How to Remember Hidden Benefits Against the Devil - Institute for [PDF]

No.

99

September – December 2008 www.iwm.at

How to Remember Workshops with Timothy Snyder page 14

Hidden Benefits Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim on Inequality and Global Care Chains page 4

Against the Devil Contributions on Populism by Slavenka Drakulic and Junior Fellows pages 9, 24

Newsletter of the INSTITUT FÜR DIE WISSENSCHAFTEN VOM MENSCHEN, Vienna and of the INSTITUTE FOR HUMAN SCIENCES at Boston University

CONTENTS

3 Timothy Snyder and Charles Taylor at the IWM 4 Global Care Chains: A Workshop on Inequality and an Essay by Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim Debates, Lectures, and Events 8 Habsburg, United States, and New Europe: Monthly Lectures 11 State, Climate Change, and the Role of Art in Politics and Society: Lecture Series 14 Soviet Occupation and Stalinism: Two Workshops ”United Europe – Divided Memory“ and Essays by Wolfgang Müller and Stefan Troebst 19 Phenomenology and Violence; Christianity, History, and Europe: Two Workshops 20 Ukrainian Gas, the Desastrous Power of Economics and John Paul II: Further Events of the IWM From the Fellows 24 Against the Devil: Comments on Populism 26 Imagining Cool: Vuksa Velickoviç on Techno-Politics and Belgrade’s Club Culture 28 Fellows and Guests 34 Travels and Talks, Varia 36 Publications Guest Contributions 38 Abyssal Love. James Dodd on Patocka, Rosenzweig, and History 41 Lange nach Tocqueville und kurz nach Obama: Jens Alber über Eigenheiten der amerikanischen Demokratie und des US-Wahlsystems 44 Upcoming Events

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Editorial Das letzte Drittel des Jahres 2008 hat das IWM sozusagen im Dauerlauf verbracht, mit mehr als 20 Veranstaltungen (die Junior Visiting Fellows Seminare nicht mitgerechnet) lief der Betrieb auf Hochtouren. Zu erwähnen wären vor allem die Workshops zu den inhaltlichen Schwerpunkten des Instituts: um Patocka und das Christentum ging es im Oktober, zwei Workshops fanden im Rahmen des neu begonnenen Schwerpunkts „United Europe – Divided Memory“ statt, ein Workshop zum Thema „Ursachen von Ungleichheit“. Zu all diesen Veranstaltungen finden Sie hier in der IWMpost weiter führende Beiträge, so interpretiert James Dodd auf unkonventionelle Weise Patockas Auffassung des Christentums anhand des Judaskusses (S.38), Stefan Troebst zeigt in seinem Beitrag exemplarisch am Jahr 1989, wie Erinnerungsgeschichte in Ost und West auseinander driften kann (S. 17), und Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim analysiert den Zusammenhang zwischen einem faulen Geschlechterkompromiss im Westen und dem Mangel an Pflegekräften (dem „care drain“) weiter im Osten (S 4). Auch andere Veranstaltungen begleiten wir in diesem Newsletter mit Essays: Der Publizist Mykola Ryabchuk, der im September einen Vortrag am IWM hielt, äußert sich aktuell zum russisch-ukrainischen Gas-Konflikt (S.20), und dass sich die Forschungsinteressen gleich mehrerer Fellows des letzten Semesters beim Thema Populismus trafen, zeigen die Beiträge Slavenka Drakulic (s. 9) und von Olga Wysocka, Elisabetta Ambrosi and Boyan Manchev, die aus der Perspektive Polens, Italiens und Bulgariens verschiedene Szenarien populistischer Politik beschreiben (Seite 24). Dieser Newsletter mit der fast runden Nummer 99, wird überdies der letzte im gewohnten Format sein. Das IWM wird im Laufe des Jahres 2009 einen gründlichen „Relaunch“ der Grafik seiner Druckerzeugnisse und auch des Internetauftritts vornehmen. Lassen Sie sich also überraschen – von allen Beiträgen in diesem Heft, auch denen, die nicht Platz hatten im Editorial erwähnt zu werden, und dann im April von einer IWMpost Nummer 100 in neuem Gewand.

Andrea Roedig IWM pubic relations

The last third of 2008 has been something of an endurance race for the IWM. With more than 20 events taking place (not including the regular Junior Visiting Fellows seminars), it’s been full speed ahead for the Institute. First and foremost it’s worth mentioning a number of workshops devoted to the central themes of the Institute: firstly, in October there was a workshop on Patocka and Christianity, then two workshops devoted to our new theme “United Europe – Divided Memory” and finally a workshop on “Sources of Inequality.” You will find topic-related articles on these workshops in this edition of the IWM newsletter. James Dodd for example presents an unconventional interpretation of Patocka’s concept of Christianity by way of the Judas kiss (p.38). Stefan Troebst shows in his article on the year 1989, how the memory of history in east and west can drift apart (p. 17), and Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim analyses the connection between compromised gender relations in the west and the continuing shortage of home care workers (“care drain”) in the east (p. 4). The newsletter also presents essays on other events, including, for example, one by the publicist Mykola Ryabchuk, who gave a lecture at the IWM in September, on the current gas dispute between Ukraine and Russia (p. 20). In the last semester several of our fellows were interested in research on the topic of populism. You can get an impression of this fortuitous bundling together of common interests in the text by Slavenka Drakulic (p. 9) as well as the articles by Olga Wysocka, Elisabetta Ambrosi and Boyan Manchev, which explore different scenarios of populism from the perspective of Poland, Italy and Bulgaria (p. 24) This newsletter (just one short of the 100th edition!) will be the last in the old, familiar format. The IWM is undertaking a complete overhaul of the design of its printed works and internet site and will re-launch them in the course of 2009. I hope you’ll be pleasantly surprised by the articles in this edition, including those which I haven’t had the space to mention in this editorial, and also by the 100th IWMpost in April, with its brand new look.

| NEWS

Neue Methoden, neue Narrative Timothy Snyder und Charles Taylor als Permanent Fellows am IWM The IWM is happy to announce additions to its group of Permanent Fellows: Timothy Snyder (left), Professor of History at Yale University, and Canadian philosopher Charles Taylor will join the Institute in 2009 for extended visits and broaden the Institutes work with two new projects.

Das IWM ist, wie es unsere Selbstdarstellungstexte oft formulieren, „von einer Gemeinschaft von Gelehrten getragen“. Das ist keine bloße Floskel, denn das Institut wäre nichts ohne die Personen, die Freunde, Förderer, und die Fellows die es unterstützen und lebendig halten. Mehr als alles andere ist das IWM ein Netzwerk von Menschen, die die Themen und den Charakter des Instituts prägen. Wir freuen uns daher besonders, dass wir den Stab der Permanent Fellows, also derjenigen Wissenschaftler, die fest mit dem Institut verbunden und für die inhaltlichen Schwerpunkte verantwortlich sind, um zwei renommierte Personen erweitern konnten: Der Yale-Historiker Timothy Snyder, Experte für osteuropäische Geschichte, und der kanadische Philosoph Charles Taylor werden ab 2009 regelmäßig in Wien am Institut sein und zwei neue Schwerpunkte in die Arbeit des Instituts einbringen. Timothy Snyder hat 1997 in Oxford promoviert, nach diversen Forschungsaufenthalten in Warschau, Paris, Wien (Snyder war zwei Mal Visiting Fellow am IWM) und Harvard wurde er 2001 zunächst Assistant Professor, 2006 schließlich Professor an der Yale University. Zu seinen mit Preisen ausgezeichneten Büchern gehören unter anderem The Reconstruction of Nations: Poland, Ukraine, Lithuania, Belarus, 1569 –1999, (2003), Sketches from a Secret War: A Polish Artist’s Mission to Liberate Soviet Ukraine (2005) und zuletzt The Red Prince: The Secret Lives of A Habsburg Archduke über ein „schwarzes Schaf“ der Familie von Habsburg. Im September hielt Snyder am IWM einen Vortrag zu den „Träumen und Alpträumen“ des Erzherzogs, in dessen Leben sich europäische Geschichte und Politik exemplarisch spiegeln.

Unter Snyders Leitung wird am IWM der Schwerpunkt „United Europe - Divided Memory“ durchgeführt, der im Jahr 2008 mit zwei Workshops begonnen hat (s. auch Seite 14 ). Spätestens mit dem Jahr 1945 gingen die „nationalen Narrative“ in Ost- und Westeuropa auseinander, und während für Westeuropa 1945 einen Neuanfang markierte, bedeutete dasselbe Jahr 1945 in fast ganz Osteuropa den Übergang von einer Besatzungszeit zur nächsten, von der Naziherrschaft zur Sowjetherrschaft. In „United Europe - Divided Memory“ arbeitet eine international und interdisziplinär besetzte Expertenrunde daran, anhand neuer Fragestellungen zur unmittelbaren Vor- und Nachkriegsgeschichte die verschiedenen, national verfassten Narrative miteinander zu verbinden. Es geht dabei nicht um eine einfache Zusammenführung, sondern auch um eine auf neue Weise verstandene Geschichtsschreibung. „Keine Tragödie oder zentrale Erfahrung sollte verloren gehen, aber keine wird in einem ausschließlich nationalen Rahmen aufgezeichnet“ (Timothy Snyder). Ziel des Projekts ist es, zu einer neuen, übergreifenden, von Ost- wie Westeuropäern akzeptierten Version der Nachkriegsgeschichte zu kommen. Um eine neue methodische Herangehensweise geht es auch in dem Projekt von Charles Taylor. Der vor allem durch seine große Hegel-Studie und das Hauptwerk Quellen des Selbst bekannte Philosoph lehrte zunächst in Oxford und ab 1982 an der Mc Gill Universität in Montreal. Im Zentrum seiner Arbeiten stehen Fragen der modernen Identität, der Anerkennung und Multikulturalität, politisch inspirierter Moralphilosophie und der Religion. Im Jahr 2007 wurde Taylor mit dem Tempelton-Preis

und im Jahr 2008 mit dem Kyoto-Preis ausgezeichnet, einer der neben dem Nobelpreis höchsten Auszeichnungen für Verdienste um Wissenschaft und Kultur. Taylor ist ein langjähriger Freund und Vorsitzender des Wissenschaftlichen Beirates des IWM, er war mehrmals Visiting Fellow, hielt im Jahr 1991 die Patocka Memorial Lecture und im Jahr 2000 die „IWM-Vorlesungen zu den Wissenschaften vom Menschen“ über „Die Formen des Religiösen in der Gegenwart“. Der Schwerpunkt, den Taylor am IWM leitet, wird „Religion und Säkularismus“ unter den Bedingungen der Globalisierung betrachten. Auch hier geht es um verschiedene „Narrative“, denn ganz offensichtlich kann eine Beschreibung des westlichen Säkularisierungsprozesses nicht auf andere Kulturen und Zivilisationen übertragen werden. Was meint Säkularisierung oder Säkularismus in anderen Kulturen? Zwar wird oft dieselbe Begrifflichkeit verwendet, aber wir haben noch nicht die richtigen Konzepte oder ein theoretisches Gerüst, um sie kulturübergreifend zu diskutieren. Ein solches Rahmenwerk will der Schwerpunkt entwickeln. Ziel dieses Schwerpunktes ist es, die Perspektiven verschiedener Kulturen, Religionen und theoretischer Ansätze miteinander zu verflechten, um zu untersuchen, in welcher Weise sich Globalisierung auf die Beziehung zwischen Religion und Säkularismus auswirkt. Die beiden neuen Permanent Fellows werden die inhaltliche Arbeit des Instituts erweitern und auch weitere Visiting Fellows und Junior Visiting Fellows mit ans IWM nach Wien bringen. Ein eigenes Junior Visiting Fellowship Programm für die Schwerpunkte ist eingerichtet (s. Anzeige S. 21). Wir freuen uns auf die neuen Impulse für das IWM. September – December 2008

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WORKSHOP: CONSTELLATIONS OF INEQUALITY |

The Area of Hidden Benefits By Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim From December 12-14, 2008, a workshop on „Constellations of Inequality in Processes of Societal Reproduction and Transformation” took place at the IWM. This second workshop in the focus “Sources of Inequality” organized in cooperation with the Renner Institute, aimed to rethinking the intersection of the categories “race /class/ gender,” for example in relation to the process of state transformation, globalization and changed societal conditions. One of the main concerns addressed in the discussion was “reproduction” and care work. The following contribution shows how gender issues shift from patriarchal authority to “transnational motherhood.”

In the many debates on family and family But then, slowly and gradually, from the change, there is general agreement on one late 19th century onwards, the privileges of issue: The family has undergone major trans- patriarchy became subject of public debate formations. Some see a story of loss: the weak- and political controversy. A process of transening of family bonds, a decline in stability formation began that is still going on. Today, and solidarity. Others see a gradual move throughout Western societies the principle of toward equality: more individual autonomy, equality is broadly accepted, from science and more rights for women and children. media to law and politics. Not the least, the I want to take up the issue of “family and principle of equality is applied with respect to equality” and give it a new turn—that is, a the family: The uneven distribution of privglobal turn. Starting with a brief look into ileges is taken for granted no more. The rights social history, and with evidence based on the of women and children have come into focus. fundamental changes that have taken place in Take Germany for an example. Fifty years ago, family law, I will first in 1958, the princistrongly argue in favour of ple of gender equalWhat about their families? the position claiming more ity was made part of What happens to the equality. And then, in my the German constichildren, partners, parents next step, I will point out tution, although it the limits of this position. was only after many of migrant domestic In most regions of prestruggles, and after workers? industrial Europe, patriarnearly two decades, chal authority was a basic that a fundamental principle of the social order and of everyday revision of family law followed. life. The man was the head of the household Similar revisions of the law have taken place and its representative in all dealings with the – some sooner, some later - in many countries, outside world. He was the privileged heir to from Sweden to Spain to South Korea. The the family property, to the family name, and man is no more the master; women and chilthe family line. He presided at table, had con- dren no more his subjects, and have gained trol of financial matters, and settled contracts. more autonomy, rights and options. To put He was the master, with women and children it in a nutshell: Patriarchy has lost. Democrasubject to his rule; according to a German law cy has finally reached the family. of 1794, the man even had the right to decide On the legal level, at least; everyday life how long the wife-and-mother should breast- doesn’t often match the norms of the law. In feed the baby. recent years, the sexual division of labour in

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the household has been the subject of numerous studies. From among the results, two trends stand out: First, men have, in fact, been changing. Men of the younger generation, when compared to their fathers or grandfathers, take much more part in the up-bringing of their offspring, from taking them to kindergarten to sports or playground activities. Second, changes have been, so far, modest in scope (except, maybe, in the Scandinavian countries). Women still bear most responsibility with regard to childrearing tasks and household work. Except for some rare heroic souls, routine activities such as changing sheets or doing the laundry are not on the male menu. In short, a gender gap, or as the American sociologist Arlie Hochschild puts it, a “stalled revolution” in gender matters. With little support from their male partners, women who try to combine both motherhood and holding a job have to bear high personal costs, for instance, sleep privation, constant stress, and no free time. As a survival strategy, many of these women resort to delegating some of the family work to female helpers of all kinds, from grandmothers to neighbours to cousins, and in recent years, more and more often to another group: migrant women. When speaking of migrant domestic workers we speak of women from all over the globe: women from Mexico who as nannies work in California; women from the Philippines who care for the elderly in Italy; women

| WORKSHOP: CONSTELLATIONS OF INEQUALITY

Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim is Professor of Sociology at the University of Erlangen. Her main fields of research are family and gender, migration and multiculturalism, social change and consequences of technological innovation. One of her recent publications is: Die Kinderfrage heute. Über Frauenleben, Kinderwunsch und Geburtenrückgang (2006).

have no access to public health services, unemployment benefits, or pension rights. They are vulnerable to exploitation, and can be fired without notice. Last but not least, their political rights are severely restricted. For Klaus J. Bade, historian and outstanding migration expert in Germany, three words characterize those working in the shadow economy: “Fleißig, billig, illegal;” that is, hard-working, cheap, illegal. Of course this is why migrants are hired: because they are efficient and because they are cheap. At first sight it is the middle-class women of the First World who profit, but when looking closer we find that their male partners profit just as much, and probably even more. More than the women, men in such households are set free to follow their ambitions and to pursue careers without being disturbed by tedious tasks. In many middle-class families today, both men and women are well aware that the gender-role issue is a sensitive area, and that the “stalled revolution,” if not handled carefully, from Poland who clean houses and do the might escalate into explosive conflicts. Many laundry for German families. of these couples have come to a similar conFaced with high rates of unemployment in flict management strategy. They have reached their home countries, and no prospects to earn a kind of silent treaty, an implicit agreement: a decent living there, these women have decid- If women see to it that the family household ed to look for work in the wealthier regions is functioning at a reasonable level, then men of the world; thereby following the millions consent to their venturing out of the home of “guest workers” of earlier decades. and into the labour market, including to purIn this way, the needs of two different sue some career of their own. And conversegroups of women meet. Lacking help from ly, if their men “allow” women a career of their male partners, women of the First World their own, then the women consent to proresort to outsourcing: turning over some of vide, as best they can, for the functioning the care for their children, elderly parents, and of household and family affairs by outsourchomes to women from the ing family work, not by conThird World . On the othstantly demanding male parThe new rule says: er hand, women of the ticipation. If you really love Third World can find a To illustrate this point, your family, you way to earn money. While imagine the following situamen’s contribution to tion: What if all migrant must leave it household work is modest domestic workers were sudat best, the work load has denly to disappear, indeed, to to coped with, no matter what. Hence the do what politicians in Western countries offimarket solution: Job offers to fill the gap. cially expect them to do, namely return to At first sight, it seems to be a perfect fit. their respective home countries – to Poland Supply and demand correspond closely. But or Romania, to Mexico or Honduras? By all a closer look reveals a serious flaw to this solu- probabilities, then it would no more suffice tion. Its main characteristic is a massive imbal- that German men, or US men, praise genance of risks and profits for the parties der equality. In this emergency, women could involved. Obviously the migrant workers have no longer keep to their implicit agreement, to bear most of the risks. They are trapped and instead demand loudly that men do their in a semi-legal, shadow economy. Because they share of family work. If this analysis holds often have no visa, no work permit, and thus true, it reveals major hidden benefits not for no residence rights, their position is fragile and the migrants, but for their employers. By vulnerable. In most countries, these women relieving Western families of some of their September – December 2008

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WORKSHOP: CONSTELLATIONS OF INEQUALITY |

S. Littig, G. A. Knapp, C. Klinger and B. Sauer

work load, migrant domestic workers stabilize – and contribute to - the precarious peace in the arena of gender. At this point, we might ask: What about their families? What happens to the children, partners, and parents of migrant domestic workers? This is a question that we – natives of the West – mostly ignore, yet it is no minor matter. Many of the women working abroad have families of their own in their home countries. These women have left partners, children and whoever else close to them, to go abroad and earn a living. In fact, it is often the children, and their responsibility towards them, that motivates female migrants to go abroad; the mothers want a better future for their sons and daughters, free from hunger and constant poverty. For this hope, they are willing to accept long separations and a lonely and insecure life in a far-away country. Yet this behaviour shows nothing less than a revolution affecting basic rules. In older times, it was proof of your love that you would stick together, no matter what. Now, in a globalized, market-driven world, for many the opposite holds true. The new rule says: If you really love your family, you must leave it. You must go to some distant part of the world, wherever there is money to be made, because this is the only way to lift your family out of misery and desperation at home. Or, to quote from a novel by Michelle Spring: “For migrant domestic workers all over the

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Beverley Skeggs

globe, love means, first of all: having to go there. Transnational care chains are to be away.” found, for example, when we look at the But how does this work? How are the chil- migration flows between Eastern Europe and dren of migrant mothers cared for? Accord- Western Europe. Women from Poland go ing to recent studies, the answer is that anoth- to Germany, cleaning the houses of middleer division of labour is being established in class families there; at the same time, women the respective homelands of female migrants, from the Ukraine go to Poland, managing the and again involving women only. Often household and family tasks of the Polish migrant women rely on the help of other migrant women at work in Germany. women in their home town (for instance a While these care chains spread in many grandmother, sister in-law, or neighbour). By directions, crossing borders, mountains, sending them money and other gifts from oceans, and connecting diverse places, they abroad, migrant mothers hope to grow a sense do so in no accidental way. On the contrary, of responsibility among the recipients of such they follow a distinct pattern, rooted in favours, and make social inequality. As them willing to look Arlie Hochschild puts Lacking help from after their children’s it: “Motherhood is their male partners, well-being and care. passed down the hierwomen of the First world In this way, new patarchy of nation, ethterns of motherhood are nicity, race.” This senresort to outsourcing of being created, named tence brings into focus family work “transnational motherthe reality that globalhood” in recent studies. ization accentuates on They result in so-called “global care chains,” the level of family duties and childcare a based on elaborate networks and spanning global hierarchy. It translates into a global between countries and continents. To give a hierarchy of delegation. The work implied typical example: In some family of the Sec- by the three Cs - caring, cleaning, cooking ond or Third World, the eldest daughter is – is cast off along the lines of nationality, responsible for looking after her younger sib- colour, and ethnicity. lings; this sets her mother free to take care Above all, children, old people, and disof some third woman’s children, and thus earn abled or ill people have to bear the consea little money; while the third woman has quences. With each step downward, the migrated to some Western country, and is chances for receiving adequate help and good nanny to the baby boy of a family resident care are being diminished. If Polish women

| WORKSHOP: CONSTELLATIONS OF INEQUALITY

Constellations of Inequality in Processes of Societal Reproduction and Transformation December 12 Session I

Session III

Gudrun-Axeli Knapp / Birgit Sauer / Cornelia Klinger

Chair: Cornelia Klinger (IWM, Vienna, Austria)

Welcome / Introduction

Wolfgang Gabbert (University of Hannover, Germany) Social Categories, Ethnicity and the State in Yucatan, Mexico

Chair: Birgit Sauer (University of Vienna, Austria) Spike Peterson (University of Arizona, Tuscon, USA) Intersectional Analytics in Global Political Economy Beverley Skeggs (University of London, Goldsmiths, GB) Class, Culture and Morality: Legacies and Logics in the Space for Identification

Myra Marx-Ferree

Peter Imbusch

leave their homes to work for German families, and women from Ukraine leave their homes to work in Polish households; who then will do the caring-cleaning-cooking in Ukraine? Empirical studies have found that indeed, those at the bottom of the hierarchy bear the costs of delegating. Take, for instance, the children of migrant mothers. Often, their grandmothers, aunts, and elder sisters are burdened by too many responsibilities or are too old, too tired, or too sick to master yet another task. Even if they try hard, the children left in their charge are more or less on their own, and lack proper care and proper meals. At the same time there is little help to expect from the fathers. Some men disappeared years ago, taking leave from family bonds and family duties. And of those who stayed, many find it hard to come to terms with the role reversal which occurs when women become the breadwinners. Because many men are preoccupied with their own sense of crisis, they are hardly able to offer emotional support and protection. The effect is that many children lack a stable base, feel lonely, and desperately long for their mothers.

