbie, who was actually the lover of her elder sister Cecilia, for her cousin Lola’s rapist. This blunder leads to Robbie’s imprisonment and Cecilia’s consequent anguish. As Briony grew up and as she gradually discovered her mistake, she made great efforts to redeem herself. She constantly apologized to Cecilia and joined Cecilia’s old nursing corps to care for wounded English soldiers in World War II instead of taking up a place at Cambridge University. This is a good example of how people with a guilty conscience make up for their past misdeeds by confession, apology, and reparation (even to irrelevant people). Yet in everyday life, we often observe counterexamples. For example, in the international Criminal Court, two leaders of Congolese rebel groups were accused of masterminding the massacre of 200 people. Victims included women and children in the bloody episode of Congo war. However, both men pled innocent. Disregard and apathy toward victims are like capricious twins of atonement, redemption, and reparation. Guilty conscience appears to differentiate them, but to our knowledge, there are more theories which try to explain the enhanced altruistic and cooperative behaviors of guilty transgressors than theories focusing on indifferent and negative attitudes toward victims. In this paper, we will begin by presenting theories and empirical evidence about guilt which consider it as the main source of enhanced altruism after transgression, and then describe the construct of guiltlessness at interpersonal and intergroup levels, and its relation to prejudice, discrimination, and antisocial behavior.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

441

Guilt and Prosocial Behavior Interpersonal guilt: definition and evidence Guilt is fundamentally prosocial because it strengthens interpersonal relationships (Baumeister, 1997). It is a kind of regretful, remorseful, painful, and aversive feeling aroused by one’s own actions or inactions (e.g., Baumeister, Stillwell, & Heatherton, 1994; Ferguson & Stegge, 1998). Guilt is different from regret in that guilt is more related to interpersonal harm whereas regret is more related to intrapersonal harm (Berndsen, Van der Pligt, Doosje, & Manstead, 2004). Shame is different from guilt in that it pertains to the self rather than the action and it is related to withdrawal rather than approach (Baumeister et al., 1994). Guilt is usually related to and is operationalized as the acceptance of responsibility for (e.g., Manstead & Tetlock, 1989) and controllability of (e.g., Tracy & Robins, 2006) harm. Guilt has long been related to prosocial behavior. People tend to use altruistic means when under the stress of guilt (Baumeister et al., 1994; Carlsmith & Gross, 1969; Freedman, Wallington, & Bless, 1967). In experimental settings, after having done something wrong such as giving electric shocks to a fellow-subject, impeding the experiment, lying or cheating, subjects cooperate more with the experimenter or the confederate when given the possibility (e.g., Carlsmith & Gross, 1969; Darlington & Macker, 1966; Freedman et al., 1967; Regan, 1971). For example, Carlsmith and Gross (1969) have shown that subjects who were instructed to give electric shocks to a confederate increased their help for the confederate later on. This effect is not limited to the transgressor: individuals who witnessed the transgression are also more prone to help the victim (Carlsmith & Gross, 1969; Darlington & Macker, 1966). For example, Darlington and Macker (1966) conducted an experiment in which approximately half the subjects were led to believe that they failed to help the confederate earn the credits in an experimental task, these credits being considered as necessary for the confederate to accomplish his or her studies and future career. The other half were told that the confederate was indifferent to the credits so that the failure would not affect him. Subsequently, more subjects whose confederate pretended to need the credits agreed to donate blood to a local hospital than those whose confederate pretended to be indifferent to the credits. A robust explanation for such enhanced prosocial behavior is guilt aroused by transgression. As Baumeister (1997) once claimed: ‘‘Guilt is backward-looking in many cases because it focuses on what one has done wrong in the past, but guilt also has a strong anticipatory element’’ (p. 306). It can motivate transgressors to restore reciprocal relations (e.g., Baumeister et al., 1994; Eisenberg, 2000; Gilbert, 2003; Tangney & Fischer, 1995) by reconciliation, apologies, and reparation (e.g., Hoffman, 1998; Keltner & Buswell, 1996; Tangney, 1999). Thus, prosocial behaviors appear to reduce guilt in transgressors as if they compensated for the harm done. Interpersonal guilt: an introspective power against the self Guilt is an introspective emotion which is the reflective result of the association between the self and the negative event (Baumeister, Vohs, DeWall, & Zhang, 2007). As Steele (1990) suggested, guilt is powerful because it shows undesirable aspects of the self. Selfconscious emotions (e.g., shame, guilt, pride, and embarrassment) critically involve selfevaluative processes: an individual reflects on his or her stable self-representations and compares the emotion-eliciting event with these representations (Tracy & Robins, 2004, 2007). Tracy and Robins (2004) propose that negative self-conscious emotions (e.g., ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

442 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

guilt, shame) result from the inconsistency between self-identity and the goal of what one wishes to be, thus leading to a failure to accept the negative event while trying to maintain self-identity. For example, after watching videos about civil rights, Whites reacted antisocially when their personal integrity was threatened, but prosocially (support for Black program) after their personal integrity had been reaffirmed (Harvey & Oswald, 2000). The social reciprocity trait of guilt can make self-condemnation devastating for the self. Guilty people usually score low on self-forgiveness scales (Strelan, 2007) and seek punishment and deprivation (e.g., Carveth, 2001; Lindsay-Hartz, de Rivera, & Mascolo, 1995; Nelissen & Zeelenberg, 2009; Roseman, Wiest, & Swartz, 1994). For example, survivor guilt (i.e., self-reproach over the death of significant others; Friedman, 1981; Okulate & Jones, 2006) and self-reproach over being better off than others can be aroused in interpersonal contexts (Baumeister et al., 1994) as well as after traumatic events such as natural disasters or wars (Carballo et al., 2004; Southwick, Gilmartin, McDonough, & Morrissey, 2006). Collective guilt: definition and evidence As homo sociologicus, a human being is constantly influenced by others in the same community (Lickel, Schmader, Curtis, Scarnier, & Ames, 2005). According to self-categorization theory (Turner, Hogg, Oakes, Reicher, & Wetherell, 1987), group members perceive themselves as exemplars of the ingroup and consider the ingroup image as part of their self-image when their social identity is salient (Smith & Henry, 1996). By doing so, they experience group-based emotions on behalf of their group, and in turn those collective emotions will trigger their corresponding behavior (Cialdini et al., 1976; Smith, 1993, 1999). Collective emotions can be extremely salient during intergroup conflicts. The ingroup members experience discrete intergroup emotions toward outgroups which pose different threats upon them (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005; Devos, Silver, Mackie, & Smith, 2002; Mackie et al., 2000; Smith, 1993, 1999). One of the most critical threats to the ingroup is its questioned morality (Branscombe, Ellemers, Spears, & Doosje, 1999). Thus it is plausible that when social identity is made salient to people and their ingroup morality is perceived to be threatened, they will feel guilty (Branscombe, Slugoski, & Kappen, 2004; Doosje, Branscombe, Spears, & Manstead, 1998, 2006; Tangney & Fischer, 1995). For example, if the transgression was controllable and the person has a connection with the transgressor, then he ⁄ she might feel vicarious guilt (Lickel et al., 2005). Dutch students felt guilty over their past history of colonization in Indonesia and were motivated to atone for that (Doosje et al., 1998). White guilt was aroused if White participants were unfairly advantaged compared to Black subjects (Branscombe, 2002; Steele, 1990). In summary, collective guilt is aroused when the ingroup is perceived to take advantage of, or even illegitimately harm, another group (Branscombe, 2004; Branscombe, Schmitt, & Schiffhauer, 2007). Just as in interpersonal contexts, collective guilt is based on the acceptance of responsibility for the undeserved outcome or the injustice carried out by the ingroup (Doosje et al., 1998; Iyer, Leach, & Crosby, 2003; Lickel et al., 2005). Furthermore, collective guilt is often followed by support for compensation for the disadvantaged group (Brown & Cehajic, 2008; Brown, Gonza´lez, Zagefka, Manzi, & Cehajic, 2008; Castano & Giner-Sorolla, 2006; Doosje et al., 1998; Iyer et al., 2003; Zebel, Zimmermann, Viki, & Doosje, 2008).

