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ISSN 1823-4127 VOLUME 19 DECEMBER 2014 JOURNAL SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA OF JATI (Journal of Southeast Asian Studies) A multi-disciplinary of area studies blind reviewed journal published annually by the Department of Southeast Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur is concerned with research results in the areas of politics, economy, culture, anthropology, sociology, history, geography and other social sciences and humanities pertaining to Southeast Asia. Every paper should include 250 words of abstract and keywords in English. Contributions in English or Malay/Indonesian should be typed singled-spaced and should not exceed 15 pages. The citation should follow APA style with endnotes and list of References. Address Editor JATI (Journal of Southeast Asian Studies) Department of Southeast Asian Studies Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences University of Malaya 50603 Kuala Lumpur Malaysia Email [email protected] Telephone: (603) 79675613 Facsmile: (603) 79675461 Indexing JATI (Journal of Southeast Asian Studies) is indexed by MyCite ©2014, copyright by Department of Southeast Asian Studies, Faculty of Arts and Social Sciences, University of Malaya Jati Volume 19 ISSN 1823-4127 December 2014 JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES DEPARTMENT OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES FACULTY OF ARTS AND SOCIAL SCIENCES UNIVERSITY OF MALAYA Jati Volume 19 ISSN 1823-4127 December 2014 Continuity and Change in Southeast Asian Development: The Challenges of Complexity Introduction to Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (Jati 19) David Martin Jones (Guest Editor) 1-2 INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND SECURITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The Arbitration Case between Philippines and China over their Dispute in the South China Sea Lowell Bautista 3-24 The International Legal Definition of Piracy and its Motives Ahmad Almaududy Amri 25-34 Pulau Pisang Light: A Non-Malaysian Lighthouse on a Malaysian Island Mohd Hazmi Mohd Rusli, Rahmat Mohamad & Roman Dremliuga 35-40 THE EVOLUTION ISLAMIC DISCOURSE IN SOUTHEAST ASIA Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja 41-53 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia (Islamic Scholars and Discourse of Intellectual Relations in Malaya and Indonesia) Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim, Ridzwan Bin Ahmad & Khafidz Hamzah 54-80 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura (Distribution of Muslim’s Estate and Issues in Singapore) Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah 81-101 SOCIO ECONOMIC FACTORS IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN DEVELOPMENT Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? Linda A. Lumayag & Rahim Mohd Sail 102-116 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014 NGOS and the Homelessness in Kuala Lumpur: Towards Moralistic Trust Prescious Ann Santos Oria, Nobaya Ahmad & Hanina Halimatusaadiah Hamsan 117-127 LANGUAGE, CULTURE AND EDUCATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar Jem R. Javier 128-150 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur dalam Peristiwa Melunas Rindu (Politeness Analysis of Leech and Grice: The Structural Patterns of Politeness Manifested in the Novel Melunas Rindu) Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid 151-168 Future Aspirations of the Elementary Pupils in School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, E., De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K. & Sugay, J., & Violanta, M. 169-188 A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o Rie Nakamura 189-202 n Re-Examining the Objects of Mystical Reality Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow 203-217 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Malacca Hanafi Hussin 218-230 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014 Chief Editors Hanafi Hussin (University of Malaya) Guest Editor David Martin Jones (Queensland University) Co-Editors Desiree Quintero (University of Malaya) Ederson Delos Trino Tapia (University of Makati, Philippines) Francisco Perlas Dumanig (University of Malaya) Hanizah Idris (University of Malaya) Kim Hyung Jong (Changwon National University, Korea) Lili Yulyadi Anarkim (University of Malaya) Linda A. Lumayag (University of Malaya) Lowell B. Bautista (University of Wollongong) Mala Rajo Sathian (University of Malaya) Maria Kristina Manueli (Theologische Hochschule Reutlingen, Germany) Mary Susan Philip (University of Malaya) Mazlan Majid (University of Malaya) Rodney C Jubilado (University of Hawai’i) Stephanie Pillai (University of Malaya) S. Thirunaukarasu (University of Malaya) Wayland Quintero (University of Malaya) Advisory Board David Martin Jones (University of Queensland) Elizabeth Collins (Ohio University) MCM Santamaria (University of the Philippines) Jacqueline Pugh-Kitingan (Universiti Malaysia Sabah) Mohammad Raduan Mohd Ariff (University of Malaya) Business Manager Department of Southeast Asian Studies Faculty of Arts & Social Sciences, University of Malaya Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp 1-2 CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN SOUTHEAST ASIAN DEVELOPMENT: THE CHALLENGES OF COMPLEXITY INTRODUCTION TO JOURNAL OF SOUTHEAST ASIAN STUDIES (JATI 19) David Martin Jones (Guest Editor) School of Political Science and International Studies, University of Queensland, Australia The latest edition of JATI addresses a number of issues that are of enduring significance to the study of South East Asia. Indeed, as the Association of Southeast Asian Nations has become more fragmented as China’s growing influence in the Asia Pacific has asserted itself. It is salient to maintain the study of Southeast Asia as a distinctive cultural, historical and geographical grouping that shares distinctive commonalities despite long standing ethno-religious and political differences. As the region’s politico-religious and cultural character grows more complex in the face of internal pressures to homogenise and external pressures to globalise it is increasingly important to grasp the continuities as well as the changes that impact both on the region and its study. The current edition is consequently divided into four discrete sections that address: the maritime international relations of Southeast Asia; the evolution of Islamic self-understanding in Southeast Asia; socio-economic factors in Southeast Asian development; patterns of language, cultural and educational formation in Southeast Asia. Given the fact that maritime links have long dominated the pre and post-colonial history of Southeast Asia and the difficulties that Chinese claims to the South China Sea present to a number of littoral South East Asian states. The papers devoted to international relations draw attention to the contested maritime claims that perennially vex and trouble ASEAN’s harmony and consensus. Thus Lowell Bautista examines the manner in which the Philippines and China have attempted to arbitrate their overlapping claims in the Spratley Islands, whilst Ahmad AlmaududyAmri examines the legal definitions of piracy as they impact on the South China Sea and Mohammad Rusli, Rahmat Mohamad and Roman Dremliuga discuss the ongoing difficulty for Singapore-Malaysian bilateral relations posed by the Pulau Pisang lighthouse on a Malaysian island. The following section examines the manner in which Islamic understanding has historically and contemporarily affected regional self-understanding. Sivachandralingam Raja interestingly explores how a precolonial discourse of free trade operated around the Malay Archipelago, the Java Sea and the South China Sea prior to the European colonisation of the region from the seventeenth century. Indeed, as Raja indicates the pre-colonial model of maritime trade was something 1 David Martin Jones the Europeans found highly congenial. Somewhat differently, Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir and his colleagues from the Universiti Teknologi Malaysia and University of Malaya examine the impact of the Islamic scholars or ulamak movement on Malay Muslim self-understanding in the 1930s and on the dakwah movement in the 1970s, and how it continues to offer resources to the Malay Muslim world in the context of modernization, whilst Feirul Maliq Intajalle and Lukman Abdullah explore the manner in which Muslim estate’s have been administered and distributed in Singapore prior to and post the independence of the city state. Section three of these issues discusses a variety of socio-economic factors at play in South East Asia that affect contemporary social and economic practice. Linda Lumayag and Rahim Sail examine how Indonesian migrant workers in the Johore palm oil industry transmit ideas and practices to their homeland via social exchanges. Prescious Oraya and Nobaya Ahmad and Hanina Hamsan discuss the impact of NGOs on homelessness in Kuala Lumpur. The final section of this issue examines language, cultural and educational issues that impact on identity formation in Southeast Asia. Jem R. Javier offers an intriguing analysis of how the Tagalog language’s grammatical structure affects material and psychological self-understanding. In a similar vein, Sara Beden and Indirawati Zahid examine how politeness patterns in literary texts impact upon the linguistic behaviour of secondary students in Johore, Sabah, Sarawak and Wilayah. Meanwhile, Semorlan A. Atendido and her colleagues explore the future aspirations of students at a Catholic elementary school in the Philippines. In a somewhat different vein, Rik Nakamura examines the installation works of the Vietnamese artist Nguyen Ngoc An and his role in preserving the culture of the catholic Bana community in Vietnam’ Central highlands. Similarly, Sarena Abdullah and Chung Ah Kow examine the way in which Malaysian artists of the late 1960s New Scene sought both to develop and critique abstract expressionism to establish a culturally distinctive mystically real aesthetic through their art. Finally, Hanafi Hussin also examines how distinctive rituals associated with the consumption special foods and beverages invoke an unseen realm that links past and future amongst the Peranakan community of the Straits of Malacca. Ultimately JATI 19 offers a compelling insight into the often elusive socio cultural and political practices of the Southeast Asian mind. 2 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp3-24 THE ARBITRATION CASE BETWEEN PHILIPPINES AND CHINA OVER THEIR DISPUTE IN THE SOUTH CHINA SEA Lowell Bautista Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS), Faculty of Law, Humanities and the Arts, University of Wollongong, Australia ([email protected]) Abstract: This paper will examine the arbitration case filed by the Philippines against China over the West Philippine Sea on 22 January 2013. The first part, and by way of introduction, will provide a concise summary of the competing territorial and maritime jurisdictional claims over the South China Sea highlighting recent developments. The second part will discuss the system of dispute settlement under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as well as relevant international jurisprudence and State practice. The third part will examine the arbitration case in greater detail discussing its factual antecedents and the specific reliefs sought by the Philippines. In the final part, the paper will conclude with an evaluation and analysis of the arbitration case in the context of its potential implications to the management of conflict and resolution of the sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea. Keywords: South China Sea, West Philippine Sea, law of the sea, international law, arbitration Introduction On 22 January 2013, the Philippines instituted arbitral proceedings against China under Annex VII of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) in respect of their maritime jurisdictional dispute in the South China Sea. The arbitration is the first international litigation initiated by a claimant state in the South China Sea. It is clear that this bold move is a game changer. The proceedings have altered the terrain of strategies available to the claimant states, which has always eschewed legal options. More importantly, the decision of the Tribunal will have significant, lasting and far-reaching implications affecting the 3 Lowell Bautista legal rights of all the claimant states and will strongly impact the management and resolution of the conflicting claims in the South China Sea. The arbitration was initiated by the Philippines after a series of increasing aggressive behavior and provocative actions including a tense standoff in April 2012 between the Philippines and China over Scarborough Shoal (Bajo de Masinloc) which brought tensions in the South China Sea to their highest level since the 1994 Mischief Reef incident (Bautista, 2013). China has made it abundantly clear that it does not accept the arbitration initiated by the Philippines and has refused to participate in the proceedings. The non-participation of China’s will affect neither the legitimacy of the proceedings or the validity of the judgment (Article 9, Annex VII, UNCLOS). The strategic imperatives behind the institution of compulsory arbitration by the Philippines are evident. The legal track appears to be a logical option given the stark economic and military asymmetry between the Philippines and China. The Philippines insists, and quite rightfully, that arbitration is a peaceful, open and friendly mechanism allowing for a final, rules-based and enduring resolution to the disputes in the South China Sea in accordance with international law. China has assailed the arbitral case and vehemently refuses to participate in the proceedings, insisting instead to manage the dispute through regional mechanisms and bilateral negotiations. Despite the objections of China and its decision not to participate, the arbitration will continue. This paper will examine the arbitration case filed by the Philippines against China over the West Philippine Sea on 22 January 2013. The first part, and by way of introduction, will provide a concise summary of the competing territorial and maritime jurisdictional claims over the South China Sea highlighting recent developments. In the second part, the paper will cover a discussion of the system of dispute settlement under the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea as well as relevant international jurisprudence and State practice. The third part will examine the arbitration case in greater detail discussing its factual antecedents and the specific reliefs sought by the Philippines. The final part, the paper will conclude with an evaluation and analysis the arbitration case in the context of its potential implications to the management of conflict and resolution of the sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea. Brief overview of the South China Sea dispute The competing claims over the West Philippine Sea are part of the longstanding territorial and maritime jurisdictional disputes in the South China Sea. In Philippine law, the West Philippine Sea refers to the maritime areas on the western side of the Philippine archipelago including the Luzon Sea as well as the waters around, within and adjacent to the Kalayaan Island Group and Bajo De Masinloc, 4 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea also known as Scarborough Shoal (Bautista, 2013; Section 1, Administrative Order No. 29, 2012). The 2009 Philippine Archipelagic Baselines Law asserts that the Philippines exercises sovereignty and jurisdiction over both the Kalayaan Island Group and Bajo de Masinloc, under the Regime of Islands, consistent with Article 121 of UNCLOS (Section 2, Republic Act No. 9522, 2009). The renaming of the South China Sea as the West Philippine Sea bears no legal implications with respect to the claims of sovereignty over the disputed area or over the insular features found therein as well the maritime entitlements they could potentially generate. Undeniably, it does however carry a very strong patriotic assertion of sovereignty with positive psychological and propaganda value to a domestic audience. In this paper, the terms West Philippine Sea and South China Sea, as well as Bajo de Masinloc and Scarborough Shoal, will be used interchangeably. The South China Sea is a semi-enclosed sea (Articles 122 and 123, UNCLOS) encompassing an area of around 3,500,000 km² surrounded by the countries of Southeast Asia. The South China Sea encompasses a portion of the Pacific Ocean stretching roughly from Singapore and the Strait of Malacca in the southwest, to the Strait of Taiwan in the northeast. The sea is bordered by Borneo to the south; China and Taiwan to the north; Vietnam, Thailand and Peninsular Malaysia to the west, and the Philippines to the east. It encompasses a continuation of the Pacific Ocean stretching roughly from Singapore and the Straits of Malacca in the southwest, to the Straits of Taiwan (between Taiwan and China) in the northeast. The South China Sea Islands is an archipelago of over 250 islands, atolls, cays, shoals, reefs, and sandbars, most of which have no native inhabitants. The islands of the South China Sea can be further subdivided into four subarchipelagos, listed by area size: (1) The Spratly Islands; (2) the Macclesfield Islands; (3) the Paracel Islands; and (4) the Pratas Islands. The majority of the disputed islands are located in the Paracel and Spratly Island chains (Bautista, 2007, p. 704). The area is the subject of competing claims among the following claimant-States: People’s Republic of China (China), Republic of China (Taiwan), Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, and the Philippines. There are some analysts who include Indonesia as a possible seventh claimant-state. However, while Indonesia does not claim any of the islands in the South China Sea, Chinese and Taiwanese claims in the South China Sea extend into Indonesia’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) and continental shelf, encroaching upon Indonesia’s Natuna archipelago. There are some authors, notably Chinese scholars, who do not regard Taiwan as a claimant-state since its status as a State is disputed in international law, but merely as a province of China. The greater number of these islands are partially submerged islets, rocks, and reefs that are little more than navigational hazards not suitable for habitation. All the claimant-States, with the exception of Brunei, have established military 5 Lowell Bautista garrisons over some of features in the disputed area. In 2009, the number of features occupied in the South China Sea are as follows: Vietnam (21), the Philippines (9), China (7), Malaysia (5), and Taiwan (1) (Schofield & Storey, 2009, p. 10). In brief, the disputes over the South China Sea fall into three broad categories. The first category involves the competing sovereignty claims over territory, in particular over the numerous island features in the area. Second, the overlapping maritime jurisdictional zones among the littoral States of the South China Sea, which have not been delimited. The third concerns the potential maritime zones to be generated from the island features once the sovereignty issue over the same has been settled. The dispute over the South China Sea is a complex issue primarily revolving around international law, but also involves geopolitical, regional economic, international relations considerations. A detailed discussion of the various claims over the South China Sea is beyond the scope of this Opinion. There is however extensive academic literature on this topic (See for example, Beckman, 2013; Beckman & Schofield, 2014; Dupuy & Dupuy, 2013; Gao & Jia, 2013). The six claimant-States that have overlapping and conflicting claims over the South China Sea all base their claims on principles of international law, both customary and conventional, and in particular on provisions of the UNCLOS. These principles are principally discovery and effective occupation (Bautista, 2007, p. 700). In 2014, the United States Department of State analysed the maritime claims of China in the South China Sea, and concluded that “its dashed- line claim does not accord with the international law of the sea” (p. 24). Recent developments It is profoundly counterintuitive to assert but in reality, despite the popular depiction in academic literature and on media, the South China Sea is relatively peaceful. However, the significant escalation in tensions in the South China Sea in recent years is undeniable. The arbitration case filed by the Philippines should be viewed from the broad context of assertive and provocative actions from claimant states over the years. In April 2012, the standoff between the Philippines and China over Scarborough Shoal brought tensions in the South China Sea to their highest level since the 1994 Mischief Reef incident. The incident started on April 8, 2012, after eight Chinese fishing vessels anchored inside the lagoon of the Shoal were spotted by a Philippine Navy surveillance plane and confirmed by the Philippine Navy warship BRP Gregorio Del Pilar on the same day. On April 10, 2012, following established rules of engagement, a boarding team aboard BRP Gregorio del Pilar was dispatched to inspect the Chinese fishing vessels, collect photos and their 6 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea catch. On the part of the Philippine boarding team, the apprehension of the Chinese fishermen was regarded as a routine maritime law enforcement operation which has been customary in Bajo de Masinloc. The Philippine boarding team, after inspection of the fishing vessels, discovered large amounts of illegally collected corals, giant clams and live sharks inside the first vessel. The arrest of the Chinese fishermen was blocked by two Chinese maritime surveillance ships, China Marine Surveillance 75 (Zhongguo Haijian 75) and China Marine Surveillance 84 (Zhongguo Haijian 84) (Dawnay, 2012; Department of Foreign Affairs, 2012; Inquirer Research, 2012; Santos, 2012). On 11 April 2012, in order to de-escalate the tension, the Philippines replaced its surface combatant vessel with two civilian ships from the Coast Guard and the Bureau of Fisheries. On its part, China deployed its largest and most advanced patrol vessel equipped with machine guns, light cannons and electronic sensors, the Yuzheng 310 (de Castro, 2013). During the height of the standoff, in May 2012, there were at least 80 Chinese fishing vessels in Bajo de Masinloc. In July 2012, weather conditions brought about by a typhoon compelled the Philippines to pull-out which effectively left the shoal under the de facto control of the Chinese (Bonnet, 2012, p. 5). The retaliatory actions of China against the Philippines during the standoff included punitive economic measures such as the imposition of a travel ban on Chinese tourists travelling to the Philippines, severe restrictions on the importation of bananas from the Philippines and the announcement of a unilateral fishing ban in the South China Sea covering the shoal (Thayer, 2012). There were also other widespread rhetoric and propaganda from the Chinese alluding to the possibility of armed conflict erupting with veiled threats of using force against the Philippines (Bonnet, 2012, p. 5; de Castro, 2013, p. 7). In July 2012, for the first time in its 45-year history, the Association of Southeast Nations (ASEAN), failed to issue a joint communiqué following its annual foreign ministers meeting in Phnom Penh, Cambodia, over intense disagreement whether the communiqué should reflect the confrontation between the Philippines and China over Scarborough Shoal (Bower, 2012). In September 2013, the Philippines released aerial surveillance photographs which showed about 75 concrete blocks allegedly installed by China on Bajo de Masinloc, which China denies. The Philippines was apprehensive that these concrete blocks could be used as platforms or foundations of larger structures in the area (Agence France-Presse, 2013). The Philippines declared plans to consider removing the concrete blocks allegedly installed by China on Bajo de Masinloc as well as filing a diplomatic protest (Dalangin-Fernandez, 2013). However, in October 2013, Philippine President Aquino disclosed that the blocks shown in the photographs were “very old” and “not a new phenomenon”, with some of them have barnacles attached to them” (Mogato, 2013). 