In short, a “care drain” of major dimensions is taking place. The result is that families in poor countries will experience even more destabilization. Now, they lack not only material resources, but also their most important “human resources”: women. When we look at the family from a nation-state perspective, for instance with respect to the changes of national family law, we find that a move toward more equality has taken place. But the picture takes on a different colour when globalization comes into view. On both sides of the global divide, among rich and among poor nations, families are being transformed. While in some ways, they are drawn together, becoming mutually dependent, at the same time they grow further apart, moving into opposite directions. The former gain in vital resources, and the latter lose. New hierarchies are emerging, both within families (middle class families of the West hiring servants from the global “rest”), and also among families (a care drain from poor to rich nations). On the global scale, the gap widens, and inequality increases.

Peter Imbusch (University of Bielefeld, Germany) Contradictions of Social Responsibility - German Business Elites and Globalization Book presentation: Achsen der Ungleichheit. Zum Verhältnis von Klasse, Geschlecht und Ethnizität and Über-Kreuzungen. Fremdheit, Ungleichheit, Differenz with Cornelia Klinger, Grudrun-Axeli Knapp, Birgit Sauer (eds.) Chair: Otto Penz (University of Calgary)

December 13 Session II Chair: Gudrun-Axeli Knapp (University of Hannover, Germany) Regina Becker-Schmidt (University of Hannover, Germany) Unequal Assessment of Forms of Socially Necessary Work - Frictions in the Processes of Societal Reproduction Brigitte Aulenbacher (University of Linz, Austria) Class, Gender, Race and the Problem of Social Reproduction in the Postfordist Era

Elisabeth Beck-Gernsheim (University of Erlangen, Germany) Global Society: More Equality? – For Whom? Ulrich Brand (University of Vienna, Austria) The Hegemony of Sustainable Development. Gendered Policy in Global Environmental Politics Beate Littig (Institute for Advanced Studies, Vienna, Austria) The Case for Gender-Sensitive Socio-Ecological Research

December 14 Session IV Chair: Beate Littig Ilse Lenz (University of Bochum, Germany) Power People, Working People, Shadow People… Gender, Migration, Class and Practices of (In)Equality Mieke Verloo (Radbound University of Nijmegen, Netherlands; and IWM, Vienna) Multiple Inequalities, Intersectionality and the European Union Martin Kronauer (Berlin School of Economics, Germany) Neue soziale Ungleichheiten und Ungerechtigkeitserfahrungen: Herausforderungen für eine Politik des Sozialen

Myra Marx Ferree (University of Wisconsin, Madison, USA) Inequality, Intersectionality and the Politics of Discourse: Framing Feminist Alliances Andrea Bührmann (University of Münster, Germany) Challenges of the Intersectionality Approach for Empirical Social Research - Methodological and Methodical Considerations discussed within the Case of Gender Studies

In cooperation with the Renner Institute

September – December 2008

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MONTHLY LECTURES |

September 18 Timothy Snyder A Habsburg Ukraine. The Dream and the Nightmare of Archduke Wilhelm (1895-1948) Archduke Wilhelm von Habsburg chose for himself a Ukrainian nationality, and was chosen by Habsburg rulers to be their agent in Ukraine. His youth reveals the character of nationality in the Habsburg monarchy, his adulthood the contradictions of the idea of national self-determination in the Europe of the first half of the twentieth century. Born a prince, Wilhelm became a pretender to thrones in Ukraine, a leader of shadow armies in Austria, a famous bisexual lover in France, a fascist in Germany, and then finally a spy against Hitler and Stalin. In his lecture, focusing on Wilhelm von Habsburg, Timothy Snyder captured the moment in the history of Europe, as the rule of empire gave way to the new politics of nationalism. Timothy Snyder is Professor of History and Director of Graduate Studies, Departments of History and European and Russian Studies, Yale University.

October 13 Jens Alber Die Ungleichheit der Wahlbeteiligung in Europa und den USA und die politische Integrationskraft des Sozialstaats Politische Beteiligung und Wahlverhalten haben viel mit der sozialen Lage zu tun, in der die jeweiligern Wähler/innen sich befinden. Jens Alber verglich in seinem Vortrag die USA und die erweiterte Europäische Union in dieser Hinsicht und fragte anhand von Daten zum Niveau der sozialen Ungleichheit und politischer Beteiligung nach möglichen Erklärungen für die beträchtlichen Differenzen: Es zeigt sich, dass die Wahlbeteiligung in Westeuropa nicht nur höher, sondern auch wesentlich gleicher verteilt ist als in den USA. Während in Europa durchschnittlich 70 Prozent wählen, tun dies in den USA nur etwa 55 bis 60 Prozent der Wahlberechtigten. Dabei gehen insbesondere schlechter gestellte Bürger in den USA signifikant seltener zur Wahl, während der Unterschied zwischen besser Gestellten und schlechter Gestellten in Europa nicht allzu groß ausfällt. Das ungleiche Niveau der Wahlbeteiligung kann teilweise durch die unterschiedlichen Wahlverfahren erklärt werden, aber das lässt offen, warum die institutionellen Anreize in verschiedenen Schichten unterschiedlich wir-

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ken. Die These des Vortrags war, dass die größere Gleichheit der politischen Beteiligung in Europa mit der Inklusion der Bürger in den Sozialstaat zusammenhängt. Der Sozialstaat integriert seine Bürger durch allgemeine Sozialleistungen, so dass für den Einzelnen bei der Wahl etwas auf dem Spiel steht und politische Entscheidungen für ihn Relevanz erhalten. Passend zu dieser Vorstellung belegte Alber, dass sich die europäisch-amerikanischen Differenzen einebnen, wenn man die Analyse auf die Rentnergeneration beschränkt, die auf beiden Seiten des Atlantiks in ähnlicher Form in sozialstaatliche Programme eingebunden ist. (s. auch den Gastbeitrag von Jens Alber in diesem Newsletter S. 41) Jens Alber ist Professor für Soziologie an der FU Berlin und Direktor der Abteilung „Ungleichheit und soziale Integration“ am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung. In Kooperation mit der Deutschen Botschaft, Wien

November 18 Slavenka Drakulic New Europe Strikes Back. Should We Worry about the Rise of Populism in the East? There are a number of rising frustrations with and in the “new Europes”. The reasons for these frustrations might be on account of unrealistic promises that were made and could not be kept, expectations that were not met, and rapid political changes that did not correspond to the transformations of value. In her lecture, Salvenka Drakulic elaborated on her new book project which is a follow up to Café Europa, written in 1996. Drakulic will visit the sites described in Café Europa again, investigating what changed in the last decade. Part of the lecture was a reading of the first chapter of her new book, An interview with the oldest dog in Bucharest, performed by the young actor Florian Pilz. (see also Draculic’s contribution on page 9) Slavenka Drakulic is a freelance author and journalist, living in Zagreb, Stockholm and Vienna. She is well known for her books about war crimes on the Balkans and about the war crimes tribunal in The Hague. Recently she published Leben spenden. Was Menschen dazu bewegt, Gutes zu tun, (2008), a book about organ donation.

| MONTHLY LECTURES/CONTRIBUTION

The Dormant Virus The collapse of the financial market may cause a rise of populism in the East. Does “new” Europe strike back? By Slavenka Drakulic

A seemingly banal incident involving foot- 30% of the vote thanks to xenophobic and dom without money is only another form of ball fans in Slovakia in winter 2008 escala- anti-EU rhetoric. And even if such extreme slavery. As a Romanian political scientist Alited into a more serious conflict in which rightist populism sounds creepy to most peo- na Mungiu Pippidi writes: “While citizens Hungarians burned Slovak flags and blocked ple, it addresses problems that other parties of Central and Eastern Europe feel proroads toward Slovakia. Even on the highest don’t want to touch because these are not democratic and pro-Europe, they remain political levels of the two states, harsh words “sexy” topics in the era of poor. A majority declawere exchanged. “infotainment.” On the res the economy of their Yes, freedom and The obviously planned provocation by other hand, herding with households as ’bad or opportunities came in the Hungarian right-extremist party Jobbik, others under the national very bad’ (90% in Bulthe same package – together with their associates the Hungari- identity flag makes you garia, 75% in Hunbut, people soon realan Guard, inevitably created an atmosphere feel warm and protected gary).” of anxiety on both sides. Moreover, Jobbik among your own kind. It But the new kind of ized, freedom without is quickly gaining sympathy of many ordi- stinks, but you feel safe. populism in former money is only another nary Hungarians because of the brutality This is what H.C.Strache communist countries is form of slavery of the Slovak police. The incident created an and Pia Kjersgaard, not anti-democratic. ideal situation for populist manipulations of Umberto Bossi and KrzSome experts argue that emotions and this is exactly what is going stina Morvai, Gigi Becali and Boyko Borissov it is good because it wakes up passive mason. Politicians on both sides, experienced in know only too well. The origins of anxiety ses and forces people to engage politically. populist rhetoric, are competing in their might be different in Italy than in Hungary, Moreover, according to Ivan Krastev, a chair efforts to add heat to the already boiling but the effect is the same. of the Centre for Liberal Strategies in Sofia, atmosphere of nationalistic prejudice. Words If we think we know the Western kind of populism points to the profound transforlike sovereignty, national identity, and natio- populism, is the one rising in formerly com- mation of Europe’s liberal democracies. “The nal pride are being used, only confirming munist countries a different one? What are streets of Budapest and Warsaw today are that state (national, ethnic) borders in the the frustrations in the countries that joined flooded not by ruthless paramilitary forEU could be abolished, but would still live EU and thus fulfilled their dream? mations in search of a final solution, but in the minds of people. To simplify a complicated issue, there are by restless consumers in search of a final Nobody should be surprised by this deve- two main differences between the “old” and sale,” Krastev wrote a year ago. lopment after a long series of similar nationa- the “new” Europe: while one opposes immiHis words sounded witty until only a few list events in the former gration and calls for anti- weeks ago—that is, until the collapse of the Yugoslavia not so long EU measures because financial markets. What now? There will be And even if ago. As a well known people are afraid to lose less foreign investment, fewer jobs and less such extreme rightist polish intellectual Adam privileges they have, the credit, but more budget cuts and even bigpopulism sounds Michnik once said, other has to cope with the ger budget deficits. There will be more nationationalism is like a disappointment of people nalistic incidents like the one in Slovakia and creepy to most people, virus— it is dormant who expected something more harsh words … The situation in ”new” the thing is that it until the right conditions they did not get. You lost Europe’s countries was hard enough without addresses problems arise. Hopefully these your national sovereignty a recession. How much will this change the that other parties don’t recent developments are and now you are in dan- political landscape? Is this new situation not leading in the same ger of losing your natio- perhaps a chance not only for the expansion want to touch direction, or as far, as nal identity as well, popu- of the extreme right, but for a comeback of they did in the Balkans. lists tell them. Corrupti- the left? After all, they have right to say, But the point is another one, that almost hun- on is rampant, the political elite not to be “Didn’t we tell you so?” Nowadays, Karl dred- year- old grudges are still used to create trusted and democracy seems like a merry- Marx’s works are getting more and more conflict and anxiety, which can be used by a go-round with the same politicians going up popular in Germany. While the question right wing party for its own purposes of grab- and down. Above all, liberal capitalism crea- about the danger of rise of populism in the bing attention and, eventually, power. The ted a huge class gap and poverty. Yes, free- “new” Europe would probably get a cautious method is well- known, especially in Austria, dom and opportunities came in the same “No” as an answer only a while ago, it now where of late two such parties received almost package – but, as people soon realized, free- remains hanging in the air. September – December 2008

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MONTHLY LECTURES |

December 2

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Klimapolitik und Solidarität Anthony Giddens

Klimapolitik Nationale Antworten auf die Herausforderung der globalen Erwärmung

Claus Leggewie und Harald Welzer

Können Demokratien den Klimawandel bewältigen?

Ingolfur Blühdorn

Klimadebatte und Postdemokratie Zur gesellschaftlichen Bewältigung der Nicht-Nachhaltigkeit

Wolfgang Sachs

Wem gehört, was übrig bleibt? Ressourcenkonflikte und Menschenrechte

Lukas Meyer

Klimawandel und Gerechtigkeit

Dirk Messner

Klimawandel, globale Entwicklung und internationale Sicherheit

Nadine Pratt

Ich kaufe, also bin ich gut? Nachhaltiger Konsum – eine Kontextbestimmung

Oliver Geden

Strategischer Konsum statt nachhaltiger Politik? Ohnmacht und Selbstüberschätzung des »klimabewussten« Verbrauchers

* Chris Niedenthal

Herausgegeben am Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen

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Jürgen Kocka Mode und Wahrheit. Zum Wandel der Geschichtswissenschaft in den letzten fünf Jahrzehnten Die Geschichtswissenschaft ist ein sehr wandlungsfähiges Fach. Jürgen Kocka erläuterte in seinem Vortrag die wichtigsten Trends der letzten 50 Jahre und zeigte, dass Mode und Wahrheit nicht notwendig im Gegensatz zueinander stehen. So wie sich die Kleidermoden ändern, wandeln sich auch die Erkenntnisse, thematischen Präferenzen und methodischen Grundlagen in der Wissenschaft. Die Mode, so Kocka in Anlehnung an Georg Simmel, setzt eine Differenz zum bereits Bekannten, sie wird um ihrer Neuheit willen geschätzt, und die Orientierung an Neuheit, die Suche nach neuem Wissen ist auch die gesellschaftliche Funktion wissenschaftlicher Forschung. Am Beispiel der Geschichte des Ersten Weltkriegs veranschaulichte Kocka die Wandlungen des Faches. Standen noch bis in die 1950er Jahre die politische Geschichte und die Kriegsschuldfrage im Vordergrund, verlagerte sich das Fachinteresse in den 60ern hin zur Sozial- und Gesellschaftsgeschichte. Ende der 70er Jahre dann kam es zur so genannten konstruktivistischen Wende: Sprache, Semantik und kollektives Gedächtnis rückten mit der Kulturgeschichte in den Mittelpunkt historischer Betrachtung. Heute dominiert mit Transnationalisierung ein neues Interesse an makrohistorischen Herangehensweisen, die räumliche wie zeitliche Grenzen überwinden: die Welt des Ersten Weltkriegs wird ebenso betrachtet, wie seine Bedeutung für eine „Geschichte der Gewalt“. Wie aber lassen sich diese letzten Wandel der Geschichtswissenschaft erklären? Ein Grund ist, dass mehr Historiker ausgebildet werden und mit der Zunahme an Absolventen, Publikationen, Spezialisierungen in den letzten Jahrzehnten neue thematische und methodische Trends befördert wurden. Die Geschichtswissenschaft orientiert sich aber auch an ihrer gesellschaftlichen Umwelt, an den Problemen und Interessen ihrer jeweiligen Zeit – durch diese Orientierung bleibt sie gesellschaftlich relevant. Daher, so Kocka zum Abschluss seines Vortrags, „muss, wer die Geschichte der Geschichtswissenschaft schreiben möchte, auch immer eine Geschichte der Zeit schreiben, in der die Geschichte praktiziert wurde.“ Jürgen Kocka ist Professor für die Geschichte der industriellen Welt an der Freien Universität Berlin und Forschungsprofessor am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung; er ist Vizepräsident der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften. In Kooperation mit der Deutschen Botschaft, Wien

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| LECTURE SERIES

Umweltpolitik und Solidarität Der Klimawandel stellt die bestehenden demokratischen Institutionen und das Instrumentarium herkömmlicher Politik vor eine nie gekannte Herausforderung. Klimawandel ist ein globales, ebenso akutes wie langfristiges Phänomen, dem nur mit Maßnahmen beizukommen ist, die den nationalen Rahmen und kurzatmigen Planungshorizont von Parteipolitik überschreiten; zugleich wirft er die Frage nach globaler Gerechtigkeit (Nord-Süd-Gefälle) und Generationengerechtigkeit auf. October 27 Nadine Pratt Ich kaufe, also bin ich ... - gut? Chancen und Grenzen von nachhaltigem Konsum Bio-Milch bei Aldi oder Plus, Bio-Tomaten bei Wal-Mart und Fair-Tade Schokolade bei Lidl. Die Nachfrage nach ökologischen und sozialverträglich produzierten Produkten und Dienstleistungen ist in den letzten Jahren rasant gewachsen und bewegt sich von der ehemaligen „Ökonische“ hin zum Massenmarkt. In ihrem Vortrag beschrieb Nadine Pratt, wie sich das alte Label „öko“, das mit altruistischen, asketischen und eher lustfeindlichen Verhaltensweisen konnotiert war, zu einem neuen Verständnis von „bio“ wandelte, das weniger politisch-ideologisch als vielmehr sinnlich-ästhetisch aufgeladen ist. Während „öko“ noch für Verzicht stand, ist „bio“ zu einer Genusskategorie geworden, und es wächst die Zahl der so genannten LOHAS-Konsumenten (Lifestyles of Health and Sustainability), vor allem in Europa und den USA, aber auch China, so zeigte Pratt, wird in Zukunft zu einem der Schlüsselmärkte in diesem Bereich werden. Pratt diskutierte in ihrem Vortrag auch mit dem Konzept „nachhaltiger Konsum“ einhergehende Fragen: Welche Konsumstile sind „nachhaltig“? Welche Verbrauchergruppen

verhalten sich „ökologisch“? Wo liegen Grenzen, etwa wenn die effizientere Nutzung von Ressourcen durch wachsenden Konsum in ihrer Wirkung wieder neutralisiert wird (der so genannte „ReboundEffekt“)? Auch wenn angesichts der boomenden Märkte vor allem in Asien und Südamerika mit einem rasanten Zuwachs an energieintensiver Güterproduktion und Verbrauch zu rechnen ist, setzte Pratt einige Hoffnung in ein aufgeklärtes Konsumverhalten der Entwicklungsländer und in den „Marrakesch-Prozess“, eines 2002 auf dem Weltgipfel für nachhaltige Entwicklung in Johannesburg initiierten 10-Jahres Programms für nachhaltige Konsum- und Produktionsweisen. Nadine Pratt ist Senior Consultant am UNEP/Wuppertal Institute Collaborating Centre on Sustainable Consumption and Production (CSCP). Kommentar: Daniela Graf, Geschäftsführende Obfrau der Grünen Bildungswerkstatt

November 5 Wolfgang Sachs Wem gehört, was übrig bleibt? Ressourcenknappheit und Menschenrechte Zwischen Industrie- und Schwellenländern, zwischen reichen und armen Nationen und zwischen reichen und armen Klassen – in all diesen Arenen der Ungleichheit findet ein Tauziehen um Naturressourcen statt. Dieses Tauziehen entscheidet zu einem guten Stück darüber, welche Länder und welche Menschen im 21. Jahrhundert zu Gewinnern gehören und welche deklassiert werden. Die Frage ist allerdings nicht nur, ob es genügend Ressourcen geben wird, sondern an wen und wofür sie verteilt werden, wenn sie knapp werden. Wem gehört, was übrig ist von den Ölvorräten, dem Wasser, den Wäldern, der Atmosphäre? Das Interesse der globalen Mittelklasse an Ressourcen für erweiterten Konsum kollidiert mit dem Interesse der „Vierten Welt“, der indigenen Völker und Stammesgesellschaften, der Bauern, Viehzüchter und Fischer an denselben Ressourcen zur Sicherung ihres Lebensunterhalts. So ist die Ökologie des Reichtums über transnationale Nachschubketten mit der Ökologie der Armut verschränkt. In seinem Vortrag plädierte Wolfgang Sachs für eine menschenrechtsorientierte Umweltpolitik, die darauf abzielt, das Bürgerrecht für alle Weltbewohner auch angesichts der Endlichkeit der Biosphäre zu garantieren. Wolfgang Sachs, Leiter des Querschnittprojekts „Globalisierung und Nachhaltigkeit“ am Wuppertal Institut für Klima, Umwelt, Energie. Kommentar: Wolfgang Pirklhuber, Landwirtschafts- und regionalpolitischer Sprecher der Grünen im Nationalrat

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LECTURE SERIES |

Redefining the State? An International Comparison of Modern Conservative Politics

Den Staat neu denken? Moderne konservative Politik im internationalen Vergleich

December 10 Dirk Messner

This lecture series on “modern conservative politics” puts particular emphasis on positions concerning the role of the state. The aim is to present and compare recent changes and developments of conservatism which are underway in various European countries.