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

443

Collective guilt and social identification The extent to which a member identifies with the ingroup influences the extent of collective guilt. When social identity is salient, people who identify more with their ingroup express more group-level emotions than those who identify less with it (Seger, Smith, & Mackie, 2009). An important aspect of collective guilt is the acceptance of the negative aspect of the ingroup image. Wohl, Branscombe, and Klar (2006) suggested a model of collective guilt acceptance. Self-categorization as a member of a perpetrator group, acceptance of ingroup responsibility, appraisal of illegitimacy of the event, and moderate ingroup costs are all antecedents of collective guilt acceptance. According to Wohl et al., collective guilt will be experienced with sufficient intensity to motivate people to act only when the wrongs of the ingroup are moderately difficult to atone for. However, the ingroup costs can be so high that it outweighs the importance of rectifying the harm. Apology, reduced prejudice toward outgroup and positive intergroup relations are consequences of collective guilt acceptance. For example, people are relatively indifferent to negative suggestions of their ingroup which originate from an outgroup compared with those from their ingroup. And this effect is stronger among high identifiers who are less likely to accept the negative aspect of the ingroup than low identifiers (Doosje et al., 2006). It has been shown that collective guilt was aroused among low identifiers who were willing to accept the ‘stain’ of their ingroup (Doosje et al., 1998). That is because (a) this kind of acceptance will threaten high identifiers’ collective self-image with their ingroup more than low identifiers; (b) high identifiers are more motivated to manage their collective guilt while low identifiers are less motivated to do so (Doosje et al., 1998). Where does guilt originate from and where does it end? There are several theories that explain the origins of interpersonal guilt. To our knowledge, few theories tackle the phenomenology of guiltlessness. In the following section, we briefly summarize the theories about the origins of guilt, some of which provides possible explanations of the origins of guiltlessness. I feel guilty because I ruined our reciprocal agreement: reciprocity morality The assumption that emotions have interpersonal functions has been confirmed by many research studies. For example, emotions facilitate the development of long-term social bonds (Keltner, Haidt, & Shiota, 2006) and reciprocity (Trivers, 1971). As for moral emotions, a well-socialized society counts on their frequent occurrence as they implicitly and automatically help to regulate people’s behavior in the absence of institutional sanction (e.g., Ausubel, 1955; Freud, 1930). Hence, guilt functions as a higher-order moral emotion, such as sympathy, to motivate moral behavior (Hoffman, 1998). Several researchers have argued that guilt results from the morally and normatively unacceptable behavior committed by the transgressor who will later suffer from it (e.g., Smith & Ellsworth, 1985). In this light, guilt is aroused by the breach of personal moral standards or social norms (e.g., Ferguson, Stegge, & Damhuis, 1991). It is thought to be the consequence of reciprocity violation and to lead to remedial behaviors which reestablish reciprocity (i.e., restoration of relationship with the victimized individual) and restore a positive self-concept (Cottrell & Neuberg, 2005). However, the fact that the witness of a transgression also carries out prosocial behaviors cannot be explained by this theory as the relationship – if any – between witness and victim has not been affected. ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

444 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

From this theory, we can conclude that if there is no reciprocity, there is no guilt. For example, when a culprit hurts a stranger that he ⁄ she has never met before and will never meet again, guilt will be aroused to a lesser extent compared with a situation in which an acquaintance is the victim. I feel guilty because I am afraid of being excluded: ostracism According to developmental psychologists, guilt develops because of the withdrawal of parental love. The distress, anxiety, and fear following transgression are products of the threat of exclusion from significant relationships (Kochanska & Aksan, 1995). The intensity of guilt is proportional to the significance of the harmed relationship (Baumeister, 1997). The compensation behavior such as altruistic helping and cooperation repairs both interpersonal relationships and the attachment of the actor to his ⁄ her society (Baumeister et al., 1994; Iyer et al., 2003; Lickel et al., 2005). This theory of guilt implies that guilt is dependent on specific relationships and serves to maintain them. One of the limitations of this theory concerns the explanation of enhanced cooperation of witnesses, considering the fact that they are not threatened by ostracism as they did not commit the transgression themselves. However, the important point which is made by this theory is that when a victim poses no threat of ostracism, the perpetrator will find alternatives to reparation to relieve guilt (e.g., infrahumanization) or not feel any guilt. I feel guilty because I deserve punishment: deservingness According to Lerner and Simmons (1966), people need to believe in a just world in which everyone gets what he ⁄ she deserves, and this need leads to a belief in a just world. This conception of deservingness helps to explain general guilt after transgression. For example, transgression is usually considered as ‘bad’. According to just-world theory, the transgressor must be blamed for the disturbance and deserves punishment. If there is neither punishment nor remorse expressed, the belief in a just world is threatened, both for the witness and for the transgressor himself ⁄ herself. Consequently, the witness feels angry because of the transgression and calls for punishment and reparation. This conception is supported by several indirect empirical investigations focusing on belief in fairness. Someone whose behavior appears to be unfair – without necessarily being a transgression – feels guilty even if it occurred by chance. For example, individuals who consider they have been overrewarded (e.g., survivor of holocaust or fatal disease) feel guilty as they think they haven’t done anything special to ‘deserve’ the ‘reward’; they even blame themselves for having been ‘chosen’ (e.g., Wayment, Silver, & Kemeny, 1993). I feel guilty because I feel your pain: empathy Empathy is the vicarious experience of someone else’s emotional state, which is different from sympathy (Eisenberg et al., 1994). Individuals who are more empathic are more altruistic and helping (Batson, 1991), and are more likely to experience guilt (Tangney, 1991). Based on these observations, Hoffman (1982) postulated that guilt can be aroused through empathy and that both are prosocial. But empathy is a selective emotion: people are more empathic and kind toward those who are akin to them (Batson, Duncan, Ackerman, Buckley, & Birch, 1981). Furthermore, as less secondary emotions (e.g., love, hope, contempt, resentment) – which are perceived to be more human – are attributed ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

445

to outgroup members, empathy will be aroused to a lesser extent in the presence of a suffering outgroup member. I feel guilty because I lost control over myself: self-control The theory of self-control focuses more on intrapersonal than interpersonal conflicts. According to this theory, guilt has self-control functions. Indeed, developmental studies show that guilt proneness predicts low rates of disruptive behaviors in children. For example, high guilt-prone children’s disruptive behavior is inhibited by memories of past wrongdoings and anticipatory anxiety rather than by effortful control (i.e., the ability to deliberately suppress dominant but undesirable responses) (Kochanska, Barry, Jimenez, Hollatz, & Woodard, 2009). As Baumeister (1997; see also Baumeister et al., 2007) argued, the expectation of suffering from guilt prevents people from committing guiltinducing behaviors. It is important to underline that this effect is not limited to interpersonal conflicts; it can also affect individuals who perceive themselves as failing to meet intrapersonal standards (e.g., to follow dietary). Hence, self-gratification without justification may induce guilt (e.g., Dahl, Honea, & Manchanda, 2003; Dhar & Wertenbroch, 2000; Giner-Sorolla, 2001). For example, pursuing hedonic pleasure without acceptable justifications makes people feel guilty, because it is considered as being futile or even immoral and contrary to long-term goals. As a consequence, individuals are motivated to control their hedonic pursuits (Kivetz & Zheng, 2006; Nelissen & Zeelenberg, 2009; Tangney, 1999, 2001). For example, after having been subliminally primed with adjectives connoting guilt, subjects showed less self-indulgence toward their hedonic pursuits (e.g., amount of money spent on CDs ⁄ DVDs) and more prosocial behaviors (e.g., helping to formulate research questionnaires) than those who had been primed with sad adjectives (Zemack-Rugar, Bettman, & Fitzsimons, 2007). Guiltlessness Guiltlessness is inextricably related to guilt, as two sides of a coin: (a) guiltlessness occurs in circumstances which could also induce guilt; (b) guiltlessness can mainly be seen as the result of a series of (conscious or unconscious) manipulations of the key elements such as the severity and the consequence of the negative events in order to inhibit or remove guilt; (c) guiltlessness may be considered as a substitution of guilt when the latter becomes so overwhelming that it is detrimental for the individual or the ingroup. Thus guiltlessness may be interpreted as a calculated mental product which requires extensive efforts and appears when it becomes too difficult for the person to bear guilt. As guilt is critical in promoting prosocial behaviors, we will show in the following section how lack of guilt (i.e., guiltlessness) can prompt prejudice, discrimination, and antisocial behavior in interpersonal and intergroup relations. Guiltlessness in interpersonal contexts Guilt is not a hedonic emotion, thus, transgressors tend not to appreciate the behaviors that induce guilt (Rubin & Shaffer, 1987). As Baumeister (1997) highlighted, guilt is such a negative anticipatory emotion that people abandon the guilt-inducing behavior before hand, in order to avoid experiencing that feeling. However, excuses and rationalizations can also be prepared prior to committing guilt-inducing acts. According to Baumeister (1997), perpetrators are prepared to feel guiltless, because they have already rationalized ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