7 Lowell Bautista Another contentious feature in the South China Sea is Ayungin Shoal (otherwise referred to as Second Thomas Shoal or Ren’ai Reef) which is located 105 nautical miles of the Philippine island of Palawan and lies entirely within the Philippine Exclusive Economic Zone. The Shoal is occupied by the Philippines through a small contingent of marines based on BRP Sierra Madre, a commissioned Philippine naval vessel which ran aground in 1999. In March 2014, the Philippines officially filed a diplomatic protest over the actions by the Chinese Coast Guard that prevented the delivery of supplies to the Filipino soldiers in Ayungin Shoal. The Philippines asserts that Ayungin Shoal is part of its continental shelf and over which it should enjoy sovereign rights and jurisdiction (Department of Foreign Affairs, 2014). In August 2014, at the 47th ASEAN Foreign Ministers’ Meeting in Nay Pyi Taw, Myanmar, the joint communiqué included a section on regional and international issues which focused on the South China Sea: We remained seriously concerned over recent developments which had increased tensions in the South China Sea and reaffirmed the importance of maintaining peace, stability, maritime security as well as freedom of navigation in and over-flight above the South China Sea. … We urged all parties concerned to exercise self-restraint and avoid actions which would complicate the situation and undermine peace, stability, and security in the South China Sea and to settle disputes through peaceful means, without resorting to the threat or use of force, including friendly dialogue, consultations and negotiations, in accordance with universally recognised principles of international law, including the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Paragraphs 149 and 151, ASEAN Joint Communique, 2014). The joint communiqué also noted the Triple Action Plan introduced by the Philippines (Paragraphs 155, ASEAN Joint Communique, 2014) which advocates a moratorium on specific activities that escalate tension in the South China Sea and underscores the imperative to pursue settlement mechanisms that will bring a final and enduring resolution to the disputes based on international law, such as the arbitration filed by the Philippines against China over the West Philippine Sea. Dispute Settlement within the framework of UNCLOS The dispute resolution mechanism integrated into the UNCLOS is both complex and innovative (Bautista, 2014, pp. 387-382). The compulsory adjudicative procedures in UNCLOS are a sharp departure from traditional international 8 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea dispute settlement where consent of the parties is normally required before the submission of a dispute to arbitration or adjudication (Klein, 2009, p. 2). It is considered a central pillar of the convention and part of the delicate compromises included in the “package deal” of negotiations that led to the adoption of UNCLOS in 1982 (Adede, 1987, p. 241). In order to preserve this delicate balance, UNCLOS clearly prohibits States from making any reservations or exceptions (Article 309, UNCLOS). According to Klein, “No additional form of consent is required once a State is party to the Convention – consent to be bound by UNCLOS includes consent to compulsory procedures entailing binding decisions (subject to Sections 1 and 3 of Part XV). Under Section 2, the States in dispute do not need (both or all) to consent to the referral of the dispute to court or tribunal, but the dispute can be submitted at the behest of just one of the disputant States” (2009, p. 53). The dispute settlement system under UNCLOS is contained in Part XV of the Convention. The provisions of Part XV are only applicable when there is a ‘dispute’ and it relates to either the ‘interpretation’ or ‘application’ of the Convention (Article 286, UNCLOS). In addition to the requirement that there is a dispute, the dispute must be ‘legal’ or ‘justiciable’ in that it must be capable of being settled by the application of principles and rules of international law (Lauterpacht, 2011, p. 64). Furthermore, Article 293 of UNCLOS states that the court or tribunal having jurisdiction shall apply the Convention and “other rules of international law not incompatible with this Convention.” The dispute settlement regime in Part XV of UNCLOS is comprised of 3 sections. Section 1 contains the general provisions concerning dispute settlement; Section 2 outlines the compulsory procedures entailing binding decisions, and Section 3 provides for the limitations and exceptions to the applicability of Section 2. The question of what constitutes a legal dispute is an old and enduring question but not exactly a perplexing question in international law (Amerasinghe, 2009, pp. 46-47). There have been several international cases in the Permanent Court of International Justice (PCIJ) and the International Court of Justice (ICJ) which squarely addressed this issue such as the 1924 PCIJ case of Mavrommatis Palestine Concessions between Greece and Great Britain and the ICJ decisions in the Case Concerning Military and Paramilitary Activities in and against Nicaragua between Nicaragua and the United States of America and the 2004 ICJ Advisory Opinion in the Legal Consequences of the Construction of a Wall in the Occupied Palestinian Territory, and indeed by a number of scholars. The PCIJ definition enunciated in the Mavrommatis Palestine Concessions case, that a ‘dispute is a disagreement on a point of law or fact, a conflict of legal views or of interests between two persons (1924 PCIJ (Ser. A) No. 2, p. 11) and the ICJ’s ruling in the Interpretation of the Peace Treaties with Bulgaria, Hungary and Romania, Advisory Opinion of 30 March 1950, as ‘a situation in which the two sides held 9 Lowell Bautista clearly opposite views concerning the question of the performance or nonperformance of certain tre aty obligations,’ (1950 ICJ Rep. 65, p. 74) have been widely adopted by other international tribunals (Schreuer, 2008, p. 960). The issue of whether a dispute exists is in fact a crucial one and of particular relevance to the discourse of disputes in Southeast Asia, especially in the context of the strong nationalist rhetoric utilized in the disputes over the South China Sea. China, for instance, has repeatedly claimed that it exercises “indisputable sovereignty” over the South China Sea (Dillon, 2011, p. 54; To, 1999, p. 166). In principle, a dispute which is purely political without any legal connotations is not justiciable and cannot be taken cognizance of by any international court or tribunal. In fact, in actual practice, parties to a dispute refute the existence of a dispute for the purpose of contesting the jurisdiction of an international court or tribunal (Schreuer, 2008, p. 959). In the case of UNCLOS, if a dispute arises whether a court or tribunal has jurisdiction, that court or tribunal is vested with the power to resolve the issue (Article 288, UNCLOS). It is well to remember that a dispute hardly ever presents itself as a purely legal question, and often, raises both legal as well as political issues. This is true for most of the territorial and maritime disputes in Southeast Asia. These disputes not only test the limits of the dispute settlement provisions of UNCLOS but also restrain the parties from considering international adjudicative processes as a viable alternative to resolve their longstanding unresolved territorial and maritime issues. The compulsory and binding nature of the UNCLOS dispute settlement regime The dispute settlement mechanism provided under the legal framework of UNCLOS establishes a compulsory and binding framework for the pacific settlement of all ocean-related disputes (Rayfuse, 2005, pp. 683-711; Sheehan, 2005, pp. 165-190). UNCLOS in Part XV requires States Parties to settle any dispute between them concerning the interpretation or application of the Convention by peaceful means in accordance with Article 2 (3), of the UN Charter “in such a manner that international peace and security, and justice, are not endangered.” States parties are supposed to seek a solution by any of the means indicated in Article 33 (1), of the UN Charter, that is, through “negotiation, inquiry, mediation, conciliation, judicial settlement, resort to regional agencies or arrangements, other peaceful means of their choice.” UNCLOS gives primacy for States to reach an agreement on the basis of international law in order to achieve an equitable solution in the delimitation of the EEZ and continental shelf between States (Article 74(1) and 83(1), UNCLOS). However, when States have been unable to reach agreement within “a reasonable 10 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea time,” the States concerned are obliged to resort to the procedures in Part XV of the Convention (Articles 74(2) and 83(2), UNCLOS). More importantly, submission to the compulsory procedures is not automatic since States may still reserve the right under Article 298 to have certain specified categories of disputes exempted from the compulsory fora. In such an instance, compulsory conciliation becomes the default procedure where Article 298(1)(a) operates to exempt a State or a dispute from compulsory adjudication. However, this only applies in a limited circumstance and the conciliation itself does not create a binding result. Thus far, it has never been initiated. The optional exceptions to the compulsory procedure in Article 298 show the clear intention to remove maritime boundaries delimitation disputes from compulsory judicial settlement. These elaborate mechanisms are designed to preserve the sovereignty of States by giving the State parties the freedom to choose the manner by which they will settle their differences (See and compare, Annex V, Article 3; Annex VI, Article 4; Annex VII, Article 3; and Annex VII, Article 3, UNCLOS; Adede, 1977; Treves, 1999). The dispute settlement mechanism within the framework of UNCLOS clearly creates an obligation among the claimant countries to settle their conflicting claims peacefully by any means of their own choice (Article 280, UNCLOS). However, McDorman asserts that the dispute settlement procedure of UNCLOS is not part of customary law and, thus, is only binding upon those states which are parties to UNCLOS (2000, p. 259). Furthermore, the principle of peaceful settlement of international disputes operates on the basis of the sovereign equality of States, a fundamental premise upon which the whole architecture of international law operates. This implies that as a subject of international law, every State is equal to every other State, regardless of size, or even economic or political power. It is also independent and cannot be compelled to participate in any legal procedure without its consent (Anand, 1966; Armstrong, 1920; Brown, 1915). The compulsory settlement mechanism within the framework of UNCLOS is triggered only as an option where the parties are not able to settle their differences by peaceful means of their choice (Article 286, UNCLOS). But, even then, the submission of a dispute to such a forum depends on the willingness of the parties. In this regard, the dispute resolution mechanism may appear to offer no progress over previous regimes. This is actually not the case. In international law there is really no judicial forum with compulsory jurisdiction. Any form of third party dispute resolution is founded upon the assent of the parties involved. The lack of compulsion to submit to compulsory judicial forums under UNCLOS is neither a serious drawback nor does it fall short of legitimate expectations. The UNCLOS dispute settlement regime improves upon the Optional Protocol system in the sense that in the case of the former, States become automatically bound by the compulsory procedures upon ratification of UNCLOS; whereas under the 11 Lowell Bautista latter, States become bound only when they become parties to the Protocol. Nonetheless, ultimately, this means still that the dispute settlement regime of UNCLOS is only as good as the claimant States are willing to formally invoke it. The choice of procedure in UNCLOS disputes UNCLOS provides the general rule that any dispute concerning the interpretation or application of the Convention, provided no settlement has been reached by the parties using any peaceful means of their choice, is subject to the system of compulsory procedures entailing binding decisions in Section 2, Part XV of UNCLOS (Article 286, UNCLOS). This is, of course, subject to the limitations and exceptions to the applicability of Section 2 of Part XV as specified in Section 3 of Part XV (Articles 297 and 298, UNCLOS). The parties to a dispute have the obligation to exchange views (Article 283, UNCLOS) and to exhaust local remedies where this is required by international law (Article 295, UNCLOS). If a settlement has not been reached, UNCLOS stipulates that the dispute be submitted at the request of any party to the dispute to a court or tribunal having jurisdiction in this regard (Article 286, UNCLOS). UNCLOS defines those courts or tribunals as: (a) the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (established in accordance with Annex VI of the Convention) including the Seabed Disputes Chamber; (b) the International Court of Justice; (c) an arbitral tribunal constituted in accordance with Annex VII of the Convention; and (d) a special arbitral tribunal constituted in accordance with Annex VIII for one or more of the categories of disputes specified therein (Article 287, UNCLOS). The availability of a variety of forums was a compromise to secure consensus during the negotiations for the compulsory dispute settlement provisions of UNCLOS (Charney, 1996, p. 71). UNCLOS gives the State party the freedom to choose, by means of a written declaration submitted when signing, ratifying or acceding to the convention or at any time thereafter, one or more of the above courts or tribunals (Article 287(1), UNCLOS). If States Parties to a dispute have accepted the same procedure, the dispute will be referred to that procedure, unless the parties agree otherwise (Article 287(4), UNCLOS). If a State party to a dispute is not covered by a declaration in force, it shall be deemed to have accepted arbitration under Annex VII (Article 287 (3), UNCLOS). If the States Parties to the dispute have not accepted the same procedure, the dispute may only be submitted to arbitration under Annex VII, unless the parties agree otherwise (Article 287(5), UNCLOS). 12 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea Limitations and exceptions to compulsory binding dispute settlement The prohibition upon States parties to make any reservations or exceptions to the Convention under Article 309 necessitated that exceptions and limitations had to be allowed in the compulsory dispute settlement regime of UNCLOS, which is provided for in Section 3 of Part XV of UNCLOS. These basically cover matters which are considered of vital national concern to a State to oblige it to submit to any binding dispute settlement regime (Klein, 2009, p. 122). Specifically, there are two categories of disputes which are not covered by the compulsory procedures entailing binding decisions specified in Section 2: first, disputes with respect to discretionary decisions on permits for marine scientific research by a coastal State; (Article 297(2), UNCLOS) and secondly, disputes with respect to discretionary decisions on fisheries in a coastal State’s EEZ (Article 297(3), UNCLOS). The first category of dispute is subject to conciliation under Annex V except questions relating to exercise of coastal State to designate specific areas or withhold consent in accordance with Article 246(6) and Article 246(5), respectively. The second category includes its discretionary powers for determining the allowable catch, its harvesting capacity, the allocation of surpluses to other States and the terms and conditions established in its conservation and management laws and regulations. Section 3 of Part XV also allows States to declare in writing that it does not accept any of the procedures in Section 2 for certain categories of disputes. The State may do this when signing, ratifying or acceding to UNCLOS or at any time thereafter (Article 298 (1), UNCLOS). States may exclude the following disputes from the compulsory procedures entailing binding decisions in Section 2: disputes concerning the interpretation or application of Articles 15, 74 and 83 on maritime boundary delimitation, or those involving historic bays or titles; (Article 298 (1)(a)(i), UNCLOS) disputes concerning military activities; disputes concerning law enforcement activities in respect of rights and jurisdiction exercised by the coastal State over its EEZ resources; and disputes where the UN Security Council is exercising functions under the UN Charter (Article 298(1)(c), UNCLOS). Philippine arbitration against China over West Philippine Sea Institution of arbitral proceedings On 22 January 2013, the Philippines instituted arbitral proceedings against China under Article 287 and Annex VII of UNCLOS in order “to clearly establish the sovereign rights and jurisdiction of the Philippines over its maritime entitlements in the West Philippine Sea” (Republic of the Philippines, 2013. Hereinafter, Notification and Statement of Claim). On 19 February 2013, China rejected and returned the Philippine Notification through a Note Verbale in which it described “the Position of China on the South China Sea issues”. The Permanent Court of 13 Lowell Bautista Arbitration based in the Hague, the Netherlands, serves as the Registry for the arbitration. The Arbitral Tribunal, composed of five members, is chaired by Judge Thomas A. Mensah of Ghana, along with Judge Jean-Pierre Cot of France, Judge Stanislaw Pawlak of Poland, Professor Alfred Soons of the Netherlands, and Judge Rüdiger Wolfrum of Germany (Permanent Court of Arbitration First Press Release, 2013). On 11 July 2013, the Arbitral Tribunal held its first meeting at the Peace Palace in the Hague. On 27 August 2013, the Arbitral Tribunal issued its first Procedural Order, establishing the initial timetable for the arbitration and adopting its Rules of Procedure. The Tribunal gave the Philippines until 30 March 2014 to submit its Memorial fully addressing “all issues, including matters relating to the jurisdiction of the Arbitral Tribunal, the admissibility of the Philippines’ claim, as well as the merits of the dispute”. The Tribunal provided the Philippines and China the opportunity to comment on the draft Rules of Procedure before the Rules of Procedure and timetable were adopted. The Philippines submitted comments on the draft on 31 July 2013 whilst China addressed a Note Verbale to the PCA on 1 August 2013 reiterating its position that “it does not accept the arbitration initiated by the Philippines” and stating that it was not participating in the proceedings (Permanent Court of Arbitration First Press Release, 2013). On 30 March 2014, the Philippines submitted its Memorial which addressed both issues of jurisdiction and the merits of its claim. The Philippine Memorial consisted of 10 volumes and nearly 4,000 pages in length (Department of Foreign Affairs, 2014). While the contents of the Memorial remains confidential at this stage, the Arbitral Tribunal may direct that the written pleading be published. (Article 16 (1), Rules of Procedure of the Arbitral Tribunal, 2013). The Arbitral Tribunal in its Procedural Order No. 2 has set 15 December 2014 as the deadline for China to submit its Counter-Memorial in response to the Philippine Memorial. On 7 December 2014, China issued a position paper reiterating its previous arguments that “the Arbitral Tribunal manifestly has no jurisdiction over the present arbitration” and “China's rejection of and non-participation in the present arbitration stand on solid ground in international law” (China, Position Paper, 2014). Factual background The Philippines asserts that China’s claim to "sovereignty" and "sovereign rights" over the maritime area within its so-called "nine dash line" encompassing virtually the entire South China Sea has interfered with the rights of the Philippines under UNCLOS over its own exclusive economic zone and continental shelf, in violation of UNCLOS (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 2). In addition, China has seized control and occupied several small, uninhabitable coral projections, submerged features and protruding rocks barely above water at high 14 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea tide, as well as claimed maritime zones surrounding these features greater than 12 nautical miles (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraphs 4 and 14). Among these features include Mischief Reef, McKennan Reef, Gaven Reef and Subi Reef, which are at best low tide elevations and part of the Philippine continental shelf or the international seabed (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraphs 14 to 19). The Philippines alleges further that China has also seized the following features in the Spratly Islands: Johnson Reef, Cuarteron Reef and Fiery Cross Reef, which it considers as “submerged reefs with no more than a few rocks protruding above sea level at high tide” (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 31). In essence, the Philippines is arguing, first, that these submerged features in the South China Sea which are not above sea level at high tide, are not islands under the Convention. Secondly, these submerged features are part of the seabed and subject to the regime of the continental shelf under Part VI of the Convention and cannot be acquired by a State or subject to its sovereignty since they are not located in a coastal state’s territorial sea. Third, since these submerged features are not above sea level at high tide, nor are they located on China’s continental shelf, the occupation of China of these submerged features is unlawful under the Convention. Fourth, the features which remain above water at high tide qualify as “rocks” under Article 121(3) of the Convention which only generate an entitlement of a maximum 12-nautical territorial sea and anything beyond this is unlawful under the Convention, as China has claimed over the features. Lastly, China’s exploitation and prevention of the Philippines from exploiting the living and nonliving resources in the Philippines’ EEZ and continental shelf, as well as the interference with the exercise by the Philippines of its navigational rights over these waters, are all unlawful under the Convention (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 31). In relation specifically to Bajo de Masinloc, the Philippines alleges that in 2012, “China seized six small rocks that protrude above sea level within the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone, unlawfully claimed an exaggerated maritime zone around these features, and wrongfully prevented the Philippines from navigating, or enjoying access to the living resources within this zone, even though it forms part of the Philippines’ EEZ.” (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 20). As stated above, the Philippines asserts that the insular features of Bajo de Masinloc are “rocks” under Article 121(3) of UNCLOS; yet, “China unlawfully claims entitlements to maritime zones greater than 12 M in the waters and seabed surrounding them, and wrongfully excludes the Philippines and other States from these areas” (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 24). Thus, in Bajo de Masinloc, “the maritime zones claimed by China unlawfully encroach upon the Philippines’ 200 M exclusive economic zone and continental shelf extending from Luzon and Palawan, and prevent the Philippines 15 Lowell Bautista from enjoying its rights under the Convention within 200 M (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 24). Jurisdiction of the Tribunal UNCLOS, in Part XV, establishes a system of compulsory binding dispute settlement (CBDS) for any dispute relating to the interpretation or application of any provision of the Convention. Therefore, in principle, a dispute between two States parties on the interpretation or application of a provision in UNCLOS, allows one party to the dispute to unilaterally invoke the CBDS system in Part 2 of Part XV (UNCLOS, Article 286). UNCLOS includes consent in its text. This is clear from the provisions of 74, 83, 186-191, 226, 264-265, 279-299, 309, 318. Annexes V, VI, VII, VIII. Article 309, on reservations and exceptions, provides that “No reservations or exceptions may be made to this