Wie der Klimawandel die NordSüd-Beziehungen verändert In seinem Vortrag betrachtete Dirk Messner den Klimawandel nicht in erster Linie als Umwelt- sondern als politisches Problem. „Klimapolitik“, sagte er „ist Sicherheitspolitik“. Messner sprach von einem Erdsystemwandel bislang nicht dagewesenen Ausmaßes und rechnete am hypothetischen Szenario einer Erderwärmung um 4 Prozent bis zum Ende des Jahrhunderts die Folgen durch: An mindestens vier Stellen werde das Erdsystem „umkippen“ – für weite Teile der Welt gebe es Dürren, Wasserknappheit, Extremwetterereignisse und Massenmigration aus umweltbedingten Gründen. Große Teile der Kontinente würden verelenden. Die Folgen des Klimawandels werden dabei vor allem diejenigen Regionen am härtesten treffen, die nicht zu seinen Hauptverursachern gehören und die heute schon benachteiligt sind: Afrika, Lateinamerika und Asien. „Der Klimawandel erzeugt Armut“, so Messner, daher müsse Armutsprävention heute beim Klimaschutz anfangen. Angesichts dieser Szenarien – und 4 Prozent Erderwärmung ist nicht einmal der worst case – plädierte Messner für einen neuen Menschenrechtsdiskurs, radikale CO2-Reduktionsfahrpläne weltweit und für einen sofortigen und konsequenten Umbau der Weltenergiesysteme auf nichtfossile Wirtschaft. Dirk Messner ist Geschäftsführer des Deutschen Instituts für Entwicklungspolitik in Bonn. Kommentar: Ulrike Lunacek, außen- und entwicklungspolitische Sprecherin der Grünen im Nationalrat Die Reihe wurde organisiert in Zusammenarbeit mit der Grünen Bildungswerkstatt

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October 6 Rocco Buttiglione As Much State as Needed; as Little State as Possible What are we talking about when we talk about the state? The first states consolidated as territorial sovereign associations in early 16th century Europe, but the idea of state reaches as far back as ancient Greece, with its central functions being described by Plato as: external defense, internal social peace and the promotion of economic prosperity. In the age of globalisation it seems questionable whether the state has still the capacity to fulfill these tasks. New wars, the current financial market breakdown and problems related to transnational migration put the classical concept of the state into question, Buttiglione argued, because no state can cope with these challenges on its own. Therefore states have to intensify their cooperation, and a functioning example for such cooperation is the EU, Buttiglione claimed, not only a common European market but particularly a common foreign and security policy. Strengthening the European Council would compensate member states for their loss of power due to the expansion of EU competencies. Thus, Buttiglione concluded, more Europe does not mean less state but Europe is rather “a way to bring states together”.

Rocco Buttiglione, Professor of Political Science at Saint Pius V University of Rome; Vice President of the Italian Chamber of Deputies and President of the UdC (Unione di Centro).

In cooperation with the Politische Akademie

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| LECTURE SERIES

Kunst – Gesellschaft – Politik Die Reihe „Kunst – Gesellschaft – Politik“ fragt nach dem Ort und der Funktion der Kunst heute. Was bleibt vom auratischen, einzigartigen und utopischen Charakter des Kunstwerks im Zeitalter von Massenproduktion und Massenkonsumption von Kunst? November 20 Ruth M. Sonderegger Zum politischen Alltag der Kunst Mit einer erfrischend frechen Unbekümmertheit behauptet der französische Philosoph Jacques Rancière seit einigen Jahren ein intimes Verhältnis zwischen der Politik und einer als autonom verstandenen Kunst. Dabei ist er weder blind für propagandistische Vereinnahmungen der Kunst in der ersten Hälfte des 20. Jahrhunderts noch naiv in Bezug auf die rezente Entwicklung des Kunstmarkts sowie gegenwärtige Tendenzen zur Instrumentalisierung von Kunst für soziale Projekte, welche die (Sozial-)Politik nicht mehr finanzieren will. Das Politische an der Kunst, sagt Ranciere, liegt darin, dass sie die Bedingungen der alltäglichen Wahrnehmung thematisiert, neue Einteilungen des Sinnlichen vorschlägt und damit die Grenzen des Wahrnehmbaren verschiebt.

In ihrem Vortrag würdigte Ruth Sonderegger Rancières mutigen fresh start in Bezug auf die festgefahrene Diskussion um das Verhältnis zwischen Kunst, Politik und Gesellschaft und zeigte am Beispiel einiger aktueller partizipativer und aktionistischer Kunstformen, wie man Rancières ästhetische Theorie weiter entwickeln und auf ein größeres Feld an politischen und künstlerischen Ausdrucksformen beziehen könnte. Ruth M. Sonderegger ist Professorin für Philosophie an der Universität Amsterdam.

December 16 Wolfgang Ullrich Designer als Interpreten: Wie Konsumgüter unseren Alltag inszenieren Die heutige Produktwelt inszeniert und überhöht unseren Alltag und macht ihn mehr denn je zu einer Fiktion. Situationen und Handlungen werden jeweils durch die Konsumgüter interpretiert. Damit leistet die Sphäre des Konsums, was man traditionell von der Kunst erwartet hat. Gibt es also noch einen Unterschied zwischen dem ‘ästhetischen Schein’ der Kunst und dem Schein der Waren? Wolfgang Ullrich wandte sich in seinem gegen die allzu einfache Kon-

sumkritik und den Vorwurf, Konsumismus sei eine Art Ersatzreligion. Vielmehr verstand er – provokativ – Konsumgüter als Medien und das Konsumieren als eine Kulturtechnik, die gelernt werden kann, ähnlich wie das Bücher lesen zu anderen Zeiten. Wolfgang Ullrich ist Professor für Kunstwissenschaft und Medientheorie an der Staatlichen Hochschule für Gestaltung, Karlsruhe.

Die Neuen Frauenbewegungen haben Selbstbestimmung, Gleichheit, Zuwendung und einen neuen Eros gefordert und sie haben die Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft in Deutschland grundlegend verändert. Dabei haben sie sich auch selbst transformiert. Der Band, herausgegeben von Ilse Lenz, Professorin für Geschlechter- und Sozialstrukturforschung an der Ruhr-Universität Bochum, dokumentiert die wichtigsten Quellen der neuen Frauenbewegung und stellt sie in ihrer Vielfalt und in ihren Veränderungen vor. Auch die Reaktionen der Männerbewegung wurden aufgenommen. Der Band eröffnet einen einzigartigen Zugang zu den Kontroversen um Geschlecht und gesellschaftlichen Wandel in Deutschland seit 1968. VS-Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2008, 49,90 Euro. www.vs-verlag.de

Die Reihe ist organisiert in Zusammenarbeit im dem Renner Institut.

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Via Lewandowski „Als Stalin weinte“

© VG Bildkunst Bonn

WORKSHOP: UNITED EUROPE - DIVIDED MEMORY I & II |

Enthusiasm and Terror: Memories of Stalinism in Austria By Wolfgang Müller The IWM research focus “United Europe - Divided Memory” seeks to overcome divisions among national historiographies and between East and West. Within the framework of this project two international and interdisciplinary workshops, supported by the Allianz Kulturstiftung, took place at the IWM. From September 19 to 21 the first workshop aimed to discuss German and Soviet policies in the occupied countries of Eastern Europe during 1939 and 1944 and the resistance against it. The second workshop “Stalinism and Europe, 1933-1953” was held from November 28 to 30. Opened with a public keynote lecture by the German historian Stefan Troebst, it focused on Stalin’s policy and its consequences for wartime and postwar Europe. In the discussions, Austria turned out as a special case: While liberated by the Soviets and occupied until 1955, the time of Stalinism is, as the here printed contribution argues, not an important issue in the country‘s collective memory. 14

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In contemporary Austria, Stalinism does not seem to play a large role in collective memory. When the public’s attention is drawn to the middle of the 20th century, it focuses primarily on World War II and the experience of Nazism. While the Vergangenheitsbewältigung has made the country’s Nazi past into a public issue since the late l980s, Stalinism has not achieved comparable standing. In the collective memory of postwar Austrian history, the State Treaty and the country’s neutrality play a prominent role. Despite being liberated by the Soviet Army and occupied until 1955, eastern Austria was spared the fate of its eastern neighbor states that underwent Sovietization and Stalinization. This might help to explain why in Austria, in contrast to these countries, Stalinism never became a central issue of collective memory. Once the “Russians” and the “great father of all peace-loving mankind” were gone, the country indeed had other priorities than dealing with the Stalinist past. The last survivors of the Gulag and POW (prisoner-of-war) camps returned, as did some of the people who had been kidnapped by the NKVD and KGB on charges of anti-Soviet actions after 1945. However, there were too few victims of Stalinism in Austria and too little was known about them for it to become a national issue. Furthermore, after 1955 Austria had to observe neutrality. It had to find a modus vivendi with Khrushchev and Brezhnev, foster détente, and develop Osthandel, while avoiding being put on top of the Soviet propaganda cart for “peacefulcoexistence” or slipping into neutralist fairways. Thus, the Austrian government was not interested in making Stalinism an issue and the country moved on. Although Austria escaped Soviet rule, it might serve as a case study for some of the features we associate with Stalin: the ability to raise enthusiasm to the extent of Byzantine cult, the judicial mass murder of thousands of human beings, a deep distrust and betrayal of his followers and allies, his cautiousness and slyness, and the blunt application of power politics.

Prewar In the second half of the 1920s and early 1930s, the USSR seemed to be a fascinating utopia to a considerable number of West European and North American intellectuals and workers. While conservative

| WORKSHOP: UNITED EUROPE - DIVIDED MEMORY I & II

Dr. Wolfgang Müller is a research strata had been shocked by the Bolshevik orthodox communists they were – and until associate at the Austrian Academy of revolution, others considered it to be one of the 1980s remained – criminals brought to Sciences and a lecturer at the University of the greatest experiments in history. Propatheir just punishment. Most Austrians, in Vienna. Currently he is a visiting fellow at ganda was spread about the “great buildup” 1938 excited about the Anschluss, did not Stanford University. His book on Soviet in Stalin’s Soviet Union, thus raising enorcare very much about their fate either. policy in Austria Die sowjetische Besatzung mous sympathy in the West. The attraction in Österreich 1945-1955 (2005) was Postwar to a country, allegedly without economic awarded the Plaschka Prize. In March 1938, the Kremlin unsuccessfulinjustice and social discrimination, became ly urged the Western powers to take colleceven stronger when the West plunged into tive measures against Germany, whose ecoeconomic crisis and when, in many Euronomic power and military strength had been pean countries, authoritarianism and fascism increased by incorporating Austria. Howevthreatened. er, this protest was not a matter of principle: In October 1934, Rudolf Weisz, an AusOnce Stalin had decided to find an arrangetrian social democrat, who had left his ment with Hitler, the Austrian case was homeland some months earlier for the Sovidropped and became a non-topic for more et Union, wrote to his country’s legation in than a year. It was only the German attack Moscow: on the USSR that made Stalin reassert his „Russia, the motherland of the working interest in Austria. proletariat […] gave me the balance of my In their Moscow Declaration of 1 soul again, by restoring the confident belief November 1943, the Soviet Union, the Unitin the future of the proletariat, by undertaed Kingdom, and the United States officialking its gigantic buildup, by offering me the ly declared their intention to reconstruct Auspossibility to educate myself, and by secutria as an independent state. Since Stalin ring a good—in fact incomparable to the expected the Western powers to pull back Austrian—standard of living with regard to their troops from Europe within two or three material and cultural standards.“ years after the war, the dictator resorted to Weisz was a Schutzbund member who, together with about 750 men and their wives workers in the USSR were sentenced to a relatively cautious long-term approach in and children, had fled their country after the death for anti-Soviet espionage and shot. order to strengthen Soviet influence in abortive social democratic uprising against Two years later, a second wave of mass Europe without alienating the West. The the authoritarian Dollfuß regime in Febru- imprisonment of Austrian workers followed. popular front strategy, which entailed the creation of all-party governments with strong ary 1934. Their enthuThe former Schutzbündler communist representation, outwardly seemed siastic reception in the were also dragged into StalIn the second half USSR was well organin’s struggle against spies acceptable to the Western allies. However, of the 1920s and early ized and it can be conand dissenters (real or from the Soviet point of view, this strategy 1930s, the USSR sidered a high point in imaginary). About 220 of was designed to shift the political direction Soviet propaganda them were imprisoned, 46 toward “people’s democracy” and socialism. seemed to be a fasciWhen, in the last days of the war, on 3 efforts to create an were extradited to the nating utopia image of a strong, carGestapo, at least 30 were April 1945, the Austrian veteran social demoing “homeland of tortured and shot, at least crat Karl Renner contacted a Soviet officer on socialism” at home and abroad. A second 20 died in prison camps. In most cases, the the ground, he was entrusted by Stalin to form major group of Austrian émigrés in the Sovi- allegations had no basis in reality at all. Franz such a popular-front government. The Soviet army was instructed to et Union consisted of young communists Koritschoner, co-founder provide the Austrian who studied at the International Lenin of the CPA, was accused Had the first Soviet population with food, to School. Due to the secretive and sectarian of having joined the reports from Austria win their sympathy, and character of the Communist Party of Aus- “infamous Bukharinite described the populato strengthen Soviet tria (CPA), this group of about 250 men and plot.” He underwent torinfluence, while the local women altogether was torn apart by intrigues ture before his broken tion’s attitude towards communists in the govbetween various fractions, by leadership body (with no teeth left) the Red Army as ernment should prepare struggles, and by its obsession with secrecy was extradited to the mainly friendly, this for a “Democratic Peoand party discipline already before the “Great hands of the Gestapo. changed rapidly ple’s Republic Austria.” Purges” started—an attribute characteristic They shipped him to However, in the genof Stalinist parties. A third group was formed Auschwitz, where he was by workers who came to the USSR in the killed the day after his arrival. Altogether, eral elections of 25 November 1945, the late 1920s and early 1930s. about 600 Austrians, mostly communists, CPA, which was widely associated by the Their enthusiasm did not protect them perished as victims of Stalin’s prewar terror. Austrian population with the Red Army, suffrom falling victim to the Stalinist terror, Their fate, however, did not garner much fered a crushing defeat, garnering only 5.42 however. In 1933, the first of the Austrian attention among Austrians at that time. For percent of the vote. The main reason for the September – December 2008

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communist disaster, however, was that the The chances of achieving Austria’s transiSoviet Union, among Austrians, was discred- tion to “people’s democracy” were virtually ited—at least partially due to Goebbels’ prop- non-existent after 1945 as long as the Westaganda, but even more importantly due to ern allies stood in the western part of the counthe disastrous behavior of the Red Army. The try and the Austrian majority, as the election number of rapes of Austrian women by Sovi- results showed, remained fiercely anticommuet soldiers from April to August 1945 alone nist. Nevertheless, the Soviet authorities folis estimated at between 100,000 and lowed their line until Stalin’s death. This inflex400,000. Hundreds of civilians were mur- ibility was a symptom of the growing paralydered. At least part of the crimes can be sis of Soviet policy in the late Stalin period and attributed to a hunger for revenge stirred up a result of ideological preconceptions that posby Nazi crimes committed on Soviet soil and tulated the ultimate victory of the Soviet systhe officially promoted hatred propaganda tem. by Ilya Ehrenburg and others. Nonetheless, Stalin understood that he The whole disaster had a terrible effect could speed up Austria’s transition to socialon the Soviet image in Austria. Had the first ism (which he, as a true Bolshevik, believed Soviet reports from Austria described the pop- would happen in the future anyway) only by ulation’s attitude towards the Red Army as either creating a non-viable communist mainly friendly, this microstate in the Sovichanged rapidly. Since the et zone of Austria (the Dozens of Austrian army could not be German model), or by civilians, police officers, attacked directly, the a communist putsch or anger turned against the other violent means even politicians, were CPA. In most people’s (the Korean model). arrested by Soviet milieyes, however, the main Since Austria was not tary police or secret culprit remained the Soviimportant enough for services on the streets et Union. him to take either risk, This chapter of Sovihe refrained from getand disappeared—some et-Austrian history seems ting more deeply of them forever to have been the most involved. Thus, in coninfluential one for a long trast to Austria’s eastern time with regard to collective memory. It was neighbors, the country did not suffer from the first time that a great number of Austri- Sovietization, mass persecutions, “show trians were directly affected by or at least wit- als,” or other features of the late Stalin years. nessed Soviet crimes in their own homes. Stalin’s “restraint” seems not to have Their own experiences seemed to verify what improved the Austrian image of the Stalinist they, their parents, and their grandparents Soviet Union very much. Once the shock had been told, not only by Nazi propaganda over the 1945 Red Army’s crimes had settled but also during World War I and even before, somewhat, ordinary Austrians were confrontabout the “Asian nature of the Russians.” ed with a new Stalinist phenomenon creatResearch focused on the issue in the 1990s, ing fear and anger: Dozens of Austrian civiland oral histories were made with former vic- ians, police officers, even politicians, were tims and their relatives. The experience was, arrested by Soviet military police or secret at least in some families, passed on from gen- services on the streets and disappeared— eration to generation. some of them forever. We know now from the Russian archives Cold War that the Austrian victims of the late Stalin The communist defeat in the elections years were suspected and convicted of anticaused a change in the Soviet attitude toward Soviet activity, espionage, or Nazi crimes. Austria. This change included the tighten- Some of them were actually criminals. Howing of political control, the intensification ever, as during the Great Terror, most of them of communist propaganda, and the full were innocent. Again, it seems that Stalin’s takeover of “former German assets” in the crimes against the population, crimes that Soviet zone. In the meantime, the CPA affected Austrian people directly or were at became increasingly “Stalinized,” obsessed least witnessed by them, had more impact on with party discipline and “purity.” External- collective memory than his cautious schemes ly, the CPA was isolated and excluded from to set Austria on the way to “people’s democpolitical power. racy.”