446 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

their behavior before it has actually been carried out. This might explain why accidents induce more guilt than premeditated acts. In order to relieve guilt, multiple strategies are often used. Responsibility denial, transgression reframing, and justifications all contribute to decreased guilt. The difficulties associated with making atonement are critical in determining whether guilt will be aroused. It seems that when it’s hard to redeem the transgression and the experience of guilt is unbearable, individuals choose not to feel guilty at all. Guiltlessness is therefore considered as a calculated moral product in the minds of those who are unwilling to feel responsible for their acts. High costs of reparation and atonement make reestablishment of relationship hard, thus arousing guiltlessness, which in turn appears to reduce approach behaviors. Berndsen et al. (2004) showed that the correlation between guilt and approach motivation depends on the possibility and accessibility of reparation. After being given bogus feedback of anti-Black brain-wave responses to pictures of Black people, White subjects were led to believe that their brain-wave demonstrated some antiblack pattern. As a result, they felt guilty and were less motivated to approach Blacks. But if they were provided with reparation opportunities, they were more willing to help Blacks and increased their approach motivation (Amodio, Devine, & Harmon-Jones, 2007). Another important element which should be emphasized is that when it appears to be impossible to atone for the harm, individuals are likely to readjust their perception of the incident in order to relieve feelings of guilt. The theory of just world beliefs can successfully explain this cognitive reframing. Based on Lerner and Simmons’ (1966) theory, the need to believe in a just world motivates people to treat victims differently according to their level of injury and responsibility for the transgression (Hafer & Be`gue, 2005). When the victim has not behaved poorly and the suffering is relatively minor, people consider that the victim does not deserve such adversity; they feel sorry for the unfortunate and seek to compensate him or her. However, continuous suffering makes people begin to consider the suffering as a deserved punishment or an exercise for the victim. This may explain why irreparable damage does not necessarily lead to intense feelings of guilt, but rather to guiltlessness. Denial of responsibility is a convenient strategy used to reduce guilt. Individuals claim to be unintentional (Baumeister, Stillwell, & Wotman, 1990), deny and diffuse responsibility, disregard the harm (Freedman, 1970), and make external attributions (e.g., compliance; Baumeister, 1997) in order to suppress or minimize guilt. Reframing the incident seems to have an effect on both the valence (i.e., from guilt to guiltlessness) and the intensity of guilt. If they are reminded of their salient similarities with the victim, people tend to judge the transgression as more severe; but if they focus on similarities with the perpetrator, the transgression is judged to be less severe (Gordijn, Yzerbyt, Wigboldus, & Dumont, 2006). It has been found that by focusing on the rape victim’s own behavior, people expressed less blame toward the assailant and more blame toward the victim (Nario-Redmond & Branscombe, 1996). In the same way, reframing racial inequality as Black disadvantage rather than White privilege reduces White American collective guilt (Powell, Branscombe, & Schmitt, 2005). If the above reframing strategies do not work sufficiently well, individuals may use just-world beliefs to convince themselves that the victim deserves the harm (Newman, 1988) or can even benefit from it (Baumeister, 1997). Thus, a number of perceived righteous justifications may serve to arouse guiltlessness. Dehumanization stands out as a typical example of perceived righteous justification. Dehumanization is defined as the perception of another individual as animal-like or ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

447

automaton-like, thus bearing less human characteristics (Haslam, 2005; Haslam, Bain, Douge, Lee, & Bastian, 2005). Dehumanization is negatively related to support for reparation policies (Zebel et al., 2008), and experimental studies show that dehumanized subjects are treated particularly harshly (Bandura, Underwood, & Fromson, 1975). By dehumanizing the victim, reciprocity and other moral values are removed from consideration, and harm toward dehumanized victims is believed to be legitimate. As a consequence, guilt is not felt and reparation is unlikely to follow. Other strategies have also been observed. For example, Baumeister (1997) suggested that guilt is prevented by taking certain precautions such as focusing on the superficial details instead of the intrinsic meaning of the harm, or reduced by getting drunk after a transgression. Another important phenomenon is observed when transgressors receive reinforcements through money or approval (Cialdini, Darby, & Vincent, 1973). This appears to reduce guilt as well as prosocial behaviors. Last but not least, defense and revenge serve as two effective justifications as they are often the corresponding responses to previous offenses or injustice (Feather, 2006; Miller, 2001). These are viewed as the expression of the reciprocity norm which is the foundation of human cooperation (Gouldner, 1960). In fact, vengeance is frequently related to interpersonal aggression and delinquency and is often invoked to justify these transgressions and crimes (McCullough, 2008). Guiltlessness in intergroup contexts As in interpersonal contexts, collective guilt is not always aroused by perceived injustice or undeserved privilege over other groups. Individuals are inclined to forget about the ingroup’s past wrongs (Branscombe & Miron, 2004; Sahdra & Ross, 2007) and tend to feel guiltless in ambiguous conditions (Doosje et al., 1998). Due to the fact that they are motivated to view their ingroup as positive and moral, they generally use strategies such as harm minimization and denial or legitimization of ingroup past wrongs in order to avoid collective guilt (Miron, Branscombe, & Schmitt, 2006; for a review, see Wohl et al., 2006). As in interpersonal contexts, one of the main categories of legitimizations is defense, that is, the ingroup justifies acts which aim at reciprocating a past injustice carried out by the target outgroup (Dodge & Coie, 1987; Staub, 1989; Wohl & Reeder, 2004). However, this effect is not limited to the target outgroup. For example, when being reminded of the Holocaust, Jewish Canadians experience less collective guilt for ingroup aggression against Palestinians than those who were not primed by the Holocaust (Wohl & Branscombe, 2008). A second important category of legitimization concerns infrahumanization, which refers to members of an ingroup perceiving their group as fully human while out group members are perceived as les human and bestiales (Demoulin et al., 2004, 2005; Leyens, Demoulin, Vaes, Gaunt, & Paladino, 2007; Leyens et al., 2000, 2001, 2003; Vaes, Paladino, Castelli, Leyens, & Giovanazzi, 2003). Studies show, for example, that secondary emotions are associated with the ingroup and primary emotions with the outgroup more rapidly than the other two combinations (Boccato, Cortes, Demoulin, & Leyens, 2007; Paladino et al., 2002; Viki et al., 2006). Primary emotions are emotions universally shared by primates (e.g., anger, surprise, fear, joy, sadness, and disgust) whereas secondary emotions are human-unique emotions labeled according to different social interactions (e.g., sorrow, admiration, fondness, and disillusion). Compared with primary emotions, secondary emotions involve more morality, cognition, and cultural variances. Thus, ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