Convention unless expressly permitted by other articles of this Convention” (For academic literature on the dispute settlement regime under UNCLOS, see, Adede, 1987; Klein, 2005). Both the Philippines and China being parties to UNCLOS, subject to specified exceptions provided in the Convention, are bound by the regime of dispute settlement system (See, UNCLOS, Articles 287 (1), 298 (1) and 310). The Philippines asserts that the claims in the arbitration have been the subject of good faith negotiations and numerous exchange of views thereby satisfying Articles 279 and 283 of UNCLOS, requiring States parties to settle disputes by peaceful means in accordance with the United Nations Charter and the requirement for parties to proceed expeditiously to an exchange of views regarding a settlement by negotiation or other peaceful means, respectively (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraphs 8, 25 to 30; Article 279 and 283(1), UNCLOS). The failure of the Philippines and China to settle their dispute by peaceful means of their own choice, allows recourse to any of the procedures in Part XV, including compulsory procedures entailing binding decisions in Section 2 of Part XV, (Article 281(1), UNCLOS) by submission to a tribunal having jurisdiction by the request of any party (Article 286, UNCLOS). A State party is allowed the choice of compulsory procedure, (Article 287(1), UNCLOS) with arbitration under Annex VII as the default procedure when the parties to a dispute have not accepted the same procedure (Article 287(5), UNCLOS). Thus, since both the Philippines and China have not made any declaration, the instant dispute may only be submitted to arbitration in accordance with Annex VII (Article 287(5), UNCLOS). UNCLOS allows States parties to declare in respect of certain specified categories kinds of disputes are excluded from the application of the compulsory binding procedures for the settlement of disputes under the Convention. (Section 3 of Part XV, UNCLOS). China submitted a Declaration on 25 August 2006 under Article 298 of UNCLOS, which states that “The Government of the People's 16 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea Republic of China does not accept any of the procedures provided for in Section 2 of Part XV of the Convention with respect to all the categories of disputes referred to in paragraph 1 (a) (b) and (c) of Article 298 of the Convention” (China, Declaration, 2006). The Philippines is aware of the Chinese Declaration and has avoided raising subjects or claims that China has, by virtue of that Declaration, excluded from arbitral jurisdiction (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 8). The Philippines does not seek in the arbitration, “a determination of which Party enjoys sovereignty over the islands claimed by both of them. Nor does it request delimitation of any maritime boundaries” (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 7). Specifically, the Philippine claims are excluded from the Chinese Declaration, “because they do not: concern the interpretation or application of Articles 15, 74 and 83 relating to sea boundary delimitations; involve historic bays or titles within the meaning of the relevant provisions of the Convention; concern military activities or law enforcement activities; or concern matters over which the Security Council is exercising functions assigned to it by the UN Charter” (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 40). Relief Sought The Philippine arbitration case against China over the West Philippine Sea asks the Tribunal three fundamental questions. First, whether “the Parties’ respective rights and obligations in regard to the waters, seabed and maritime features of the of the South China Sea are governed by UNCLOS, and that China’s claims based on its “nine-dash line” are inconsistent with the Convention and therefore invalid.” Second, whether “under Article 121 of UNCLOS, certain of the maritime features claimed by both China and the Philippines are islands, low tide elevations or submerged banks, and whether they are capable of generating entitlement to maritime zones greater than 12M.” And lastly, whether the Philippines should be allowed “to exercise and enjoy the rights within and beyond its exclusive economic zone and continental shelf that are established in the Convention” (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 6). In terms of specific relief sought, the arbitration enumerates the following: 1. 2. Declares that China’s rights in regard to maritime areas in the South China Sea, like the rights of the Philippines, are those that are established by UNCLOS, and consist of its rights to a Territorial Sea and Contiguous Zone under Part II of the Convention, to an EEZ under Part V, and to a Continental Shelf under Part VI; Declares that China’s maritime claims in the South China Sea based on its so-called “nine dash line” are contrary to UNCLOS and invalid; 17 Lowell Bautista 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. Requires China to bring its domestic legislation into conformity with its obligations under UNCLOS; Declares that Mischief Reef and McKennan Reef are submerged features that form part of the Continental Shelf of the Philippines under Part VI of the Convention, and that China’s occupation of and construction activities on them violate the sovereign rights of the Philippines; Requires that China end its occupation of and activities on Mischief Reef and McKenna Reef; Declares that Gave Reef and Subi Reef are submerged features in the South China Sea that are not above sea level at high tide, are not islands under the Convention, and are not located on China’s Continental Shelf, and that China’s occupation of and construction activities on these features are unlawful; Requires China to terminate its occupation of and activities on Gaven Reef and Subi Reef; Declares that Scarborough Shoal, Johnson Reef, Cuarteron Reef ad Fiery Cross Reef are submerged features that are below sea level at high tide, except that each has small protrusions that remain above water at high tide, which are “rocks” under Article 121(3) of the Convention and which therefore generate entitlements only to a Territorial Sea no broader than 12 M; and that China has unlawfully claimed entitlements beyond 12M from these features; Requires that China refrain from preventing Philippine vessels from exploiting in a sustainable manner the living resources in the waters adjacent to Scarborough Shoal and Johnson Reef, and from undertaking other activities inconsistent with the Convention at or in the vicinity of these features; Declares that the Philippines is entitled under UNCLOS to a 12 M Territorial Sea, a 200 M EEZ, and a Continental Shelf under Parts II, V, and VI of UNCLOS, measured from its archipelagic baselines; Declares that China has unlawfully claimed and has unlawfully exploited the living and non-living and non-living resources in the Philippines’ EEZ and Continental Shelf and has unlawfully prevented the Philippines from exploiting living and non-living resources within its EEZ and CS; Declares that China has unlawfully interfered with the exercise by the Philippines of its rights to navigation and other rights under the Convention in areas within and beyond 200 M of the Philippines’ archipelagic baselines; and Requires that China desist from these unlawful activities (Notification and Statement of Claim, paragraph 41). 18 The Arbitration Case Between Philippines aand China Over their Dispute in the South China Sea Conclusion The arbitration case by the Philippines against China over the West Philippine Sea should be viewed as a positive development in the context of its potential implications to the management of conflict and resolution of the sovereignty disputes in the South China Sea. The overlapping territorial and maritime claims in the South China Sea will remain as possible flash points of intermittent lowlevel conflict and continuing sources of tension in the region. However, the arbitration case filed by the Philippines is groundbreaking in its attempt to move the agenda forward by attempting a lawful, peaceful, and rules-based mechanism through a neutral, independent and impartial platform. Whilst many have criticized the legal move as foolhardy, it is in fact, a logical and pragmatic option and a calculated risk. It is understandable to anticipate that the legal move of the Philippines may imperil its bilateral relations with China. However, in the longterm, this should not be the case. Overall, the broadly positive trend in PhilippineChina diplomatic and economic re lations will continue. The highly complex legal issues related to the case are beyond the scope of this paper. However, at the outset, the critical threshold legal question is whether the case filed by the Philippines is properly subject of arbitration. The answer to this is clearly in the affirmative. The right of the Philippines to institute compulsory arbitration is incontrovertible (Article 286, UNCLOS). The refusal of China to participate in the proceedings will not impair the arbitration. The UNCLOS Annex VII arbitral procedure is so designed that even the failure of a party to take the requisite action will not frustrate the arbitral proceedings. The non-participation of China in both the written and oral proceedings of the Arbitral Tribunal will both have no bearing on the process of the proceedings and the validity of the arbitral award (Article 9, Annex VII, UNCLOS). The Arbitral Tribunal only needs to satisfy itself that it has jurisdiction and that the claim of the Philippines is well founded in fact and law (Article 9, Annex VII, UNCLOS). There is no duty for China to appear before the Tribunal. However, it does have the duty to comply with the decision of the Tribunal, (Article 11, Annex VII, UNCLOS) provided it has jurisdiction. (Section 2, Part XV, UNCLOS). Its nonappearance will not aff ect the validity of the judgment. It is also final and there is no provision for appeal, since an appellate procedure has been not been agreed in advance by the parties. (Article 11, Annex VII, UNCLOS) The decision of China not to take part in the proceedings means that it will not have the opportunity to submit evidence to substantiate its claim and to present contrary evidence against the factual allegations of the Philippines. However, despite its non-appearance, China remains a party to the arbitration case and may at any time choose to participate or exercise any of its procedural rights, as long as they are not barred by time. 19 Lowell Bautista This arbitration is not a mere legal contest between the Philippines and China. It would be a disservice to the international community to view this case from this narrow perspective. The case raises profound issues which will have lasting impact on the other claimant states in the South China Sea and the rest of the world. In principle, the award of the tribunal is made on behalf of the community of nations because in a broad sense, a claim made by any nation over a piece of territory is actually a claim against the rest of the world. In this sense, a baseless claim or one that violates recognized international norms and rules undermines the system. Thus, an adjudication by an international tribunal concerning issues of territorial sovereignty is a declaration that such a claim is valid and binding against the rest of the world or community of nations. Without this declaration, the issue remains unsettled and the competing parties are left to their own devices to assert, defend, and strengthen their claims, sometimes with disastrous consequences for everyone. 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Limits in the seas No. 143, China: Maritime claims in the South China Sea. 24 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp25-34 THE INTERNATIONAL LEGAL DEFINITION OF PIRACY AND ITS MOTIVES Ahmad Almaududy Amri Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS) University of Wollongong, NSW, Australia ([email protected]) Abstract Piratical acts have evolved from time to time. The motives and intention of the pirates varies ranging from petty theft to collecting ransoms. Some piracies are more dangerous than the others as the equipment used to conduct the act also differs from one act to another based on the seriousness of the case. Measures have been taken to eradicate the problem of piracy. One of the measures taken was to define the problem and criminalize the act. The definition of piracy has gone through different stages. The legal definition of piracy started from the Harvard Draft Convention on Piracy which was designed in 1930s. Then it was adopted by the International Law Commission which drafted the Convention on the High Seas. The latest work involving the definition by the United Nations was the UNCLOS where it defined piracy in Article 101. The purpose of this article is to understand the motives of piracy and to explain the different legal definitions of piracy that has been adopted by the international community today. Keywords: piracy, legal definition, international law Introduction The act of piracy has evolved from time to time. The seriousness of the cases is widely affected by the equipment used to conduct the attacks. Furthermore, the target of the attack also influences the process of the piratical act. Indeed, piracy has been a huge concern for a state or group of states both at the regional as well as international level. States have taken numerous efforts to eradicate the problem. One of those important measures is defining the act of piracy itself. The development in the legal definition of piracy started in the 1930s where the Harvard Research Group drafted the complex definition of piracy (Article 3 of the Harvard Draft). The definition then was reviewed and renewed by 25 Ahmad Almaududy Amri the International Law Commission (ILC) where international law was reviewed by the General Assembly in relation to law of the sea. Their works were greatly affected by the works of the Harvard Research Group especially articles related to piracy. The High Seas Convention, which was one of the primary works regulated by the ILC, defined piracy in Article 15 that was agreed upon in 1958 in Geneva. The latest work in the development of a definition that is accepted by most of the states in the world is contained in Article 101 of the UNCLOS. Sea based Crimes Piracy could be understood by analyzing its nature and grouping it separately from other criminal acts at sea. Dillon suggested to create new categories of sea based crimes that would ease the policy makers in prosecuting perpetrators. She categorized it into four categories: corruption, sea robbery, piracy and maritime terrorism (Dillon, 2005: p. 157). Dillon believes that there is an element of corruption when government authorities are involved in the extortion of marine vessels. Crews are asked to pay an amount of money as they are accused of violating rules related to the environment and safety. Furthermore, as it takes time to resolve the issue, crews also have to pay fines for parking their ships at harbors. Another issue that involves the government is that seaport authorities are not responding to complaints or are late in processing the villains. For example, a problem occurred in 2003 at Chittagiong, Bangladesh, to the tanker called Jaladood (Dillon, 2005, p. 158). It was reported that pirates illegally entered the tank and stole several things on the ship. After the incident, the crew informed the authorized person and there was no response. At another time, the same incident happened to a tanker called Bunga Siantan. The only difference was that the police came to arrest the culprits but unbelievably they let the pirates go after they were caught. The second category, sea robbery, is usually executed when vessels or ships are anchored at ports. People who are involved mainly use simple kinds of equipment such as sledgehammers and crowbars. Robbers aim to steal the ship stores and the crew’s valuable belongings. In 2003, a sea robbery was committed on a carrier called Alberto anchored in Panjang, Indonesia (Dillon, 2005, p. 159). They tried to steal the engine spare parts but fortunately the police caught the robbers. The next category is piracy. Pirates usually board moving ships on their way to a designated place. This action is conducted on the high seas. Piracy is usually done by group of people or criminal syndicates that are usually well organized and equipped. They are usually equipped with weapons such as guns and knives used in conducting their attacks. In 2003, the cargo ship Trimaggada was forced to stop by pirates while passing through the Straits of Malacca with 26 The International Legal Definition of Piracy and its Motives pirates kidnapping the master, chief officer and chief engineer of the ship (Dillon, 2005, p. 160). The pirates released them after receiving the ransom. The last category maritime terrorism is a sea based crime that is motivated by a political motive. Terrorists try to instill fear on relevant authorities, especially the government, by doing several actions such as terror and murder. They are well organized and conduct their actions by using advanced weaponries. An example of maritime terrorism was the bombing of the US warship Cole in 2000 at Aden, Yemen that killed 17 US citizens (Romero, 2003, p. 597). What is Piracy? Term The term ‘piracy’ originates from the Greek word peirates and was used to refer to people who attacked ships (Johnson et al., 2005, p. x). According to Vagg, an English criminologist, acts of piracy are similar to acts of banditry (Vagg, 1995, p. 64) with the only difference being that piracy occurs on water. Other scholars have proposed that piracy more closely resembles armed robbery - with both offences involving violence or criminal acts which occur in areas lacking government control (Johnson et al., 2005, p. x). Indeed, piracy is often perpetrated in developing countries where governments and law enforcement authorities do not have the capability or the will to intervene in such acts. Privateering Privateering should be differentiated with piracy, as the latter has been considered illegal according to international law. In the olden times, privateering was considered legal as the attack committed was permitted by a government authority. Privateering was practiced by private companies during war times where they were asked to attack and capture enemy ships upon the consent of the ruling government. These actions were legitimate and the government provided letters of marque to authorize the seizure (Geneva Academy, 2012, p. 11). Privateers were not pirates and therefore privateering was legal whereas piracy remained illegal. However, in 1856 the act of privateering was abolished. The Paris Declaration Respecting Maritime Law became the legal reasoning for this abolishment (Geneva Academy, 2012, p. 11). It was because of the inappropriate use of these authorizations by the privateers that made the government decide to eliminate privateering. Privateers were known to be greedy and used their powers for their personal enrichment. Pirates as Hostis Humani Generis The act of piracy is considered a universal crime which means that every state has the right to take appropriate measures to prosecute the perpetrators. The main 27 Ahmad Almaududy Amri reason behind this idea is due to the nature of the act itself. A piratical act is categorized as such if it is committed on the high seas, an area where every state enjoys the freedom of navigation. This notion is also reflected in the S.S. Lotus case between Turkey and France. In 1927, the Permanent Court of International Justice justified piracy as an act against ‘the law of nations’ (Campbell, 2010, p. 21). Turkey challenged the court to give a judgment as to whether they were allowed to exercise criminal jurisdiction over French officers. A S.S. Lotus officer was accused of being negligent that resulted in a collision with a Turkish steamer. Disagreeing on this point, France argued that the jurisdiction of the vessel was under the state flag as the incident took place on the high seas. In responding to this argument, the Permanent Court referred to the concept popularized by the Dutch lawyer Hugo Grotius in 1608 where the ‘freedom of the seas’ meant that every state enjoys the freedom of navigation (Campbell, 2010, p. 20). However, there was an exception to this concept. The court continued that in the case of piracy or in extraordinary cases of self-defense, ‘in its jurisdictional aspect, is sui generis’ (Campbell, 2010, p. 20). In Europe, acts of piracy are also considered hostis humani generis or ‘enemies of all mankind’ (Harrelson, 2010, p. 291). Piracy was regarded as a threat to many people around the world especially for western cultures. Piracy was also considered as hostis humani generis by the United States. In 1820, the US Supreme Court declared that the act of piracy was hostis humani generis and therefore any state has the right to prosecute the act (Harrelson, 2010, p. 291). As a result, pirates were subjected to universal jurisdiction meaning that every state was given the right to take appropriate action even though the act of piracy was not committed within the state’s jurisdiction. Universal jurisdiction is one of the unique concepts of international law where states are entitled to exercise jurisdiction in an area outside their jurisdiction (Campbell, 2010, p. 21). In most of the cases international law only allows states to enforce their jurisdiction over territories that belong to them or over their own citizens who commit crimes. Furthermore, the state’s right to implement jurisdiction over other state’s territory is strictly limited. Interestingly, this provision of the international law does not apply to piracy. In contrast, states are allowed to exercise their jurisdiction on the high seas and over any national as piracy is an illegal act considered hostis humani generis (Campbell, 2010, p. 21). Hence, it is legitimate under the international law that a state could undergo appropriate measures toward the culprits. Piracy as a Threat Much research has categorized maritime piracy as a non-traditional threat. In the post-cold war era, piracy is regarded as one of the non-traditional treats which ‘arise from factors or actors which are sub-state or trans-state in character, are 28 The International Legal Definition of Piracy and its Motives diffuse, are multi-dimensional and multi-directional, cannot necessarily be managed by traditional military means, and often threatening to something beside the state’ (Terriff et al., 1999, p. 135). In contrast, the characteristic of the traditional threat mainly affects the security of the state. The transnational nature of piracy requires states to cooperate in order to combat the illegal act. Unilateral actions of a state and also bilateral ties between states are often believed inadequate to resolve the issue (Shie, 2006, p. 164). As piratical acts are complex in characteristics, it is required that states cooperate on multilateral levels consistently and comprehensively. In past research as well as discussions, historical backgrounds of piracy are elaborated broadly. Several researchers, including Young (2005), believed that the history of piracy itself has a significant role in addressing contemporary piracy comprehensively (Young, 2005, p.1). It is complex to define pirates as a term referring to ‘enemy combatants’ and ‘common criminals’. However, there are ways used to understand this concept. Differentiating piracy from other illegal acts and observing the motive behind illegal acts of piracy in terms of time and place are some of the measures used. As mentioned by Young (2005), piracy should not be treated as a ‘thing’ and ‘static in moral judgement (p.3). It should be looked as ‘a concept to change over time which was also described by Campo as ‘a concept in development’ (Young, 2005, p.3). According to Hugo Grotius, piracy should be regarded as illegal acts against ‘lawful commerce and state’s sovereignty’ (Young, 2005, p.3). The International Legal Definition of Piracy The Harvard Draft The legal formulation of piracy started in the 1930s when the Harvard Research Group attempted to define the complexities of piracy (Geneva Academy, 2012, p. 12). The significant part of the discussion was the consideration of ‘special jurisdiction’ as a tool to prosecute the act of piracy. This group was led by an American scholar Joseph Bingham from Stanford University (Campbell, 2010, p. 23). Their work successfully