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United Europe - Divided Memory I September 19 Session I

Session III

Marek Wierzbicki (Institute of Political Studies, Polish Academy of Sciences) Soviet Economic Policies and their Impact on the Polish Society under Soviet Occupation, 19391941

Rafa Wnuk (Instytut Pami´ci Narodowej, Lublin, Poland) Anti-Soviet Resistance in Eastern Poland

Christoph Mick (University of Warwick, UK) Lemberg Under Soviet Occupation Evgenij Rozenblat (Brest, Belarus) Western Belarus under Soviet Occupation

September 20 Session II Alex J. Kay (Berlin, Germany) German Economic Plans for the Occupied Soviet Union and Their Implementation. Birthe Kundrus (Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung, Germany) The Occupation of Poland as Template Pavel Polian (Institute of Geography, Russian Academy of Sciences) Soviet Prisoners of War

Timm C. Richter (Villa ten Hompel, Münster, Germany) Belarusian Partisans and German Reprisals David Marples (University of Alberta, Canada) Soviet Partisans and Ukrainian Memory

September 21 Session IV Andrzej Wa´skiewicz (University of Warsaw, Poland) The Home Army and the Politics of Polish Memory Ihor Ilyushin (Kiev Slavonic University, Kiev and Cracow, Poland) Ukrainian Communist and Nationalist Partisans Alexandra Goujon (University of Bourgogne, France) Partisans, Genocide and Belarusian Identities

Dieter Pohl (Institut für Zeitgeschichte, Munich, Germany) The Holocaust in the Reichskommissariat Ukraine Leonid Smilovitsky (Diaspora Research Center, Tel Aviv, Israel) The Holocaust in Belarus

The workshops were generously supported by

| WORKSHOP: UNITED EUROPE - DIVIDED MEMORY I & II

Stefan Troebst ist stellvertretender Direktor des Geisteswissenschaftlichen Zentrums Geschichte und Kultur Ostmitteleuropa (GWZO), und Professor für Kulturstudien Ostmitteleuropas an der Universität Leipzig. Zuletzt erschienen: Das makedonische Jahrhundert (2007)

United Europe - Divided Memory II November 28 Keynote Lecture and Discussion Stefan Troebst (University of Leipzig, Germany) 1945 - ein gesamteuropäischer Erinnerungsort? Discussion with Hans Rauscher, Der Standard, Vienna, Timothy Snyder, Yale University, and Heidemarie Uhl, Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna

November 29 Session I: Collectivization, Terror, Foreign Relations Andrea Graziosi (University of Naples, Italy) Is Europe a Posttraumatic Continent? The Ukrainian Holodomor and Stalin’s Legacy Sarah Cameron (Yale University, USA) Violence, Flight and Hunger: The SinoKazakh Border and the Kazakh Famine Terry Martin (Harvard University, USA) Affirmative Action to Terror Hiroaki Kuromiya (Indiana University, Bloomington, USA) Espionage, CounterEspionage and Terror Session II: Making War, Planning for Peace Slawomir Debflki (The Polish Institute of International Affairs, Warsaw, Poland) Non-Aggression as Foreign Policy

Geoffrey Roberts (University College Cork, Ireland) Soviet Visions of Peace, 1941-1944 Serhii Yekelchyk (University of Victoria, Canada) Redrawing the Borders, Regaining the Nation: Soviet Ukraine in the Wake of Total War

Session III: Soviet Policy to Europe (1944-1953) Mark Kramer (Harvard University, USA) Stalin, Soviet Policy, and the Consolidation of a Communist Bloc in Eastern Europe, 1944-1953 Jens Gieseke (Center for Contemporary History Potsdam, Germany) The Building of a Soviet-Style PoliceState in East Germany, 1945-1935 Wolfgang Müller (Austrian Academy of Sciences, Austria) Memories of Stalinism: The Case of Austria

Session IV: Takeovers in Eastern Europe (1944-1953) Stefano Bottoni (University of Eastern Piedmont, Alessandria, Italy) The Case of Romania Kyril Drezov (Keele University, UK) The Case of Bulgaria

the Allianz Kulturstiftung

Magie der Jahreszahlen Wann endet(e) die Nachkriegszeit? Was eine „Wendemarke“ der Geschichte ist, hängt von der Perspektive ab. Von Stefan Troebst Dass der Zweite Weltkrieg 1945 endete, ist ein weltweiter Allgemeinplatz – auch wenn die Diskussionen über seinen Beginn weiter anhalten. Aber wann endete die Nachkriegszeit? Und ist sie überhaupt schon zu Ende? In seinem fulminanten Buch Postwar aus dem Jahr 2005 setzt der New Yorker Historiker Tony Judt dieses Ende für Europa auf das Wendejahr 1989 an. Mit der Beendigung des Kalten Krieges, so sein Argument, höre die Wirkung der Spätfolgen des Zweiten Weltkrieges endgültig auf: „Eine Ära war vorbei und ein neues Europa wurde geboren.“ Der Fall der Berliner Mauer 1989 sowie die Auflösung des Warschauer Paktes und die Wiedervereinigung von Bundesrepublik und DDR 1990 führt er als Belege an. Damit befindet sich Judt in Übereinstimmung mit der in Europa selbst vorherrschenden Sichtweise. Dem Krakauer Soziologen Piotr Sztompka etwa stellt sich das Jahr 1989 als „kultureller und zivilisatorischer Umbruch“ dar und der Berliner Historiker Klaus Zernack urteilt emphatisch: „1989 – ein Jahrhundert wird auf die Füße gestellt“.

Zugleich aber relativiert Judt mit dem Untertitel seines Buches - „Geschichte Europas von 1945 bis zur Gegenwart“ - den Einschnitt von 1989 erheblich, da auch die Nach-WendeJahre gleichsam gleitend in seine Darstellung einbezogen werden. Insgesamt erscheint bei ihm so die „friedliche Revolution“ eher als Übergang zu einer „Nach-Nachkriegszeit“ denn als ein Schlusspunkt und damit als Anfang von etwas grundlegend Neuem. Judts Sichtweise deckt sich mit derjenigen einer Richtung der sozialwissenschaftlichen Forschung, die mit Blick auf das östliche Europa das Jahr 1989 weniger als Zäsur denn als Scharnier zwischen der Periode des Kommunismus und derjenigen eines „Post-Kommunismus“ ausmacht. Vor allem Politikwissenschaftler und Ethnologen definieren dabei den Charakter der Nach-Wende-Entwicklung nicht so sehr durch das Neue in Gestalt von Marktwirtschaft, Demokratie und Rechtsstaatlichkeit, sondern vielmehr durch das Alte, das in dieser Sicht die Gegenwart entscheidend prägt. Und einige von ihnen sprechen mit Blick auf die EU-Osterweiterungsschübe September – December 2008

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bildtext

von 2004 und 2007 mittlerweile gar von einem „Post-Post-Kommunismus“. Aber auch beim Wechsel von der Vogelperspektive zur Nahaufnahme einzelner Staaten und Gesellschaften „verrutscht“ die Wendemarke 1989. In Ungarn etwa steht „1989“ für einen im politischen Bereich erfolgten verspäteten Vollzug dessen, was auf gesellschaftlicher Ebene bereits seit den späten siebziger und frühen achtziger Jahren Realität war. In den Nachfolgestaaten der Sowjetunion ist 1991 das eigentliche Datum des Umbruchs, der mit der Perestrojka Mitte der achtziger Jahre begonnen hat. Aus russländischer Sicht wird die Implosion der Sowjetunion dabei primär negativ gedeutet – als „größte geopolitische Katastrophe des 20. Jahrhunderts“, wie der damalige Staatspräsident und heutige Ministerpräsident der Russländischen Föderation, Vladimir Putin,

Hans Rauscher

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2005 anlässlich des 60. Jahrestages des Endes des Zweiten Weltkriegs öffentlichkeitswirksam beklagte. Und in Polen werden als eigentliche Wendedaten das Danziger Abkommen zwischen der oppositionellen Gewerkschaft Solidarnosc und der Parteiund Staatsführung vom August 1980 sowie die Ausrufung des Kriegsrechts im Dezember 1981 empfunden. Hier, in Polen, wird auch der erbittertste politische Streit über die Bedeutung von „1989“ für die Geschichte der eigenen Nation und Gesellschaft ausgetragen: Während Liberale und Postkommunisten den Neuigkeitscharakter der 1989 formierten Dritten Polnischen Republik unterstreichen – nach der Ersten Republik, die 1795 in der Dritten Teilung unterging, der Zweiten Republik von 1918 bis 1939 und der aus der Zählung ausdrücklich ausgeklammerten Volksrepublik der

Christoph Mick

Jahre 1944 bis 1989 –, bestreiten die Nationalkonservativen um die Brüder Kaczy´nski und „Radio Maryja“ die Zäsur von 1989 und sehen die damals entstandene Dritte Republik in direkter Kontinuität zur kommunistischen Volksrepublik: Die im Spätkommunismus entstandenen Netzwerke und Seilschaften, so diese Ansicht, seien bis heute der eigentliche Machtfaktor in Staat und Wirtschaft. Entsprechend lautet ihre Parole „Für eine Vierte Republik!“, in der dann erstmals wirklich demokratische Verhältnisse herrschen werden. Mit anderen Worten: Das eigentliche „1989“ steht in dieser Sicht noch aus. Mit deutlich größerer Berechtigung lässt sich eine solche messianische Perspektive auf Weißrussland anlegen, das zwar 1991 ebenfalls einen Demokratisierungsschub erfahren hat, der aber durch den Amtsantritt von Präsident Aljaksandr Lukaschenko 1994 gleichsam „abgewürgt“ wurde. Weißrussland ähnelt daher den separatistischen De-facto-Staaten Transnistrien in Moldova sowie Abchasien und Südossetien in Georgien, die nicht ganz zu Unrecht als „Freilichtmuseen der Sowjetunion“ bezeichnet werden. Ungeachtet der gegen „1989“ vorgebrachten Argumente gilt das Jahr der Wende in Zentral- und Osteuropa und damit des Endes des Ost-West-Konflikts europaweit wie global als Chiffre für das Ende der Nachkriegzeit und zugleich als zentraler metaphorischer Erinnerungsort des „kurzen“ 20. Jahrhunderts. Andere Periodisierungen, wie etwa der 9. September 2001 als Beginn einer neuen Ära, oder „1968“ als weltweiter „Tonartwechsel“ konnten sich gegen die Konkurrenz dieses dominierenden lieu de mémoire nicht durchsetzen. Denn wenn – mit Walter Benjamin – „Geschichte schreiben heißt, Jahreszahlen ihre Physiognomie geben“, dann wird das Antlitz unserer jüngsten Geschichte ganz wesentlich von „1989“ geprägt. Der Artikel erschien am 28. 11. in Der Standard

| WORKSHOP

Phenomenology and Violence

Christianity, History, and Europe

October 23–24, 2008

Engagements with Jan Patocka’s Philosophy of History. October 30 – November 1, 2008

The workshop reflected on the possibility of a phenomenological analysis of violence. It raised questions concerning the aptitude of phenomenology to confront violence: In what ways does phenomenology contribute to a deepened understanding of violence? Can a phenomenological approach help us to develop an integrative conception of violence that enables us to understand its many faces as parts of a unified phenomenon? What is the relationship between violence and sense? How do we need to modify the methodological coordinates of phenomenology in order to properly address violence in its twofold, i.e. both destructive and poietic phenomenality? The workshop was organized by IWM Visiting Fellow Michael Staudigl.

Michael Staudigl

Toru Tani

October 23

October 24

Toru Tani (Kyoto) Sinn und Gewalt Peter Trawny (Shanghai) Gewalt und Gewohnheit

Martin Endress (Wuppertal) Gewalt – Überlegungen zur vermeintlichen Alternative zwischen körperlicher und struktureller Gewalt

Eddo Evink (Groningen) The Inevitability of Violence

Gerhard Unterthurner (Wien) Symbolische Gewalt nach Bourdieu

Michael D. Barber (St. Louis): From Alienation to Recovery: The Subject’s Relationship to Institutional Violence.

Pascal Delholm (Flensburg) Das Erleiden der erlittenen Gewalt als Gewalt

James Dodd (New York) Reflections on Violence Nicolas de Warren (Wellesley) The Violence of Meaning

Antje Kapust (Bochum) Autoteleologie, Birelativität und Tripletheorie der Gewalt Michael Staudigl Grundprobleme und Leitmotive einer Phänomenologie der Gewalt

The workshop was part of a research project funded by the Austrian Sciences Funds (FWF), Vienna

“Christianity, History, and Europe” reflected on the diverse aspects of a fundamental challenge put forth by Jan Patocka in his Heretical Essays in the Philosophy of History, which can be summed up in the following questions: How open is the European intellectual tradition, and with that the idea of Europe in general, to the full force of “religious experience”? Is the history of Christianity in Europe the history of a culture that has fully embraced the religious, or is Christianity more the result of the limitation of the religious by way of its mediation through Greco-Roman concepts and motivations? In what ways does Christianity thereby itself lay the basis for its own secularization, and with that determine the horizon for our engagement with the ideas of community and history? What importance would this figure that Patocka presents of Christianity have for a renewed consideration of the spiritual and historical promise of the idea of Europe? The workshop was organized by James Dodd, Ludger Hagedorn, Klaus Nellen and Michael Staudigl. See also guest-contribution on Page 38 October 30

November 1

Hanna-Barbara Gerl-Falkovitz (Dresden): Postsäkulares aus der Postmoderne. Ein Blick auf religionsphilosophische Ansätze aus Philosophie und Literatur der Gegenwart.

Nicolas De Warren (Wellesley) Christianity Unthought: Patocka and Europe

October 31

Nathalie Frogneux (Louvain-la-Neuve) Is there only a Greek pillar in Patocka’s conception of Europe?

James Dodd (New York) The Star, the Cross, and the Kiss Ludger Hagedorn (Prague) “Kenosis“ in Philosophie und Religion. Die Lesart Patockas

Eddo Evink (Groningen) Religion as Practice and the Care for the Soul

Michael Staudigl (Vienna) Politik, Religion und Gewalt nach Michel Henry

Ivan Chvatik (Prague) Kann man das Christentum christlich überwinden? Wolfgang Palaver (Innsbruck) Krieg und Opfer: Die Geschichtsphilosophien von Patoãka und René Girard im Vergleich Peter Trawny (Shanghai) Das Opfer und der Zeuge. Wie christlich ist Europa? Jan Frei (Prag) Transzendentes Ziel, immanente Zwecke. Zum Opferbegriff Patockas René Kaufmann (Dresden) Zur Theodizee-Problematik in ihrer problemgeschichtlichen Entfaltung

Mikhail Khorkov (Moscow) Religion als Weg zum Säkularen? Eine nichtfundamentalistische Perspektive aus phänomenologischer Sicht Olga Shparaga (Minsk/Vilnius) Die Genese der Verantwortung und die symbolische Ordnung des Politischen Andrzej Gniazdowski (Warsaw) Politisches Subjekt und politische Substanz. Kantorowicz’ Analyse der politischen Theologie des Mittelalters und ihre phänomenologische Relevanz

Funding provided by a grant from the Andrew W. Mellon Foundation through the Council of American Overseas Research Centers

September – December 2008

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friends At the end of 2004, the Institute initiated the circle of IWM friends to ask those who encouraged us and who followed our work over the years to actively support the IWM. We want to express our sincerest gratitude to more than one hundred friends and donors who have contributed approximately € 60,000 over the last years, which has helped us to co-fund our work since then. You can become an IWM friend with a one-time donation or regular annual contributions. There is no formal membership or predefined dues. However, we ask for € 100 from individual supporters (€ 50 from students) and € 5,000 from institutional donors. With your contribution you will help us organize a manifold program, provide excellent research conditions for our fellows, and you will support the IWM as a place for intellectual encounter, reflection and innovation. We cordially invite all our friends to support the Institute again this year. Thank you!

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Junior Visiting Fellows in the Research Focuses “United Europe – Divided Memory”, “Religion and Secularism” and “Inequality/Solidarity” The Institute for Human Sciences awards research fellowships to young scholars at the beginning of their academic career to pursue their individual project while working “in residence” as members of the international, multidisciplinary scholarly community of the IWM which consists of approximately forty Visiting Fellows and Junior Visiting Fellows every year. Scholars working on projects related to the topics United Europe – Divided Memory, Religion and Secularism or Inequality/Solidarity are invited to spend six months at the IWM. Please visit the IWM website for further details 20

No. 99

September – December 2008

www.iwm.at/fellowships.htm

| EVENTS: FACES OF EASTERN EUROPE

Corruption is Back by Mykola Riabchuk The IWM holds a regular seminar series “Faces of Eastern Europe” on the history and current affairs of the region. On September 3, Ukrainian journalist and author Mykola Riabchuk held a lecture about „The Dubious Strength of a Weak State. Institutionalized Authoritarianism in the PostSoviet Ukraine.“ Following we print a recent text by him, a commentary on the gas disputes between Russia and Ukraine.

The gas conflict between Russia and Ukrai- lobbying groups, and, last but not least, of the ne is too complex and multi-dimensional murky legacy in energy trade inherited from to be covered briefly. It is certainly not only the previous regime. The main reason why, about gas nor is it a conflict only between until 2005, Russia sold gas to Ukraine, and Russia and Ukraine. Ukraine transported it westward at a rather What I see on the Russian side is a well-pre- symbolic price, was certainly not reflective of pared ‘special operation’ of the sort that had any kind of ‘friendship’ and ‘altruism’ on eitbeen skillfully implemented last year in the her side. It was a very effective and beneficial Caucasus. It includes escalation of conflict sup- cooperation between some Ukrainian and ported by militant propaganda within the Russian officials and oligarchs who know country and coordinated international efforts much better than anybody else how much of of Russian diplomacy, intelligence, and well- cheap gas was sold to and consumed in Ukraipaid PR-companies to promote the ‘true cau- ne and how much of it was resold to the West se’ and discredit the ‘enemy.’ It includes also at a real price. Such a scheme could have good logistics – concenobviously not functioned tration of proper military without the highest blesThe fecklessness of resources against Georgia, sing. The notorious the EU, and the and monopolization of “RosUkrEnergo” comthe energy resources, spepany, inter alia, was creastupidity, or cynicism, cifically from Central ted by the personal politiof some Western leadAsia, against Ukraine. Yet, cal decision of Putin and ers drives me crazy the most important is, Kuchma. And, not by that the ‘special operation’ chance, it was Yushchenmodel includes a well-elaborated trap for the ko’s and, especially, Tymoshenko’s attempts to both Georgian and Ukrainian leaders. In one eliminate a dubious Gazprom-connected intercase, the task was facilitated by predictable psy- mediary RUE from the gas trade that infuriachological reactions of Mr. Saakashvili, in the ted the Kremlin and caused the first ‘gas criother case it is facilitated by predictable mistrust sis’ in early 2006. One may recollect that five and infighting between the Ukrainian presi- years earlier, a similar attempt by Tymoshendent and prime-minister, as well as by oppor- ko to touch the sacred cow of the gas and oil tunism of a political opposition ready to assist trade cost her the vice prime minister positithe Kremlin in any endeavour versus ‘orange’ on in Kuchma’s cabinet and even short-term foes. imprisonment under dubious charges. In SepOn the Ukrainian side, I see first of all an tember 2005, Tymoshenko was fired again – ambiguity that has, most likely, two major this time by Yushchenko, and a few months sources. First, it is the ambiguity, incoheren- later the president proved either professioce, inconsistency, and political weakness of Mr. nally incompetent or politically impotent to Yushchenko himself. And second, it is a net complete the much-needed work to cleanup result of deep divisions within the Ukrainian the energy sector – despite Kremlin pressure elite, contradictory efforts among business and and blackmail. The cancer of large-scale cor-

ruption was not eliminated three years ago and now we see its come-back with the force of dreadful metastases. Finally, on the European side, alas, I see a protracted shortsightedness, parochialism, and a lack of unity and solidarity that makes Russia a much stronger player than it really is in terms of resources, and than it should be in view of the policies it pursues and values it promotes domestically and internationally. I strongly believe that NATO’s refusal last year to give Georgia and Ukraine a Membership Action Plan encouraged Russia to invade Georgia and to behave more and more ‘assertively’ vis-à-vis Ukraine. The fecklessness of the EU, and the stupidity, or cynicism, of some Western leaders drives me crazy. But it’s not basically my business to criticize Western governments. They have their own citizens and, I hope, honest and vigilant intellectuals able to do this. I just want to emphasize that even the largest and strongest group will be helpless vis-à-vis a mediocre bully as long as such a group is disunited and its member try to make separate deals with the offender.