448 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

infrahumanization results in treating outgroups as subhuman (Leyens et al., 2001), entails moral exclusion (e.g., Opotow, 1990), and less prosocial behaviors toward outgroup members. For example, infrahumanization was related to unwillingness to help others after Hurricane Katrina (Cuddy, Rock, & Norton, 2007) and less forgiveness between conflicting groups as is the case between Catholic and Protestant Northern Irishmen (Tam et al., 2007). Furthermore, outgroup members expressing secondary emotions – which are more related to ingroup members – will receive less help from (Leyens et al., 2000; Vaes et al., 2003) and be more avoided by the latter (Leyens et al., 2003). As in interpersonal contexts, the difficulty to compensate the suffering leads to increased guiltlessness (Wohl et al., 2006). As the harm appears to be more severe, collective guilt and reparation become more scarce (Berndsen & McGarty, 2010; Schmitt, Miller, Branscombe, & Brehm, 2008). Guiltlessness, personality, and ideology To our knowledge, there is no systematic theory of guiltlessness. But, hitherto, researchers have documented several phenomena associated with guiltlessness. For examples, guiltlessness may be the result of specific personality inclinations as well as acquired attitudes. In this section, we will discuss (a) the evolutionary implications of guiltlessness, (b) the types of psychopathologies and personalities related to interpersonal guiltlessness, and (c) ideological conceptions which contribute to prejudice and intergroup guiltlessness. Guiltlessness may serve evolutionary functions. Indeed, to lie or to cheat can benefit an individual more than to cooperate and to help in the light of natural selection, provided that the cheated will never be met again (Trivers, 1971). Antisocial personalities – characterized by callousness and lack of remorse and empathy (e.g., Blair, Peschardt, Budhani, Mitchell, & Pine, 2006; Frick & Morris, 2004; Frick & White, 2008) – are considered as the full expression of this strategy (Mealy, 1995; Raine, 1993). Their intelligence, superficial charm, and lack of prosocial emotions (e.g., empathy, sympathy, shame, and guilt) enable them to guiltlessly manipulate and exploit others (e.g., Raine, 1993). Narcissism is another type of personality characterized by feelings of superiority and deservingness (Emmons, 1984; Raskin & Terry, 1988) which appear to be positively correlated to guiltlessness, particularly when the ego has been threatened or hurt, as narcissists will take revenge rapidly (Bushman, Bonacci, van Dijk, & Baumeister, 2003; Campbell, Bonacci, Shelton, Exline, & Bushman, 2004; McCullough, Emmons, Kilpatrick, & Mooney, 2003). As Baumeister (1997) observed, guilt implies reciprocity which is rarely experienced in the presence of an overwhelming ego. Specific ideological variables are also good predictors of intergroup guiltlessness. For example, justifications for discrimination which is caused by symbolic threat occurs when egalitarianism (e.g., equality, social justice, and anti-discrimination; Moskowitz, Gollwitzer, Wasel, & Schaal, 1999) rather than meritocracy (e.g., discrimination against incompetence; Vala, Lima, & Lopes, 2004) is salient (Pereira, Vala, & Leyens, 2009). It has been shown that idealists avoid guilty feelings by convincing themselves that they are fighting against evil (Baumeister, 1997). Among other examples are Right-Wing Authoritarianism (RWA; Altemeyer & Hunsberger, 1992), which combines anxious submission to authorities considered as legitimate and well-established (authoritarian submission), aggressiveness against deviants (authoritarian aggression), and conventionalism (Altemeyer, 1998; Stone, Lederer, & Christie, 1993), and Social Dominance Orientation (SDO; Pratto, Sidanius, Stallworth, & Malle, 1994), which is a set of general attitudes and beliefs toward the preference for hierarchical intergroup relations (Pratto et al., 1994). The latter is driven by a ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

449

conception of the world as a competitive jungle in which only the most adaptive individuals survive (e.g., Duckit, Wagner, du Plessis, & Birum, 2002). These are two important predictors of outgroup discrimination and its legitimization. RWA predicts people’s willingness to both infrahumanize and support aggression against outgroups (e.g., Hodson & Costello, 2007; McFarland, 2005). Correspondingly, people high in SDO are more likely to perceive outgroups as less human (e.g., Esses & Hodson, 2006; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), show discrimination against outgroups and dehumanize refugees compared with individuals low in SDO (Esses, Veenvliet, Hodson, & Mihic, 2008; Roccas, Klar, & Liviatan, 2006). This suggests that there are two modes of social identification which play contrasting roles in collective guilt: glorification (i.e., to see the ingroup as perfect, to deny any negative reference) is negatively related to collective guilt, whereas attachment (i.e., to feel integrated in the group, to include ingroup in one’s self-concept) is positively related to it. Glorification is similar to RWA and SDO in that it includes unconditional submission to the ingroup and hierarchical thinking of intergroup relationships. Any negative suggestion about the ingroup will not be accepted by individuals high in glorification, thus, such persons will not feel collective guilt. It is assumed, in the case of intergroup conflicts, that people high in RWA and SDO will feel less guilty than others. Guiltlessness and destructivity Guiltlessness (at interpersonal or intergroup levels) is related to prejudice, discrimination, transgressions, victimization, and atrocities. A few examples follow: (a) people high in hostile sexism are more likely to deny the experience of positive secondary emotions in women (e.g., compassion, hopefulness, and nostalgia) than those low in hostile sexism (Viki & Abrams, 2003); (b) in pornography, women are dehumanized so that rape and victimization are perceived to be more acceptable and legitimate (Check & Guloine, 1989); (c) infrahumanization is related to various negative affects and actions against outgroups (for reviews, see Haslam, Loughnan, Kashima, & Bain, 2008; Leyens et al., 2000), and dehumanization is related to slaughter and genocide in intergroup conflicts (O’Brien, 2003). The antisocial and destructive nature of guiltlessness is due to its implicit presence in daily life and ordinary issues and potential to stir up large-scale intergroup conflicts. As discussed before, guiltlessness, especially in intergroup contexts, partly stems from stereotypes and prejudice, and it is difficult for people to abandon their stereotypes. The latter are destructive within the society and between societies. For example, it has been shown that an implicit association between Blacks and apes is an automatic cognitive response which interferes with further cognitions and promotes discrimination against Blacks (Goff, Eberhardt, Williams, & Jackson, 2008). Behaviors triggered by guiltlessness range from low to high destructivity (Allport, 1954); they can evolve from trivial frictions to largescale conflicts. For example, prejudice can lead people to talk about and denigrate victims (antilocution); they might then wish to reduce contact with these prejudiced groups (avoidance); hence discrimination such as employment exclusion may follow; individuals sometimes then start to physically attack these prejudiced groups, and, finally, extermination may end the story. Sternberg (2003) defined various types of hate (e.g., from disgust to need for annihilation) which ascend in degree of affect and motivation to act toward the rejected target. There can be multiple levels of moral exclusion, including psychological distancing (perceiving others as objects or as non-existent), condescension (patronizing others as inferior, irrational, and childlike), technical orientation (a focus on means–end efficiency ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

450 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

and mechanical routine), and infrahumanization (Opotow, 1990). Infrahumanization biases are universal and independent of status and conflicts (Demoulin et al., 2005; Haslam, 2005; Leyens et al., 2003). According to Cuddy, Fiske, and Glick (2007), there are mainly two dimensions in intergroup behaviors: active–passive (i.e., intensity), and facilitation–harm (i.e., valence). Active behaviors are direct, explicit, overt, confrontational, intense, and highly risky, whereas passive behaviors require less effort, are indirect, covert, less intense, and avoidant (Ayduk, May, Downey, & Higgins, 2003). Passive behaviors can also demonstrate a kind of discrimination such as neglecting others’ welfare (Cuddy, Fiske, et al., 2007). By analogy, the manifestation of guiltlessness could also be described as composed of two dimensions. Guiltlessness may manifest itself as active harm against outgroups as well as passive facilitation such as avoiding offering help. There are certain situations which may prompt guiltlessness. Because specific circumstances induce or suppress the expression of discrimination (Crandall & Eshleman, 2003; Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), prejudice is not always expressed publicly. The expression of prejudice is contingent on social norms and personal beliefs which fuel justifications (e.g., attributions, ideologies, stereotypes; Crandall & Eshleman, 2003). If discrimination is socially acceptable or even desirable, there is no need to find justifications, but when society does not encourage discrimination its expression will elicit tensions which will motivate people to seek justifications (Pettigrew, 1958). For example, certain kinds of situations appear to raise the risks of mass killing (Staub, 1999). During hard times, people’s needs are frustrated, and they may become desperate to respond to these needs, which may prompt them to resort to ruthless actions (Staub, 1996). Furthermore, when under threat, people tend to restore the positive image of the ingroup by infrahumanizing outgroups (e.g., Branscombe & Wann, 1994) and become extremely discriminating (for a meta-analysis, see Saucier, Miller, & Doucet, 2005). Thus, guiltlessness can induce aggression and be fueled by numerous excuses during sensitive periods of time. Guiltlessness and moral disengagement The reason why guiltlessness leads to antisocial and destructive behaviors may be due to its association with moral disengagement which can be seen as the result of a deactivation of self-regulatory processes inhibiting unethical behaviors (Bandura, 1986, 1999). For example, highly morally disengaged children are prone to be more aggressive, have more delinquent behaviors, and experience less anticipatory guilt and remorse (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Caprara, & Pastorelli, 1996; Bandura, Caprara, Barbaranelli, Pastorelli, & Regalia, 2001; Bandura et al., 1975). Bandura (1999; see also Bandura et al., 1975) suggested that the cognitive reframing (e.g., displacement of responsibility, diffusion of responsibility, disregard or distortion of consequences, dehumanization, attribution of blame to victims) of inhumanity into perceived humanity results in moral disengagement. Thus, moral disengagement starts when extremely negative emotions are directed toward dehumanized targets and results in discriminatory rejection (Bar-Tal, 2000): infrahumanized victims are excluded from moral considerations, thus facilitating perpetration of atrocities against them (Bandura, 1999; Bandura et al., 1975). At every stage of the process mentioned above, guilt could be induced as people would not want this to happen to any of their acquaintance, friend, relative, lover, or themselves. It is reasonable to assume that if guilt is felt during the process it will interfere with moral disengagement. ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