produced in 1932, was known as the ‘Harvard Draft’. This draft contained nineteen articles and associated commentaries on piracy. The definition, which forms the vital part of this Draft, was the initial source of today’s modern definition of piracy (Geneva Academy, 2012, p. 12). There are two significant features of the Harvard Draft. Firstly, this draft went through numerous analyses and the group consulted with different views from several national courts and competent jurists (Campbell, 2010, p. 24). At that time, the draft was relevant and comprehensively accommodated aspects of piracy from different views. Secondly, the Harvard Draft formed the foundation of the modern 29 Ahmad Almaududy Amri concept of piracy embedded in Geneva Convention on High Seas as well as UNCLOS 1982 (Campbell, 2010, p. 26). High Seas Convention Further development of the piracy law took place when the UN General Assembly asked the International Law Commission to review and draft conventions related to the law of the sea based on the prevailing international customary law (Campbell, 2010, p. 27). This process was held in 1950 when the commission also was also hugely influenced by the Harvard Draft especially in drafting laws related to piracy. As a result, the commission was able to prepare four draft conventions on the law of the sea. One of the conventions drafted was the Geneva Convention on the High Seas where the definition of piracy was included. Later on in 1958, these conventions were agreed upon at the first meeting of the United Nation Conference on Law of the Sea that took place in Geneva. UNCLOS identically restates the definition of piracy drafted by the commission in articles 14-20 of the High Seas Convention (Barrios, 2005, pp. 149164). Most of the UN member states are either a party to UNCLOS or the High Seas Convention. Therefore, the perceptions of the legal definition of piracy today in most of the states are similar (Geneva Academy, 2012, p. 14). United Nation Convention on Law of the Sea The Security Council has repeatedly reaffirmed that, “international law, as reflected in UNCLOS, regulates the legal framework applicable to combating piracy and armed robbery at sea, as well as other ocean activities” (Security Council resolution 1897, adopted on 30 November 2009). The United Nations in particular has regulated the problems of piracy in Articles 100 to 107. Article 100 of UNCLOS has defined piracy as an illegal act “on the high seas or in any other place outside the jurisdiction of any state” and also obliges “all states to cooperate to the fullest possible extent in the repression of piracy” (Article 100 UNCLOS 1982, came into force in 1994). UNCLOS has defined piracy in article 101 that consists of five elements. The definition itself is quite narrow and restricts some illegal activities at sea to be defined as piracy. An act can only be categorised as piracy if it entails: First, violence, detention or depredation committed; second, the act conducted on the high seas where states do not have sovereignty nor sovereign rights over the maritime area; third, there should be two ships involved in the action, therefore there should be another ship used by the pirates in the attack of the targeted ship. Illegal acts such as mutiny and privateering are not categorized as piracy; fourth, piracy should be conducted on behalf of the private sector where the economic gain from successfully pirated ships will be enjoyed by private ends; fifth, the 30 The International Legal Definition of Piracy and its Motives vessels used to conduct piracy should be a private vessels (Johnson et al., 2005, p. xi). Jurisdiction of the Economic Exclusive Zone There have been debates as to what qualifies the EEZ as a part of high seas when dealing with the act of piracy. Interestingly, UNCLOS defined the high seas in two different ways. Some parts of UNCLOS refer to the area outside the territorial as high seas. This definition includes the contiguous zone as well as the EEZ. The other definition is derived from Article 86 which states that the high seas includes all parts of the sea except the EEZ, territorial sea, internal waters and archipelagic waters. This debate arises due to the existence of some rights that could be enjoyed not only at high seas but also in the EEZ. According to Article 58 (1) of UNCLOS, every state whether it is land locked or coastal state has the right of freedom of navigation, over flight, laying submarine cables as well as ‘other internationally lawful uses of the sea’(Article 58 (1) UNCLOS 1982, came into force in 1994) in the EEZ. Another issue that forms a part of the debate is related to the jurisdiction of maritime zones that is in accordance to Article 101 (a) (i) which states that the act of piracy is conducted against ships or aircrafts on high seas. The question is whether the EEZ is also regarded as the high seas because of the navigational right embraced by Article 58. This debate on whether to consider the EEZ as part of high seas or as a separate maritime zone is clarified by Article 58 (2). This Article elaborated that the content of Articles 88 to 115, including the acts piracy and other international maritime law provisions, applies to the EEZ so long as they are not incompatible with the provision of Part V. In other words, if one of the illegal acts stipulated in Article 101 is conducted outside the area of territorial sea that is the contiguous zone and the EEZ, such an act is considered piracy. International Maritime Organization and International Maritime Bureau The International Maritime Organization (IMO) and the International Maritime Bureau (IMB) have defined piracy in different ways. IMO as a body under the UN adopts the definition of piracy from UNCLOS. On the other hand, IMB also defines the act of piracy. Compared to IMO, IMB’s definition is broader and almost covers all attacks against ships in all maritime jurisdictions of a state. The IMB explained piracy in three different elements: first, there should be an act committed by the crew or the passenger of the ship to board or attempt to board any ship; second, the motive of this act is to commit theft or any other crime; finally, there should be an attempt or capability to use force in furtherance of that act. It is clear that the IMB defined piracy broader than the IMO. Requirements such as the act should be committed only on the high seas in order to be 31 Ahmad Almaududy Amri categorized as piracy was waived by the IMB. Furthermore, the involvement of two ships in its conduct is also ignored by the IMB definition that allows the attack from raft and quays as part of piracy. In addition, there is no limitation that an act should be committed for private ends. Hence, if the motive of the criminal act is political or regarded to have environmental motives, it will still be categorized as piracy. Therefore, the attack against Achille Lauro according to the IMB definition regarded as an act of piracy (Johnson, 2005, p. xii). Interestingly, actions committed by naval ships, which most of the time are under a nation-state’s agenda, can also be categorized as piracy if can be proven that it committed a criminal act under the definition of the IMB. Motives of Piracy Theft, Hijacking and Collecting Ransoms Historically, the main goal of piracy was raiding for booty and slaves, but as there were developments in politics, economics and militaries, piratical raiding decreased. Pirates have become more intelligent over time. Their actions could be classified as theft and hijacking. As for theft, several decades ago, pirates stole things that were not of high value (Mukundan, 2005, p. 37). Their targets were limited to the valuable things owned by the captains and other crew members. Furthermore, they also tried to take away the ship equipment and other goods which belonged to the ship and which were easily taken. Today, pirates are more determined and equipped with armed weapons. They are well planned and know exactly what their targets are. Hijacking is the other form of piracy. Pirates aim to attack a vessel and try to transfer its cargo to another ship. The targeted ship movement is well monitored by the pirates and therefore they can take control of their target professionally. This kind of hijacking does occur when the value of both the ship and its cargos are high. Pirates are not only equipped with guns but also other weapons such as knives. They have the skills to navigate a ship without the presence of crew members. Pirates often provide fake ship papers, cargo papers and even passports in order to ease their piratical action. There is no guarantee to the treatment of the crew members by the pirates. Some crew members are intimidated and tortured while others are killed. Prominent examples to illustrate these facts were the cases of piracy to Cheongson and Tenyu. The 1998 IMB Annual Piracy Report published that all crew members were killed during the attacks (Mukundan, 2005, p. 37). 32 The International Legal Definition of Piracy and its Motives Types of Arms used during Attacks, January-December 2008-2012 Types of Arms 2008 2009 2010 2011 2012 Guns Knives 139 68 243 71 243 88 245 69 113 73 Not stated 80 90 108 117 104 Other weapons 6 6 6 8 7 293 410 445 439 297 Total at year end Source: ICC IMB, 2012, p. 10 Before 2001, merchant ships were the main targets of pirate attacks as it was an easy target to steal valuable belongings of crews as well as cargo. However, after 2001 there were several cases which were successfully recovered and the pirates were punished appropriately, especially in India and China. Therefore, there were groups of pirates who were looking for easier targets such as attacks on tugs and barges. According to Mukundan (2005), barges usually carry palm oil and timber products that are also of high value (p. 38). Collecting ransoms from the related authorities is also another motive of piracy. There were several cases that involved ransom as the tool of compromise. For instance the activities conducted by terrorist groups in the southern part of the Philippines. The culprits captured several crews and asked for ransom for their release. Another case that was similar took place in Malaysia on August 2003 where the Malaysian tanker Penrider was hijacked by a group of pirates (Mukundan, 2005, p. 38). The pirates abducted the crew members and asked for ransom. Conclusion The legal definition of piracy has gone through several stages. It started with the work of the Harvard Research Group which produced the Harvard Draft. Then the International Law Commission produced the High Seas Convention, with the latest work by UN in the UNCLOS. Even though the development of the definition of piracy occurred in different stages, the Harvard Draft remains the main foundation of the definition of piracy today as its content hugely influenced the latter two documents. The IMB has also tried to define piracy. However, its definition is broader and is primarily used for piracy reporting purposes not for criminalizing the act. Theft, collecting ransoms and hijacking are the primary motives of piracy. The weapons used to conduct the act differ based on its motives. Hence, piracy with intent to steal valuable belongings of the crews is not more dangerous than hijacking of a merchant ship. Furthermore, during the act, there is no guarantee to the life of the crews. They could be intimidated, tortured and in some cases killed. 33 Ahmad Almaududy Amri References Barrios, E. (2005). Casting a wider net: Addressing the maritime piracy problem in Southeast Asia. BC Int'l & Comp. L. Rev, 149-164. Campbell, P. (2010). A Modern history of the international legal definition of piracy. Piracy and Maritime Crime, 20-32. Dillon, D. (2005). Maritime piracy: Defining the problem. SAIS Review, 155-164. Geneva Academy. (2012). Counterpiracy under International Law. Geneva: Villa Moynier. Harrelson, J. (2010). Blackbeard meets blackwater: An analysis of international conventions that address piracy and the use of private security companies to protect the shipping industry Am. U. Int'l L. Rev., 283-312. ICC International Maritime Bureau. (2012). Piracy and Armed Robbery Against Ships. ICC International Maritime Burea,. 1-87. Johnson, D., Pladdet, E., & Valencia, M. J. (2005). Introduction: Research on Southeast Asian piracy. In D. Johnson & M. J. Valencia (Eds.), Piracy in Southeast Asia: Status, issues, and responses. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. Mukundan, P. (2005). The Scourage of Piracy in Southeast asia: Can Any Improvements be Expected in the Near Future?. Piracy in Southeast Asia: Status, Issues, and Responses, 34-44. Romero, J. (2003). Prevention of maritime terrorism: The container security initiative. Chicago Journal of International Law. Shie, T. (2006). Maritime piracy in Southeast Asia: The evolution and progress of Intra-ASEAN Cooperation. In G. Gerard and O. Webb (eds.), Piracy, maritime terrorism and securing the Malacca Straits. ISEAS Publishing. Terriff, T., Crofty, S., James, L., Morgan, Patrick, M. (1999). Security Studies Today. Cambridge: Polity Press. Vagg, J. (1995). Rough seas? Contemporary piracy in South East Asia. British Journal of Criminology. Young, A.J. (2005). Roots of contemporary maritime piracy in Southeast Asia. In D. Johnson and M. Valencia (eds.), Piracy in Southeast Asia: Status, issues, and responses. ISEAS Publishing. 34 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp35-40 PULAU PISANG LIGHT: A NONMALAYSIAN LIGHTHOUSE ON A MALAYSIAN ISLAND Mohd Hazmi Mohd Rusli, 2Rahmat Mohamad & 3Roman Dremliuga Australian National Centre for Ocean Resources and Security (ANCORS), University of Wollongong, Australia & Faculty of Syariah and Law, Universiti Sains Islam Malaysia 2Faculty of Law, Universiti Teknologi MARA 3School of Law, Far Eastern Federal University, Vladivostok, Russia ([email protected], [email protected]) 1 1 Abstract Pulau Pisang is a small island situated off the western coast of the Malaysian state of Johor at the southern end of the Straits of Malacca. The island is about 12 kilometres from Pontian Kechil and 5 kilometres from the town of Benut and is the site of the Pulau Pisang Light, a lighthouse guiding ships into the western entrance of the busy Singapore Strait. From colonial times, the Pulau Pisang Light has always been recognised as within the territory of the independent Sultanate of Johor. The Sultanate of Johor became a British protectorate in the twentieth century and upon independence, Johor became one of the states within Malaysia. Currently, the lighthouse is managed and operated by the Maritime and Port Authority (MPA) of Singapore and the lighthouse precinct is off limits to Malaysians. This article examines the status of Pulau Pisang as an island under Malaysian sovereignty. This article further looks at the possible future implications should Singapore continue to manage the Pulau Pisang Light that instigates the question: Will Pulau Pisang become another Pedra Branca? Keywords: Straits of Malacca and Singapore, Pulau Pisang Light, sovereignty, Pedra Branca, shipping Introduction The Straits of Malacca and Singapore are two of the busiest shipping ways in the world (Rusli, 2012a). There have been more than 70, 000 vessel movements in the 35 Mohd Hazmi bin Mohd Rusli & Rahmat Mohamad Straits of Malacca and Singapore in 2010 and this figure is expected to increase twofold by the year 2020 (Rusli, 2012b). The importance of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore as important maritime conduits has been foreseen by the British government of the Straits Settlement in Singapore since the turn of the twentieth century. In order to ensure smooth navigational movements of vessels, the British built a lighthouse in 1914 ("Pulau Pisang to be gazetted as part of Johor," 2010). For almost a century, the Pulau Pisang Light has functioned as an aid for maritime navigation into the western entrance of the Singapore Strait (Rusli & Mohamad, 2013). Even though Pulau Pisang is under Malaysia’s sovereignty, this is not entirely the case for the Pulau Pisang Light as it is manned by Singapore. Pulau Pisang Light This unique arrangement was created as a result of the agreement, signed between Sultan Ibrahim of Johor and the Governor of the Straits Settlements, Sir James Alexander Sweethenham, entered into in 1900 ("Ghani: Malaysia has proof of Pulau Pisang Ownership," 2008). This landmark agreement did not only manifest British acknowledgment of Johor’s sovereignty over Pulau Pisang, but it also marked a momentous occasion whereby the Sultan of Johor granted the rights in perpetuity to the British to the plot of land on which the lighthouse stands and to the roadway leading to it (Lathrop, 2008; Singapore has no right to expand area around Pulau Pisang, says Johor MB, 2008). Figure 1: Location of Pulau Pisang (Source: Modified from GoogleMaps) 36 Pulau Pisang Light: A Non-Malaysian Lighthouse on a Malaysian Island Upon the separation of Singapore from the Federation of Malaysia in 1965, it inherited the territory that forms the modern day Republic of Singapore under the international law concept of utti possidetis juris (Ryan, 1967). The responsibility to manage the lighthouse remains with Singapore and the Malaysian government has no intention to take over the management of the lighthouse from the MPA in the near future (Rusli & Mohamad, 2013). Sovereignty over Pulau Pisang In 2003, the then Minister for Foreign Affairs of Singapore, Professor S. Jayakumar, mentioned to the Parliament of Singapore that the sovereignty over Pulau Pisang is with Malaysia (Singapore Parliament (Special Parliament Highlights, 9 May 2005), 2005). He also reiterated that Singapore has never disputed Malaysia’s sovereignty over Pulau Pisang. However, the management of Pulau Pisang should remain with Singapore. In 2002, there were more calls urging the Malaysian government to develop the island and to review and alter the provisions of the agreement signed by the Sultan of Johor almost 113 years ago ("Pulau Pisang won't be another Batu Puteh," 2008). In order to ascertain Malaysia’s sovereignty over the island, the lighthouse keepers from Singapore needed to get their passports stamped at Kukup immigration in Johor before heading to Pulau Pisang. Before 2002, there was no such requirement. Nevertheless, the fact that Pulau Pisang Light is still exclusively managed by Singapore shows that Malaysia has yet to have full sovereignty over Pulau Pisang. Methods of Territorial Acquisition under International Law International law dictates that a state may acquire territory in a number of ways, among others, through prescription and cession (Aust, 2005). A state may acquire sovereignty over a certain territory if the sovereignty is transferred or ceded by the sovereign to another (Rusli & Mazlan, 2013). The Sultan of Johor has, through the 1900 Agreement, ceded in perpetuity part of its territory (where the lighthouse, the road leading to the lighthouse and the lighthouse jetty are located) to the British government of Singapore (Rusli & Mohamad, 2013). This is the reason why the lighthouse is still being managed by the MPA even though Pulau Pisang is under Malaysia’s sovereignty. In addition, under international law, prescription refers to acquisition of sovereignty by way of actual exercise of sovereignty, maintained for a reasonable period of time, and is effected without objection from any states (Kaczorowska, 2010). Singapore’s management of Pulau Pisang has taken place since 1900 and it 37 Mohd Hazmi bin Mohd Rusli & Rahmat Mohamad continues till now without persistent objection by the Malaysian authorities (Rusli & Mohamad, 2013). Pulau Sipadan and Ligitan In deciding the Malaysia-Indonesia dispute over Pulau Sipadan and Ligitan, the International Court of Justice (ICJ) looked at the case based upon the concept of ‘effective occupation’ (International Court of Justice (ICJ), 2004). As early as 1914, Great Britain took steps to regulate and control the collection of turtle eggs on Ligitan and Sipadan without any clear objection from the government of the Dutch East Indies (International Court of Justice (ICJ), 2008). These activities were continued by the independent State of the former British North Borneo, Sabah, when it joined Malaysia in 1963, again, without persistent protest by its successor State, Indonesia (Hsien-Li, 2010). As a result, the ICJ awarded both these islands to Malaysia on the basis of effective occupation displayed by the Malaysia’s predecessor (the British) and the absence of any other superior title (Case Concerning Sovereignty over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan (Indonesia/Malaysia), 2002). Singapore’s Management of Pulau Pisang Light By referring to the scenario of Pulau Pisang Light, it is clear that Singapore has been actively engaged in the management of the lighthouse without consistent objection by Malaysia ("Pulau Pisang Light," 2012). If this would continuously take place, it might not be too surprising in the future if Malaysia’s total sovereignty over Pulau Pisang would be put in dispute, and Singapore might want to put its claim over the area on the island where the lighthouse is located. Malaysia could not afford to have its other islands to undergo the Pedra Branca’s experience. Conclusion It has been five years since the judgement on Pedra Branca was made, and it still is haunting Malaysia. It is indisputable that Singapore has clearly made remarks recognising Malaysia’s sovereignty over Pulau Pisang. However, how could a country be positively sure of its sovereignty over its own territory if part of it is manned by a foreign State? Therefore, the agreement entered into by the Sultan of Johor and Sir Sweetenham back in 1900 should be reviewed and the control over Pulau Pisang Light should be rightfully handed over to the Marine Department of Malaysia. At the same time, Malaysia should develop Pulau Pisang into a fishery or a tourist island to ensure Malaysia’s ownership over Pulau Pisang remains intact. 38 Pulau Pisang Light: A Non-Malaysian Lighthouse on a Malaysian Island Indeed, Pulau Pisang belongs to Malaysia, and the Malaysian authorities should take any means necessary to ensure this entire island remains in totality under Malaysia’s sovereignty. References Aust, A. (2005). Handbook of international law. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Case concerning sovereignty over Pulau Ligitan and Pulau Sipadan (Indonesia/Malaysia). (2002). Retrieved from http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/102/7714.pdf. Ghani: Malaysia has proof of Pulau Pisang ownership. (2008). The Star. Retrieved from, http://news.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne+News/Malaysia/Story/A1Story20 080527-67200.html Hsien-Li, T. (2010). Notes case concerning sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/Singapore. Singapore Year Book of International Law and Contributors, 2008(12). International Court of Justice (ICJ). (2004). Case concerning sovereignty over Pedra Branca/ Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/ Singapore): Memorial of Singapore. Retrieved from http://www.icjcij.org/docket/files/130/14133.pdf International Court of Justice (ICJ). (2008). Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/Singapore). Retrieved 6 September 2009, from http://www.icj-cij.org/docket/files/130/14492.pdf? PHPSESSID=e5dc0baf91086da004883db261c90796 Kaczorowska, A. (2010). Public international law (4th ed.). Routledge. Lathrop, C. (2008). Sovereignty over Pedra Branca/Pulau Batu Puteh, Middle Rocks and South Ledge (Malaysia/Singapore). The American Journal of International Law, 102. Pulau Pisang Light. (2012). Retrieved from, http://www.lighthousedigest.com/ digest/database/uniquelighthouse.cfm?value=3700 Pulau Pisang to be gazetted as part of Johor. (2010). New straits times. Retrieved from, http://news.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne+News/Malaysia/Story/A1Story20 100710-226224.html Pulau Pisang won't be another Batu Puteh. (2008). New straits times. Retrieved from, http://archive.is/GoLV4 Rusli, M. H. b. M. (2012a). The application of transit passage regime in straits used for international navigation: A study of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. Asian Politics & Policy, 4(4), 549-569. 