Further seminars in the series „Faces of Eastern Europe“: October 28 Krassimira Daskalova, Associate Professor of History, St. Kliment Ohridski University, Sofia Womens´ Movements and Feminisms Central Eastern and South Eastern Europe, 19th and 20th Century November 12 Juraj Buzalka, Lecturer in Social Anthropology, Comenius University, Bratislava Post-peasant Populism in Eastern Europe

September – December 2008

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EVENTS |

Die Macht der Wirtschaft, die Wirkung des Papstes, die Zukunft der Bildung: Weitere Events des IWM Politischer Salon, 24. November

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Gesprächsforum in Berlin, 5. und 6. Dezember

Unter dem Titel „Der Staat wird uns schon richten“, diskutierten am 24. November beim Politischen Salon am IWM der ehemalige Ministerpräsident Sachsens, Kurt Biedenkopf und der österreichische Bundesminister für Wissenschaft und Forschung Johannes Hahn. „Kann man der fortschreitenden Ökonomisierung aller Lebensbereiche entgehen?“, war die Frage. Biedenkopf hielt an einer Trennung von Gesellschaftlichem und Ökonomischem fest, Ökonomie sei nicht alles, und Gemeinschaft sei keine ökonomische Kategorie, daher dürfe man auf sie auch nicht das Kriterium der Effizienz anwenden. Der Markt, sagte er, brauche ein moralisches Gehäuse, es müssten Ressourcen frei gemacht werden für „nicht messbare Größen“, vor allem müsse in Bildung investiert werden. Soziale Kälte, meinte Biedenkopf allerdings, resultiere nicht aus der Marktwirtschaft, sondern vielmehr aus individuellen Egoismen. Auch Johannes Hahn sprach sich für Moral als Regulator des Markes aus, wandte sich aber gegen den schlechten Ruf, den ökonomisches Denken habe. Handel treiben sei eine dem Menschen quasi natürlich innewohnende Eigenschaft. Zwar sei manche Form von Ökonomisierung „ethisch bedenklich“, man könne Krankenhäuser z.B. nicht nach rein betriebswirtschaftlichen Kriterien betreiben. Die gerade nach der Wirtschaftskrise einsetzende neue Tendenz zur Verstaatlichung allerdings hielt Hahn für „fatal“, soziale Marktwirtschaft sei neu zu interpretieren und Politik müsse für andere als nur ökonomische Werte sensibilisieren. Dem hielt Biedenkopf eine weiter gehende Definition entgegen: Politik müsse „langfristige Dringlichkeiten gegen mittelfristige Nützlichkeit und kurzfristige Annehmlichkeiten“ durchsetzen. Diskussionspartner beim Politischen Salon waren der Rektor des IWM, Krzysztof Michalski, und Michael Fleischhacker, Chefredakteur von Die Presse

Kurt Biedenkopf

In Kooperation mit Die Presse

Johannes Hahn

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September – December 2008

Seit dem Jahr 2007 organisieren das IWM und die Robert Bosch Stiftung gemeinsam ein Deutsch-Polnisches Forum zu gesellschaftlichen und politischen Fragen Europas. Teilnehmer dieser internen ForumsGespräche sind Vertreter aus Wirtschaft, Politik und Wissenschaft, meist, aber nicht ausschließlich, aus Deutschland und Polen. Am 5. und 6. Dezember fand das dritte dieser Foren in Berlin statt, Thema war “Germany and Poland in Europe. Education and Labour Market – Towards a Knowledge-based Society in Europe.” Beim Forum hielten die beiden Außenminister Polens und Deutschlands, Radoslaw Sikorski und Frank-Walter Steinmeier Reden, sowie Matthias Platzeck, Ministerpräsident des Landes Brandenburg, und Katarzyna Hall, die polnische Erziehungsministerin. Impulsreferate zur Diskussion „Education and Labour Market“ hielten Pawel Bchniarz, Experte im Kabinett des polnischen Premierministers, und Hans-Peter Klös, Mitglied der Geschäftsführung des Instituts der deutschen Wirtschaft. Die Impulsreferate zur Diskussion „Brain Drain as a Challenge for Poland and Germany“ hielten Dieter Simon, ehemaliger Präsident der Berlin-Brandenburgischen Akademie der Wissenschaften und derzeitiger Präsident des IWM, und Jerzy Wo´znicki, Professor an der Technischen Universität Warschau und Präsident der Polnischen Rektorenkonferenz.

| EVENTS

Tischner-Debatten in Warschau

Junior Visiting Fellows’ Conference

1. Dezember Mehrmals im Jahr finden an der Universität Warschau die gemeinsam vom IWM und der Universität initiierten TischnerDebatten statt, die an den polnischen Priester, Philosophen und Solidarnos´c Seelsorger Józef Tischner erinnern sollen.

At the end of each term, the Junior Visiting Fellows present the results of their research at the Institute. The conference on December 4 was dedicated to “In/visibility: Perspectives on Inclusion and Exclusion” Lauren Freeman, Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston University Love is Not Blind: In/Visibility and Recognition in Martin Heidegger’s Thinking Andreas Elpidorou, Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston University This Body Belongs Neither to the Space of Reasons, Nor to the Space of Causes Navid Fozi, Ph.D. candidate in Cultural Anthropology, Boston University Exclusivity and Its Construct: The Case of the Zoroastrian’s Daily Life and a Fieldwork Challenge Olga Wysocka, Ph.D. Candidate in Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Florence Populism in Poland: In/visible Exclusion Clemens Apprich, Ph.D. candidate in Cultural Studies, Humboldt- University, Berlin; ÖAW DOC stipendiary InfoCities: Structuring the Invisible

Am 1. Dezember diskutierten in diesem Rahmen die Historikerin und Pulitzer Preisträgerin Anne Applebaum, der Chefredakteur der Gazeta Wyborcza, Adam Michnik, der Erzbischof von Warschau, Kazimierz Nycz und der Yale-Historiker

Timothy Snyder über den internationalen Einfluss Papst Johannes Pauls II („Jan Pawel II na swiecie i w Polsce“). Moderiert wurde die Diskussion von Krzysztof Michalski und Marcin Krol, Professor für Ideengeschichte an der Universität Warschau.

Magdalena Freudenschuss, Ph.D. candidate (sociologie), Humboldt University, Berlin, ÖAW DOC stipendiary Negotiating Precariousness: Navigating Discoursive In/Visibilities

OPEN CALLS FOR APPLICATIONS • Deadline: March 31, 2009

Milena Jesenska Fellowships for Journalists Paul Celan Fellowships for Translators Please visit the IWM website for further details

www.iwm.at/fellowships.htm September – December 2008

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FROM THE FELLOWS |

The Political Anti-politics of Populism During the last term, several Fellows at the Institute worked on the topic of “Populism“, referring to its manifestations in different countries. A panel discussion on November 20 at the IWM brought some of their perspectives together, showing that styles of populists may vary, but that all of them currently rely on mediapower and a strong bodily representation. Following are analyses from Olga Wysocka, Elisabetta Ambrosi and Boyan Manchev. Participating in the discussion were also Juraj Buzalka and Slavenka Drakulic. Against the devil: Poland The 2005 elections in Poland resulted in a spectacular victory of populist parties: the conservative “Law and Justice”, the radical right “League of Polish Families” and the left agrarian “Self-defence” established a coalition, which was supported by the ultra Catholic movement “Radio Maryja”. What does this victory of populism mean? “Populism” is about the relation between the people and those in power. It considers society to be ultimately separated into two antagonistic groups: the common people and the establishment. Populists argue that politics should be an expression of the general will of the people. They use emotions and fears in order to win support. Populism is often considered as “a threat to democracy.” However, it exposes important political, social and economic problems that have been so far swept under the political carpet, but it does so only by accusations against sitting governments and by proposing solutions that are often unrealistic. The framework of populist rhetoric in Poland was built around two vaguely defined issues. The first was European integration, which was understood as a threat to the sovereignty of the Polish state, the unity of the nation, and its traditions. The EU was presented by populists as the “devil,” a “centralised super state” promoting liberalism considered as a threat to Catholic values and the Polish national tradition. The second issue was the side effects of social, political, and economic transformation: unemployment, controversial privatisations, corruption, deepening social divisions, etc. The Populists accused the establishment for all failures. The anti-establishment rhetoric was intensified by the belief that behind the 1989 Round Table Agreement, an additional and secret agreement was consummated. As a consequence, the concept of “the network” was introduced into the public discourse. This vague term connotes secret connections between institu-

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tions, politics, business and other informal groups, which allegedly dominated the transition period. The populist coalition embraced the project of building a new, “Fourth” Republic of Poland in which “everybody will be equal.” Moreover, the Polish populists were against everyone and anyone who opposed them. This left little room for minority values and lifestyles. Populists aimed not only to end corruption, social divisions and other pathologies, but also to embrace the ideal of a Polish nation virtually uniformly religious, with a strong strain of xenophobia, anti-semitism and homophobia. Eventually, the populist coalition collapsed in 2007. The empty promises of the populists and their permanent political fights proved to be ineffective in ruling the country. Populism is powerful only when it stands contrary to the ruling government. Nonetheless, and as in other democracies, it does not mean that populism is over in Poland. As long as democracy also means the power of the people, populism will be of great importance. Olga Wysocka, Ph.D. Candidate in Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Florence; Tischner Junior Visiting Fellow at the IWM

Silvio, the «perfect mediatic populist»: Italy Italy’s three-time prime minister Silvio Berlusconi can be defined as a “perfect mediatic populist,” not only because he was the first European leader who strategically employed television to win elections, but also because, in Italy, he is television, owning three of the four private channels and controlling all the public ones (RAI). Still, even if some left intellectuals and journalists are constantly comparing him to

Mussolini, he remains radically different from an autocrat. In fact, he not only keeps institutions open, even if only to instrumentalize them, but he also needs electoral campaigns (he ran five of them) and elections in order to be constantly legitimated by the people. The first populist in Italy after the war, Berlusconi entered public life in a political void (1993-94) nevertheless full of social changes. After building his TV-football-publishing empire, thanks to the help of the socialist party and to the absence of any antitrust law, he entered politics already with a populistic curriculum vitae and an electorate-public: spectators and fans. Forza Italia, his party – now “Popolo delle libertà” – refers to no political doctrine, but only to (popular) sentiments; the party has no political and historical roots and above all no territory: it’s not a political subject, but only the instrument Berlusconi uses to accomplish his tasks. Berlusconi’s message is anti-political: he presents himself as the one-outside-the-Parliament-and-with-the-people, and he is constantly bypassing institutions, which represent for him only obstacles and bureaucracy. His (non)political language is borrowed from commercial TV and football – he never uses strange concepts such as “social justice” or even “poverty.” In fact, apart from

| FROM THE FELLOWS

words like “dream” or “miracle,” he has no specific political message; or, better, his message is himself and his biography: “You can (have my success).” For the same reason, he’s always mixing private and public, using institutions as his private tools and his private spaces as institutions. Also, his idea of “freedom,” another of Berlusconi’s key words, is not civil and public but, on the contrary, radically nonpolitical: it’s the triumph of the private.

Three bodies of “truth”: Bulgaria

As with all populist leaders, normally never able to fulfil their promises, he has to face - and fight - disaffection. And as of today his strategy has been quite successful. How? He is able to give Italians a common narrative even if it is a commercial fake. He has created a political model in which he is never judged on his political results, nor on the coherence of his political acts, but only as an actor staging a show: always the same, in an eternal present, where he plays different roles without changing - also physically, thanks to his hair transplant and plastic surgery – like a mask in Greek theatre. His political party is also a kind of “format,” which must remain strictly self-identical in order to reassure people. Actually, this idea of the party as a “format” and Belusconi-like media use may be found in any of the populistic political realities in Europe or elsewhere; and, if combined with other xenophobic, nationalistic and anti-EU aspects, more linked to the growing fears of globalization and immigration processes.

ical model and, more generally, beyond ideology (left or right), and certainly beyond the current political status quo and establishment, expressed in discourses of a radical break and fundamental change. Two hypothetical poles of contemporary populism were already present in Bulgaria: on the one hand, the Berlusconi-type of neoliberal populism (the National Movement Simeon II) and on the other, the antiliberal version, represented by the movement Attack (Ataka). The pioneer of populist discourses and political practices was undoubtedly the former Bulgarian King Simeon II, forced to abdicate at the age of nine in 1946 (since then, the citizen Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha), who re-emerged in 2001 with the support of young technocrats. The “dream factory” discourse he articulated proved to be the recipe for an astonishing success: A few months after being formed, the National Movement won the majority of the parliamentary vote and governed between 2001 - 2005, with Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha as prime minister. At the end of its mandate, marked by a radical neoliberal transformation that only reinforced economic and social problems of the country, a new political actor appeared on stage: Wolen Nikolow Siderov and his movement Attack (Ataka), which introduced – after a significant delay compared to many other former communist countries but with spectacular and terrifying success – a xeno-

Elisabetta Ambrosi, Chief editor „Reset“, Rome , Milena Jesenska Fellow at the IWM

With all uncertainties about the definition of populism kept in mind, it could be said that in the last decade the Bulgarian political scene gave spectacular examples of populist discourses and practices. They exemplify the complex and atypical character of contemporary forms of populism. However, they all comprise a number of distinctive features, which allow identification of the phenomenon: the declared ambition to step beyond a conventional polit-

phobic, ultra-nationalistic discourse – antiminority, in particular, anti-Turk and antiRoma. In fact, Siderov’s “program” and political rhetoric were introduced as offering a radical break and change of direction for Bulgaria. It wouldn’t be wrong to suppose that the movement’s success (around 20 percent on the presidential elections in 2006) was mostly due to a rhetoric of re-establishing social justice and punishing all responsible for the economic and social crisis of the country. Now, the populist tendency or at least discourse became the dominant feature of Bulgarian political life. For example, President Parvanov (socialist, former communist, elected in 2001), who was re-elected for a second mandate in 2006 after a second run against Siderov, progressively started adopting and appropriating the rhetoric of nationalistic populism, combined with flirtation with the Orthodox Church. The newborn star of populism and the main star (the term is correct) of the current Bulgarian political life is the (independent) mayor of Sofia, Bojko Borisov – a former bodyguard of Simeon Saxe-Coburg-Gotha, appointed by the latter Secretary General of Police, but who unexpectedly gave up Simeon’s Movement and became a radical critic of its politics. What the political phenomena in question have in common, is the establishment of a form of “charismatic” leadership. They can be seen as exemplary symptoms of the new type of “charismatic” populism following Berlusconi’s example. Their discourses of radical change appeared as “languages of truth” which, furthermore, belong to a singular “body of truth” or a “body-in-truth.” Simeon Saxe-CoburgGotha, Siderov, and Borisov were experimenting with different mechanisms of creating the media reality of a language and “body-intruth.” Populisms should be considered not as epiphenomenon but as one of the symptoms of a larger transformation of the political sphere: a crisis of political representation (i.e. self-representation of community), a crisis of political projects, a crisis of political models. This compreheisive crisis demands an urgent critical reflection and political imagination—the only way to prove that populism is not a universal solution, and not a solution at all. Boyan Manchev, Associate Professor of Philosophy, New Bulgarian University, Sofia

September – December 2008

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Imagining Cool Wrestling between the rock of the “urbanities” and the neofolk of “peasant urbanities”: Belgrade’s club culture is an ongoing identity crisis By Vuksa Velickoviç „Belgrade rocks!“ states a New York Times article from 2005, just one in a series of many, describing the buzzing atmosphere of Serbia’s capital. Almost a decade after it was bombed by NATO, the recent Western military target is now labeled the new Eastern European „capital of cool“, as stories are written about its vibrant nightlife, „the electric energy of youth and a nonstop music scene.“ However, despite the occasional odd journalist impression that every once in a while rear from this corner of Europe, things get a little more complex. Underneath the casual hipness seen by Westerners, there are teeming and contested social forces that are not new, but have expressed themselves over decades of Serbia’s cultural life. As any protagonist of the local scene would acknowledge, the case of Serbia’s pop-culture is as problematic as it were during the 90’s authoritarian regime of Slobodan Milosevic. Only halfway between a fantasized, metropolitan the circumstances have changed. Alongside underground culture and the prevailing social various political and economic strains that realities of local mass entertainment. have grasped the country since the October Ever since the early 70’s, Belgrade had been 2000 „democratic revolution“, the issue of its wrestling between the predominantly rock cul„non stop music scene“ remains somewhat ture of the ‘urbanities’ and the neofolk culture unresolved. of ‘peasant urbanities’. In such a climate, music Music has a special place in the history taste became a key indicator in defining social of late 20th century Serbia - from the liberat- identity. The social importance of music paved ing sounds of rock and the way for generating an new wave in Tito’s urban rock and roll culture club cultures Yugoslavia in the 70’s that, at least in the minds of are taste cultures, and 80’s, all the way to local fans, was on a par with operating on the same criminally infused turthe pop scenes of Western bo folk and the decline Europe. Local rock bands hierarchical lines as of Serbian urban culrecorded their albums in „high cultures“ do ture in the turbulent studios of London, Paris 90’s. The long lasting and Amsterdam with topconflict of modern and traditional Serbia, notch producers, backed with high recordurban and rural, cosmopolitan and national- ing and promotion budgets. There was a staist, can be followed through its music devel- ble music market, along with specialized music opment. The social practices of electronic press and a palette of subcultural styles: the dance music in Belgrade nightclubs today, punks, the rockers, the new wavers, the reflect the city’s ongoing „identity crisis“, „sminkeri“ (‘makeupers’)... This was some-

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thing that never existed in other East European countries, part of the Soviet bloc. There was no pop culture in Bulgaria, Romania or Poland before 1989. At the same time in Belgrade, as journalist Dragan Ambrozic put it, it was not only important which group you liked, but which particular records by that group. Soon, the bloody break up of Yugoslav Federation was about to change everything. The emergence of nationalist-authoritarian regimes in Belgrade, Zagreb and Sarajevo brought a significant cultural shift throughout the region. In 90’s Serbia, war and culture became inseparably intermingled. Backed by state controlled media, turbo folk culture promoted the ideology and lifestyle of the new criminal elite, consisting of nationalist politicians, wartime businessmen and gangsters supporting the regime. Stylistically, it was a hybrid of Serbian neofolk musical idioms and the emerging dance culture of MTV, combined with symbols of western consumerism and glamour, as imagined by the “peasant urbanities“.

| FROM THE FELLOWS

Vuksa Velickoviç Turbo folk’s rise to prominence in the 90’s is a Serbian jourshowed the degree of social and cultural renalist, and also composition that would change the Serbian author of the culture landscape for years to come. By the science fiction time its rock scene got utterly marginalized, novel GuÏva harmless and depressive, the streets and clubs (The Crowd) of Belgrade were occupied by the newly estabpublished in 2003. lished “Diesel“ subculture, made of vicious He graduated in looking men with cropped hair, gold chains International on their bare chest, and a preference for trainRelations at the er sweat shirts tucked in a certain model of ‘Diesel’ jeans. Embodying the regime’s mili- Faculty of Political Sciences, Belgrade, and tant nationalist ideology, the Dieselers’ taste is currently at postgrade in Culture Theory. From July to October 2008, he was Milena in music was obviously, turbo folk. Yet, the wartime 90’s saw the rise of anoth- Jesenská Fellow at the IWM. er subculture in Belgrade. First clubs were opened that featured only electronic dance music: „Soul Food“ and „Industria“, the lat- without its subversive edge, the Belgrade techter being immortalized in local club culture no scene fell in the hands of an unstable local mythology. market economy, depending on mass, corpo„In those early days, there was a strange rate-sponsored entertainment. chemistry between completely apart social Years of authoritarian regime have left their groups“ recalls Gordan Paunovic, one of the undistinguishable cultural marks in Serbia’s pioneer Belgrade DJ’s and former Industria capital. The present case of „Silicone Valley“ resident. During its glorious heydays, the club (an ironic reference to a fashionable club area was frequented by an in downtown Belgrade, odd mixture of people: known by its clientele …turbo folk culture alongside the Dieselers tough looking guys and promoted the ideology were young fashionable women with enlarged and lifestyle of the new kids, flamboyant men breasts) points to a spedressed in stockings and cific subcultural practice criminal elite, consisting high heels, a congregaevolved directly from of nationalist politition pretty much turbo folk, retaining cians, wartime businessunimaginable today. some of it’s core style men and gangsters supIndustria also witnessed elements, but more suitthe birthplace for Belable to new sociopolitporting the regime. grade’s first superstar DJ ical realities. As media outfit - Teenage Techno theorist Ivana Kronja Punks, a trio of 18 year olds playing music for observes, Silicone Valley is „the dominant 18 year olds. Alongside turbo folk, the hard youth culture in Serbia today“. Though rid pumping techno of TTP became the sound- of open displays of criminal preferences, it has track of a generation shaped in isolation, nevertheless fully integrated turbo folk’s idepoverty and violence. ology of national-patriotism, mass conBy the mid 90’s, the political potentials sumerism and gender stereotypes. of club cultures were already recognized in othYet, both the techno and Silicone Valley er countries. In the UK during the Acid House subcultures have come surprisingly close to era, clubbers who stood up for their „right to each other in their signifying practices – their party“ were challenging the dominant dis- members often frequent the same clubs, take courses of a rigidly purist society for the sake the same drugs, use similar fashion codes and of individual and collective pursue of pleasure. quite often enjoy matching music tastes. This On the other side, in an internationally isolat- paradoxical “symbiotic bipolarization” of ed Belgrade, club culture represented not that youth cultural space corresponds to the bipomuch of a jouissance-type escapism, as much lar shrinking of Serbian media landscape after as a gateway to normality. Going to certain 2000, currently split between two commerclubs, alone, was a political act. Under a repres- cial enterprises – the populistic, ex-regime TV sive regime, the people were dancing for their Pink, and the ex-revolutionary B92, both right to live. But after the October 2000 rev- competing for the same mass audience. With olution, once the „evil Babylon“ was ousted, most of the independent radio stations such

as Venus, SKC and 94.9 well off the air, with no specialized press aside from one website (Popboks) and one low circulation magazine (Huper), little room is left for developing a competitive local music scene. Instead, this kind of media overlapping breeds new conflicts within the subcultures. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s sociology of “distinctions”, Sarah Thornton states that club cultures are taste cultures, operating on the same hierarchical lines as “high cultures” do. In such a hierarchy, one’s social status depends on the amount of “right taste”, that is - subcultural capital, gained through complex relationships including knowledge, information and various media-communication channels. This way, taste in music reveals itself ideological by its very nature, becoming the means by which clubbers „imagine their own and other social groups“. The bearers of Thornton’s subcultural capital in Belgrade are the so called „influential minorities“, or the city’s self-perceived underground elite, „cool people“ who share discriminate music tastes, while considering the majority of clubbing population a mass of “urban peasants”. However substantial it may or not be, this capital fails in its own self-legimitisation: with no proper media to articulate, its “authenticity“ seems provisional, or in the eyes of the “mass”, downright fake. In such an atmosphere, violent conflicts are often the outcome, as with the case of a recent VIP (but nevertheless, all-entry) event in club „Plastic“, when the resident female DJ from the local „underground elite“ was physically attacked and entire portions of the club demolished in a violent outburst from the “Silicones”. This kind of events are usually left out of the official Western stories, apparently not fit for the “Capital of cool“ narratives. What the Western media representations of Belgrade’s “vibrant nightlife“ really signify today is the global ubiquity of an overcommodified pop culture. Drained of meaning, searching for it’s long lost soul, the raw, “uncorrupted“ subcultural experience, this time in remote corners of its backyard – the gloomy Balkans. However, the Western reflexive quest for authenticity doesn’t do much justice to the subculture in question, leaving the unpleasant reality intact behind media images. In the eyes of Western passersby Belgrade may appear as the “Balkan Berlin“, but in reality, it is still waiting on the true winds of change. By the time they arrive, the “Capital of cool“ may have cooled down completely ... September – December 2008

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FELLOWS & GUESTS |

Fellows Elisabetta Ambrosi Chief Editor „Reset“, Rome Milena Jesenská Fellow (October December 2008)

Family: Between Tradition and Emancipation Acknowledging profound changes that have affected sentimental relationships in European societies over the last fifty years, and comparing cultural/ethical family notions in different European countries, this essay claims the need to oppose an instrumental and distorted approach to “family values” by religions and politicians, and to promote a new sensibility toward individuals and their choices. In my project I’m favouring a liberal welfare as well as a cultural shift, by which highly emotional relationships between different people become as socially and legislatively important as family ties.