451

Discussion and Conclusion To date, many researchers have documented guilt-related phenomena while fewer have contributed to documenting guiltlessness which can be considered as an important construct related to immorality, prejudice, conflicts, and transgressions in interpersonal and intergroup contexts. We argue that guilt is the acceptance of a mildly defective self, whereas guiltlessness is the rejection of the unbearable distress of anticipatory guilt. It is hard to feel guilty because one has to accept undesirable aspects of the self. Feeling guiltless requires much effort as various justifications must be generated and the individual has to remain vigilant in guilt-suggesting situations. It has been highlighted that individuals experiencing extreme negative feelings toward target groups adopt a simplistic and dichotomous way of judging others and tend to focus solely on their hatred. Thus, dehumanization is incompatible with reasoning that involves considerations for others and for the collective good (Sternberg, 1999). As discussed above, the inability to feel guilty (e.g., antisocial personality) is associated with the destruction of social goods and relationships. Without moral emotions, one can act immorally. For example, patients with damage in the prefrontal cortex of the ventromedial area may exhibit the same level of moral reasoning as unimpaired persons, but not feel guilt (Damasio, 1994; Damasio, Tranel, & Damasio, 1990). Guilt can thus be considered an important protection against the perpetration of aggressive behaviors (Baumeister, 1997). Short Biographies Hanyi Xu is mainly interested in theoretical and empirical research on prosocial behaviors and social prejudice. She holds scholarship from China Scholarship Council and is now a member of the Interuniversity Research Laboratory on Personality, Cognition, Social Change. She is currently preparing her PhD thesis with Laurent Be`gue at Grenoble University. Laurent Be`gue works in the field of social psychology and mainly interested in the consequences of beliefs and expectancies on prosocial and antisocial behaviors. He has authored or coauthored many papers on those topics, including Psychological Bulletin, British Journal of Social Psychology, Journal of Personality, and Psychology, Crime and Law. He is currently a professor at Grenoble University and member of the University Institute of France. He is also the head of Interuniversity Research Laboratory on Personality, Cognition and Social Change. He has been a Visiting Professor at Brock University, Ontario, and at Stanford University, California, and holds a PhD from Aix-en-Provence University. Rebecca Shankland is a lecturer at Grenoble University. She works in the field of stress. She has authored or coauthored many papers on those topics. Laurent Be`gue works in the field of social psychology and in mainly interested in the consequences of beliefs and expectancies on prosocial and antisocial behaviors. He has authored or coauthored various papers on those topics, including Psychological Bulletin, Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, Journal of Personality. He is currently full professor at Grenoble University. He is also the head of Interuniversity Research Laboratory on Personality, Cognition and Social Change. He has been Visiting Professor at Brock University, Ontario, and at Stanford University, California, and holds a PhD from Aix-en-Provence University. Re´becca Shankland is assistant professor, PhD in psychopathology Paris 8 university, and works in the field of clinical psychology and is mainly interested in health prevention and promotion, in particular psychosocial competencies and coping behaviors. She mainly ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

452 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

teaches in the field of psychopathology. She has published on coping and health promotion and how educational pathways and programs can enhance these. Endnote * Correspondence address: BP 47, 38040 Grenoble Cedex 9, France. Emails: [email protected]; xuhanyi @gmail.com

References Allport, G. W. (1954). The Nature of Prejudice. Cambridge, MA: Addison-Wesley. Altemeyer, B. (1998). The other ‘authoritarian personality’. In M. P. Zanna (Ed.), Advances in Experimental Social Psychology (Vol. 30, pp. 47–91). New York: Academic Press. Altemeyer, B., & Hunsberger, B. (1992). Authoritarianism, religious fundamentalism, quest, and prejudice. International Journal for the Psychology of Religion, 2, 113–133. Amodio, D., Devine, P., & Harmon-Jones, E. (2007). A dynamic model of guilt: Implications for motivation and self-regulation in the context of prejudice. Psychological Science, 18, 524–530. Ausubel, D. P. (1955). Relationships between shame and guilt in the socialization process. Psychological Review, 67, 378–390. Ayduk, O., May, D., Downey, G., & Higgins, E. T. (2003). Tactical differences in coping with rejection sensitivity: The role of prevention pride. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 435–448. Bandura, A. (1986). Social Foundations of Thought and Action: A Social Cognitive Theory. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall. Bandura, A. (1999). Moral disengagement in the perpetration of inhumanities. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 3, 193–209. Bandura, A., Barbaranelli, C., Caprara, G. V., & Pastorelli, C. (1996). Mechanisms of moral disengagement in the exercise of moral agency. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 71, 364–374. Bandura, A., Caprara, G. V., Barbaranelli, C., Pastorelli, C., & Regalia, C. (2001). Sociocognitive self-regulatory mechanisms governing transgressive behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80, 125–135. Bandura, A., Underwood, B., & Fromson, M. E. (1975). Disinhibition of aggression through diffusion of responsibility and dehumanization of victims. Journal of Research in Personality, 9, 253–269. Bar-Tal, D. (2000). Shared Beliefs in a Society: Social Psychological Analysis. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage. Batson, C. D. (1991). The Altruism Question. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Batson, C. D., Duncan, B. D., Ackerman, P., Buckley, T., & Birch, K. (1981). Is empathic emotion a source of altruistic motivation? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 40, 290–302. Baumeister, R. F. (1997). Evil: Inside Human Violence and Cruelty. New York: Freeman. Baumeister, R. F., Stillwell, A. M., & Heatherton, T. F. (1994). Guilt: An interpersonal approach. Psychological Bulletin, 115, 243–267. Baumeister, R. F., Stillwell, A. M., & Wotman, S. R. (1990). Victim and perpetrator accounts of interpersonal conflict: Autobiographical narratives about anger. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 59, 994–1005. Baumeister, R. F., Vohs, K. D., DeWall, C. N., & Zhang, L. (2007). How emotion shapes behavior: Feedback, anticipation, and reflection, rather than direct causation. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 11, 167–203. Berndsen, M., & McGarty, C. (2010).The impact of magnitude of harm and perceived difficulty of making reparations on group-based guilt and reparation towards victims of historical harm. European Journal of Social Psychology, 40, 500–513. Berndsen, M., Van der Pligt, J., Doosje, B., & Manstead, A. S. R. (2004). Guilt and regret: The determining role of interpersonal and intrapersonal harm. Cognition and Emotion, 18, 55–70. Blair, R. J. R., Peschardt, K. S., Budhani, S., Mitchell, D. G. V., & Pine, D. S. (2006). The development of psychopathy. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 47, 262–275. Boccato, G., Cortes, B. P., Demoulin, S., & Leyens, J.-P. (2007). The automaticity of infra-humanization. European Journal of Social Psychology, 37, 987–999. Branscombe, N. R. (2002). Collective guilt: Importance of history and social categorization. Australian Journal of Psychology, 54, 110–135. Branscombe, N. R. (2004). A social psychological process perspective on collective guilt. In N. R. Branscombe & B. Doosje (Eds.), Collective Guilt: International Perspectives (pp. 320–334). New York: Cambridge University Press. Branscombe, N. R., Ellemers, N., Spears, R., & Doosje, B. (1999). The context and content of social identity threat. In N. Ellemers, R. Spears & B. Doosje (Eds.), Social Identity: Context, Commitment, Content (pp. 35–58). Oxford, England: Blackwell Publishers.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