39 Mohd Hazmi bin Mohd Rusli & Rahmat Mohamad Rusli, M. H. b. M. (2012b). Balancing shipping and the protection of the marine environment of straits used for international navigation: A study of the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. University of Wollongong, Wollongong. Rusli, M. H. b. M., & Mazlan, M. A. b. (2013). Sultan of Sulu's Sabah claim: A case of 'long-lost' sovereignty? RSIS Commentary, 043(2013). Rusli, M. H. M., & Mohamad, R. (2013). Singapore lighthouse on our island. The Sundaily. Retrieved from, http://www.thesundaily.my/node/217352 Ryan, N. J. (1967). The making of modern Malaysia: A history from earliest times to 1966. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press 1967. Singapore has no right to expand area around Pulau Pisang, says Johor MB. (2008). The star. Retrieved from, http://news.asiaone.com/News/AsiaOne%2BNews/ Malaysia/Story/A1Story20080810-81554.html Singapore Parliament (Special Parliament Highlights, 9 May 2005). (2005). Retrieved from, http://archive.is/xStcP. 40 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp41-53 LAISSEZ-FAIRE IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO: A WESTERN CONCEPT? Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja Department of History, University of Malaya ([email protected]) Abstract It is widely assumed that laissez-faire had its origins in the European context and that through colonization the countries of the East adopted the ideology. This might not be completely true for a distinctive brand of the same ideology had been prevalent in the Malay Archipelago long before the advent of western colonisation. In fact five trading zones, namely the Bay of Bengal, Straits of Malacca, the east coast of Malaya, the sea of Southern Vietnam, the Sulu Sea and the Java Sea, are known to have practiced a laissez-faire economy as far back as in the fifteenth century. This paper will trace the emergence of laissez faire ideas as embodied for example in free ports and trading zones prior to the arrival of western powers. It also shows how western powers used the existing free trade network to promote a colonial economy in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. Western powers in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were able to develop trade without territorial ambitions was due to the existence of a laissez-faire policy and the accommodative nature of the local rulers in this part of the world. The developments of Penang in the eighteenth century and Singapore in the nineteenth century are case studies to prove this argument. Keywords: free trade, free port, free trade imperialism, Adam Smith, Malay Archipelago Introduction Laissez-Faire is a French word which means leave things be (Hill, 1980: 87). It was said to have originated from the request of a group of French traders who wanted trade activities not to be curtailed by the government. It was reported a group of traders met Jean-Baptoste Colbert, French Finance Minister (1661-1683). The minister thanked the traders for their contribution to the French economy and would like to know what he could do in return. Their answer were “Laissez-nous faire”. Meaning leave us alone (Heilbroner & Thurow, 1981: 23). Colbert was a strong proponent of free trade policy. He was against complex rules and regulation which controls industries in France during the time which was known 41 Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja as the Mercantilism System. One could imagine how he would have reacted to their wish. Laissez-Faire (How it was promoted in Europe) The word Laissez - Faire came to be used widely in the second half of 19 th century and early 20th century. It was said the phrase “Laissez-Faire” was coined by the Physiocrat in France. It later became the watchword of the later English economists. Laissez-Faire/ Free Trade means free from restriction on trade. This restriction are two types. First the exclusive monopoly on trading companies; secondly the introduction of protective tariff or absolute prohibition on imports. In the early 17th century the question of monopoly brought controversy and this led to the introduction of “Bill of Free Trade” and the term “Free Trader” which refers to those who went against monopoly. When high tariffs were imposed on foreign products, traders started to discuss about the need to free traders from such restrictions. This led to the origin of the term free trade which means free from protective tariffs and restriction. It could be concluded that the term free trade which is widely used today originated in the 17 th century (Thomas, 1963: 78). Laissez-Faire as Understood by Scholars and as was practised in the Straits Settlements Cook defines free trade as “Free exchange of commodities, unrestricted by the imposition of duties by government, except perhaps for revenue purposes” (Cook 1983: 123). Encyclopedia Britannica define free trade as “.. a policy by which a government does not discriminate against imports in favour of national products or interfere with exports in order to favour consumers in the home market. Free trade does not mean that a government abandons all control and taxation of import and export but only that this control and taxation are not used to protect the home producer against the foreign consumer (Encyclopedia Britannica, 1970: 850-851). In the case of the Straits Settlements the government did not allow or interfere in trade activities except to provide efficient administration facilities and a stable currency. In such a situation, individuals were free and different groups and communities specialised in fields in which they were efficient (Tate, 1979: 157). In the case of the Straits Settlements, when Penang and Singapore were developed as free ports, local traders still collected tax through the system of ‘present’, commission, and partnership in trade in their respective port (Tregonning 1959: 59). This matter is also mentioned in the Straits Settlements Record. “… to the invariable practice to all Malay ports, have been in the habit of receiving antarantaran, or compl imentary present from the Nakhoda’s of Junk and native vessels …” (SSR (IOL) 10: 337-338). 42 Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? Adam Smith and Imperialism of Free Trade The idea of free trade was further developed by Adam Smith in England with the founding of an institution known as School of Political Economy (Briggs & Jordan 1964: 188). His idea influenced two other great economist, David Ricardo and Thomas Malthus. This three thinkers/economist felt government should not interfere in the affair of the economy and let the economy function naturally. It was believed by doing so the economy will function more effectively and bring maximum welfare to the people (Cook, 1983: 123). In brief it could be said Adam Smith wish the government to be a mere spectator and leave the economy to the rule of demand and supply. The idea promoted by Adam Smith and his colleagues had great impact on the political economy of England. The scenario in its empire and the changes which was taking place has great impact on the development of free trade system. The free trade idea was also influenced by foreign factors like the Continental System introduced by Napoleon Bonaparte, impact of the British War with America between 1812-1816. Internal factors include impact of Industrial Revolution, the role of economist, pressure from radical groups, role of utilitarians and religious group and pressure from Manchester Merchants who demanded England to do away with Mercantilism and adopt the policy of free trade. England was the first country to fight for the abolition of Mercantilism policy. It was latter followed by the French and other countries. The need for the local rulers in other parts of the world, to open up their economy to free trade in the East was obvious with many trading treaties signed to enable foreigners to trade freely. Such example were the British and Dutch treaty in 1824 (in Malaya); Bowring Treaty 1855 (in Thailand); Treaty of Nanking 1842 (in China) and many more. All this treaties created avenues/rooms for foreign power to trade freely and avoided military ambition especially in South East Asia. The free trade policy could be accepted by the locals because this was the kind of trade encouraged in the Malay Archipelago prior to the presence of western powers in the 16th century. Therefore it was no surprise to see it accommodates well to the free trade policy promoted by the foreigners. The assumption that laissez-faire was a policy created by the west was more obvious when political leaders associate it with religion. According to Sir John Bowring, the Manchester trader, “Jesus Christ is free trade and free trade is Jesus Christ (Hyam, 1976: 58). Certain statesman believe that as a Christian state, trade has to be free as free as air of heaven (Seaman, 1982: 300). It could not be denied that Christianity was used as a tool by the British to civilize the society. This was admitted by British Foreign Secretary, Lord Palmerston (1830-65). 43 Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja According to Palmerston, Free trade was of quinstessential importance…. Commerce was the best pioneer of civilization the dispensation of Providence. God meant man to be dependent on man: the world was made as it was so as to encourage the exchange of commodities, accompanied by the extension and diffusion of knowledge- by the interchange of mutual benefits engendering mutual kind feelings – multiplying and confirming friendly relations’. Commerce was intended to go forth freely, leading civilization with one hand, and peace with the other, to render mankind happier, wiser, better…(Hyam, 1976: 58). Certain developments which were taking place in the East , particularly in India, China and Southeast Asia in the 19th century do confirm the boggy that laissezfaire was a policy i ntroduced by the west. This was more evident with the dismantling of monopolistic trade system in the East. Only in 1813 the monopoly trade of East India Company with India was abolished and private traders were free to trade in India (Redford, 1934: 113). In 1833, the monopoly of EIC with China came to an end (Khoo & Lo, 1977: 680). Many trading treaties which uphold laissez-faire was signed in the East. Such treaties were the Bowring Treaty (1855) between the English and the Siamese Government; the Nangking Treaty with China after the first Opium war in 1842 and many more. In fact during the Opium War, the British felt the Chinese were uncivilized and unaware of the importance of free trade. To quote Sir Henry Pottinger, … in our intercourse with China and her subjects, we are dealing with an empire and people who have no notion however small, of international law and rights. As far as the Peking was concerned the British were still barbarians on the seaboard (Khoo & Lo, 1977: 680). From the above discussion one could deduce that rapid changes which were taking place in Europe and the outer world do portray that laissez-faire is an European phenomena, particularly the British when many free trade treaties were signed with the local rulers outside Europe. Only when one look back a few hundred years back one could see that laissez-faire policy was practised in the East, particularly in South East Asia with a character of its own. Malay Archipelago Prior to the Presents of Western Powers G.Winsdor, in his article which was published in the Journal of the Indian Archipelago in 1850 clearly list out all the ports in the Malay Archipelago which 44 Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? practiced laissez- faire policy (Winsdor, 1850: 240-245). From the information provided it is obvious that the Malay Archipelago has practiced laissez- faire policy very long before the presents of western powers. The eastern laissez- faire policy was unique and has its own characteristic. If such a policy did not exist in this part of the world, foreigners would have used gunboat policy to achieve their ambition. This would have effected their treasury and Asia would have seen great deaths. The fact that most of the countries in Asia adopted indirect rule was very much related to the laissez-faire policy adopted prior to that. Intervention was done through negotiations and not by force. The fact that, free trade and free ports existed in the Malay Archipelago was brought to the fore by scholars like D.K. Bassett. According to him, A highly complex international commerce already existed in which, with minor exceptions, the English could participate freely. They were not denied access to the important traditional coastal entrepots, so long as they remained under indigenous governments” (Bassett, 1968: 86). … the region from Pegu and Tenasserim-Mergui through certain Malay ports and Aceh to Ayudhya and Tongking constituted what might loosely be called the free trade zone of maritime South-East Asia (Bassett, 1989: 625). Malay Archipelago already had trade links with the outside world before the modern age (Hanizah Idris, 1996:64). Local conditions suited the strategy of free trade and free ports which were used by the foreigners to develop the settlement in the Malay Archipelago. Before the arrival of the Europeans, the Spice Islands formed a well-structured regional trade network (Villiers, 1990: 83). A number of important ports emerged in the Malay Archipelago, like Pedir, Pasai, Sri Vijaya, Demak, Tuban, Makasar and Malacca (Kathirithamby-Wells & Villiers, 1990: 83). The ports functioned as free ports and traded without restrictions (Hall, 1985a: 194-231). Beginning from the fourteenth century, five trade zones emerged in the Straits Settlements. The first trade zone was the Bay of Bengal which began at the Coromandel Coast, South India and included Sri Lanka, the Northern Malaysian Peninsula and the North and West Coasts of Sumatra. The North and West Coast of Sumatra became important in the years after 1300 due to the world’s great demand for pepper. The entrepot port of Samudra Pasai on the east coast became important supplier of pepper for the traders from the East and West (Hall, 1985a: 225). The second trade zone, the Straits of Malacca, became important in the fifteenth century due to political protection it received from China. After the 1430’s the development of Malacca no longer depended on China’s support but more on its trade and relations with java and the South East Asia regions. Malacca is a port 45 Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja of the fifteenth century which practiced free port policies. The free trade policy is seen from the shipping facilities provided for foreign and local traders; protection given to traders in the port, good judiciary system and a uniform monetary and measurement system. All these facilities enable trade to develop freely and rapidly. Its position as free port could be seen from the freedom given to foreign traders visiting its port and a fair tax system imposed on them. Local traders were taxed 3% whereas foreign traders were taxed 6% (Meilink-Roelofsz, 1969: 40-45). The Malacca government is also said to have had an advanced maritime code. Raffles considered the Malacca Code as the best which became the choice of many other states. The Malacca Law was founded in the era of Sultan Mahmud Shah (1424-1444) and it is a law enforced on ships, jongkong and boats. The contents of the law related to officials who handled boats, the collection of tax, punishment against individuals who were guilty on board the boat and those who disobeyed captain’s order etc (Raffles Collection, Volume 11). The third zone comprised the east coast of the Malay Peninsula and the sea of Southern Vietnam, the area bordering the Gulf of Siam. Ayudhya was a growing power in this zone. It was formed in the early fourteenth century and started to export rice to Malacca in the fifteenth century. It played the role as a trading centre with the Philippines and China (Hall, 1985a: 226). The Sulu Sea represented the fourth trading zone. The areas which it comprised included the West Coast of Luzon, Mindoro, Cebu and Mindanao in the Philippines and the northern coast of Borneo. All these places functioned as trade links with China and the Spice Islands in South-East Asia. The Spice Islands were producers to agricultural products such as nutmeg, mace, cloves, and sandalwood which were sent through the Sulu Sea to China and Thailand in the north; Java and Malaccca in the West. The channel of Java Sea represented the fifth trade zone. It consisted of the Island Straits of Sunda, the island of Maluku, Banda, Timor, the West Coast of Borneo, Java and the west coast of Sumatra (Hall, 1985a: 226). When the Europeans came to the Malay Archipelago they did not create new trade routes, in fact they made use of the old ones (Hall, 1985b: 85). All the ports which were located in these trade zones, such as Malacca, Aceh, Pasai, Bantam, Macassar, Ayudhya and other ports experienced a rapid progress in trade. The freedom in trade enabled the ports to attract traders from the East and West and functioned as a political, economic and social centre. According to Raffles, When the Europeans first frequented the Archipelago, the trade had long collected at certain established emporia, of these Achean, Malacca and Bantam were the principal. Macassar on Celebes, had also become an emporium of the more Eastern Commerce. … the smooth seas of the Archipelago is readily conveyed to the most advantageous markets. 46 Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? Foreign traders in large vessels found it more to their interest to proceed to the emporia, where they might at once procure a full cargo. The foreign commerce was carried out with ease and safely and to manifest advantage of all parties (SFR Vol. 50: 25). With the existence of a trading network in the Malay Archipelago and together with the elements of free trade and free port, it encouraged the British to develop free ports in the Malay Archipelago in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. The emergence of Penang and Singapore as free ports was based on these factors (Tate, 1979: 150). Laissez-Faire Ideas to Promote Colonial Economy in the 18 th and 19th Century To prove how the western powers used the free trade network to promote its economic ambition, the port of Penang and Singapore in the Malay Peninsula will be taken as case study. The ability of Francis Light to acquire and develop Penang as a free port was very much contributed by its laissez- faire status it enjoyed before that. Penang has traded with many parts of the world and country traders had good relations with the Malay traders. Francis Light himself was a country trader. Since England became involved in the Seven Years War (1756-1763) with certain European countries, English trade activity in the East, especially in the Straits Settlements, was performed by country traders. This group played an important role in promoting relationships with the Malay States. The official policy of the East India Company at that time was to have trade agreements with the local rulers, to establish trading posts at the main routes and to avoid the occupation of territories and political responsibility (Francis, 1969/70: 74). James Scott, Francis Light and Thomas Forrest were among the individuals who successfully implemented the political objective of British Government. They had a cordial relationship with the Malay rulers. Only through such relationships the supply of the Malay Archipelago products, especially tin, for the Chinese and European markets was assured. This is no surprise because at the end of eighteenth century, the average yearly trade of a Malay state was between 150-200 thousand Spanish dollars (Bassett, 1980: 27). From the middle of 1760’s, the increasing activity of the country traders in the Straits of Malacca became more obvious. In the first half of the century, not more than 10 English private traders stopped at Malacca every year. Towards the year 1769, this number increased to 26. Among the factors which led to the increased activity of the country traders was the increasing trade of the East India Company with China. Within ten years, the number rose. Many European ships were known to have stopped at Riau and other ports in the Straits of Malacca 47 Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja (Lewis, 1970: 117). Many of the company ships which brought cargo to China were ships brought by country traders to India from the ports of the Malay Archipelago (Lewis, 1970: 117). The role of the country traders in the earlier stage is obvious at Riau. Riau was an important trading port in the Malay Archipelago after Malacca (SSR (IOL) Vol. 1: 71-72). It became a centre for the Bugis traders to gather trade from all other parts of the Malay Archilpelago. Many of the products brought to Riau by the Bugis traders were from Inderagiri and Jambi, whereas Palembang traders brought tin. In brief Riau traded with Java, Palembang, Bangka, Ujung Salang, Inderagiri, Jambi, Island of Moluccas, Borneo, Bali, Siam, Cambodia, Annam, Cochin-China and China. The products traded at Riau were collected by country traders to be exchanged in China. Selangor, another state in the Malay Peninsular was also influenced by country traders. Here they had developed good relationships with the local rulers to the extent of being invited to become advisers (SSR (IOL) Vol 1: 68). When Sultan Ibrahim (1778-1826) from Selangor, with the help of Bendahara Abdul Majid from Pahang, attacked the Dutch fortification at Kuala Selangor, on 27th June 1785, the fortification could not be captured and it was abandoned hurriedly. Sultan Ibrahim immediately asked for Francis Light’s assistant from Penang to wave the British flag and requested for an appointment of a Resident in his state to enable him to trade freely with the Bugis (SSR (IOL) Vol. 3: 9). Sultan Ibrahim made a special request for the appointment of Francis Light, James Scott or Thomas Forrest at Kuala Selangor. Francis Light in his letter to the Acting Governor General, John Macpherson, on February 1786 stressed that Sultan Ibrahim had valid reason to get British help. This based on the good treatment received by English traders since the era of Ibrahim’s father. The trading activity of country traders in Trengganu, another state in the Malay Peninsular was established before the East India Company occupied Penang. In April 1764, Sultan Mansur I (1764-1793) sent a letter requesting help from the Captain of the Panther ship which stopped by in Trengganu on its way to Manila and China. The Sultan requested for ammunition to deal with his enemies. The captain of the ship relayed the matter to Joseph Jackson, commander of the East India Company ship, Pitt which was on its way to Canton with a supply of tin. Jackson then reported his meetings with the ruler of Trengganu on his visits here on 14th June, 1764. The Sultan was unhappy with the Dutch policy in Trengganu. According to Sultan, it is normal for European countries to have a bad notion of the Malays, but if they knew how bad the attitude of the Dutch was towards the Malays, they definitely would not behave like this (Francis, 1969/70: 74). 48 Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? … but if they [European countries] knew but one half of the cruelties the Dutch had been guilty of to the Malays [sic] they would not be blamed so much as he believed they generally are (Francis 1969/70: 7577). The Sultan welcomed the British who were willing to send a ship to begin trade relations with all nations which has links with the Gulf of Siam, Cochin-China, Cambodia and Borneo. Jackson also reported after staying in Trengganu for almost two years that Britain could gather tin amounting to 30 thousand bahar every year at a low price. He also informed the East India Company that a settlement called Legore[sic] has three mines and produced at least 30 thousand bahar of tin each year. Jackson information clearly shows the importance of Trengganu in that century. This proven from the list of items available at a number of places in the Siam Gulf enclosed in his report (Khoo, 1974: 17-22). Based on the relationship cultivated with the Malay rulers, Francis Light succeeded in influencing the Acting Governor – General of Bengal, John Macpherson, to occupy Penang and to develop it as a free port. In his letter to Macpherson, he explained Penang’s potential. According to him, Penang could attract Bugis, Chinese and Malay traders, developing it further to a famous entreport port (SSR (IOL) Vol. 2: 436). It cannot be denied that the country traders played a vital role in the Malay Archipelago between the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Through cordial relations cultivated with local rulers, they secured supplies from the Malay Archipelago for the benefit of the Chinese trade and made it easier for the implementation of free trade and free port policies in the Straits Settlements at the end of eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The emergence of Penang and Singapore as free ports met the need of country traders who wanted to attract local traders and to fight the Dutch monopoly (Bassett, 1989: 14). It was no surprise that with just two years after Penang was opened, trade flourished, population increased and investors started to invest in the mainland. Traders started to move in big numbers to the port because they were happy with laissez-faire policy it adopted compared to the monopoly policy adopted by the Dutch. The similar effect was evident when Singapore was occupied in 1819 and it was declared as a free port. Traders from all over Asia and Malay Archipelago came in thousands to trade in Singapore. According to Raffles, The occupation of the island of Singapore by the British, and the policy pursued by them ever since has caused a revolution of opinion throughout these islands; the state of trade has changed, and nearly the whole of the natives have thrown their resources into another channel (SCCR 1832). 