Clemens Apprich Ph.D. candidate in Cultural Studies, Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; ÖAW DOC stipendiary Junior Visiting Fellow (August 2008 - January 2009)

DIY or Die: Historical Genealogy of the Network Society Talking about as well as investigating networks has become a determining morphology of our society in recent years. The aim of my

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research will be to reveal new forms of subjectivation, which produce specific concepts of subjectivity (as in the arts, business or communications) within the digital context. „Do it yourself or die“ is therefore a credo committed to a certain type of knowledge production in which the collective intelligence of the users becomes the central resource of individual and community life.

Juraj Buzalka Lecturer in Social Anthropology, Comenius University, Bratislava Andrew W. Mellon Fellow (October - December 2008)

Populism, Neo-fascism and Europeanization in Central and Eastern Europe Having a common basis consisting of rural social structures, traditionalist narratives and agrarian imaginary, the patterns of mobilization that materialize in East European politics could be described as “post-peasant populism”. A particularly intolerant form of this populism metamorphoses into neo-fascist activism that is gaining popularity outside of party politics in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE). Combining class analysis and the politics of memory after state socialism, this project intends to conceptualize ‘integrist’ political movements in CEE.

September – December 2008

Krassimira Daskalova Associate Professor of History, St. Kliment Ohridski University, Sofia Körber Visiting Fellow (May October 2008)

Why History Matters: Women’s Road to Citizenship in South Eastern Europe (1840s-2006) and the Construction of Historical Memory The aim of my project is to uncover and trace the path leading to women’s citizenship in the Balkans. My book also addresses forces that foster inclusiveness in developing civil societies in South Eastern Europe by filling the gap between long-neglected feminist traditions and the reproduction of historical memory, and in doing so, rewriting the contemporary gender contract in the region. It builds bridges between the past, present and future, between history and memory.

Vytautas Deksnys Freelance translator, Vilnius Paul Celan Visiting Fellow (October 2008 March 2009)

Józef Tischner: „Filozofia Dramatu” (Polish > Lithuanian)

„Philosophy of drama“ (Filozofia dramatu) is the famous work, in which Józef Tischner constructs a philosophical anthropology permiting the most essential questions

to be asked: Where is God? Why evil? What are beauty, truth and goodness? Tischner links the phenomenology of Husserl with the dialogical thought of Levinas and a philosophy of history inspired by Hegel and Heidegger. This book will be important for the Lithuanian audience, since it discusses problems of universal sounding. Secondly there is still a considerable lack of publications of Central-Eastern European philosophical thought in Lithuanian.

Slavenka Drakulic Contributing Editor, „The Nation“ (USA); freelance author and journalist, Zagreb/Stockholm/Vienna Visiting Fellow (October - December 2008)

“New Europe” Strikes Back Just when everybody believed that the situation in former communist states was finally normalizing, they suddenly resurfaced in the news. In Budapest, people were protesting in the streets; in Prague, it took almost a year to form a government; leading Polish politicians turned out to be aggressive populists. A coalition government in Bratislava raised concerns… Why is this turn to populism happening after these states joined the EU? Is it really unexpected for the “New Europe” to strike back in such a way? And what are the possible consequences of such a turn to the right?

| FELLOWS & GUESTS

Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston University Junior Visiting Fellow (July - December 2008)

Heike Flemming

number of contemporary issues, such as ecological and direct perception, marginal awareness, and the transformation of non-conceptual to conceptual content.

Attention and Judgment in Perception I am interested in investigating the relationship between memory and perception through a comparative examination of the development of early modern and phenomenological accounts of attention and concept formation. I aim to provide a historically informed contribution to a

Doktorandin (Philosophie, Literatur), Universität Wien; ÖAW DOCStipendiatin Junior Visiting Fellow (September 2008 - March 2009)

Parallele Geschichten – Unbeschreiblicher Blick. Darstellungen der Geschichte im literarischen Bewusstsein Ungarns nach 1970 am Beispiel von Péter Nádas und László Márton

eigenen jüngeren Vergangenheit – konkret anhand des Werkes zweier zeitgenössischer ungarischer Autoren, Péter Nádas (*1942) und László Márton (*1959) – dem alten Problem des Verhältnisses von Geschichtsschreibung und Geschichtserzählung, Historie und Fiktion nachgehen. Wie stellt sich dieses Verhältnis unter den Bedingungen der Moderne und der totalitären Erfahrungen des zwanzigsten Jahrhunderts dar?

Das Dissertationsprojekt wird am Beispiel der ungarischen Gegenwartsliteratur und ihrer Darstellung der

Hirnnahrung

Ihr Wissen wächst. Ihre Ideen gedeihen. Der Grund: Journalismus, der sich kein Blatt vor den Mund nimmt. 3 Wochen gratis lesen: derStandard.at/Abo oder 0810/20 30 40

HIMMER, BUCHHEIM & PARTNER

Andreas Elpidorou

FELLOWS & GUESTS |

Navid Fozi-Abivard Ph.D. candidate in Cultural Anthropology, Boston University Junior Visiting Fellow (July - December 2008)

Cultural Survival: The Transmission of Knowledge and Identity among the Zoroastrian Community of Tehran, Iran This is an anthropological study investigating the Zoroastrian tradition’s survival over a millennium of Islamicization in Iran. Focusing on religious rituals, I examine how images of the past are understood, established as social reality and used by different social actors in contemporary Iran. The theoretical framework of the study merges historicity with social theories concerning the distribution of knowledge. I hypothesize that the Zoroastrian tradition’s resilience is due to a configuration of religious knowledge that provides members with an enduring identification despite unprecedented challenges.

Lauren Freeman Ph.D. candidate in Philosophy, Boston University

ethical questions of recognition and responsibility. Moreover, his phenomenological investigation is fraught with ethical dimensions that call into question the normative-descriptive distinction. My interpretation provides a unique entry point into current debates in ethics and metaethics via Heidegger’s phenomenologico-ethical description of lived experience.

Magdalena Freudenschuß Doktorandin (Soziologie), Humboldt-Universität zu Berlin; ÖAW DOCStipendiatin Junior Visiting Fellow (July - December 2008)

Prekarisierung als Feld diskursiver Herrschafts(re)produktion Meine Dissertation verortet sich an der Schnittstelle feministischer Arbeitsforschung, Intersektionalitätstheorie und sozialwissenschaftlicher Diskursforschung. Sie fragt herrschaftskritisch nach diskursiven Konstruktionsprozessen von Subjekten und Gesellschaft im deutschsprachigen printmedialen Diskurs zu Prekarisierung.

Junior Visiting Fellow (July December 2008)

Ethical Dimensions in Martin Heidegger’s Early Thinking My philosophical interests concern the relation between ethics and ontology in Martin Heidegger’s thinking. I argue that his unique conception of selfhood makes important contributions to

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Justyna Górny Übersetzerin und Doktorandin an der Fakultät für Moderne Sprachen in Warschau Paul Celan Visiting Fellow (Dezember 2008 - Februar 2009)

Ausgewählte Texte von Karin Hausen (Deutsch > Polnisch)

Karin Hausen gehört zu den international anerkannten Begründerinnen der historischen Frauen- und Geschlechterforschung; sie lehrte bis 2003 als Professorin an der TU Berlin. Die Übersetzung ihrer Arbeiten ist für einen wachsenden Kreis von HistorikerInnen interessant, die sich in Polen mit Familienund Frauengeschichte befassen. Zudem bereichern sie die sich in Polen entwickelnden Gender Studies um neue Impulse: Hausens Texte werden der „Frauengeschichte“, als Zweig der Geschichtswissenschaft, festere methodologische Grundlagen geben, und sie werden den Wissenstransfer zwischen Ostund Westeuropa fördern, denn bislang rezipieren die polnischen Gender Studies vornehmlich Texte aus dem angloamerikanischen Raum.

Maruˇsa Krese Freelance journalist, writer, poet, Graz Milena Jesenská Fellow (November 2008 - January 2009)

Do not Despair, You Asked Us not to Live. Comparing the Position of Women in the »East« and »West« (Slovenia, Austria, Italy, Croatia and Romania) “Do women in Slovenia feel relieved, now that they live

in democracy and since Slovenia has become a EUmember?” This cliché question most often doesn’t even sound like a question, but a solid fact. My answer: Slovene women have lost much in democracy, and they lost it before they even noticed. Before 1990, the struggle for equality in Western societies seemed to us an unnecessary affair. But today we’re hearing from our friends in Western Europe how hard it is to fight for equality. These women are breaking those same taboos that we’re barely beginning to know. We’ll need a very long time to go back to reclaiming positions that our mothers and many among us once already had.

Sandra Lehmann Habilitandin (Philosophie), Franz Rosenzweig Minerva Research Center Jerusalem; ÖAW APARTStipendiatin Visiting Fellow (September 2008 - July 2009)

Grundlagen einer Ontologie aus dem Glauben Ich befasse mich in meiner Arbeit zunächst mit dem Wirklichkeitsbegriff im Kontext der philosophischen Moderne. Dabei liegt mein Augenmerk auf dem, was man den „Prozess moderner kritischer Selbsterschöpfung“ nennen könnte. In seinem Verlauf schlägt der dem modernen Wirklichkeitsbegriff eigene emanzipatorische Impuls, der auf „Verwirklichung“ im Sinne einer humanen Gestaltung von Welt zielt, in diverse Diskurse des Wirklichkeitsverlusts um. Gegen diese Diskurse

versuche ich zu einer neuen Fundierung der Rede von Wirklichkeit zu kommen. Ich setze hierzu bei der vorprädikativen Relation des Menschen zur Welt, beim so genannten „Wirklichkeitsglauben“ an, den ich systematisch auslege, wobei ich einen utopischen Fluchtpunkt für ihn annehme.

Susanne Lettow Lecturer in Philosophy, University of Paderborn; FWF-Stipendiary Visiting Fellow (March 2008 February 2011)

The Symbolic Power of Biology: Articulations of Biological Knowledge in “Naturphilosophie” around 1800 Biology, established around 1800 as the “science of life,” has developed in modernity as not only a specific scientific discipline but has also continually served as a kind of social knowledge. The proposed research project will start from and explore the thesis that the re-configuration of philosophy at the beginning of modernity is crucial for the status that biological knowledge gained in the modern order of knowledge. The research project focuses on the writings in Naturphilosophie by Kant, Schelling, and Schopenhauer.

Boyan Manchev Associate Professor of Philosophy, New Bulgarian University, Sofia; Director of Program and Vice-president of the International College of Philosophy, Paris Robert Bosch Junior Visiting Fellow (August 2008 - January 2009)

Alexandre Kojève, the Paradox of the End of Politics and the Philosophy of Political Action. European Project and European Praxis Is the European project becoming a paradigmatic post-political project? The aim of the proposed research is to contribute to the analysis of the philosophical and political premises of the European project and at the same time to foster the critical reflection on its future. A departure point will be the analysis of the political visions of the Russian born French philosopher Alexandre Kojève who was also practically engaged in the construction of Europe. My working hypothesis: according to the logic of Kojève’s philosophy of history, the European Union is the embodiment of the Hegelian “end of history”.

Charles Taylor IWM Vorlesungen zu den Wissenschaften vom Menschen:

Charles Taylor verfolgt die Verschiebungen im Verhältnis von Religion, Individuum und Gesellschaft, von Spirituellem und Politischem bis in die Gegenwart. Der Rückzug des Religiösen aus der öffentlichen Sphäre hat die Religion nicht ins Private eingeschlossen, vielmehr verbirgt sich hinter diesem Prozess eine Kulturrevolution: Der moderne „expressive“ Individualismus hat eine Vielfalt neuer Religionsformen und gemeinschaften hervorgebracht, die auf die traditionellen zurückwirken und die Gesellschaft verändern.

Die Formen des Religiösen in der Gegenwart Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 2002

The Varieties of Religion Today Harvard University Press, 2002

2008 erhielt Charles Taylor den KyotoPreis in der Kategorie Kunst & Philosophie. Der Kyoto-Preis ist neben dem Nobelpreis eine der weltweit höchsten Auszeichnungen für das Lebenswerk herausragender Persönlichkeiten in Wissenschaft und Kultur

Anzeige

| FELLOWS & GUESTS

Oblicza religii dzisiaj Cracow: Znak, 2002

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FELLOWS & GUESTS |

Leonhard Plank Ph.D. candidate in Business Administration, University of Graz; ÖAW DOCTeam stipendiary Junior Visiting Fellow (July - December 2008)

Accountability of States and Transnational Corporations for Labour Rights in Global Production Networks: An Analysis of the Apparel, Electronics and Oil and Gas Sectors in Central and Eastern Europe The research project analyzes production networks and labour rights in Central and Eastern Europe, concentrating on the apparel, electronics and oil & gas sectors, particularly in Romania. The main focus is on mapping the production networks and their key actors as well as respective labour rights issues, analyzing the socio-economic effects of the incorporation in these predominantly Western European production networks and analyzing who is and who can be made responsible and accountable for labour rights violations.

Artan Puto Lecturer at the Tirana Catholic University Paul Celan Visiting Fellow (October 2008 March 2009)

Nathalie Clayer: «Aux origines du nationalisme albanais. La naissance d’une nation majoritairement musulmane en Europe» (French > Albanian)

ment of Albanian nationalism during the second half of the 19th and beginning of the 20th century. It was a very complex “national“ identity building process in Albania, which overlapped and intertwined with other collective identity-patterns, such as religious, regional, social and generational ones. The book will be a point of reference not only for the foreign and local scholars of the period of the Albanian National Movement (18781912), but also a guiding methodological work for students of history.

Dirk Rupnow Lecturer at the Institute for Contemporary History, University of Vienna Visiting Fellow (April 2007 - February 2009)

„Judenforschung“ im „Dritten Reich“: Wissenschaft – Propaganda – Ideologie – Politik Antisemitic research on Jewish history and culture (“Judenforschung”) established itself in the Nazi state as a transdisciplinary but distinct scholarly field. This project will examine antiJewish scholarship in the Third Reich, its institutions and actors, as well as its goals, themes, and methods in a concentrated and exhaustive manner. It will also analyze its function and practices within the coordinates of scholarship, propaganda, ideology and politics, and consider both, the beginning of “Judenforschung” as well as its repercussions and reception after 1945.

Nathalie Clayer’s book is a deep analysis of the develop-

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Merlijn Schoonenboom Art journalist, „De Volkskrant“, Amsterdam Milena Jesenská Fellow (October - December 2008)

Money, Art, Identity: European Art History Museums in a Changing Society The ambitions of European art history museums seem bigger than ever before. National institutes such as the Louvre in Paris and the Staatliche Museen in Berlin are being called ‘the cathedrals of the 21st century’; they are being rennovated for hundreds of millions of euros and tourists are waiting in line. On the other hand, these traditional institutes are confronted with new social questions, such as multiculturalism, and public increasingly lacking in cultural education. I would like to map these problems and challenges. How do the national art history museums in Europe try to ‘pilot’ traditional culture into the 21st century?

Ruth M. Sonderegger Associate Professor of Philosophy, University of Amsterdam Visiting Fellow (October December 2008)

Geschichte und Zukunft der Kritik Ausgangspunkt meines Projekts sind die gegenwärtigen konfusen bis widersprüchlichen Erwartungen an die Kritik: Sie wird mit Stolz als Kind der europäischen Aufklärung betrachtet und damit

als Eigentum, zu dem andere Kulturen (noch) keinen Zugang haben. In dosiertem Maß ist sie bis zur Normalisierung Pflicht geworden, doch radikalere Formen der Kritik werden schnell als autoritär, selbstwidersprüchlich oder utopistisch abgetan. Dieses komplizierte Gemisch möchte ich durch eine Genealogie Kritischer Theorien von Kant bis Rancière und Butler erhellen und damit alternative Verständnisse und Praktiken der Kritik ermöglichen.

Michael Staudigl Lecturer, University of Vienna; FWF stipendiary Visiting Fellow (November 2007 October 2010)

The Many Faces of Violence: Toward an Integrative Phenomenological Conception Events of extreme violence (suicideattacks, the return of a new archaic violence, etc.) have renewed attention about physical violence. Also there has been a reappearance of interest in social, cultural and structural violence. However, while all these forms have been widely investigated, interdisciplinary research still lacks a unifying approach. We miss a paradigm to address these forms as aspects of one phenomenon. My project uses the phenomenological method to resolve this deficit and elaborate an integrative conception of violence.

| FELLOWS & GUESTS

Vuksa Velickoviç Freelance journalist and writer, contributor to „B 92“ culture web portal, Belgrade

Pristina to Barcelona, the project emphasizes the role of ‘techno-culture’ as not only today’s signifier of global youth, but also a field of new social and political conflicts.

Milena Jesenská Fellow (July - October 2008)

Mixed Realities: Mapping the Balkan Alternative My project explores alternative cultural practices in urban centers of former Yugoslavia. It focuses on electronic music and new media art forms as potential forces for shaping new identities and laying ground for a more dynamic intercultural dialogue among countries that once shared a unique political and cultural space. Comparing experiences in several Balkan and EU cities, from

Olga Wysocka Ph.D. candidate in Political and Social Sciences, European University Institute, Florence Józef Tischner Fellow (September 2008 - February 2009)

What does populism in Poland actually mean? What are the reasons for its emergence and growth? Should we describe Polish populism in general terms, or rather as a country-specific phenomenon? The second part of my project is to compile texts for an anthology on populism. My intent is to fill gaps in the relevant literature that has been published in Poland.