453

Branscombe, N. R., & Miron, A. M. (2004). Interpreting the ingroup’s negative actions toward another group: Emotional reactions to appraised harm. In L. Z. Tiedens & C. W. Leach (Eds.), The Social Life of Emotions (pp. 314–335). New York: Cambridge University Press. Branscombe, N. R., Schmitt, M. T., & Schiffhauer, K. (2007). Racial attitudes in response to thoughts of White privilege. European Journal of Social Psychology, 37, 203–215. Branscombe, N. R., Slugoski, B., & Kappen, D. M. (2004). The measurement of collective guilt: What it is and what it is not. In N. R. Branscombe & B. Doosje (Eds.), Collective Guilt: International Perspectives (pp. 16–34). New York: Cambridge University Press. Branscombe, N. R., & Wann, D. L. (1994). Collective self-esteem consequences of outgroup derogation when a valued social identity is on trial. European Journal of Social Psychology, 24, 641–657. Brown, R., & Cehajic, S. (2008). Dealing with the past and facing the future: Mediators of the effects of collective guilt and shame in Bosnia and Herzegovina. European Journal of Social Psychology, 38, 669–684. Brown, R., Gonza´lez, R., Zagefka, H., Manzi, J., & Cehajic, S. (2008). Nuestra culpa: Collective guilt and shame as predictors of reparation for historical wrongdoing. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 75–90. Bushman, B. J., Bonacci, A. M., van Dijk, M., & Baumeister, R. F. (2003). Narcissism, sexual refusal, and aggression: Testing a narcissistic reactance model of sexual coercion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 84, 1027–1040. Campbell, W. K., Bonacci, A. M., Shelton, J., Exline, J. J., & Bushman, B. J. (2004). Psychological entitlement: Interpersonal consequences and validation of a new self-report measure. Journal of Personality Assessment, 83, 29– 45. Carballo, M., Smajkic, A., Zeric, D., Dzidowska, M., Gebre-Medhin, J., & Van Halem, J. (2004). Mental health and coping in a war situation: The case of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Journal of Biosocial Science, 36, 463–477. Carlsmith, J. M., & Gross, A. E. (1969). Some effects of guilt on compliance. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 11, 232–239. Carveth, D. L. (2001). The unconscious need for punishment: Expression or evasion of the sense of guilt? Psychoanalytical Studies, 3, 9–21. Castano, E., & Giner-Sorolla, R. (2006). Not quite human: Infrahumanization in response to collective responsibility for intergroup killing. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90, 804–818. Check, J., & Guloine, T. (1989). Reported proclivity for coercive sex following repeated exposure to sexually violent pornography, non-violent dehumanizing pornography, and erotica. In D. Zillmann & J. Bryant (Eds.), Pornography: Recent Research, Interpretations, and Policy Considerations (pp. 159–184). Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Inc. Cialdini, R. B., Borden, R. J., Thorne, A., Walker, M. R., Freeman, S., & Sloan, L. R. (1976). Basking in reflected glory: Three football field studies. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 34, 366–375. Cialdini, R. B., Darby, B. L., & Vincent, J. E. (1973). Transgression and altruism: A case for hedonism. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 9, 502–516. Cottrell, C. A., & Neuberg, S. L. (2005).Different emotional reactions to different groups: A sociofunctional threatbased approach to ‘prejudice’. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 88, 770–789. Crandall, C. S., & Eshleman, A. (2003). A justification–suppression model of the expression and experience of prejudice. Psychological Bulletin, 129, 414–446. Cuddy, A. J. C., Fiske, S. T., & Glick, P. (2007). The BIAS map: Behaviors from intergroup affect and stereotypes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 2, 631–648. Cuddy, A. J. C., Rock, M., & Norton, M. I. (2007). Aid in the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina: Inferences of secondary emotions and intergroup helping. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 10, 107–118. Dahl, D. W., Honea, H., & Manchanda, R. V. (2003). The nature of self-reported guilt in consumption contexts. Marketing Letters, 14, 159–172. Damasio, A. R. (1994). Descartes’ Error: Emotion, Reason, and the Human Brain. New York: Putnam. Damasio, A. R., Tranel, D., & Damasio, H. (1990). Individuals with sociopathic behavior caused by frontal damage fail to respond autonomically to social stimuli. Behavioral Brain Research, 41, 81–94. Darlington, R. B., & Macker, C. E. (1966). Displacement of guilt-produced altruistic behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 4, 442–443. Demoulin, S., Leyens, J.-P., Paladino, M.-P., Rodriguez, R. T., Rodriguez, A. P., & Dovidio, J. F. (2004). Dimensions of ‘uniquely’ and ‘non-uniquely’ human emotions. Cognition and Emotion, 18, 71–96. Demoulin, S., Leyens, J.-P., Rodriguez-Torres, R., Rodriguez-Perez, A., Paladino, P. M., & Fiske, S. T. (2005). Motivation to support a desired conclusion versus motivation to avoid an undesirable conclusion: The case of infra-humanization. International Journal of Psychology, 40, 416–428. Devos, T., Silver, L. A., Mackie, D. M., & Smith, E. R. (2002). Experiencing intergroup emotions. In D. M. Mackie & E. R. Smith (Eds.), From Prejudice to Intergroup Emotions: Differentiated Reactions to Social Groups (pp. 111–134). New York: Psychology Press. Dhar, R., & Wertenbroch, K. (2000). Consumer choice between hedonic and utilitarian goods. Journal of Marketing Research, 37, 60–71.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

454 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors Dodge, K. A., & Coie, J. D. (1987). Social-information-processing factors in reactive and proactive aggression in children’s peer groups. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 53, 1146–1158. Doosje, B., Branscombe, N. R., Spears, R., & Manstead, A. S. R. (1998). Guilty by association: When one’s group has a negative history. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 75, 872–886. Doosje, B., Branscombe, N. R., Spears, R., & Manstead, A. S. R. (2006). Antecedents and consequences of group-based guilt: The effects of in-group identification. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 9, 325–338. Duckit, J., Wagner, C., du Plessis, I., & Birum, I. (2002). The psychological basis of ideology and prejudice: Testing a dual process model. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 82, 75–93. Eisenberg, N. (2000). Emotion, regulation, and moral development. Annual Review of Psychology, 51, 665–697. Eisenberg, N., Fabes, R. A., Murphy, B., Karbon, M., Maszk, P., Smith, M. et al. (1994). The relations of emotionality and regulation to dispositional and situational empathy-related responding. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66, 776–797. Emmons, R. A. (1984). Factor analysis and construct validity of the narcissistic personality inventory. Journal of Personality Assessment, 48, 291–300. Esses, V. M., & Hodson, G. (2006). The role of lay perceptions of ethnic prejudice in the maintenance and perpetuation of ethnic bias. Journal of Social Issues, 62, 453–468. Esses, V. M., Veenvliet, S., Hodson, G., & Mihic, L. (2008). Justice, fairness, and the dehumanization of refugees. Social Justice Research, 21, 4–25. Feather, N. T. (2006). Deservingness and emotion: Applying the structural model of deservingness to the analysis of affective reactions to outcomes. European Review of Social Psychology, 17, 38–73. Ferguson, T. J., & Stegge, H. (1998). Measuring guilt in children: A rose by any other name still has thorns. In J. Bybee (Ed.), Guilt and Children (pp. 19–74). San Diego: Academic. Ferguson, T. J., Stegge, H., & Damhuis, I. (1991). Children’s understanding of guilt and shame. Child Development, 62, 827–839. Freedman, J. L. (1970). Transgression, compliance, and guilt. In J. R. Macaulay & L. Berkowitz (Eds.), Altruism and Helping Behavior (pp. 155–162). New York: Academic Press. Freedman, J. L., Wallington, S., & Bless, E. (1967). Compliance without pressure: The effect of guilt. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 7, 117–124. Freud, S. (1930). Civilization and Its Discontents. London: Hogarth. Frick, P. J., & Morris, A. S. (2004). Temperament and developmental pathways to conduct problems. Journal of Clinical Child and Adolescent Psychology, 33, 55–68. Frick, P. J., & White, S. F. (2008). Research review: The importance of callous-unemotional traits for developmental models of aggressive and antisocial behavior. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry, 49, 359–375. Friedman, M. J. (1981). Post-Vietnam syndrome: Recognition and management. Psychosomatics, 22, 931–943. Gilbert, P. (2003). Evolution, social roles, and the difference in shame and guilt. Social Research, 70, 1205–1230. Giner-Sorolla, R. (2001). Guilty pleasures and grim necessities: Affective attitudes in dilemmas of self-control. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 80, 206–221. Goff, P. A., Eberhardt, J. L., Williams, M. J., & Jackson, M. C. (2008). Not yet human: Implicit knowledge, historical dehumanization, and contemporary consequences. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 292–306. Gordijn, E. H., Yzerbyt, V., Wigboldus, D., & Dumont, M. (2006). Emotional reactions to harmful intergroup behavior. European Journal of Social Psychology, 36, 15–30. Gouldner, A. W. (1960). The norm of reciprocity: A preliminary statement. American Sociological Review, 25, 161– 178. Hafer, C. L., & Be`gue, L. (2005). Experimental research on just-world theory: Problems, developments, and future challenges. Psychological Bulletin, 131, 128–167. Harvey, R. D., & Oswald, D. L. (2000). Collective guilt and shame as motivation for White support of Black programs. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 30, 1790–1811. Haslam, N. (2005). Dehumanization: An integrative review. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 10, 252–264. Haslam, N., Bain, P., Douge, L., Lee, M., & Bastian, B. (2005). More human than you: Attributing humanness to self and others. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 89, 937–950. Haslam, N., Loughnan, S., Kashima, Y., & Bain, P. (2008). Attributing and denying humanness to others. European Review of Social Psychology, 19, 55–85. Hodson, G., & Costello, K. (2007). Interpersonal disgust, ideological orientations, and dehumanization as predictors of intergroup attitudes. Psychological Science, 18, 691–698. Hoffman, M. L. (1982). Development of prosocial motivation: Empathy and guilt. In N. Eisenberg (Ed.), The Development of Prosocial Behavior (pp. 281–313). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Hoffman, M. L. (1998). Varieties of empathy-based guilt. In J. Bybee (Ed.), Guilt and Children (pp. 91–112). New York: Academic. Iyer, A., Leach, C. W., & Crosby, F. J. (2003). White guilt and racial compensation: The benefits and limits of self-focus. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 117–129.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