49 Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja After Singapore was developed, it succeeded in attracting local traders especially the Bugis. Although at that time there were many Dutch ports but the duty imposed was high. According to Bastin, they definately would not have sailed hundreds of miles away from the main route if not for Singapore’s free trade (Bastin & Winks, 1966: 155; Hanizah Idris, 1997: 67). The amount of goods brought from Borneo, Sulawesi and Bali between the years 1828-1829, is estimated to be 1,040,761 sicca rupi (SC: 1830). The liberal policy also succeeded in attracting the Chinese who were not happy with restriction policies practiced by the Dutch and Spanish (JIA Vol 9, 1855: 109-110). Many local rulers thanked Raffles for occupying Singapore. Malay ambassadors and rulers came to Singapore to thank Raffles personally. According to Raffles Report, From Tringano I found in the harbour one of Sultans vessel which his Highness has dispatches with Rui[sic] and other supplies immediately on having our establishment. This state is one of the most important of the Eastern side of the Peninsula and has hithertho escaped the influence of the Dutch; the Sultan and principal chiefs availed themselves of this occasion to express their anxiety and desire to cultivate a more intimate and closer connection with our Government. The same anciety has been expressed on the part of the chief of Kalantan [sic] a rising and flourishing state lying between Tringano and Siam The people of these countries seem to consider the British alliance and protection essential to their interest and prosperity (SFR 47: 807). In short, the policy of free trade and development of free ports in the Malay Archipelago attracted local traders with the products of the Malay Archipelago to the port of Penang and Singapore (Shaharil Talib, 1995:7). It also managed to gather products of the Malay Archipelago, especially tin which was exported from Cromwell to Canton, almost half originated from British colonies. British were able to attract investors who were not only keen in trading but also venturing into commercial crops like pepper, nutmeg, clove, pineapple and coffee. Investors started to move into mainland Malay Peninsula. Commercial crops like pepper and nutmeg was introduced in Johore and later in other states. Slowly commercial economy was promoted in the Malay states in the second half of 19th century. It was commercial crops which helped in the forming of an agricultural policy to support rubber plantation in the early 20th century. 50 Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? Conclusion From the discussion one could see that the idea of laissez- faire as understood by Adam Smith has long been practiced in the East prior to the 15 th century. The later was unique with its own characteristic. When one speaks of laissez-faire, Adam Smith is the individual comes to our mind. This could be because he was the one who had made it clear in writing. Anyway when one look closely at the Malacca Code (Hukum Kanun Melaka) of the 15 th century, the contents do speak of laissezfaire ideas but th ere is no single promoter. Through this paper it is hoped a balance picture brought to light that laissez-faire policy is an Eastern phenomena and it has been practiced in this part of the world very much earlier prior to the presents of western powers. The fact that European powers did not conquer many of the countries in South East Asia in the early 19 th century through gun boat policy is very much due to its laissez-faire policy imbedded in its economy. Endnotes Country trader were also known as private traders. At first they were traders of the East India Company. However, when civil war erupted in England in 1657, a new charter was given by Oliver Cornwell to the East India Company traders and these traders were ordered to withdraw from Asian waters. The orders were not adhered to by many of the traders and this prompted King Charles II to order that those who went against his order were to be arrested and brought back to England. His order were not effective and the traders were still trading in Asia. These were the traders who are known as country traders. The trading activities of this group were between India, the Malay Archipelago and China. Among the country traders who were famous in the 1770’s and 1780’s are Francis Light, James Scott and Thomas Forrest (Bassett, 1961; Bassett, 1961). 1 2 The advantage of the port of Riau is also mentioned in the Straits Settlements Record. It is estimated that the value of Riau’s trade for a year was two million Spanish dollars. References Bassett, D.K. (1961). The British country trader and sea captain in Southeast Asia in the 17th and 18th centuries. Journal of the Historical Society, 1(2), 9-14 Bassett, D.K. (1961). Thomas Forrest, an eighteenth century mariner. Journal of the Malayan Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 34(2), 106-122 Bassett, D.K. (1968). Early English trade and settlements in Asia 1602-1690. University of Hull: Centre for Southeast Asian Studies. Bassett, D.K. (1980). British attitudes to indigenous states in Southeast Asia in the nineteenth century. University of Hull: Centre of South East Asian Studies. Bassett, D.K. (1989). British “country” trade and local trade network in the Thai and Malay States circa 1680-1770. Modern Asian Studies, 23(4). 51 Sivachandralingam Sundara Raja Bastin, J., & Winks, R.W. (Compilers). (1966). British in Malaya, Malaysia, selected readings. Kuala Lumpur. Briggs, M., & Jordan P. (1964). Economic history of England. London: University Tutorial Press. Cook, C. (1983). Dictionary of historical terms, a guide to names and events of over 1,000 years of world history. New York: The Macmillan Press Ltd. Encyclopaedia Britannica. 1970. Chicago: William Benton. Francis. M. (1969/70). Captain Jackson’s report on Trengganu 1764. Journal of the Historical Society, 8. University of Malaya. Khoo, G., & Lo, D. (1977). Asian transformation, a history of South-East, South and East Asia. Kuala Lumpur: Heinemann Educational Books Ltd. Hall, K.R. (1985a.) Maritime trade and state development in early South East Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Hall, K.R. (1985b). The opening of the Malay world to European trade in the sixteenth century. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 58,(2). Hanizah Idris. (1997). Pulau Singapura 1819-1930-peranan pulau-pulau lain yang terpinggir didalam sejarahnya. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JATI), 3. Hanizah Idris. (1996). The maritime nexus. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JATI), 2. Heilbroner, R.L., & Thurow, L.C. (1981). The economic problem. New Jersey: Prentice-Hall Inc. Hill, G.P. (1980). British economic and social history 1700-1975. London: Pitman Press. Hyam, R. (1976). Britain’s imperial century 1815-1914, a study of empire and expansion. London: Batsford. Journal of Indian Archipelago (JIA) 1855: 9. Notes on the Chinese in the Straits. Kathirithamby-Wells., &Villiers, J. (ed.). (1990). The South East Asian port and polity, rise and demise. Singapore: Oxford University Press. Khoo, K. K. (1974). Kuala Terengganu: International Trading Centre. In Malaysia in History. Kuala Lumpur: Persatuan Sejarah Malaysia. Lewis, D. (1970). The growth of the country trade to the Straits of Malacca, 17601777. Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, 43(2). Meilink-Roelofsz, M.A. (1969). Asian trade and European influence in the Indonesian archipelago between 1500 and about 1630. Hague: Martinus Nijhoff. Raffles Collection (RF). Volume 11: 195-209. Redford, A. (1934). Manchester merchants and foreign trade 1794-1858. Manchester: Manchester University Press. Seaman, L.C.B. (1982). A new history of England 410-1975. London: Macmillan Publisher Ltd. 52 Laissez-Faire in the Malay Archipelago: A Western Concept? Shaharil Talib. (1995). Singapore (1824-1958): This is my island in the sun. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JATI), 1. Singapore Chronicle. 4 Jan. 1827 – 30 Sept. 1837 (SC). Singapore Chronicle and Commercial Register. 1835-1837 (SCCR). Straits Settlements Records (Indian Office Library) (SSR-IOL). Vol. 1:1769-1795 Straits Settlements Records (Indian Office Library) (SSR-IOL). Vol. 2: 2 Mar. 1786 – Dec, 1787 Straits Settlements Records (Indian Office Library) (SSR-IOL). Vol. 3: 25 Jan. 1788 – 28 Dec. 1791 Straits Settlements Records (Indian Office Library) (SSR-IOL). Vol: 10: 1808 – 1825 Sumatra Factory Records (SFR) Vol.50:Letters from Fort Marlborough, Bencoolen, 25 Dec. 1819-1 Feb. 1821 Sumatra Factory Records (SFR) Vol. 47:Fort Marlborough Letters to E.I.C Tate, D.J.M. (1979). The making of modern South East Asia. Volume II. The Western impact: Economic and social change. Kuala Lumpur: Oxford University Press. Thomas, P.J. (1963). Mercantilism and the East India trade. London: Franck Cass and Co., Ltd. Tregonning, K. G. (1959). Penang and the China trade. In Malaya in History, 5(1), 812. Villiers, J. (1990). The cash-crop economy and state formation in the spice islands in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. In Kathirithamby – Wells & J. Villiers, (ed.), The South East Asian port and policy, rise and demise. Singapore: Oxford University Press. Walker, J. (1981). British economic and social history, 1700-1980. London: Fletcher and Sons Ltd. Williams, J.B. (1973). British commercial policy and Great Briatin’s trade expansion 1750-1850. London: Oxford University Press. Winsdor, G. (1850). The trading ports of the Indian Archipelago. Journal of the Indian Archipelago (JIA), 4. 53 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp54-80 ULAMA DAN WACANA ISLAM DALAM HUBUNGAN INTELEKTUAL DI TANAH MELAYU DAN INDONESIA (ISLAMIC SCHOLARS AND DISCOURSE OF INTELLECTUAL RELATIONS IN MALAYA AND INDONESIA) Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, 2Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim, 3Ridzwan Bin Ahmad & 4Khafidz Hamzah 1Fakulti Tamadun Islam, Universiti Teknologi Malaysia 2,3,4Akademi Pengajian Islam, Universiti Malaya, ([email protected], [email protected], [email protected], [email protected]) 1 Abstract This article is about the Islamic discourse upon the role of the ulamak and the intellectual relationship in enriching the Muslim civilization in Malaysia and Indonesia. At the outset, it will explore the significance of the Malay-Muslim civilization as well as the major role played by the ulamak in the development of Muslim civilization in the Malay Archipelago. The main focus of this article will concentrate on several issues, specifically Terengganu's Batu Bersurat, the discourse of the Kaum Muda-Tua in the 1930s, the dakwah movement during the 1970s and the Islamization of knowledge. Finally, the intellectual discourses that enrich Malay-Muslim knowledge as resources in coping with the forced modernization initiated by western powers in the Malay Archipelago is summed up. Keywords: ulamak, Kaum Muda-Tua, Batu Bersurat Terengganu, dakwah, Islamization of Knowledge Pengenalan Mengikut para sejarahwan dunia, agama berperanan besar dalam membina sesuatu dunia. Hal ini tidak terkecuali dengan sejarah Tanah Melayu, bila mana agama Hindu Budhha pernah membina Tamadun Tanah Melayu. Tamadun binaan agama Hindu Budhha ini agak eksklusif sifatnya (berasaskan sistem kasta) (M.Rajantheran, 2001, h. 49-60) yang lebih bertumpu kepada golongan raja dan 54 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia bangsawan semata-mata tanpa membabitkan masyarakat bawahan. Realiti ini kemudiannya berubah dengan berlakunya proses Islamisasi Tanah Melayu. Islam telah berjaya memajukan daya intelektual masyarakat secara keseluruhan dan mewujudkan masyarakat yang lebih egaliterian. Terpenting sekali Islam telah mengubah world-view masyarakat Melayu kepada world-view tauhid. Hal ini berlaku dengan wujudnya mekanisme pendidikan Islam yang dibangunkan oleh mubaligh yang awal. Hasil didikan sistem pendidikan Islam ini telah melahirkan serangkaian ulamak yang memainkan peranan besar dalam memajukan Tamadun di Tanah Melayu. Atas dasar ini, artikel ini akan cuba menganalisa peranan ulamak dalam pembinaaan tamadun di Tanah Melayu. Untuk tujuan itu, beberapa fokus dan tema akan dipilih membabitkan isu hubungan intelektual antara ulamak Malaysia dan Indonesia. Asas dan Kepentingan Sesuatu Tamadun Sarjana menegaskan terdapat beberapa kepentingan tamadun; Pertama, mewujudkan perpaduan untuk mengekalkan hayat sesuatu masyarakat. Pada pandangan Ibnu Khaldun, umur sesebuah tamadun secara hukum alami akan melalui tiga tahap yang utama; tahap kelahiran, kemajuan dan kemunduran (Saleh Faghizadeh, 2004, h. 63-68). Atas dasar itu, kajian dan usaha penambahbaikian perlu dilakukan melalui kajian ilmu untuk memanjangkan usia sesebuah tamadun. Untuk itu, Ibn khaldun telah memperkenalkan disiplin sosiologi-sejarah yang bertujuan untuk meneliti hukum alami fenomena sesebuah masyarakat, samada menafsirkan sesuatu fenomena sosial masyarakat dalam bentuk perkaitan sebab musabab (Toto Suharto, 2003, h. 87-103) ataupun meramalkan jalan penyelesaian terhadap sesuatu permasalahan yang timbul (Abdullah Mohd. Said, 2003). Bagi Ibn Khaldun penggunaan disiplin sosiologisejarah ini tidak boleh dibuat secara spekulatif (agakan) semata-mata, tetapi perlu dilakukan secara berhemah. Ianya perlu berasaskan kerangka kajian ilmiah yang bersifat objektif, mementingkan sumber kajian yang tepat, tafsiran sumber yang betul dan pengaplikasian metodologi kajian kes (observasi) yang betul (Mahayudin Haji Yahya, 1999, h. 10-11). Penggunaan disiplin sosiologi-sejarah yang ketat ini bermatlamatkan untuk memahami realiti sebenar perubahan masyarakat yang berlaku dan menawarkan ramalan penyelesaian masalah terhadap apa-apa masalah sosial yang timbul. Kedua, tamadun atau pembangunan menyediakan manafaat keperluan asasi kepada ahli masyarakat. Terdapat kayu ukur bagi menilai kejayaan ataupun kegagalan sesuatu program pembangunan; (i) adakah agihan pendapatan negara dapat dibahagikan secara seimbang kepada semua lapisan masyarakat (Chamhuri Siwar, 2002, h. 119-145); (ii) adakah program pembangunan dapat menyediakan kepada rakyat keperluan asas seperti life-sustenance (makanan, perumahan, 55 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah kesihatan dan perlindungan), self-esteem (peluang pekerjaan, pendidikan yang bermutu dan kemajuan sosio-budaya) dan freedom from servitude (kebebasan individu untuk memilih dan bebas daripada sebarang belenggu dan pergantungan kepada orang lain) (Abdul Rahman Aziz, 2004, h. 19-22); (iii) adakah nikmat ataupun manafaat yang diharapkan daripada program pembangunan diterima ataupun tidak oleh golongan sasaran (Che Su Mustaffa, 1996, h. 69-80); (iv) adakah program pembangunan dapat memupuk semangat jati diri, perpaduan dan patriotisme di kalangan rakyat (Abdul Rahman Aziz, 2004), dan (v) adakah program pembangunan dapat menjaga keseimbangan ekologi (Rumaya Juhari, 2004, h. 10-16). Ketiga, tamadun bakal mewariskan kepada generasi pelapis sistem nilai dan agama milik ahli masyarakat. Hal ini termasuk penggunaan akal untuk menanggani alam sehingga melahirkan kearifan tempatan. Kearifan tempatan bukanlah membawa maksud local genius (kepandaian tempatan) yang kerap digunakan oleh sarjana Barat. Perkataan Arif ini membawa maksud mengetahui secara mendalam ataupun bijaksana kerana didasarkan kepada pemikiran yang mendalam. Ianya biasa digunakan untuk melambangkan kebijaksanaan seseorang yang mencapai maqam al-Arifin. Berbanding dengan neraca Barat, tradisi golongan arif atau intelektual Melayu-Islam boleh dirujuk kepada golongan ulamak, tua dan pemimpin masyarakat. Mereka biasanya bertindak dalam beberapa kapasiti yang khusus, merangkumi; (i) sebagai pemikir, pendidik dan mengatur hubungan masyarakat agar menjadi lebih harmonis dan mengelakkan huru hara; (ii) manusia Rabbani yang mengaitkan hubungan dengan alam, masyarakat dan Allah; (iii) pemikir yang responsif dengan realiti semasa, dan (iv) pemikir yang berinteraksi dengan alam sehingga melahirkan konsep pengalaman (berguru dan belajar dengan alam) (Rahimin Affandi Abd Rahim, 2011). Konsep kearifan tempatan ini bersesuaian dengan teori bahawa setiap manusia memiliki keupayaan akal untuk membina tamadun sendiri. Ia memerlukan elemen bantuan pengaruh asing atau sumber daripada luar diri manusia dan akal untuk maju. Ia membabitkan ilham dan laduni daripada Allah. Disini letaknya peranan Allah dalam membekalkan akal dan alat (alam dan makhluk tunduk kepada manusia) untuk membantu manusia membangunkan tamadun. Seperti mana halnya direkodkan peranan Hims (nabi Allah Idris) dalam mengajar pelbagai ilmu kepada manusia awal sehingga menjadi asas tamadun awal Timur Tengah. Apa yang jelasnya, proses berfikir memerlukan imput dan sumber serta alat bagi membolehkan manusia berfikir dengan baik. Campuran antara akal dan hubungan dengan Allah (sumber tasawuf) akan melahirkan kebijaksanaan kepada manusia (Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim, 2013, h. 223-245). 56 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Hal ini kemudiannya telah melahirkan epistemologi ilmu kepada masyarakat Melayu. Tidak keterlaluan jika dikatakan bahawa epistemologi manusia Melayu terdiri daripada beberapa perkara yang utama; 1. Bentuk Bayani (bergantung kepada teks wahyu), Burhani (bergantung kepada akal) dan Irfani (bergantung pada intuisi dan ilham). Ketiga-tiga bentuk ini telah diintegrasikan pemakaiannya oleh manusia Melayu (Rahimin Affandi Abd Rahim, 2009). 2. Rasionalisme dan emperiscisme sekaligus. Hal ini jelas terbukti apabila manusia Melayu menekankan kepada menumpukan pembelajaran dengan alam semesta (Ayat Kawniyyah) sehingga terhasil teori/hukum alam (konsep adat) yang bersifat kekal (seperti perpatah biar mati anak jangan mati adat) dan bersifat fleksibel yang perlu berubah mengikut keperluan semasa (seperti perpatah sekali air bah sekali pasir pantai berubah) (Abdullah Alwi haji Hassan, 2001, h. 65-66). 3. Bentuk penggunaan akal melalui metafora, alegorikal dan rasional. Ia terdiri daripada Aktual (potensi dan fitrah yang dimiliki sejak manusia lahir- bersifat tidak berkembang) dan Muktasab (diperolihi dengan cara belajar, membaca dan mengkaji -bersifat sentiasa berkembang) (Hassan Ahmad, 2004, h. 1-12). 4. Bentuk penelitian sesuatu fenomena kehidupan dan alam secara mendalam. Banyak perpatah Melayu tentang konsep sains lahir hasil interaksi akal dengan pengalaman hidup dan alam semesta (Ithnin Abdul Jalil, 2001, h. 452460). Ia dikaji oleh pem ikir Melayu secara mendalam dan berulang kali, yang kemudiannya dinukilkan dalam bentuk perpatah untuk dimanafaatkan oleh anggota masyarakat (Hassan Ahmad, 2004, h. 1-12). Peranan Ulamak dalam Pembinaan Tamadun Tanah Melayu Dalam bahagian ini, secara lebih mikro lagi, kita akan mendedahkan peranan ulamak Islam dalam pembinaan tamadun di Tanah Melayu. Tidak keterlaluan jika dikatakan bahawa dalam sejarah Alam Melayu, Islam bertindak sebagai kuasa pemangkin utama yang mewujudkan tamadun material dan intelektual yang unggul di rantau Alam Melayu. Teori ini menegaskan bagaimana peranan Islam akan sentiasa dianggap relevan untuk konteks masyarakat Melayu untuk setiap zaman, termasuklah untuk konteks zaman moden ini. Apa yang lebih penting lagi, fungsi Islam ini dapat dihidupkan dengan usaha yang gigih yang dimainkan oleh ulamak Melayu (Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim, 2005, h. 19-51). Jika dirujuk kepada sejarah perkembangan Islam di Alam Melayu, kita boleh menegaskan secara pasti bahawa ulamak Melayu telah mampu untuk bertindak sebagai intelektual ummah dalam beberapa perkara. Antaranya, pertama, perancang kepada usaha yang berkesan untuk memperkenalkan agama Islam ke dalam masyarakat Melayu (Abdul Halim el57 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah Muhammady, 1992, h. 173-184). Kedua, pembasmi nilai-nilai feudalism dan adat pra-Islam yang berakar umbi di dalam kehidupan masyarakat melalui institusi pendidikan Islam (Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim, 2000, h. 22-25). Ketiga, penanam benih budaya ilmu ke dalam masyarakat Melayu yang mampu melahirkan sejumlah manusia Melayu yang celek agama serta mampu bertindak mengikut perkiraan ilmunya, menyebarkannya ke dalam masyarakat dan berfungsi sebagai pemimpin masyarakat (Shafie Abu Bakar, 1994, h. 101-103). Ianya juga telah melahirkan manusia Melayu yang berakhlak tinggi (Abdullah Ishak, 1982, h. 202204) dan mampu berdik ari tanpa bergantung kepada orang lain (Abdullah Ishak, 1982, h. 202-204). Keempat, pemangkin kepada usaha penerapan nilai-nilai Islam ke dalam kebudayaan masyarakat Melayu (Mohd. Taib Osman 1996, h. 278-280) sehingga Islam kemudiannya telah menjadi jati diri yang utama kepada kelangsungan diri manusia Melayu (R.O. Winstedt, 1969, h. 288). Kelima, penasihat kepada pemerintah Melayu (Mohd. Yusof Iskandar, 1982, h. 52-53) di dalam usaha menerapkan nilai-nilai Islam ke dalam sistem undang-undang masyarakat Melayu (Ismail Mat, 1997 h. 89-90), sehingga melahirkan sejumlah Malay degist Melayu Islam (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 1982, h. 59-63). Keenam, perancang dan pencipta sistem kominikasi dakwah (tulisan jawi) yang berkesan di dalam masyarakat yang kemudiannya telah menjadi bahasa perantaraan (lingua franca) untuk perkembangan ilmiah Islam (Omar Awang, 1981, h. 80-85) dan hubungan antarabangsa (Mohammad Redzuan Othman, 1994, h. 53-55). Ketujuh, perancang kepada usaha memperkayakan kesenian (Ahmad Kamal Abdullah, 1988, h. 47-48; Shafie Abu Bakar, 1987, h. 95; Mohd. Anis Md. Nor, 1990, h. 30-38) dan kesusasteraan Melayu Islam. Kelapan, perancang kepada usaha mempereratkan hubungan antara umat Melayu dengan serangkaian umat Islam seluruh dunia (internationalism) di bawah konsep ummah Islam (Nabir Abdullah, 1987, h. 129-142). Kesembilan, sumber inspirasi kepada usaha menerapkan semangat perang salib di dalam memerangi kuasa penjajah Barat (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 1994). Kesepuluh, bertindak sebagai benteng terakhir ummah dan pakar rujuk masyarakat yang dilanda krisis kekeliruan akibat dari penerapan faham sekularisme yang diusahakan oleh penjajah British (Mohammad Redzuan Othman, 2001, h. 254-256) Kesebelas, pencetus semangat nasionalisme Melayu yang awal dilihat dari dua aspek (i) usaha menghapuskan kemungkaran dan kezaliman yang berlaku di dalam masyarakat Melayu (Abdul Rahman Haji Ismail, 1995, h. 163-192) dan (ii) usaha membebaskan diri dari belenggu penjajahan kuasa asing (Mohammad Redzuan Othman, 1988, h. 154) Kedua belas, perancang utama yang melahirkan golongan literati Melayu pertama yang menanamkan sikap kritikal terhadap proses pemodenan yang dibawa oleh penjajah British (Mohd. Sarim Mustajab, 1982, h. 151-152). 