Search for housing For their fellows, the IWM always needs apartments in Vienna. In case you have an apartment to rent for a period from 3 to 6 months, please contact Katharina Coudenhove-Kalergi

Populism

e-mail [email protected]

The aim of my research is to analyse populism using Poland as an empirical example. The study attempts to clarify this phenomenon by answering specific questions:

phone +43 1 31358 104

kratky

Michael Fleischhacker, Chefredakteur

G. U E Z G U L F E N H O H C U ABHEBEN. A diepresse.com

FREI SEIT 1848 FR

TRAVELS AND TALKS |

Travels and Talks Clemens Apprich Junior Visiting Fellow

Vortrag: “Interventionen im Datenraum: Public Netbase (1994-2006)“, Beitrag zum Internationalen Symposion zu den Kontrollgesellschaften Kontrolle und Virtualität, Hamburger Hochschule für bildende Künste (7. November)

Slavenka Drakulic Visiting Fellow

Participation: Coming to Terms with Europe’s Traumatic Past(s), Bruno Kreisky Forum, Vienna (November 20) Interview: On Populism, Radio FM4 Lecture: “New Europe Strikes Back”, Bratislava (December 3) Presentation: „Leben spenden. Was Menschen dazu bewegt, Gutes zu tun“, book presentation at the Hauptbücherei Wien (December 9)

Lauren Freeman Junior Visiting Fellow

Lecture: “Reconsidering Hegel’s Legacy: Recognition in the Thinking of Martin Heidegger”, at the conference Reconocimiento y diferencia Idealismo alemán y hermenéutica: un retorno a las fuentes del debate contemporáneo, Universidad de los Andes, Bogotá, Colombia (October 12)

the annual conference of the Society of Phenomenological and Existential Philosophy (SPEP), Duquesne University, Pittsburgh (October 16-18) Lecture: “Moods, Mattering, and Ethics”, at the Interdisziplinäres Forum, UND., Vienna (November 27) Seminar: „A Re-Reading of ‘Being and Time’, §58“, in the Philosophy Department at the University of Vienna (November 28)

Cornelia Klinger Permanent Fellow

Eröffnungsvortrag: „Zwischen Haus und Garten. Weiblichkeitskonzepte und Naturästhetik im 18. Jahrhundert“, auf der Jahrestagung Frauen im Garten – Weiblichkeit und Naturästhetik im 18. Jahrhundert der Dessau-Wörlitz-Kommission in Kooperation mit dem Interdisziplinären Zentrum für die Erforschung der Europäischen Aufklärung Martin-Luther-Universität Halle-Wittenberg (30. August) Vortrag: „’The Sublime – A Discourse of Crisis and Power’ – Or: ‘A Gamble on Transcendence’“, Atelier Penser le Sublime au XXIe siècle an der Fondation Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris (16. September)

Lecture: “Redefining Recognition: A Heideggerian Response to Axel Honneth”, at

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Susanne Lettow

Klaus Nellen

Visiting Fellow

Permanent Fellow

Vortrag: “Technik und Körper. Elemente einer praxeologischen Technikphilosophie“, auf dem XXI. Deutschen Kongress für Philosophie: Lebenswelt und Wissenschaft, Universität DuisburgEssen (15./19. September)

Participation: „crosswords X mots croisés“, 21st European Meeting of Cultural Journals, Paris, organized by Eurozine, Sens Public and Esprit (September 26-29)

Krzysztof Michalski Permanent Fellow

Conference: “Discussion Forum: Germany and Poland in Europe. Education and Labour Market – towards a Knowledge-Based Society in Europe”, organized by the Robert Bosch Stiftung and the IWM, Berlin (December 5-6) Seminar: “Topics in the Philosophy of Religion” the relation between morality and religion, to be discussed mostly on the basis of Immanuel Kant´s Religion within the Limits of Reason Alone. At Boston University, winter 2008 Seminar: “Political Philosophy” - examination of three of the classic and most influential texts of modern political philosophy, from the XVII, XIX and XX centuries: Thomas Hobbes´ Leviathan, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels The Communist Manifesto and Carl Schmitt´s The Concept of the Political. At Boston University, winter 2008

Presentation: Representation of IWM’s journal “Transit – Europäische Revue” at the exhibition stand of Verlag Neue Kritik at the Frankfurt Bookfair (October 16-18)

Dirk Rupnow Visiting Fellow

Lecture: “Annihilating – Preserving – Remembering. The ‘Aryanization’ of Jewish History and Memory during the Holocaust”, at the conference Dynamics of Memories, Lancaster University (November 28-29) Vortrag: “Aporien des Gedenkens”, at the conference Zeitschaften. Sozial- und kulturwissenschaftliche Zugänge zu Repräsentationen ehemaliger NS-Konzentrationslager, Evangelisches Studienwerk Villigst (14-16. December)

Birgit Sauer QUING-Project

Präsentation: Kommentar zum Vortrag von Sighard Neckel „Emotion by design. Das Selbstmanagement der Gefühle als kulturelles Programm“ auf der Tagung Die Ordnung der Gefühle. Emotionsregulation als bio-kultureller Prozess, Universität Wien (13. Oktober)

| VARIA

Varia Presentation: “Re-Negotiating ‚European Values’: Framing Strategies of Headscarf Debates”, with Ilker Ataç and Sieglinde Rosenberger auf der 38th Annual UACES Conference, Edinburgh (September 1-3) Vortrag: „Den Staat ver/handeln. Zum Zusammenhang von Staat, Demokratie und Herrschaft“, Vortrag im Rahmen der Ring-Vorlesung Zur Aktualität der Kritischen Theorie, Universität Wien (5. November)

Ruth Sonderegger Visiting Fellow

Vortrag: „Institutionskritik?“, am VII. Kongress der Deutschen Gesellschaft für Ästhetik Ästhetik und Alltag an der Friedrich Schiller Universität Jena (2. Oktober) Diskussion: Statement im Rahmen des Symposiums Utopolis, Chemnitz (21. Juni) Vortrag: „Affirmative Kritik“, beim Workshop Jacques Rancière und die Geschichtlichkeit des Films, Institut für Wissenschaft und Kunst, Wien (12. April)

Presentation: “Gender and Equality in the European Union. Policy Developments and Contestations” (with Emanuela Lombardo), at the Conference on the European Union of the ECPR (European Consortium for Political Research), Riga (September 26-28)

Some awards and promotions: The Czech philosopher Ivan Chvatik, Director of the Prague Patocka Archives, was awarded an honorary doctorate by Charles University, Prague. Eventually a good payoff for all his research in Albanism, Egin Ceka, Bosch Junior Visiting Fellow at the IWM in 2007/8 (see also his interview in IWMpost 97), recently became the First Secretary of the Albanian Embassy in Vienna. Congratulations!

Lecture: “Understanding the Dynamics of Equality Policy Framing: Stretching, Bending and Policy Making”, at the Ph.D Course on The Role of Ideas in Policy Analysis’ under the auspices of the Graduate School on Welfare States and Diversity, Aalborg University (September 29-October 3)

Some celebrations: Not the aftermath of the Euro 2008 in Austria but rather a commemoration of the famous “Shame of Cordoba” (1978, when Germany for the first and only time was defeated by an Austrian soccer team), served as pretext for “misusing” the lunch-room during a carnival-party at the IWM on 11.11. Scoring: a broken toe (Barbara Abraham), an injured knee (Karin Oberer), no broken glassware.

Discussion: “Promoting Gender Equality and Eliminating Gender Stereotypes: Strategic Choices, Role of Civil Society”, at the Seminar on Gender Equality, European Commission, Ankara (October 7-8) Lecture: “Gender Equality Projects in Public Administration“, at the Gender Mainstreaming Seminar Programme, Athens (November 24-25)

We couldn’t list it under “recent publications”, but it shouldn’t be concealed that Luise Wascher, Event Manager and Assistant to the Managing Director at the IWM, gave birth to little Leonhard. While Ms Wascher is on maternity leave, MarieThérèse Porzer is in charge of her duties at the IWM.

Olga Wysocka Mieke Verloo QUING-Project

Lecture: “Gender Equality Policies, Intimate Citizenship and Demographic Change”, at the international conference Demographic Change, Restructuring of the Welfare State and Gender Relations in European Comparison, Hildesheim (September 25-26)

Junior Visiting Fellow

Participation in the conference Die Europäische Nachbarschaftspolitik zwischen Mittelmeerunion und östlicher Dimension: Herausforderungen für das Weimarer Dreieck at Schloss Genshagen, Germany (November 13-14) Barbara Abraham, Luise Wascher

Marie-Thérèse Porzer

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PUBLICATIONS |

Publications of Fellows and Guests

Clemens Apprich

Lauren Freeman

Maruˇsa Krese

Dirk Rupnow

Junior Visiting Fellow

Junior Visiting Fellow

Visiting Fellow

Visiting Fellow

Prekär wählen, Protest leben. Ein Aufruf zu Neu-Verkettungen (mit Magdalena Freudenschuß), in: Kulturrisse, 4 (2008)

Recognition Reconsidered: A Re-Reading of Heidegger’s Being and Time §26, in: Philosophy Today (Spring 2009)

Ohne Angst verschieden zu sein (Hg. mit Meta Krese und Robert Reithofer), Graz: Leykam Verlag, 2008

Pseudowissenschaft. Konzeptionen von Nichtwissenschaftlichkeit in der Wissenschaftsgeschichte (Hg. mit Veronika Lipphardt, Jens Thiel, Christina Wessely), Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2008

Anselm Böhmer Guest (February 2007)

Fragliche Freiheiten. Zur politischen Theorie kontroverser Solidarität nach Jan Patocka, in: Philosophisches Jahrbuch, 116 (2008)

Reconsidering Hegel’s Legacy: Recognition in the Thinking of Martin Heidegger, in: Maria Acosta (Ed.), Reconocimiento y diferencia. Una reapropiación desde el Idealismo alemán y la hermenéutica, Bogotá: Universidad de los Andes, forthcoming 2009

Slavenka Drakulic Visiting Fellow

Frida’s Bed, New York: Penguin Books, 2008 Frida ili o Bole`cini, Ljubljana: VBZ, 2008

Magdalena Freudenschuß Junior Visiting Fellow

Prekär wählen, Protest leben. Ein Aufruf zu NeuVerkettungen (mit Clemens Apprich), in: Kulturrisse, 4 (2008)

Til sängs med Frida, Stockholm: Natur&Kultur, 2008 Cialo z jej ciala, Warszawa: W.A.B., 2008 Jörg Haider’s Legacy, in: The Nation (October 20, 2008) Crime in the Circles of Power, in: The Guardian (October 29, 2008) Das „neue“ Europa schlägt zurück, in: Die Presse (November 18, 2008)

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Tim Haughton Junior Visiting Fellow (January-April 2008)

Parties, Patronage and the Post-Communist State, Review Article, in: Comparative European Politics, 6 (2008)

Cornelia Klinger Permanent Fellow

Über-Kreuzungen. Fremdheit, Ungleichheit, Differenz (Hg. mit GudrunAxeli Knapp), Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2008

September – December 2008

Welche Türkei?, in: Falter, 27 (2008)

Susanne Lettow Visiting Fellow

Meisterdenker Agamben? Stellungnahmen von Gerald Hartung, Susanne Lettow und Petra Gehring, in: Information Philosophie, 5 (2008) Flexibilität und Determinismus. Neurowissenschaften und die Naturalisierung von Subjektivität, in: Forum Wissenschaft, 4 (2008) Susanne Schultz, Hegemonie – Gouvernementalität – Biomacht. Reproduktive Risiken und die Transformation internationaler Bevölkerungspolitik, Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2006, Rezension in: Feministische Studien, 2 (2008)

Sachunterricht. Fundstücke aus der Wissenschaftsgeschichte (Hg. mit Thomas Brandstetter, Christina Wessely), Wien: Löcker, 2008 Transformationen des Holocaust. Anmerkungen nach dem Beginn des 21. Jahrhunderts, in: Transit – Europäische Revue, 35 (2008)

Birgit Sauer QUING-Project

Neuliberale Verhältnisse. Staatlichkeit und Geschlecht, in: Christoph Butterwegge et al. (Hg.), Neoliberalismus. Analysen und Alternativen, Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2008 Gewalt, Geschlecht, Kultur. Fallstricke aktueller Debatten um „traditionsbedingte“ Gewalt, in: Birgit Sauer, Sabine Strasser (Hg.), Zwangsfreiheiten. Multikulturalität und Feminismus, Wien: ProMedia, 2008 An der Front des westlichen Patriarchats. Sexarbeit, Frauenhandel und politische Regulierung in Wien, in: Jürgen Nautz, Birgit Sauer (Hg.), Frauenhandel. Diskurse und Praktiken, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008

| PUBLICATIONS

IWM Publications Frauenhandel. Diskurse und Praktiken: eine Einleitung (zusammen mit Jürgen Nautz), in: Jürgen Nautz, Birgit Sauer (Hg.), Frauenhandel. Diskurse und Praktiken, Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008 Zwangsfreiheiten. Wege zwischen Autonomie und Anpassung in multikulturellen Gesellschaften (gemeinsam mit Sabine Strasser), in: Birgit Sauer, Sabine Strasser (Hg.), Zwangsfreiheiten. Multikulturalität und Feminismus, Wien: ProMedia, 2008 Freiheit – Gleichheit – Ausschluss. Werte und Prinzipien in Debatten um muslimische Kopftücher (gemeinsam mit Sieglinde Rosenberger), in: Heike Brabandt, Bettina Roß, Susanne Zwingel (Hg.), Mehrheit am Rand? Geschlechterverhältnisse, globale Ungleichheit und transnationale Lösungsansätze, Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2008 Mediales Indexieren. Die Reduktion von Frauen- auf Familienpolitik im bundesdeutschen Wahlkampf 2002 (gemeinsam mit Sabine Lang), in: Johanna Dorer, Brigitte Geiger, Regina Köpl (Hg.), Medien – Politik – Geschlecht. Feministische Befunde zur politischen Kommunikationsforschung, Wiesbaden: VS Verlag, 2008 Governing Intersectionality. Ein kritischer Ansatz zur Analyse von Diversitätspolitiken (gemeinsam mit Stefanie Wöhl), in: Cornelia Klinger, Gudrun-Axeli Knapp (Hg.), ÜberKreuzungen.

Fremdheit, Ungleichheit, Differenz, Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2008 Bringing the State Back In. Civil Society, Women’s Movements, and the State, in: Karen Hagemann, Sonya Michel, Gunilla Budde (Hg.), Civil Society and Gender Justice. Historical and Comparative Perspectives, Oxford/New York: Berghahn Publishers, 2008 Möglichkeitsstrukturen, Ressourcen und Frames. Die Erringung des Frauenwahlrechts in Österreich, in: Johanna Laakso (Hg.), Frau und Nation, Wien/Münster: LIT, 2008

Ruth Sonderegger Visiting Fellow

Affirmative Kritik. Warum und wie Jacques Rancière Streit sammelt, in: Drehli Robnik, Siegi Mattl (Hg.), Das Streit-Bild. Jacques Rancière und die Geschichtlichkeit des Films, Wien: Turia+Kant, erscheint 2009 What One Does (not) Hear. Approaching Canned Voices through Rancière, in: Anette Hoffmann (ed.), What We See. Reconsidering an Anthropometric Collection and its Representational Claims by Means of Listening to its Recorded Voices, Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliografien, 2008 Praktische Theorien / Practical Theories, in: Ulf Wuggenigg, Beatrice von Bismarck (Hg.), Representation of the ‚Other‘. The Visual Anthropology of Pierre Bourdieu, Wien: Turia+Kant, 2008

Wie diszipliniert ist (Ideologie-)Kritik? Zwischen Philosophie, Soziologie und Kunst, in: Rahel Jäggi, Tilo Wesche (Hg.), Immanenz und Transzendenz: Konstellationen philosophischer Kritik, Frankfurt a. M.: Suhrkamp, 2008 Grenzübergang geboten. Ein Kommentar zu Jacques Rancière, in: Texte zur Kunst, 72 (2008) Kritik, in: Stefan Gosepath, Wilfried Hinsch, Beate Rössler (Hg.), Handbuch der politischen Philosophie und Sozialphilosophie, Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 2008 Rancières Konzept von Arbeit unter der Perspektive der Aufteilung des Sinnlichen, in: Die Bildende, 4 (2008) Critical Wishes and Affirmatiave Critique. On Maeve Cooke „Re-presenting the Good Society“, in: International Journal of Philosophical Studies, 16/4 (2008)

Transit 35 (Sommer 2008), Europäische Gedächtnispolitik, Mai 1968 – Ost/West, Russland. Mit Beiträgen von Ivan Krastev, Alexander Motyl, Burkhard Olschowsky, Mykola Riabchuk, Jacques Rupnik, Dirk Rupnow, Henrike Schmidt, Aleksander Smolar, Timothy Snyder und Heidemarie Uhl. Photographien von Vera Koubová.

IWM Vorlesungen zu den Wissenschaften vom Menschen: Zygmunt Bauman, Does Ethics Have a Chance in a World of Consumers?, Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2008 Ryszard Kapuscinski, Der Andere, Frankfurt a.M.: Suhrkamp, 2008

Mieke Verloo QUING-Project

Missing Opportunities? A Critical Perspective on the European Union’s Initiatives to Address Multiple Inequalities, in: Berteke Waaldijk, Misha Peters and Else van der Tuin (eds.), The Making of Women’s Studies, Vol. VIII, Utrecht: Athena, 2008

Olga Wysocka Junior Visiting Fellow

Populizm i Radio Maryja (Populism and Radio Maria), in: Znak, 640, no. 9, 2008 September – December 2008

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GUEST CONTRIBUTION |

Abyssal Love Patocka, Rosenzweig, and the Problem of History By James Dodd

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| GUEST CONTRIBUTION

Jan Patocka claims obscurely in his Heretical Essays, On one level, knowing what we know of the that the core of Christianity is “an openness to the scene, the tension I am pointing to has no real claim; abyss.” What can this mean? I would like to use Car- it is effectively nothing. If we nevertheless take it up, avaggio’s The Taking of Christ to illuminate this claim. reflect on what it suggests, then it is not as if anothThe first thing to emphasize is that the paint- er field of alternatives somehow opens up for us. ing captures a moment. The kiss has just fallen, Jesus There are simply no alternatives; Jesus is taken, is betrayed, the arms of the soldiers are fast upon becomes Christ. The tension is absurd. But to say him. The moment falls at the height of the drama “absurd” here is not to effect a simple exclusion. in which the betrayal of Judas has become clear, pub- Rather, to take such absurdities seriously is, I would lic for all to see; and it represents a decisive cata- suggest, precisely what it means to be open to the lyst, a first clear step towards the cross. abyss. This moment, as Caravaggio depicts it, is shot To explain what I mean, let us consider a thesis through with a series of tensions. These tensions serve from Rosenzweig’s Star of Redemption concerning to undermine the tenor of inevitability that would the nature of divine love. Love, for Rosenzweig, is otherwise determine our conthe inauguration of a new templation of this scene. We all priority of the temporal over Christ is pulling away … know, of course, what is going that of Creation, and it this is the source of tento happen; the whole story specifically takes the form of sion …Christ is leaning stands there in front of our the present moment. That eyes. What is depicted here is is, love enables the present towards the possibility of something that has the sense of moment to break the the negation of history a lockstep, a necessity, and with monotony and indifference that a kind of end. of an already established But at the same time it is also a beginning, and world; as love of the now, it rejects the mere repetimore specifically the beginning of history. This, too, tion of being in the form of the “has been.” Or, to bears the weight of the inevitable, of all that must be, employ Rosenzweig’s idiom, it rejects the ground of because this has been. The weight of history bearing the divine creativity of God in the form of a “decree on the moment of its own beginning constitutes the of fate,” the power of the “let it be so.” simple force of this painting. Christ is, accordingly, If we are to speak of a permanence of love, then passive; his eyes are closed, his face remains composed, it is not as a fidelity to the same but to the new, and if pained; his hands are outstretched and clasped with that a fidelity to precisely the moment as radtogether in an apparent acceptance of the inevitable ically non-permanent. This is what Rosenzweig refers that is rushing in to seize him from the right side of to as the “fatal violence” of love, and this in turn the canvas. yields a conception of what it means to speak of the Perhaps this already points to the sense of an shaking of the primordial world: it means precisely “openness to the abyss”. Perhaps it is the openness to do divine violence to the mythical monotony of to a radically new beginning, one that is able to being. Love is, as it were, God’s rebellion against the embrace the new out of an acceptance of the utter necessity of the Yes that made possible his own prieradication of one’s own being. The death of Jesus mordial revelation, and in the violence of love there would then mean his openness to life, or the open- is set the condition for the possibility of a different ing of the possibility of a life in Christ. This is for revelation. sure not far off the mark, but it risks ignoring the Something else goes with this. Love, its violence, simple fact that Christ is pulling away. its fidelity to the impermanence of the moment, its This is the source of tension. He is pulling, or essential character as an exception, all point to the leaning, away from the embrace of Judas, from the fact that the terminus of love, the beloved human grasping hands of the soldiers. If this painting is about being, is no longer something that is to the extent of origins, origins of history, then we need to ask its having-been-created. The love of God does not whether Christ is leaning towards the possibility of “make” the soul. Instead, the soul is what faces the the negation of history. Perhaps this is a painting onslaught of love; the soul is the opening of a drama about a closure of possibility just as much as it is in which the question of love is to be decided, the about the opening of possibility, or about something question of how love is to be received, or how a that must be shut down in order for the opening of response or relation to the violence of the moment the possible to itself be possible. One could argue that of God’s love is to be determined. this possibility of closure is captured by the figure to It is important here to understand that there is no the left: fleeing, his face is turned up towards a light economy here, no opportunity for choosing a distriother than the one from the lantern being held by a bution of values. One either yields or resists, falls in figure at the right of the canvas, which is often tak- or flees from love. There is no traction of the real here en to be a self-portrait of Caravaggio. for calculation, there are no sides – there cannot be September – December 2008