455

Keltner, D., & Buswell, B. N. (1996). Evidence for the distinctness of embarrassment, shame, and guilt: A study of recalled antecedents and facial expressions of emotion. Cognition and Emotion, 10, 155–171. Keltner, D., Haidt, J., & Shiota, M. N. (2006). Social functionalism and the evolution of emotions. In M. Schaller, J. A. Simpson & D. T. Kenrick (Eds.), Evolution and Social Psychology (pp. 115–142). New York: Psychology Press. Kivetz, R., & Zheng, Y. (2006). Determinants of justification and self-control. Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 135, 572–587. Kochanska, G., & Aksan, N. (1995). Mother-child mutually positive affect, the quality of child compliance to requests and prohibitions, and maternal control as correlates of early internalization. Child Development, 66, 236– 254. Kochanska, G., Barry, R. A., Jimenez, N. B., Hollatz, A. L., & Woodard, J. (2009). Guilt and effortful control: Two mechanisms that prevent disruptive developmental trajectories. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 97, 322–333. Lerner, M. J., & Simmons, C. H. (1966). Observer’s reaction to the ‘innocent victim’: Compassion or rejection? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 4, 203–210. Leyens, J.-P., Cortes, B., Demoulin, S., Dovidio, J. F., Fiske, S. T., Gaunt, R. et al. (2003). Emotional prejudice, essentialism, and nationalism: The 2002 Tajfel Lecture. European Journal of Social Psychology, 33, 703–717. Leyens, J.-P., Paladino, P. M., Rodriguez-Torres, R., Vaes, J., Demoulin, S., Rodriguez-Perez, A. et al. (2000). The emotional side of prejudice: The attribution of secondary emotions to ingroups and outgroups. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 4, 186–197. Leyens, J.-P., Rodriguez, A. P., Rodriguez, R. T., Gaunt, R., Paladino, M. P., Vaes, J. et al. (2001). Psychological essentialism and the differential attribution of uniquely human emotions to ingroups and outgroups. European Journal of Social Psychology, 31, 395–411. Leyens, J.-P., Demoulin, S., Vaes, J., Gaunt, R., & Paladino, P. M. (2007). Infrahumanization: The wall of group differences. Social Issues and Policy Review, 1, 139–172. Lickel, B., Schmader, T., Curtis, M., Scarnier, M., & Ames, D. R. (2005). Vicarious shame and guilt. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 8, 145–157. Lindsay-Hartz, J., de Rivera, J., & Mascolo, M. F. (1995). Differentiating shame and guilt and their effects on motivation. In J. P. Tangney & K. W. Fischer (Eds.), Self-Conscious Emotions: The Psychology of Shame, Guilt, Embarrassment, and Pride (pp. 274–300). New York: The Guilford Press. Mackie, D. M., Devos, T., & Smith, E. R. (2000). Intergroup emotions: Explaining offensive action tendencies in an intergroup context. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 79, 602–616. Manstead, A. S., & Tetlock, P. E. (1989). Cognitive appraisals and emotional experience: Further evidence. Cognition & Emotion, 3, 225–239. McCullough, M. E. (2008). Beyond Revenge: The Evolution of the Forgiveness Instinct. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. McCullough, M. E., Emmons, R. A., Kilpatrick, S. D., & Mooney, C. N. (2003). Narcissists as ‘victims’: The role of narcissism in the perception of transgressions. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 29, 885–893. McFarland, S. G. (2005). On the eve of war: Authoritarianism, social dominance, and American students’ attitudes toward attacking Iraq. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31, 360–367. Mealy, L. (1995). The sociobiology of sociopathy: An integrated evolutionary model. Behavioral and Brain Sciences, 18, 523–599. Miller, D. T. (2001). Disrespect and the experience of injustice. Annual Review of Psychology, 52, 527–553. Miron, A. M., Branscombe, N. R., & Schmitt, M. T. (2006). Collective guilt as distress over illegitimate intergroup inequality. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 9, 163–180. Moskowitz, G. B., Gollwitzer, P. M., Wasel, W., & Schaal, B. (1999). Preconscious control of stereotype activation through chronic egalitarian goals. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 77, 167–184. Nario-Redmond, M. R., & Branscombe, N. R. (1996). It could have been better or it might have been worse: Implications for blame assignment in rape cases. Basic and Applied Social Psychology, 18, 347–366. Nelissen, R. M. A., & Zeelenberg, M. (2009). When guilt evokes self-punishment: Evidence for the existence of a dobby effect. Emotion, 9, 118–122. Newman, K. S. (1988). Falling from Grace: The Experience of Downward Mobility in the American Middle Class. New York: Free Press. O’Brien, G. V. (2003). Indigestible food, conquering hordes, and waste materials: Metaphors of immigrants and the early immigration restriction debate in the United States. Metaphor and Symbol, 18, 33–47. Okulate, G. T., & Jones, O. B. E. (2006). Post-traumatic stress disorder, survivor guilt and substance use: A study of hospitalised Nigerian army veterans. South African Medical Journal, 96, 144–146. Opotow, S. (1990). Moral exclusion and injustice: An introduction. Journal of Social Issues, 46, 1–20. Paladino, M. P., Leyens, J.-P., Rodriguez, R., Rodriguez, A., Gaunt, R., & Demoulin, S. (2002). Differential association of uniquely and non uniquely human emotions with the ingroup and outgroup. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 5, 105–117.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