58 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Alam Melayu Sebagai Kawasan Islam yang Ekslusif Dalam perkembangan semasa, kawasan rantau Alam Melayu telah dianggap sebagai suatu kawasan penting dan esklusif (Mohamad Raduan MoM. Ariff & Shaharil Talib, 1995, h. 131-146) di dalam kerangka kajian regional studies untuk subjek kawasan masyarakat Islam (John Esposito, 1996). Ianya tergolong sebagai kawasan milik Malaysia dan Indonesia (Shaharil Talib, 1997, h. 123-135). Ianya dibezakan dengan kawasan Timur tengah, Indonesia-Pakistan, Afrika, Eropah dan Amerika utara. Penetapan kawasan rantau Alam Melayu (Malay Achipleago) yang berbeza dengan kawasan lain dibuat berasaskan kepada pelbagai elemen persamaan yang membabitkan kedua kawasan (Indonesia dan Malaysia) (Peter Riddell, 2001). Persamaan ini antara lainya merujuk kepada; pertama, kedua-dua lokasi mempunyai perkaitan yang erat dilihat dari sudut sejarah hubungan persaudaraan Melayu yang berasaskan kepada jalinan intelektual keagamaan. Kedua; kedua-dua lokasi merupakan kawasan dunia Melayu-Islam terbesar yang mengamalkan dan memperkembangkan pemikiran Islam menggunakan bahasa pengantar yang sama, bahasa Melayu. Ketiga; persamaan latar belakang sejarah Islamisasi, pengamalan mazhab yang sama dan institusi pengajian keilmuan Islam yang saling mempengaruhi dilihat dari sudut perkembangan tren reformasi pendidikan Islam semasa (Rahimin Affandi at.al, 2010, h. 13-32), dan keempat; kewujudan jalinan intelektual yang kukuh di antara kedua kawasan. Ianya merujuk kepada aspek teologi dan syariah yang sama berasaskan kepada Mazhab Shafi'i. Ulamak dari kedua kawasan sering bertukar pandangan dan bantuan intelektual sejak dari zaman awal, tahun-tahun 1900an dan semasa era kebangkitan Islam di tahun-tahun 1970-1980an (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2003, h. 47-74). Sarjana Barat sering menonjolkan sifat ajaran Islam di Alam Melayu (Malaysia dan Indonesia) sebagai Islam pinggiran yang bukannya murni kerana bercampur dengan pelbagai bentuk khurafat dan Bid’ah. Hal ini berbeza dengan sifat Islam di Timur Tengah yang dikatakan lebih bersifat sejati dan murni yang perlu dipelajari dan dicontohi secara mutlak (Azyumardi Azra, 1999, h. 5-7). Atas dasar ini, kita boleh melihat bagaimana kalangan orientalis barat yang menyusun buku Encylopadia of Islam lebih menumpukan perhatian mereka kepada ulamak Timur Tengah dan Indonesia-Pakistan dan bukannya kepada ulamak di kawasan pinggiran seperti rantau Alam Melayu. Dari perkembangan terbaharu, kita dapat melihat hanya satu sahaja buku Encylopadia, iaitu Encylopadia of Oxford yang turut memberikan tumpuan kepada sumbangan ulamak di kawasan Alam Melayu ini. Keabsahan teori ini kemudiannya telah mula dicabar dengan kedatangan era globalisasi, yang menyaksikan bagaimana peta pusat pengajian ilmu-ilmu 59 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah Islam dunia telah terbahagi kepada tiga jenis yang utama; (i) dunia Barat yang berteraskan kaedah ala orientalism (Faisal Ismail, 1997, h. 35-42); (ii) dunia Islam Timur tengah yang lebih menumpukan kepada kerangka pengajian ala tradisionalism (Yusri Ihza Mahendra, 1994, h. 12-19) dan (iii) dunia Alam Melayu (Malaysia dan Indonesia) yang dilihat telah mengadunkan di antara kerangka ala tradisionalism dan reformism sekaligus (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2005, h. 105-134). Walaupun dunia Alam Melayu sering didakwa sebagai pusat pengajian Islam ala peripheral, ternyata pendekatan Alam Melayu (Malaysia dan Indonesia) telah mendapat sambutan dan momentum yang cukup baik, sehingga dikatakan sebagai nisbah utama ajaran Islam ala Nusantara yang bersifat lembut, toleran dan terbuka dengan perkembangan moden semasa (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2005, h. xv-xvi). Sayugia dimaklumkan, di zaman 1960an IPTA di Indonesia sering dijadikan tumpuan oleh pelajar Islam untuk mendapat pendidikan di peringkat ijazah pertama dan pasca sarjana. Namun begitu, dalam perkembangan semasa, bentuk hubungan antara IPTA Islam Malaysia dan Indonesia telah mula berubah yang dapat dinilai beberapa perkara yang utama; Pertama, pertambahan jumlah pelajar pasca siswazah Indonesia di IPTA Islam di Malaysia. Jika di zaman selepas Malaysia merdeka, IPTA Malaysia memerlukan khidmat kalangan sarjana Indonesia bagi membangunkan program pengajian Islam di pelbagai IPTA, hal yang sebaliknya telah berlaku dewasa ini apabila serangkaian pelajar pasca siswazah Indonesia yang datang ke Malaysia bagi mendapatkan khidmat nasihat untuk menamatkan pengajian mereka di peringkat pasca siswazah (Akh. Minhaji, 2003, h. 62-80). Kedua, kelebihan Malaysia dalam membangunkan program keIslaman yang lebih bersifat moderate and praktikal, dirujuk antara lainnya dengan program pembangunan sistem ekonomi Islam, reformasi pendidikan Islam and sebagainya. Apa yang lebih penting lagi, sarjana Indonesia sendiri telah mengakui keunggulan peranan Malaysia ini yang dikaitkan dengan pembangunan idealism Islam yang berkesan yang ditunjukkan oleh pihak kerajaan sendiri (Akh. Minhaji, 2003, h. 62-80). Ketiga, kerana beberapa kengkangan sosio-politik, banyak daripada idea canggih yang disuarakan oleh sarjana Indonesia gagal dilaksanakan secara berkesan di dalam masyarakat. Atas dasar inilah tidak salah seandainya peranan ini perlu dimainkan oleh kalangan pemikir dan pembuat dasar di Malaysia (H. Faisal Ismail, 2005, h. 135-138). Keempat, bahan penerbitan Islam daripada Malaysia kurang diberi peluang untuk berkembang di Indonesia secara luas dan terpaksa berhadapan dengan pelbagai kekangan birokrasi dari pihak berkuasa Indonesia (Hamedi Mohd Adnan, 2006). 60 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Sejarah Hubungan Ulamak Malaysia dan Indonesia di Alam Melayu Sejak daripada awal pengislaman Alam Melayu, kita dapat menyaksikan bagaimana ulamak Tanah Melayu sangat bergantung kepada bantuan ulamak Indonesia dalam menanggani isu-isu Islam. Bahkan ia telah sampai satu peringkat bahawa hubungan ini bersifat berat sebelah. Hal ini kemudiannya telah mula berubah di zaman moden. Apa yang ingin ditonjolkan adalah hubungan kedua ulamak dari kedua kawasan ini bersifat complimentary (saling melengkapi) demi untuk kepentingan dakwah Islam. Dalam sejarah hubungan rantau Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia, kita dapat mengesan beberapa perkara utama; Terengganu Sebagai Jajahan Takluk Empayar Islam di Indonesia (Kalimantan) Mengikut neraca zaman silam, setiap jajahan takluk sesuatu empayar akan menjalankan dasar yang sama dengan pusat empayarnya (Bagoes Wiryomartono, 2012, h. 115-130). Atas dasar itu, apa yang dijalankan oleh empayar pusat di Indonesia akan turut dijalankan oleh jajahan takluknya yang lain (Mohammad Raduan bin Mohd.Ariff, 1997, h. 138-146), dan dalam konteks ini mendorong pengislaman Terengganu. Maklumat ini boleh didapati daripada penemuan Batu Bersurat di Terengganu. Dalam catatan Batu bersurat di Terengganu ini kita dapat mengesan beberapa perkara utama; pertama, Terengganu adalah jajahan takluk empayar Islam Indonesia, bila mana gelaran pemerintah iaitu Mandulika telah turut dipakai. Gelaran Mandulika ini adalah ketua kerajaan di Indonesia yang kemudiannya bertanggungjawab mengislamkan dan menerapkan hukum Islam di jajahan takluknya di Indonesia dan Terengganu di Tanah Melayu. Kedua; fakta bahawa Terengganu sebagai tempat terawal di tanah Melayu yang menerima dan mengamalkan ajaran Islam secara menyeluruh. Sebelum ini, terdapat teori yang mendakwa Melaka merupakan tempat terawal menerima ajaran Islam di Tanah Melayu, yang dikaitkan juga sebagai pusat yang memperkembangkan Islam ke seluruh jajahan takluk empayar Melaka yang lain. Secara mudahnya, kita dapat mengatakan bukti tempat awal menerima Islam perlu didasarkan kepada wujudnya beberapa artifak yang khusus, merangkumi (i) kitab atau manuskrip agama, (ii) masjib tertua, (iii) institusi pendidikan Islam seperti pondok, (iv) kubur seseorang ulamak dan (v) terpenting sekali pengaruh pemikiran Islam yang berkekalan serta dapat dikesan penggunaanya secara meluas di dalam masyarakat (S. Hossein Nasr, 1990, h. 13). Seandainya bukti-bukti ini mahu diambilkira, kita akan bersetuju bahawa kawasan pantai Timur Tanah Melayu lebih memenuhi syarat bukti ini, kerana kesemua artifak dan bukti ini memang terdapat secara lengkap di kawasan pantai Timur seperti Terengganu dan Kelantan, dan bukannya di kawasan Pantai Barat Tanah Melayu. 61 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah Ketiga; proses penciptaan tulisan Jawi terawal di Alam Melayu. Kita mungkin tidak tahu siapa dan tarikh sebenar tulisan Jawi diperkenalkan untuk konteks Alam Melayu. Namun begitu, mengikut Omar Awang tulisan Jawi yang dikesan dalam BBT merupakan tulisan paling awal dan lengkap sekali (Omar Awang, 1981, h. 80-85). Terpenting sekali, penciptaan dan penggunaan tulisan Jawi dalam masyarakat Melayu telah memperkayakan bahasa Melayu (Amran Kasimin, 1987) dalam bentuk tulisan Jawi, yang dijadikan sebagai alat untuk memperkembangkan keilmuan Islam. Sistem pengajian agama dalam bentuk pengajian pondok telah menggunakan bahasa wilayah Timur Laut melalui sistem tulisan Jawi. Fenomena yang mengambilkira elemen tempatan dalam bentuk memilih bahasa tempatan sebagai medium untuk penyebaran ilmu agama telah dilakukan oleh sarjana Islam di kebanyakan dunia Islam, seperti penciptaan tulisan Urdu di India dan tulisan Parsi di Iran berteraskan dari segi bentuknya kepada bahasa Arab dengan sedikit sebanyak pengubahsuaian (Omar Awang, 1980, h. 55). Keempat; Unsur Islam dapat dikesan di dalam BBT, di mana Islam telah memberi nafas sebenar kepada pembinaan world-view (pandangan alam semesta) Melayu (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 1999). Hasil penelitian yang dibuat oleh Prof. Hashim Musa mendapati pembinaan tamadun Melayu ini telah diasaskan dengan enam pandangan world-view yang bersumberkan wahyu Allah. Keenam-enam pandangan ini telah menjadi pegangan utama masyarakat Melayu (konsep jati diri Melayu) sehingga pada masa sekarang. Pemilihan Islam sebagai asas jati diri ini ternyata telah menguntungkan masyarakat Melayu kerana seperti mana berlaku kepada masyarakat Arab, Islam juga telah mengangkat martabat tamadun Melayu ke peringkat antarabangsa (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 1999, h. 50). Proses ini antara lainnya telah menimbulkan semangat perpaduan (internationalism) di kalangan umat Melayu bahawa kedudukan mereka di dalam kerangka Tauhid, Ummah dan ukhuwwah bukan terhad kepada lingkungan kawasan dan sejarah alam Melayu semata-mata bahkan turut membabitkan kesemua umat Islam seluruh dunia dari setiap zaman dengan warisan tamadun yang tinggi (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2000, h.18-19). Dengan konsep jati diri ini umat Melayu berasa berbangga menganut Islam yang menjadikan mereka sebahagian daripada serangkaian ummah Islam, seperti mana halnya golongan Arab yang dipandang mulia oleh masyarakat Melayu (William Roff, 1980, h. 41). Faktor inilah juga yang menyebabkan di dalam sejarah alam Melayu kerap berlaku penentangan umat Melayu terhadap kuasa penjajah barat yang dianggap sebagai kuasa kafir (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 1994) dan hal ini telah diakui sendiri oleh mubaligh Kristian yang mengatakan bahawa orang Melayu sebagai golongan yang kuat berpegang kepada agama Islam (Charles Tisdall, 1916, h. 348-349). Apa yang jelasnya, sifat keMelayuan yang begitu sebati dengan Islam ini telah mengakibatkan sebarang 62 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia serangan yang dibuat terhadap Islam akan dianggap seperti serangan yang dibuat terhadap asas kebudayaan Melayu (Isabella Bird, 1967, h. 20). Kelima; dalam BBT tercatat pengisytiharan Islam sebagai agama rasmi di Terengganu yang disertakan dengan pelaksanaan undang-undang Islam oleh Mandulika (gelaran pemerintah Indonesia) bertarikh 22 Februari 1303M. Bagi D.G.E. Hall, proses pendidikan dan perundangan Islam telah bertapak lebih daripada seratus sebelumnya (D.G. E. Hall, 1968 h. 255). Hanya selepas Islam benar-benar diterima ramai dan menjadi asas kehidupan masyarakat Melayu di Terenganu, barulah ianya dicatatkan pada BBT sebagai pengisytiharan dan peringatan tentang kedaulatan Islam di kawasan tersebut. Ada keterangan tentang Allah dan Rasul, disamping bukti bahawa sistem perundangan Islam berupa gabungan antara undang-undang adat dan Islam (M.B. Hooker, 1976, h. 127-131). Ia membabitkan 9 atau 10 hukum dalam bidang (a) mu’amalat – tentang hutang piutang, undang-undang keterangan, hukuman kerana enggan membayar denda atau melarikan diri daripada hukuman dan (b) hukuman bagi kesalahan zina (Abdul kadir Muhammad, 1996, h. 4). Hubungan Politik dan Wacana Ilmu antara Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Fakta sejarah mencatatkan bagaimana kedua kawasan mempunyai hubungan keilmuan yang amat erat. Dalam tradisi ilmu Islam, telahpun wujud pendekatan yang mengakui autoriti dan hiraki ilmu. Andainya terjadi apa-apa masalah agama, rujukan kepada autoriti atasan akan dibuat. Dalam sejarah kerajaan Melaka ada tercatat kes masalah Usuludin yang gagal dijawab telah dirujuk kepada majlis ulamak di kerajaan Samudra Pasai. Isunya membabitkan soalan adakah syurga dan neraka telahpun wujud pada masa sekarang. Dalam contoh yang lain, terdapat catatan bagaimana Nuruddin Al-Raniri telah dilantik sebagai penasihat agama tertinggi di kerajaan Samudra Pasai. Beliau juga turut dilantik atas kapasiti yang sama di kerajaan Pahang, apabila beliau berkunjung ke negeri tersebut (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 1990, h. 127-130). Ini antaranya menunjukkan bahawa hubungan intelektual dan politik kerajaan Melayu di Alam Melayu memang rapat tanpa memperkirakan semangat kesukuan yang sempit. Hal ini kemudiannya telah berubah dengan datangnya penjajah British dan Belanda yang membawa semangat asabiyyah sempit berasaskan kepada konsep Nation State. Jauh sebelum kedatangan kuasa penjajah barat, masyarakat Alam Melayu telah berhubungan dengan cukup damai dan saling melengkapkan antara satu sama lain (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2005, h. 19-51). Dalam aspek sosial kemasyarakatan pula, kita boleh mengesan beberapa perkara utama; pertama, Kerajaan Melayu-Islam di Negeri Sembilan, Selangor dan beberapa daerah lain telah dibangunkan oleh masyarakat Islam daripada Indonesia. Atas dasar ukhuwah Islam masyarakat Tanah Melayu menerima 63 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah kedatangan saudara mereka daripada Indonesia dengan hati yang terbuka (Meor Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah , 2001, h. 66-96), dan kedua, penduduk asal Acheh bebas berhijrah ke kawasan utara Tanah Melayu samada sebagai peniaga, ulamak dan pejuang Islam untuk menentang penjajahan kuasa Barat. Jalinan Intelektual Kaum Muda dan Kaum Tua Rekord sejarah Tanah Melayu ada mencatatkan bagaimana ulamak daripada kedua aliran reformisme dan tradisionalisme di kedua kawasan memang saling berhubungan untuk memperkukuhkan aliran pemikiran masing-masing. Ulamak Indonesia sering dijemput datang ke Tanah Melayu untuk berhujah dan mngeluarkan pandangan dalam isu pertentangan ini. Majalah dan bahan buku daripada Indonesia juga tersebar meluas di Tanah Melayu (Ibrahim Abu Bakar, 1994, h. 165-166). Pertentangan Kaum Muda - Tua ini memperlihatkan bagaimana; pertama; Ulamak proaktif dengan perkembangan di zaman mereka, dan bukannya menjadi penyaksi peristiwa sejarah semata-mata tetapi turut berusaha menanggani isu ini dengan proaktif dan kedua, pertentangan kaum muda-tua ini berlaku kerana faktor perbezaan falsafah, aliran dan paradigma menggunakan Islam untuk menghadapi keperluan zaman. Hal ini kemudiannya tidak mati begitu sahaja bahkan masih diteruskan hingga pada zaman moden ini. Banyak idealism dipegang oleh kedua aliran ini masih lagi kekal hingga zaman moden. Beberapa contoh boleh diberikan, antaranya; 1. Banyak sekolah dan Madrasah daripada aliran reformisme tumbuh dengan begitu pesat sekali. Aliran ini telah mendapat momentumnya di Malaysia apabila aliran reformisme (asalnya daripada aliran kaum Muda) diterima secara meluas oleh IPT di Malaysia. Manakala fahaman tradisionalism (asalnya aliran kaum Tua) tetap kekal di Malaysia dan Indonesia yang bertumpu di pondok-pesantren tradisional (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2000, h. 21 – 43). 2. Agensi agama Islam di Malaysia tetap kuat berpegang kepada aliran tradisional kerana mereka telah membentuk status quo yang tersendiri (Rahimin Affandi Abdul Rahim, 2008). Pada penghujung tahun 1930-an, isu pertentangan kaum muda-kaum tua telah mula beransur hilang disebabkan oleh beberapa faktor semasa yang timbul di kalangan masyarakat Melayu seperti dominasi golongan nasionalis Melayu memperjuangkan kemerdekaan Tanah Melayu (Mohd. Sarim Mustajab, h. 150). Keadaan ini telah mendorong sesetengah sarjana mengatakan bahawa kaum muda telah gagal dalam usaha mereka menjalankan usaha tajdid di Tanah Melayu (Ibrahim Abu Bakar, h. 171-172). Kenyataan ini sebenarnya tidak berasas kerana usaha tajdid kaum muda dalam kontek sejarah Malaysia telah meninggalkan banyak kesan jangka panjang dan juga kesan jangka pendek. 64 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Dilihat dari kesan jangka pendek, kaum muda telah menglahirkan golongan intelektual Melayu yang dapat menganalisa perkembangan baru yang timbul di dalam masyarakat Melayu akibat dari dasar pemodenan kuasa British. Kesedaran ini kemudiannya telah mencetuskan kesederan politik (nasionalisme) orang Melayu yang melahirkan beberapa pertubuhan politik berteraskan Islam dan Melayu seperti HAMIM, PAS, dan KMMM. Pertubuhan-pertubuhan ini kemudiannya menyebarkan beberapa intipati utama gerakan tajdid kaum muda seperti penekanan kepada kepentingan akal dan logik, tauhid, kepentingan pendidikan moden, pembangunan ekonomi bangsa Melayu, demokrasi dan perpaduan umat Islam sejagat (Mohd. Sarim Mustajab, h. 151-152). Jalinan dakwah dan intelektual di Zaman Kebangkitan Semula Islam (Tahuntahun 1970an-1990an) Di akhir dekad 70an dan permulaan dekad 80an, sepertimana masyarakat Islam luar, keadaan di Malaysia juga telah dilanda dengan gelombang kebangkitan semula Islam. Arus ini adalah ditandai dengan munculnya kesedaran untuk menyerap dan menegakkan nilai-nilai dan etika Islam dalam seluruh kehidupan (Husin Mutalib, 1990, h. 127-147) yang diperjuangkan oleh sejumlah besar pertubuhan Islam seperti ABIM, PAS, Tabligh, Arqam, PERKIM, USIA dan sebagainya. Hasrat dan keinginan kepada penghayatan Islam ini kemudiannya telah turut sama diterima oleh pihak kerajaan sendiri. Dua contoh utama boleh diberikan dalam soal ini. Pertama, asas dan kaedah gerakan reformasi yang digambarkan oleh Walid Saif sebagai “The reformist moderate model which advocates the use of peaceful means to produce desirable changes. The stress here is on evolution rather than revolution. One of the basic common ideas in this context is to build up general awareness and opinion and to create a wide public base through education, guidance, the establishment of effective Islamically oriented service and public institutions” (Walid Saif, 1995, h. 59-60) telah diterima pakai oleh pihak kerajaan, memandangkan ianya secara langsung tidak mencabar kewujudan dan keabsahan pihak kerajaan. Sebaliknya, mengikut kaca mata pihak kerajaan, dasar dan prinsip golongan reformasi ini sekiranya dilaksanakan akan menghasilkan suatu dasar yang cukup baik dan teratur, dan apa yang lebih penting lagi ia dapat memberi peluang kepada pihak kerajaan untuk mengelola dan mengawasi gerakan golongan reformasi ini (W. Roof , 1988, h. 221-222). Contoh yang kedua ialah gagasan anti sekularisme yang diperjuangkan oleh badan dakwah dan juga sarjana tempatan telah diterima baik oleh pihak kerajaan yang kemudiannya mencetuskan dasar Islamization. Selain dari faktor untuk menolak populariti parti pembangkang (W. Roof , 1988, h. 151-156). Menurut Prof. Muhammad Kamal Hassan, dasar ini pada asasnya dibuat berdasarkan beberapa prinsip utama iaitu (Muhammad Kamal, 1996, h. 107-110); 65 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah Pertama, proses meletakkan Islam sebagai al-din (way of life) seperti mana yang pernah dilakukan pada zaman sebelum kedatangan kuasa British. Ia juga disifatkan sebagai proses membebaskan diri daripada warisan peninggalan penjajah dan Kedua,proses mengubah fahaman sekularisme (desecularization) yang telah menyerap masuk ke dalam seluruh kegiatan kehidupan dan jentera pentadbiran di negara Malaysia yang merdeka, dan ketiga, proses memperbetulkan perancangan dan pelaksanaan kebanyakan dasar pembangunan negara yang sebelumnya telah dipengaruhi sepenuhnya dengan fahaman sekularisme. Di zaman ini, seperti mana halnya dengan zaman sebelumnya, perkaitan dan jalinan dakwah serta intelektualism di antara dua kawasan Malaysia Indonesia masih lagi wujud, berasaskan semangat ukhuwwah seperti mana yang terjalin di zaman sebelumnya. Antara jalinan yang dimaksudkan ini merangkumi; Pertama, penyatuan idea dan kerjasama membabitkan gerakan Islam di Malaysia dan Indonesia. Hal ini boleh dilihat dari pendekatan aspek latihan dakwah antara gerakan Islam di dua kawasan dan juga penggunaan pendapat sarjana-sarjana Islam Indonesia oleh gerakan Islam di Malaysia, di dalam menanggani kebanyakan isu-isu yang timbul di Malaysia. Untuk memperjelaskan lagi kenyataan ini kita boleh mengemukakan beberapa perkara penting, seperti ABIM mempunyai hubungan yang rapat dengan Himpunan Mahasiswa Islam (HMI) (Victor Tanja, 1982), yang dilaporkan telah turut serta menghadiri Seminar Pengkaderan anjuran HMI ini pada tahun 1970 yang diadakan di Pekalongan, Indonesia. Sejak itu, kebanyakan formula latihan kepimpinan dan dakwah yang diamalkan oleh HMI telah turut diterimapakai oleh ABIM. Begitu juga, ABIM telah menyanjung tinggi pendapat dan pandangan yang diberikan oleh tokohtokoh HMI seperti Dr. Deli ar Noer, M. Imaduddin Abdul Rahim dan Azyumardi Azra. Contoh lain, pendekatan perjuangan yang berbentuk reformism yang disertakan dengan perancangan blueprint yang lengkap mengantikan pendekatan secara retorik semata-mata yang diamalkan oleh Muhamadiyyah (Nasir Tamara, 2000, h. 367-372) telah ditiru oleh kebanyakan gerakan Islam di Malaysia, dengan menubuhkan beberapa program dan institusi bentuk ini seperti KOHILAL, KBI, Sekolah al-Amin, TASKA, TASKI dan sebagainya, sebagai usaha menanggani persoalan yang timbul di dalam masyarakat (Husin Mutalib, h. 136-138). Begitu juga, ABIM dengan kerjasama Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka telah menganjurkan seminar tentang Hamka dan transformasi sosial di Alam Melayu, yang mengkhususkan sumbangan yang telah diberikan oleh Hamka selaku sasterawan, sejarahwan, pemikir sosial, ahli tafsir dan novelis, yang amat berpengaruh di Malaysia. Seminar ini sekali lagi telah menonjolkan sumbangan Hamka selaku intelektual ummah seperti mana tokoh-tokoh lain yang memang begitu terkenal di rantau Alam Melayu (Peter Riddel, 2001; Hashim Musa, 2001). 