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any partisans of love – if the moment of love, tive of the religious soul are mapped out in this there is only the arbiof the gift of love, opens image of the moment: the peace of Christ, the trary eruption of a the soul, then it is only serenity of faith, the weight of the future that moment that seems to as an event that at the must be because this was, is in distinct tension have inexplicably set same time inaugurates with the potential for flight harbored in the itself apart from the the possibility of a cer- abyssal light of love itself, a flight towards a decree of a world of tain kind of closure closure that belongs both to God and to the moments locked in from the world, a sud- soul. Christ leans, in other words, towards the dull repetition. And den release from the very impulse of love and beloved to be closed again the soul faces muteness of natural, off, encapsulated in an escape that forms the this love, receives it or primordial life. This abyssal depth of the moment itself. not, holds fast to it or means that the abyss is But at the same time, as Rosenzweig would lets it go, not from out not an orientation “for” put it, the soul is pulled back from this abyss of a capacity to choose, life; it harbors no direc- of self-enclosure, back from the abyss of the but rather out of a tion, no figure or pat- light—but now a question: towards what? We James Dodd is Associate Professor in capacity for defiance. tern for life. Here free- have to say “history”. But now things seem to Philosophy at The New School for In Rosenzweig’s dom does not take be more complicated. This image suddenly Social Research in New York. He has account, the defiance form. One could say seems to be expressive of a very different notion been a Visiting Fellow and a researof the soul takes not that the abyss is just the of history than the one that was operative when cher at the IWM several times. only the form of the possibility of freedom we emphasized a sense of inevitability or necespotential to hold not taking form. In sity. “History” cannot mean the progression of divine love in check, divine love the soul can events in accordance with the unity of an order, but it also takes the form of a tendency of the “be” as pure illumination and openness in the a providence or a plan; to be sure, such a consoul to close itself around divine love, around form of a moment that asserts itself at the ception might still have some validity, but in its moment, and in this sense closing itself off expense of everything else, in that it does not an important way it is just this sense of histofrom its own appearance in the world. For the need to be anything but what it is, now. That ry that is effectively suspended by a focus on religious soul is awakened specifically to a God is precisely the power of divine Love: it “is,” as the figure of the moment. The reference of the that awakens only as the exception, which Rosenzweig emphasizes, wholly for the “historical” here is not to the inscription of this means that originally it is not something that moment. moment in a series, but rather to the tension belongs anywhere. This love is at its inner core Is this new? Is not Plato’s idea of insight also or conflict that inwardly defines the moment invisible; the truth that the soul finds in it does that of a kind of light? To be sure, it also erupts, as such. If the tension thus lies within the not translate back into a world of relations in that it has an erotic, even violent character; dynamic of an inner opening, a light that does or meanings that are what they are only to the but it is not that love in which the subject is not retreat into itself even as it discovers the extent that they can anticipate how something invited to close itself inner possibility of doing is going to be. From the point of view of the around itself before its so, then this yields a disPlato’s is a light world, it is as if the soul has put on the ring of God. Plato’s is a light that tinct conception of historthat transforms us, Gyges, but one that not only erases the tracks transforms us, hardens us ical existence. It is one hardens us to what we of the soul as it navigates through the world, to what we continually see; that rediscovers in the but also effects a more radical invisibility that it does not embrace us, disdepth of the exception of continually see; it does breaks all ties with the visible as such. Faithful solving our very being as the moment the very posnot embrace us … to the invisible mystery, the Christian can creatures of insight, taking sibility of historical probThere are no devobecome invisible not only as a seer who is not us beyond knowledge. lematicity itself. It is not, tions in Plato, only seen, but as a being, a soul, released from the There are no devotions in in other words, the shakconfines of seeing itself as a determination of Plato, only learning. ing of an order of the learning. its existence. Looking again at Carworld, of the series of For Rosenzweig, this points us to the prob- avaggio’s painting, perhaps temporal manifestation, lem of redemption, or the question of how a it is now more comprehensible why Christ is but a uniquely inner shaking, an inner violence love-opened soul can be awoken to existence leaning away. The moment captured here rep- of love and resistance. That is, as Patocka would in the world. Redemption is only possible if resents the condition of a soul that is opened put it, what is operative here is the experience this possibility of invisibility, of “enclosed by love; this opening is an opening to a dra- of the self as an historical existence through and man”, is overcome in a new figuration that ma of tensions that emerge out of the violence through, without remainder. “pulls the soul back”. of divine love and the defiance of selfhood. Perhaps that is an idea, or a challenge, that Now we can perhaps return to Caravaggio, It is a drama played out within the fold of an we can take from Patocka, and illustrate with and complete our interpretation of the paint- exception that sets God and soul against the this painting: a conception of the completeing. We can answer our question about the order of the world. There are no set futures ness of historical being, of historical meaning, abyss in the following way. Perhaps the abyss here, no locksteps in the order of moments; if that does not rely on the concepts of “necessiis a distinct possibility of the kind of openness there is still a destiny, it is only one of love. The ty” and “totality,” but instead on “inwardness” that is constitutive of the religious soul. For coordinates of this peculiar destiny constitu- and the “abyss.”

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Lange nach Tocqueville und kurz nach Obama Die amerikanischen Demokratie und ihr Wahlrecht sind in mancher Hinsicht bis heute in der Welt der bürgerlichen Teildemokratien des 18. und frühen 19. Jahrhunderts stehen geblieben

Der Ausgang der jüngsten amerikanischen Präsidentschaftswahlen hat viele europäische Kritiker der USA wieder mit dem Land versöhnt. Nicht nur unverbrüchliche Atlantiker wie etwa die Journalisten des britischen Economist sahen sich zu mindestens „two cheers for American democracy“ veranlasst. Auch in Frankreich und Deutschland zeigten sich die Kommentatoren zutiefst von der gelebten Demokratie des Landes beeindruckt. In der Tat: Fast zwei Jahre lang war das Land vom Wahlkampf gekennzeichnet, bereisten die Kandidaten Staat für Staat, um sich den Wählern erst in Primaries, dann in der eigentlichen Wahl zu stellen, übernahmen hunderttausende freiwilliger Wahlhelfer organisatorische Aufgaben, spendeten Millionen von Bürgern - erstmals auch massenhaft über das Internet - kleinere Beträge, so dass knapp die Hälfte (48 %) aller Einnahmen Obamas, die sich auf insgesamt 742 Millionen Dollar beliefen, aus Kleinspenden von unter 200 Dollar stammte. Kaum ein anderes Land der Welt setzt seine Bewerber um das höchste politische Amt einem so langen und harten Stahlbad des Ausleseprozesses aus und gibt dabei auch Nichtmitgliedern von Parteien ein derart hohes Gewicht bei der Kandidatenkür. Wie intensiv die Bürger zumindest in eng umkämpften Battleground States angesprochen werden, hat jüngst ein Journalist der Süddeutschen Zeitung plastisch berichtet, der für ein Wochenende als Freiwilliger der Obama Kampagne in Ohio mitwirkte.

Foto: Andrea Roedig, IWM

Von Jens Alber

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Dort hatte ein Heer von Helfern den Auf- Zuwachs für Obama war in dieser Gruppe der Mehrheit“ zu entkommen sei, als der trag, über das Wochenende 500.000 Haus- sogar schwächer als im Bevölkerungsdurch- inklusiven und freiheitlichen Massendemohalte anzurufen und zur Wahl von Obama schnitt. Der Abstand, der Schwarze und kratie von heute, wie sie in Europa nach dem zu überreden, um bei allen, die nicht eindeu- Weiße im Wahlverhalten trennt, ist allerdings Zweiten Weltkrieg den Siegeszug angetreten tige Ablehnung signalisierten, wenige Tage etwas größer geworden. Überproportional hat. später noch einmal mit einem weiteren Anruf hat Obama vor allem in der Gruppe der junDas Fortbestehen der indirekten Präsinachzuhaken. gen Wähler gewonnen. dentenwahl durch das Electoral College ist Kurzum: Es ist zwar richtig, dass die Deutlich wird überdies, dass die drei ein Relikt aus der grauen Vorzeit des 18. Wahlbeteiligung auch bei dieser Wahl weit großen Spaltungen der amerikanischen Poli- Jahrhunderts, das weit reichende Konsequenunter dem für Europa typischen Niveau tik, nämlich die Klassenspaltung zwischen zen hat. blieb, aber dafür werden die amerikanischen Reichen und Armen, die religiöse Spaltung Dass Kandidaten im WahlmännergremiBürger auf vielfältige andere Art in den poli- zwischen tief gläubigen Kirchgängern und um obsiegen können, obwohl sie in der alltischen Prozess einbezogen und nehmen Kirchenfernen sowie die Spaltung zwischen gemeinen Wahl nur die Minderheit der damit nicht selten engagierter an der Politik Weißen und Schwarzen auch diesmal wie- Stimmen erhielten, ist die bekannteste, nicht teil als europäische Wähler. Überdies der zur Geltung kamen. aber einmal die wichtigste erstreckt sich ihr Wahlrecht auf eine sehr viel Am größten ist der GraKonsequenz der verstaubEine weitere größere Breite von Ämtern, zu denen nicht ben, der Schwarze von ten indirekten Wahl des Besonderheit der nur Abgeordnete oder Bürgermeister, son- Weißen trennt, ähnlich ins Präsidenten. Viermal ist dern auch Sheriffs, Staatsanwälte und man- Gewicht fallen der Klasdieser Fall in der amerikaamerikanischen cherorts auch Richter zählen. senkonflikt und die relinischen Geschichte bisher Demokratie liegt im Verlässliche Freunde der USA, die von giöse Spaltung. Neu war aufgetreten, zuletzt im Entzug des Wahlder langen und ungebrochenen Demokra- bei dieser Wahl, dass erstJahr 2000. Damals erhielt rechts für Strafgetietradition des Landes ebenso beeindruckt mals auch der AltersunterGore mit 48.3 % der sind wie von den Grundzügen der weltpoli- schied bzw. die GeneratioStimmen über eine halbe fangene tischen Rolle, die es als Hegemon im 20. nenspannung eine größeMillion mehr Stimmen als Jahrhundert gespielt hat, werden sich weder re Rolle spielten. Der Bush, unterlag aber denzu überschwänglichem Jubel, noch zur Ver- Abstand zwischen Bürgern mit höherer und noch mit 266 gegenüber 271 Stimmen im dammung des Landes in Abhängigkeit von einfacher Bildung blieb ebenso wie die regio- Electoral College. Ein ähnlicher Fall war erstpolitischen Konjunkturzyklen hinreißen las- nale Spaltung im üblichen Rahmen, mals im Jahr 1824 aufgetreten, als diverse sen, sondern sich einen Blick für die Ambi- während Geschlechterdifferenzen einmal Einzelstaaten noch gar keine allgemeine Prävalenzen der amerikanischen Demokratie mehr keine hervorgehobene Rolle spielten. sidentschaftswahl vorsahen. Andrew Jackson bewahren. Diese werden durch amerikaniFür Sozialwissenschaftler gelten die USA gewann damals rd. 10 Prozentpunkte mehr sche Politiker und Sozialwissenschaftler oft gerade auch deshalb als faszinierendes Land, Wählerstimmen als sein Hauptkontrahent sehr viel stärker und auch besorgter thema- weil hier zwar die so genannte Modernisie- John Quincy Adams. Er gewann mit 15 tisiert als von vielen europäischen Journali- rungstheorie ihren Ursprung hat, wonach Stimmen Vorsprung auch im Electoral Colsten, die sich als bekennende Atlantiker oft alle Länder der Welt einem ähnlichen Ent- lege, aber da er die absolute Mehrheit der zum demonstrativen Schulwicklungsmuster fol- Wahlmännerstimmen verfehlte, ging die terschluss mit den USA und gen, das Land selbst Wahl verfassungsgemäß in das RepräsentanEs gibt hier, zur Tabuisierung von Kritik aber geradezu als tenhaus, wo Adams siegte. genau genommen, genötigt sehen. lebendige Inkarnation Noch gravierender als die Umkehr des Zunächst einmal lohnt der Widerlegung dieser Wählervotums sind wohl zwei weitere Folkeine nationale Wahl es sich zu klären, was genau Theorie hervorsticht. gen der indirekten Wahl durch das Electodes Präsidenten, soneigentlich Auffälligkeiten Ausgerechnet die Ver- ral College. Die erste ist, dass es, genau dern nur getrennte des jüngsten Wahlergebniseinigten Staaten, die genommen, gar keine allgemeine bzw. natioWahlen in den ses waren. Eine besonders im 18. Jahrhundert nale Wahl des Präsidenten gibt, sondern nur erhöhte Wahlbeteiligung „modern geboren“ getrennte Wahlen in den Einzelstaaten. Einzelstaaten zählt dazu nicht; die verläswurden, weil weder Deren Zahl der Wahlmännerstimmen slichste jüngste Schätzung Adel noch Amtskirche bestimmt sich aus der Summe ihrer Sitze im des „United States Elections Project“ kommt, der neuen Zeit im Weg standen, zeigen sich Repräsentantenhaus, die im Prinzip der bezogen auf die wahlberechtigte Bevölke- mit ihrem religiösen Fundamentalismus kul- Bevölkerungsgröße folgt, sowie der Sitze im rung, auf 62,3 %, gegenüber 60,7% bei der turell bis heute in bemerkenswert geringem Senat, die für alle Staaten gleichermaßen Wahl von 2004. Die Auswertung der Wahl Maße von der Säkularisierung berührt, zwei beträgt. Daraus ergibt sich eine deutzeigte auch, dass Obama keineswegs, wie das während ihre staatlichen Institutionen nach liche Bevorzugung der kleinen Staaten des oft zu lesen war, in der schwarzen Bevölke- wie vor stärker der Welt ähneln, in der sich ländlichen Amerika (und damit auch der in rung überproportional hoch gewonnen hat. europäische Intellektuelle wie John Stuart diesem „roten Teil“ Amerikas dominanten Die Afro-Amerikaner stimmen vielmehr seit Mill oder Alexis de Tocqueville den Kopf Republikaner). Im bevölkerungsreichsten jeher zu rund 90 % für den Präsidentschafts- darüber zerbrachen, wie der Mitbestimmung Staat der USA, Kalifornien, repräsentiert eine kandidaten der Demokraten, und der der Massen und der gefürchteten „Tyrannei Wahlmännerstimme 664.000 Einwohner,

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während im bevölkerungsärmsten Staat, Wyoming, 174.000 Einwohner für eine Wahlmännerstimme reichen. Die kleinen Staaten kommen also sehr viel stärker zur Geltung als die großen, was seinen historischen Ursprung im Interesse der Südstaaten hatte, in Fragen der Sklaverei nicht überstimmt werden zu können. Noch schwerwiegender als die Verzerrung der Repräsentation ist die mit der Mehrheitswahl zusammenhängende Tatsache, dass der Wahlkampf in Staaten mit klaren Mehrheitsverhältnissen de facto oft gar nicht stattfindet, weil alle Wahlmännerstimmen in der Regel dem Sieger zufallen und die Jens Alber ist Professor für Soziologie an Kandidaten deshalb darauf verzichten, auf- der Freien Universität Berlin und Direktor wändige Anzeigen oder Fernsehsendungen der Abteilung „Ungleichheit und soziale in Staaten zu schalten, die mit großer Wahr- Integration“ am Wissenschaftszentrum Berlin für Sozialforschung. Im Oktober war er scheinlichkeit der Gegner gewinnt. Da auch innerhalb der Einzelstaaten etwa am IWM mit einem Vortrag zu Gast. Der die Hälfte der Wahlkreise oft gar nicht hier abgedruckte Beitrag erscheint in einer umkämpft ist - was mit den hohen Kosten längeren Fassung in WZB-Mitteilungen der Wahlkämpfe ebenso zusammenhängt (März 2008). Wir danken dem WZB für die wie mit dem so genannten gerrymandering, freundliche Genehmigung des Abdrucks. d.h. der geschickten Ziehung von Wahlkreisgrenzen im Sinne der Vorteilssicherung für die eigene Partei -, erfreuen sich die Amtsinhaber („incumbents“) einer hohen Wieder- zelstaaten versagen den so genannten Felons, wahlquote, die bei den Kongresswahlen seit die sich schwerer Straftaten schuldig gemacht dem Zweiten Weltkrieg über 90 % liegt. haben, auf die Gefängnisstrafen von über Insofern kann es fast schon wieder überra- einem Jahr stehen, sogar lebenslänglich das schen, dass immerhin doch fast zwei Drittel Wahlrecht. Die Schätzungen, wie viele Ameder Amerikaner den Weg zu den Wahlurnen rikaner davon betroffen sind, sind wegen der bei den jüngsten Prägroßen Variationsbreisidentschaftswahlen te einzelstaatlicher Eine Welt, in der sich fanden. Regelungen ungenau. europäische Intellektuelle Die mit den hohen Die niedrigste SchätWahlkampfkosten verzung in der häufig wie John Stuart Mill oder bundene Bevorzugung genutzten Datenbank Alexis de Tocqueville den der Amtsinhaber und des Wahlforschers Kopf darüber zerbrachen, wohlhabenden Bürger Michael McDonald, wie der gefürchteten veranlasste im vergandie sich nur auf aktugenen Jahr selbst den ell Straffällige bezieht, „Tyrannei der Mehrheit“ an sich nicht zur USAsetzt für das Jahr 2008 zu entkommen sei Kritik neigenden bri3,3 Millionen politisch tischen Economist entmündigter Mendazu, mit Hinweis auf Politikerfamilien wie schen an, die American Civil Liberties Unidie Bushs, Kennedys, Rockefellers oder Roo- on geht von über 5 Millionen aus, entspresevelts vor einer Tendenz der politischen chend 2,4% der Wahlbevölkerung. Dynastiebildung zu warnen und in selteDerartige Schwächen und Besonderheiner Übereinstimmung mit dem Satiriker ten der amerikanischen Demokratie sind im Michael Moore auf den Fall von Rodney Fre- Lande selbst spätestens seit dem hauchdünlinghuysen aus New Jersey zu verweisen, der nen und umstrittenen Ausgang des Präsinun schon in der sechsten Generation sei- dentschaftswahlkampfs von 2000 immer ner Familie im Kongress sitzt. wieder Thema öffentlicher Diskussion. Als Eine weitere Besonderheit der amerika- der ehemalige Präsident Jimmy Carter, desnischen Demokratie liegt im Entzug des sen Carter Center immer wieder weltweit Wahlrechts für Strafgefangene. Manche Ein- Wahlbeobachtungsaufgaben übernimmt, in

einer Radiosendung des Jahres 2004 gefragt wurde, ob seine Gruppe auch die Beobachtung der amerikanischen Wahlen übernehmen würde, antwortete er: „No. We wouldn’t think of it.“ Als Begründung führte er an, dass in den USA gleich mehrere Kriterien fairer Wahlen nicht erfüllt seien, nämlich der freie Zugang der Kandidaten zu Radio und Fernsehen, die unabhängige Überwachung der Wahlen durch überparteiliche Gremien, die nationale Standardisierung der Prozeduren und die technische Möglichkeit der Überprüfung der Stimmen. Die American Political Science Association setzte im Jahr 2004 eine „Task Force on Inequality and American Democracy“ ein, um Gefährdungen der amerikanischen Demokratie durch zunehmende ökonomische Ungleichheit und die damit zusammenhängende Ungleichheit politischer Beteiligung unter die Lupe zu nehmen. Der abschließende Report verwies darauf, dass in den höheren Einkommensschichten 90%, in den unteren aber nur die Hälfte der Bürger zur Wahl gehen und dass die besser Situierten von vielfältigen Beeinflussungsmöglichkeiten über den bloßen Wahlakt hinaus profitierten. Empfohlen wurden deshalb Reformen, die eine breitere politische Teilnahme fördern. Auf Einladung der USA entsandte auch die Organisation für Sicherheit und Zusammenarbeit in Europa (OSZE) im Jahr 2004 erstmals eine Beobachtergruppe in die USA, um den Präsidentschaftswahlkampf zu überwachen. Ihr Bericht bescheinigte zwar, dass die USA den 1990 in Kopenhagen fixierten Kriterien demokratischer Wahlen genügen, empfahl aber auch, die Verfahren zur Ziehung der Wahlkreisgrenzen zu überprüfen und für eine möglichst breite Wahlberechtigung aller Bürger Sorge zu tragen. Mit ähnlichem Resultat endete die erneute Beobachtungsmission im jüngsten Präsidentschaftswahlkampf. Die amerikanische Demokratie ist also nicht makellos, und es hieße schon, zumindest auf einem Auge politisch blind zu sein, wollte man die Schwächen und durchaus vorhandenen plutokratischen Elemente leugnen. Dennoch gilt wie weiland im Revolutionsgedicht von Freiligrath die Formel: Trotz alledem! Trotz alledem sind die USA bis heute das Land geblieben, in dem der Gedanke der Freiheit und der allgemeinen Menschenrechte erstmals verbrieft wurde, und in dem die Demokratie bis heute ununterbrochen Bestand hatte. September – December 2008

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Upcoming Events Monthly Lectures: Irina Prokhorova: Russia in Search of its History: the Grand Battles about the Past and Future Mieke Verloo: Gender Equality at the Crossroads: New and Old Politics of Privilege and Exclusion Aleksander Smolar: Global Changes and European Policy towards Russia

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INSTITUT FÜR DIE WISSENSCHAFTEN VOM MENSCHEN, Spittelauer Lände 3, 1090 Wien, AUSTRIA IMPRINT: Responsible for the contents of the IWM Post: Institut für die Wissenschaften vom Menschen (IWM), Spittelauer Lände 3, 1090 Wien, AUSTRIA, Phone (+43 1) 313 58 0, Fax (+43 1) 313 58 30, [email protected], http: //www.iwm.at; Editor/Production Management: Andrea Roedig; Assistant: Sven Hartwig; Layout: Franz Ruep, www.ruep.at. In 2008 the IWM Post is published three times a year. Current circulation: 6.200, printed by Rema Print, Vienna. © IWM 2008. An online archive of the IWM Post is available at the Institute‘s website, www.iwm.at; all newsletters, dating back to No. 57 (summer 1997), can be downloaded in pdf format.

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