456 Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors Pereira, C., Vala, J., & Leyens, J.-P. (2009). From infra-humanization to discrimination: The mediation of symbolic threat needs egalitarian norms. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 336–344. Pettigrew, T. F. (1958). Personality and social-cultural factors in intergroup attitudes: A cross-national comparison. The Journal of Conflicts Resolution, 2, 29–42. Powell, A. A., Branscombe, N. R., & Schmitt, M. T. (2005). Inequality as ingroup privilege or outgroup disadvantage: The impact of group focus on collective guilt and interracial attitudes. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 31, 508–521. Pratto, F., Sidanius, J., Stallworth, L., & Malle, B. (1994). Social dominance orientation: A personality variable predicting social and political attitudes. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67, 741–763. Raine, A. (1993). The Psychopathology of Crime: Criminal Behavior as a Clinical Disorder. San Diego: Academic Press. Raskin, R. N., & Terry, H. (1988). A principal-components analysis of the Narcissistic Personality Inventory and further evidence of its construct validity. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 54, 890–902. Regan, J. W. (1971). Guilt, perceived injustice, and altruistic behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 18, 124–132. Roccas, S., Klar, Y., & Liviatan, I. (2006). The paradox of group-based guilt: Modes of national identification, conflicts vehemence, and reactions to the in-group’s moral violations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 91, 698–711. Roseman, I. J., Wiest, C., & Swartz, T. S. (1994). Phenomenology, behaviors, and goals differentiate discrete emotions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 67, 206–221. Rubin, J., & Shaffer, W. F. (1987). Some interpersonal effects of imposing guilt versus eliciting altruism. Counseling and Values, 31, 190–193. Sahdra, B., & Ross, M. (2007). Group identification and historical memory. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 33, 384–395. Saucier, D. A., Miller, C. T., & Doucet, N. (2005). Differences in helping whites and blacks: A meta-analysis. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 9, 2–16. Schmitt, M. T., Miller, D. A., Branscombe, N. R., & Brehm, J. W. (2008). The difficulty of making reparations affects the intensity of collective guilt. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 3, 267–279. Seger, C. R., Smith, E. R., & Mackie, D. M. (2009). Subtle activation of a social categorization triggers grouplevel emotions. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 45, 460–467. Sidanius, J., & Pratto, F. (1999). Social Dominance: An Intergroup Theory of Social Hierarchy and Oppression. Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. Smith, E. R. (1993). Social identity and social emotions: Toward new conceptualizations of prejudice. In D. M. Mackie & D. L. Hamilton (Eds.), Affect, Cognition, and Stereotyping: Interactive Processes in Group Perception (pp. 297–315). San Diego, CA: Academic Press. Smith, E. R. (1999). Affective and cognitive implications of a group becoming a part of the self: New models of prejudice and of the self-concept. In D. Abrams & M. A. Hogg (Eds.), Social Identity and Social Cognition (pp. 183–196). Malden, MA: Blackwell. Smith, C. A., & Ellsworth, P. C. (1985). Patterns of cognitive appraisal in emotion. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 48, 813–838. Smith, E. R., & Henry, S. (1996). An in-group becomes part of the self: Response time evidence. Personality & Social Psychology Bulletin, 22, 635–642. Southwick, S. M., Gilmartin, R., McDonough, P., & Morrissey, P. (2006). Logotherapy as an adjunctive treatment for chronic combat-related PTSD: A meaning-based intervention. American Journal of Psychotherapy, 60, 161–174. Staub, E. (1989). The Roots of Evil: The Origins of Genocide and Other Group Violence. New York: Cambridge University Press. Staub, E. (1996). Cultural-societal roots of violence: The examples of genocidal violence and of contemporary youth violence in the United States. American Psychologist, 51, 117–132. Staub, E. (1999). The origins and prevention of genocide, mass killing, and other collective violence. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 5, 303–336. Steele, S. (1990). White guilt. In S. Steele (Ed.), The Content of Our Character: A New Vision of Race in America (pp. 77–92). New York: Harper Collins. Sternberg, R. J. (1999). A balance theory of wisdom. Review of General Psychology, 3, 347–365. Sternberg, R. J. (2003). A duplex theory of hate: Development and application to terrorism, massacres, and genocide. Review of General Psychology, 7, 299–328. Stone, W., Lederer, G., & Christie, R. (1993). The status of authoritarianism. In W. Stone, G. Lederer & R. Christie (Eds.), Strength and Weakness: The Authoritarian Personality Today (pp. 229–245). New York: SpringerVerlag. Strelan, P. (2007). Who forgives others, themselves, and situations? The roles of narcissism, guilt, self-esteem, and agreeableness. Personality and Individual Differences, 42, 259–269. Tam, T., Hewstone, M., Cairns, E., Tausch, N., Maio, G. R., & Kenworthy, J. (2007). The impact of intergroup emotions on forgiveness in Northern Ireland. Group Processes and Intergroup Relations, 10, 119–136.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd

Guilt, Guiltlessness, Prosocial, and Antisocial Behaviors

457

Tangney, J. P. (1991). Moral affect: The good, the bad, and the ugly. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 61, 598–607. Tangney, J. P. (1999). The self-conscious emotions: Shame, guilt, embarrassment and pride. In T. Dalgleish & M. J. Power (Eds.), Handbook of Cognition and Emotion (pp. 541–568). New York: Wiley. Tangney, J. P. (2001). Constructive and destructive aspects of shame and guilt. In A. C. Bohart & D. J. Stipek (Eds.), Constructive and Destructive Behavior: Implications for Family, School, and Society (pp. 127–145). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association. Tangney, J. P., & Fischer, K. W. (1995). Self-Conscious Emotions. New York: Guilford. Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2004). Putting the self into self-conscious emotions: A theoretical model. Psychological Inquiry, 15, 103–125. Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2006). Appraisal antecedents of shame and guilt: Support for a theoretical model. Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 32, 1339–1351. Tracy, J. L., & Robins, R. W. (2007). The self in self-conscious emotions: A cognitive appraisal approach. In J. L. Tracy, R. W. Robins & J. P. Tangney (Eds.), The Self-Conscious Emotions: Theory and Research (pp. 3–20). New York: Guilford. Trivers, R. L. (1971). The evolution of reciprocal altruism. Quarterly Review of Biology, 46, 35–57. Turner, J. C., Hogg, M. A., Oakes, P. J., Reicher, S. D., & Wetherell, M. (1987). Rediscovering the Social Group: A Self-Categorization Theory. Oxford, England: Basil Blackwell. Vaes, J., Paladino, M. P., Castelli, L., Leyens, J.-P., & Giovanazzi, A. (2003). On the behavioral consequences of infra-humanization: The implicit role of uniquely human emotions in intergroup relations. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 85, 1016–1034. Vala, J., Lima, M. E., & Lopes, D. (2004). Social values, prejudice and solidarity in the European Union. In W. Arts & L. Halman (Eds.), European Values at the End of the Millennium (pp. 139–163). Leiden: Brill. Viki, T. G., & Abrams, D. (2003). Infra-humanization: Ambivalent sexism and the attribution of primary and secondary emotions to women. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology., 39, 492–499. Viki, T., Winchester, L., Titshall, L., Chisango, T., Pina, A., & Russell, R. (2006). Beyond secondary emotions: The infrahumanization of outgroups using human-related and animal-related words. Social Cognition, 24, 753– 775. Wayment, H., Silver, R. C., & Kemeny, M. (1993). Spared at random: Survivor reactions in the gay community. Journal of Applied Social Psychology, 25, 187–209. Wohl, M. J. A., & Branscombe, N. R. (2008). Remembering historical victimization: Collective guilt for current ingroup transgressions. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 94, 988–1006. Wohl, M. J. A., Branscombe, N. R., & Klar, Y. (2006). Collective guilt: Emotional reactions when one’s group has done wrong or been wronged. European Review of Social Psychology, 17, 1–36. Wohl, M. J. A., & Reeder, G. D. (2004). When bad deeds are forgiven: Judgments of morality and forgiveness for intergroup aggression. In J. P. Morgan (Ed.), Focus on Aggression Research (pp. 59–74). New York: NOVA Science Publishers. Zebel, S., Zimmermann, A., Viki, G. T., & Doosje, B. (2008). Dehumanization and guilt as distinct but related predictors of support for reparation policies. Political Psychology, 29, 193–219. Zemack-Rugar, Y., Bettman, J. R., & Fitzsimons, G. J. (2007). The effects of nonconsciously priming emotion concepts on behavior. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 93, 927–939.

Further Reading Bishop, J., & Lane, R. C. (2002). The dynamics and dangers of entitlement. Psychoanalytic Psychology, 19, 739–758. Dhar, R., & Simonson, I. (1999). Making complementary choices in consumption episodes: Highlighting versus balancing. Journal of Marketing Research, 36, 29–44. Fiske, S. T., Xu, J., Cuddy, A. J. C., & Glick, P. (1999). (Dis)respecting versus (dis)liking: Status and interdependence predict ambivalent stereotypes of competence and warmth. Journal of Social Issues, 55, 473–489. Schmidt, R. E., & Van der Linden, M. (2009). The aftermath of rash action: Sleep-interfering counterfactual thoughts and emotions. Emotion, 9, 549–553. Scully, D., & Marolla, J. (1985). ‘Riding the bull at Gilley’s’: Convicted rapists describe the rewards of rape. Social Problems, 32, 251–262. Turner, C., & Cashdan, S. (1988). Perception of college student motives for shoplifting. Psychological Reports, 62, 855–862. Whiten, A., & Byrne, R. W. (1997). Machiavellian Intelligence II: Extensions and Evaluations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

ª 2011 The Authors Social and Personality Psychology Compass 5 ⁄ 7 (2011): 440–457, 10.1111/j.1751-9004.2011.00364.x Social and Personality Psychology Compass ª 2011 Blackwell Publishing Ltd