66 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Kedua, pandangan dan banyak dari karya intelektual sarjana Indonesia telah mendapat sambutan yang baik dari kalangan sarjana Malaysia. Apa yang jelasnya, berbanding dengan realiti Malaysia, suasana budaya ilmu di Indonesia adalah lebih pesat dan begitu prolifik sekali. Hal ini terbukti dengan wujudnya kesungguhan usaha penterjemahan karya ilmiah Islam dan penghasilan karya ilmiah yang lebih original oleh kalangan sarjana Indonesia. Rata-ratanya bukubuku ilmiah dari Indo nesia ini, samada dalam bentuk terjemahan dan karya original telah membanjiri kebanyakan kedai buku terkenal di Malaysia, yang memungkinkan pengaliran pengaruh intelektual ala Indonesia ini memasuki alam ilmiah Malaysia. Jalinan Sarjana Kedua Kawasan dalam Wacana Islamisasi Ilmu Gagasan Islamisasi ilmu ini antara lainnya mempunyai beberapa intipati utama; Pertama, ilmu yang dipakai dalam kontek dunia semasa yang rata-ratanya dipegang oleh masyarakat dunia adalah hasil pemakaian world-view dan sistem epistemologi sekularisme barat memang bertentangan dengan prinsip Islam yang wajib ditentang oleh umat Islam. Kedua, ilmu barat dalam semua disiplin penuh dengan keburukan yang mmberi kesan yang merosakkan sistem ekologi dan merosak jiwa manusia. Ia akan membawa lebih banyak masalah kepada umat manusia. World-view Sekularisme barat menolak agama sebagai neraca ilmu dan kebenaran di dalam kehidupan manusia, sebaliknya agama dikatakan sebagai punca penderitaan umat manusia (Idris Zakaria, 1999, h. 15-21). Sebagai gantinya, manusia moden yang inginkan kemajuan perlu bergantung sepenuhnya kepada akal manusia sematamata. Dalam konteks penguasaan ilmu pengetahuan, pergantungan kepada akal manusia ini telah ditumpukan kepada dua aspek yang utama, (i) memahami hakikat, kebenaran dan matlamat hidup manusia dan (ii) mempergunakan akal tanpa bimbingan wahyu untuk tujuan pengurusan dan pembangunan hidup manusia. Dalam aspek yang (i), perbincangan tentang elemen epistemologi (isu sumber, status dan neraca penilaian sesuatu ilmu) ini telah melahirkan dua aliran, rationalisme; akal sebagai sumber utama ilmu dan aliran empericisme; pengalaman sebagai sumber ilmu dan kebenaran. Kedua-dua aliran ini pada dasarnya menolak semua elemen ketuhanan dalam kehidupan manusia. Begitu juga dalam aspek ke (ii), proses pengurusan dan pembangunan hidup manusia lebih bertumpu kepada matlamat memberikan kepuasan kebendaan dan nafsu manusia. Asas world-view sekularisme ini kemudiannya melahirkan falsafah humanisme (Muhammad Kamal Hassan, 1996)– menumpukan semua urusan pembangunan kehidupan dunia ini tanpa pertimbangan Akhirat semata-mata untuk kepuasan diri dan nafsu manusia. Falsafah ini kemudiannya telah 67 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah melahirkan sejumlah besar paradigma disiplin keilmuan bagi tujuan pengurusan dan pembangunan tamadun materialistik. Ianya terdiri; Pertama, paradigma Logikal emperikal positivisme – bagi setiap kajian keilmuan dan dianggap sebagai satu-satunya cara untuk mendapatkan ilmu yang paling tepat dan betul, yang kononnya dibuat melalui kaedah yang cukup sistematik, teliti dan objektif (Mohd Natsir Mahmud, 1997, h. 10-12). Manakala pengkajian yang berpandukan sumber wahyu akan dianggap sebagai tidak saintifik dan tidak boleh dibuktikan secara emperikal (semua perkara yang boleh ditangani secara lahiriah dengan pancaindera) (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 2010, h. 71-72). Pendekatan ini pada dasarnya berpunca dari sikap mereka yang menolak agama dan perkara-perkara ghaib yang tidak dapat dilihat dan ditangani dengan pancaindera (Louay Safi, 1998, h. 190-199). Kedua, pemakaian paradigma Materialistik-Mekanisme perlu dipakai sepenuhnya dalam proses membangunkan aspek fizikal yang membabitkan alam sekitar di dalam sesuatu masyarakat. Paradigma ini menganggap alam sebagai sumber utama yang berupa material- mekanis semata-mata dan tidak mempunyai nilai spiritual (nyawa) yang perlu bergantung kepada kuasa ketuhanan. Pandangan ini telah melahirkan sifat sekularis dan individualistik yang lebih menjurus kepada mementingkan kebajikan manusia berbanding dengan kebajikan alam. Hasilnya, berasaskan kepada paradigma ini, dua penekanan telah diberikan; (i) Alam dan segala isinya dianggap sebagai sumber utama yang bakal menambahkan kekayaan manusia sekularis- yang perlu diperah hasilnya semaksimum mungkin dan (ii) Alam perlu diteroka dan dikaji mengikut kerangka pemahaman saintifik -materalism-sekularisme agar segala hukumnya yang bersifat praktikal boleh dikaji demi untuk kepentingan manusia moden. Intipati ketiga gagasan Islamisasi ilmu menetapkan bahawa sebelum ilmu barat dapat diterima ianya perlu ditapis dan disaring menggunakan sistem epistemologi Islam yang agak ketat. Mengikut Syed Naquibb al-Attas proses tapisan ini perlu mengambilkira world-view, ontologi, epistemologi dan aksiologi yang terkandung dalam ilmu barat. Lebih lanjut lagi, mengikut Ismail Faruqi, proses tapisan ini memerlukan beberapa langkah utama; (Zaini Ujang, 1989, h. 3942) 1. Menguasai disiplin ilmu moden (barat). 2. Kajian mendalam terhadap sesuatu disiplin barat. 3. Menguasai warisan ilmu Islam. 4. Analisis warisan ilmu Islam. 5. Mengemukakan kaitan Islam kepada sesuatu disiplin moden. 6. Penilaian terhadap disiplin ilmu moden. 7. Penilaian terhadap warisan ilmu Islam. 8. Kajian terhadap masalah ummah. 9. Kajian terhadap masalah manusia sejagat. 68 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia 10. Analisis dan sintesis terhadap kedua-dua disiplin moden dan Islam. 11. Penulisan buku teks yang mengandungi disiplin ilmu. 12. Menyebar luaskan ilmu yang telah diislamkan. Mengikut pengamatan semasa, kita dapat mengesan beberapa yang membabitkan gagasan Islamisasi ilmu ini di Malaysia dan Indonesia, kesemuanya secara jelas memperlihatkan bahawa gagasan ini bukan setakat menjadi bahan wacana semata-mata, bahkan turut dilaksanakan intipatinya dalam kehidupan; Pertama, persetujuan terhadap keburukan proses sekularisasi yang dibawa oleh penjajahan kuasa barat. Kesemua sarjana Islam di kedua kawasan bersetuju bahawa proses penjajahan kuasa barat (British dan Belanda) telah menyebabkan berlakunya proses sekularisasi dalam semua aspek kehidupan masyarakat Islam, terpenting lagi fahaman ini telah meresap dalam pemikiran masyarakat Islam. Ianya terdiri daripada; i. Pengosongan alam tabii dan akal insani daripada unsur ketuhanan – manusia bebas melakukan sesuatu program pembangunan tanpa mempedulikan kuasa tuhan. ii. Penafian terhadap kekuasaan politik yang berdasarkan sumber agama. iii. Pengenalan sistem penilaian nisbi/relatif terhadap agama; manusia bebas tentukan masa depannya sendiri. iv. Penurunan taraf ilmu agama, berbanding dengan ilmu bukan agama – tumpuan lebih diberi kepada ilmu bukan agama yg kononnya boleh membawa kemajuan (Mohd Hazim Shah Abdul Murad, 2005, h. 91- 92). v. Penakrifan konsep kebenaran (truth) yang keliru dan mengikut paradigma sekularisme. Kedua, penubuhan NGO/LSM khusus yang memperjuangkan gagasan Islamisasi Ilmu. Dewasa ini, perjuangan menegakkan usaha pelestarian Islam dalam masyarakat dikatakan boleh dibuat melalui beberapa cara; terlibat dalam sistem pemerintahan, pendidikan dan NGO. Sarjana Islam di kedua kawasan rataratanya bersepakat bah awa peranan NGO Islam amat diperlukan bagi memperjuangkan sesuatu gagasan tertentu. Bahkan dalam ketiga aspek yang dinyatakan sebelumnya ianya bersifat complimentari antara satu sama lain bagi melestarikan Islam dalam masyarakat Islam. Peranan NGO ini yang ditubuhkan atas tujuan tertentu dan dianggotai oleh sejumlah besar pakar ilmu (Intellectual Circle) memang mmpunyai sejarah yang panjang dalam memperkembangkan keilmuan Islam dalam pelbagai falsafah yang tersendiri. Di zaman klasik, walaupun ianya bukan bernama NGO tetapi intipati utama perjuangan intellectual circle ini memang menyamai konsep NGO di zaman moden ini. 69 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah Di Malaysia, gagasan Islamisasi ilmu telah melahirkan beberapa NGO khusus. Selepas Malaysia mencapai kemerdekaan dan tersebarnya gelombang kebangkitan semula Islam di tahun-tahun 1970-2000an, telah muncul intellectual circle saintis Melayu-Islam yang bernaung di bawah ASASI. Kebanyakan mereka terdiri daripada kakitangan akademik Melayu yang mendapat didikan daripada universiti di Barat, tetapi kuat terpengaruh dengan idealism Islam (Mohamad Abu Bakar, 2001, h. 407-410). Kita boleh mengenalpasti beberapa peranan ASASI ini dalam memperjuangkan konsep sains Islam. Antaranya; pertama, melakukan kritikan dibuat terhadap konsep sains Barat. Butiran kritikan ini merangkumi penegasan bahawa masyarakat Melayu seolah-olah tertipu apabila menganggap sains Barat berfahaman sekular yang berasaskan logico positivisme sebagai paling benar dan universal pengunaannya. Sedangkan konsep sains Barat ini sebenarnya dikritik hebat oleh golongan saintis Barat di Eropah sendiri (Mohd Hazim Shah Abdul Murad, 2005, h. 91-94). Selain itu juga, konsep sains Barat yang diagung-agungkan sebenarnya sains yang paling muda usianya berbanding dengan ilmu sains yang berteraskan ciri tempatan dan ada hubungan dengan tuhan (Abdul Rahman Abdullah, 2010). Di Alam Melayu sendiri sebelum kedatangan penjajah Barat telahpun ada warisan sains Melayu yang agak cemerlang (seperti meriam Melayu yang dilaporkan lebih hebat daripada meriam Portugis, kapal Melayu lebih kukuh daripada kapal Eropah). Memang ada manuskrip Melayu yang mengandungi semua maklumat sains Melayu ini (Shaharir Mohamad Zin, 2003, h. 157-203). Apa yang jelasnya, Intellectual circle Melayu semasa seperti GAPENA dan ASASI secara kuat memperjuangkan tentang kemampuan bahasa Melayu digunakan sebagai bahasa ilmu untuk pengembangan ilmu sains. Mereka secara terang-terangan mencabar dakwaan bahawa bahasa Melayu tidak mampu digunakan untuk membangunkan pengetahuan bertaraf tinggi seperti konsep sains Islam. ASASI memperjuangkan gagasan Pemeribumian sains Melayu-Islam. Mengikut Osman Bakar, status negara Malaysia yang maju hanya akan dapat dicapai apabila masyarakat Melayu membangunkan kaedah sainsnya sendiri, di mana sains Barat diterima dan ditapis secara selektif dengan sains Melayu-Islam. Dengan cara ini, masyarakat Melayu akan mempunyai kekuatan dari segi peralatan, bahkan juga pemikiran (Osman Bakar, 1989 h. 10). Sebelum kedatangan kuasa penjajah, masyarakat Melayu telahpun mempunyai pengetahuan dari segi sains dan teknologi. Antaranya dalam bidang astronomi, astrologi, kosmogeni, matematik, perubatan, fizik dan sains hayat. Di Indonesia pula, pelbagai NGO Islam muncul seperti INSIST yang membawa usaha penentangan terhadap fahaman liberalism barat yang mempengaruhi ajaran Islam. Ia lebih berbentuk Counter Attack dengan usaha yang dijalankan oleh golongan Islam liberal. Mengikut pandangan INSIST, konsep 70 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia kelimuan barat tidak harus diterima begitu sahaja, tetapi perlu dilihat kepada world-view yang mendasari keilmuan tersebut. World-view adalah pandangan manusia tentang diri, alam dan kehidupan. Ianya ditentukan oleh agama, budaya, falsafah dan perkembangan S&T, yang secara langsung mempengaruhi sikap dan tindakan seseorang. Mengikut Hamid Zarkashi, world-view Islam adalah : visi tentang realiti dan kebenaran, berupa kesatuan pemikiran yang arsitektonik, yang berperanan sebagai asas yang tidak nampak (non-observable) bagi semua perilaku manusia, termasuk aktiviti ilmiah dan teknologi. Antara elemen asas untuk world-view Islam terdiri dari konsep tuhan, wahyu dan penciptaannya, psikologi manusia, ilmu, agama, kebebasan, nilai dan kebajikan dan kebahagiaan. Elemen-elemen inilah yang kemudiannya yang menentukan bentuk perubahan (change), perkembangan (development) dan kemajuan (progress) dalam Islam (Hamid Fahmy Zarkasyi, 2004, h. 1-6). Atas dasar ini, ternyata keilmuan barat moden memang memiliki elemen fahaman sekularisme yang terkandung di dalamnya yang harus ditentang oleh umat Islam. Apa yang diperjuangkan oleh INSIST ini ternyata bertepatan dengan realiti wujudnya penganut aliran liberalism yang berpegang dengan paradigma taasub melulu dengan semua elemen daripada barat yang dianggap sesuai dengan konteks zaman moden. Lebih penting lagi, kumpulan Islam liberal ini telah menimbulkan pelbagai isu liberalism yang merangkumi isu penindasan wanita, ketertutupan Islam dengan perkembangan moden dan sikap anti terhadap golongan bukan Islam (Abd Moqsith Ghazali, 2007, h. 412-431). Sebagai contohnya, Luthfi Assyaukanie, menegaskan bahawa sekularisme tidak bercanggah dengan Islam, malah ia memberi berkah kepada Islam dan agamaagama lain. Menurutnya lagi sebuah demokrasi yang baik hanya boleh dilaksanakan jika ia mampu menerapkan prinsip-prinsip sekularisasi yang benar. Amerika Syarikat, Australia dan negara-negara lain tidak menganggap sekularisme sebagai musuh agama, bahkan pelindung agama. Penerapan yang sebeginilah yang disarankan oleh Luthfi Assyaukanie untuk mendapat berkah sekularisme (Luthfi Assyaukanie, 2007, h. 241-244). Ketiga, penerapan gagasan Islamisasi ilmu dalam sistem pendidikan tinggi Islam. Di Malaysia, gagasan Islamisasi ilmu telah dijadikan falsafah dan asas utama penubuhan UIAM, USIM dan kemudiannya diterap sama oleh beberapa IPT yang menawarkan disiplin pengajian Islam. Di Indonesia, beberapa UIN juga dilihat berusaha menerapkan falsafah Islamisasi ini dengan menggunapakai pelbagai teori pendidikan yang berbeza, walaupun falsafahnya tetap sama; mengakui kelemahan sistem pendidikan Islam dan keperluan melakukan Islamisasi ilmu. Ia dikesan membawa Teori Integrasi Ilmu Agama Dan Umum, Teori Peta Laba-Laba, Teori Jaringan Roda Dan Teori Menara Berkembar. Terpenting sekali, kita mendapati sarjana Malaysia kurang memberikan penekanan kepada aspek falsafah yang bersifat abstrak, tetapi lebih suka menerapkan aplikasi Islamisasi 71 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah ilmu dalam kurikulum di IPTA. Hal ini berbeza dengan realiti di Indonesia, mereka lebih suka menumpukan perhatian kepada konsep dan falsafah Islamisasi ilmu, yang sayangnya soal aplikasi kurang diberikan penekanan. Penerusan Wacana Idealism Islam yang Anti Ekstremism Ia membabitkan penentangan terhadap pendekatan ekstremism dalam pemahaman agama Islam. Sarjana dari kedua kawasan bersepakat bahawa sebarang bentuk perjuangan yang menggunakan kaedah ekstremeism perlu ditentang kerana ianya bakal merosakkan citra Islam itu sendiri. Walaupun apapun nama dan tren perjuangan, mereka sepakat menolak elemen kekerasan yang melampau, yang boleh diperincikan sebagai; (Hashim Musa, 2004, h. 232) Pertama, extremisme; melampaui batas dan keseimbangan apabila mentafsir dan melaksanakan sesuatu peraturan ataupun hukum secara ekstrem. Kedua, chauvisnisme; taksub apabila menganggap fikiran atau kumpulan sendiri adalah yang terbaik, manakala fikiran atau kumpulan lain tidak benar dan mesti ditolak. Ketiga, fanaticisme; tindakan membuta tuli (menghampiri psikosis) dalam mengikuti dan melaksanakan sesuatu cara, pendapat dan pendekatan sendiri tanpa mempedulikan bahkan menolak sekeras-kerasnya pendapat orang lain. Memang terdapat serangkaian aktiviti dan pegangan melampau yang dijalankan oleh penganut Islam semasa, samada di Malaysia (Mohd Mizan Aslam, 2009, h. 145-157) ataupun Indonesia (Amir Santoso, 2007, h. 323-338 ; Haedar Nashir, 2007, h. 167-168), antaranya; Pertama, amalan melampau telah bertanggungjawab menyebabkan perpecahan dan pertumpahan darah sesama umat Islam yang cukup dashyat sekali. Contohnya boleh dilihat daripada peritiswa kematian Imam Shafi’I yang dipukul oleh penganut fanatic mazhab Maliki akibat perbezaan pendapat antara keduanya dalam satu isu furu’iyyah yang kecil sahaja. Begitu juga halnya, dengan pergaduhan antara pengikut mazhab Sunni dan Syiah di dalam isu-isu biasa yang sepatutnya boleh diselesaikan melalui perbincangan ilmiah. Contohnya boleh dilihat kepada kes Pengeboman Bali. Dalam perbicaraan kes tersebut yang dibuat di mahmakah Indonesia yang turut dihadiri oleh keluarga mangsa, tertuduh utama yang bernama Amrozi telah tersenyum sinis dan mengatakan perkataan “go to hell with you infidel” kepada semua keluarga mangsa korban yang berada di dalam mahkamah tersebut. Pihak media Barat yang turut serta membuat liputan di dalam perbicaraan tersebut telah mengambil kesempatan menjadikannya sebagai isu utama yang menonjolkan bahawa Islam memang mengajar penganutnya bersikap zalim dan biadap terhadap golongan bukan Islam. Lebih khusus lag, peristiwa 11 September yang memusnahkan WTC dan Pentagon telah menyebabkan kuasa Barat yang dipimpin oleh Amerika Syarikat melakukan pencerobohan terhadap dua Negara umat Islam, Aghanistan dan Iraq. 72 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Kita dapat mengesan wujudnya pengaruh global salafi melampau yang didasarkan kepada mentality perang Salib dan Neo-kolonialisme Barat, khususnya terhadap kuasa Barat dan Zionisme, yang wajib digunakan kaedah kekerasan untuk menangganinya. Lebih buruk lagi, hal ini turut diperpanjangkan dengan faktor perbezaan mazhab dalam Islam, seperti kes perbezaan antara dua mazhab terbesar dalam Islam, Sunni dan Syiah – Kes Kumpulan al-Qaedah di bawah pimpinan Abu Mus’ab al-Zarkawi di Iraq. Bagi golongan ini, pembentukan sebuah pemerintahan Islam bukan sekadar suatu alternatif, tetapi suatu kewajiban Syar’i berdasarkan perintah dan kehendak Allah. Kerana itu setiap penganut Islam harus patuh dengan mematuhi kehendak Allah ini, khususnya pemerintahannya yang dijalankan oleh golongan ini – Kes pemerintahan Taliban di Aghanistan. Memandangkan legitimasi pemerintah Islam didasarkan kepada syariah Allah, maka pemerintah yang tidak mematuhi syariah adalah tidak sah. Manamana pemerintah dan indiv idu Islam yang tidak mematuhi syariah Allah akan dianggap bersalah dan kafir yang diperangi menggunakan konsep Jihad – Kes pembunuhan Anwar Sadat oleh pengikut kumpulan Takfir wa al-Hijrah. Bagi golongan ini, program penentangan terhadap pemerintah Islam yang ingkar perlu diperluaskan untuk memerangi ulamak rasmi berserta dengan semua pasarananya (seperti masjid dan sekolah) yang dilihat bergabung dengan pihak pemerintah – Kes Jemaah Islamiyyah dan Front Pembela Islam di Indonesia. Jihad melawan kekafiran dan golongan yang bersimpati dengannya adalah dianggap sebagai tugas suci. Oleh sebab itu memerangi golongan ini diwajibkan ke atas semua Mukmin sejati, yang perlu juga diperluaskan kepada semua golongan awam dan kepentingan mereka. Seperti mana golongan Khawarij, golongan ini menuntut komitmen kesetiaan dan ketaatan yang total. Bagi mereka, seseorang itu dilihat dari segi status keagamaannya, hanya berada dalam dua keadaan sematamata; samada Islam ata upun kafir. Mereka menegaskan bahawa golongan Kristian dan Yahudi dianggap sebagai kafir, dan bukannya sebagai Ahli Kitab kerana hubungan mereka dengan kuasa kolonialisme Barat dan Zionisme. Mereka dipandang sebagai rakan rapat dalam sebuah konspirasi Yahudi-Kristian melawan Islam dan dunia Islam. Akhirnya, generasi muda Islam digalakkan untuk terlibat di dalam memerangi golongan kafir sebagai anti tesi kepada golongan Islam, yang dikatakan bakal memperoleh status mati syahid seandainya sanggup mengorbankan dirinya dalam pengeboman berani mati. Bersamaan dengan pendekatan ini, sarjana Islam dari kedua kawasan memperjuangkan agar umat Islam mengamalkan sikap selektif dengan keilmuan Barat (Lili Yulyadi Arnakim & Ibnu Hamad, 2010, h. 3-10). Kita sering terperangkap dengan sikap melampau yang menolak kesemua perkara yang datang daripada Barat. Dalam soal keilmuan ini, sarjana dari kedua kawasan mengakui memang terdapat beberapa elemen positif yang dimiliki oleh 73 Badlihisyam Mohd Nasir, Rahimin Affandi Abd. Rahim & Khafidz Hamzah masyarakat Barat, khususnya yang membabitkan dunia ilmu. Bagi elemen yang positif pula, kita dapat mengesan beberapa perkara yang boleh dijadikan input berguna untuk proses berfikir bagi umat Islam. Ianya terdiri daripada (Abdul Rahman Embong, 2003).; 1. Teori dan formula pembangunan barat adalah cukup dinamik dan sentiasa berubah. 2. Realiti masyarakat dan kepimpinan politik barat yang lebih telus dan demokratik. (civil society). 3. Barat sentiasa melakukan proses reviewing terhadap semua konsep dan paradigma silam yang diikuti dengan usaha penambahbaikian yang sepatutnya. Hal ini boleh dilihat daripada usaha sarjana dan masyarakat mengkritik kelemahan paradigma sekularisme silam – terbukti apabila mereka lebih mengamalkan sikap positif dengan keperluaan agama dalam hidup manusia. Ianya turut disertakan dengan usaha menitikberatkan dalam soal penjagaan sistem ekologi dunia. 4. Realiti kepimpinan politik barat yang lebih suka berpegang kepada hasil R&D yang dijalankan oleh para ilmuan. 5. Tahap kemajuan ekonomi masyarakat barat yang lebih maju, khususnya membabitkan penguasaan dunia barat terhadap seluruh sistem di dunia, antara lainnya kerana dunia barat memiliki kecanggihan ilmu pengetahuan dan seterusnya mampu mendominasi semua elemen kehidupan dunia moden (Hashim Musa, 2004, h. 191-192). Dalam soal ini, Hashim Musa menegaskan, Amerika Syarikat sebagai tamadun teras barat kini mendahului negara-negara lain di dunia dalam pelbagai bidang kira-kira 20 tahun ke hadapan, seperti; mendahului bidang teknologi; memiliki sifat keusahawanan yang tinggi; setiap lapisan rakyatnya digalakkan membuat eksperimen dan inovasi yang bermula daripada kosong. Contohnya, apa yang dijalankan oleh Microsoft dan Dell Computers; membenarkan tenaga muda dalam organisasi bersuara dan memimpin jika berupaya; berjaya memupuk dan memanfaatkan akal fikiran tenaga muda yang aktif dan produktif untuk kemajuan organisasi dan komuniti. 6. Konsep modal insan barat menitikberatkan beberapa sifat yang amat diperlukan untuk kerjaya moden, merangkumi; (H. Syahrin Harahap, 1999, h. 11-25) tindakan menunda kesenangan jangka pendek untuk kesenangan jangka panjang; memanfaatkan waktu dan etos kerja yang cemerlang; yakin dengan keadilan dapat disebarkan kepada manusia; menekankan pengamalan budaya ilmu sebagai kaedah untuk melahirkan kreatifiviti akal yang tinggi, dan akhir sekali, menyanjung tinggi bakat dan kemampuan serta penghargaan diberikan berdasarkan prestasi dan bukannya berasaskan kepada paradigma feudalism. 74 Ulama dan Wacana Islam dalam Hubungan Intelektual di Tanah Melayu dan Indonesia Kesimpulan Sebagai rumusan akhir, kita boleh menegaskan bahawa terdapat beberapa intipati terpenting berkaitan dengan pendekatan dakwah serantau, jika dirujuk kepada perkembangan sejarah yang pernah berlaku di rantau Alam Melayu. Pertamanya, walaupun kita sering berbangga dengan perkembangan hidup yang lebih baik di zaman moden ini dan sering memandang rendah terhadap zaman silam, tetapi dilihat dari segi kedinamikan perkembangan Islam di zaman silam, ternyata ianya lebih baik berbanding dengan zaman moden ini. Keduanya, walaupun konsep dan tema dakwah serantau telah mula diperkenalkan pada zaman moden ini, pada hakikat sebenarnya dipandang dari sudut teori dan praktikalnya, ianya telah diamalkan secara menyeluruh sejak dahulu lagi oleh kalangan penganut Islam di Alam Melayu. Ketiganya, peranan yang cukup proaktif kearah melahirkan intelektual ummah yang terdiri dari ulamak terbilang yang sanggup berkorban demi menegakkan kalimah Allah di rantau Alam Melayu telah berjaya dimainkan oleh institusi pendidikan Islam silam. Akhir sekali, kita boleh melihat aura kehebatan jalinan dakwah dan intelektual silam masih lagi diteruskan sehingga pada masa sekarang membabitkan kedua-dua penganut dari kawasan Alam Melayu. 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Studi Islam di Timur dan Barat: Pengaruhnya terhadap pemikiran Islam di Indonesia. Ulumul Quran, 3(3). Victor Tanja. (1982). Himpunan mahasiswa Islam: Sejarah dan kedudukannya di tengah gerakan-gerakan Muslim pembaharuan di Indonesia.Jakarta. Zaini Ujang. (1989). Tinjauan terhadap pendidikan bersepadu: suatu sorotan dalam pengajian kejuruteraan alam sekitar. Jurnal Pendidikan Islam, 2(1). 80 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp81-101 PEMBAHAGIAN PUSAKA ISLAM DAN PERMASALAHANNYA DI SINGAPURA (DISTRIBUTION OF MUSLIM’S ESTATE AND ISSUES IN SINGAPORE) Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah Jabatan Fiqh dan Usul, Akademi Pengajian Islam, Universit of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur ([email protected], [email protected]) Abstract Generally, the distribution of Muslims’ estate in Singapore is based on the Administration of Muslim Law Act which is known as AMLA. This act has been enacted as a result of Muslims’ experience under British occupation and the joining of Singapore to Malaysia. Although, this Act is part of the Personal Law for Muslims, there are still some issues in terms of legal application and Muslims’ understanding of the Islamic law itself that affect the full implementation of the law in matters related to Muslims’ estates in Singapore. This article is aimed at discussing these issues and to explore the real situation of distribution of Muslims’ estates in Singapore. Keywords: inheritance, Singapore, civil law, Islamic law Pengenalan Kedatangan agama Islam di rantau Asia Tenggara telah memainkan peranan yang banyak dalam mengubah kehidupan masyarakat Melayu. Malaysia dan Singapura berkongsi sejarah yang sama yang mana Islam bermazhabkan Shafii telah dibawa ke negara-negara ini oleh pedagang dan ulamak dari Arab dan India bermula pada abad keempat belas dan seterusnya tersebar luas sekitar semenanjung melalui pengaruh Kesultanan Melaka pada awal abad kelima belas (Hooker, 1983: 1-22; Abshire, 2011: 25, Rahimin Affandi, Ruzman, Nor Hayati & Norafifah, 2013: 223-224, Wan Zailan, Ahmad Zuhdi & Jasamad, 2013: 132-133). Sewaktu Raffles tiba di Singapura pada tahun 1819 beliau mendapati penduduk di Singapura ketika itu adalah berbangsa Melayu yang dipercayai telah lama memeluk agama Islam (Tong, 2007: 49; Evans, 1927: 43; Shaharil Talib, 1995: 1-22, Maria, Rodney & Hanafi, 2009: 41). Mereka merupakan nelayan yang 81 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah mengamalkan sistem perundangan berpandukan kepada Undang-undang Adat Melayu di bawah pemerintahan Dato’ Temenggong. Pulau tersebut mempunyai jumlah penduduk kurang dari 200 orang dengan Dato’ Temenggong selaku pentadbir mewakili pemerintah Sultan Johor bagi mentadbir Pulau Singapura. Pemerintah Melayu ketika itu membuka kawasan pelabuhan bagi menarik perdagangan yang dapat menghasilkan cukai dan hadiah serta menarik perdagang dan orang asing bagi mempertingkat jumlah penduduk yang mana dapat menyumbang kepada harta dan kekayaan kerajaan masa itu (Lee, 2008: 1). Dengan kehadiran pihak British, tarikan perdagangan yang semakin luas memberi kesan kepada pertambahan penduduk yang beragama Islam dengan kemasukan perdagang-perdagang dari India, Arab dan sebagainya ke Singapura. Ini terbukti dengan pembentukan Kuarters bagi masyarakat Islam oleh pihak British sebagai penempatan bagi perdagang-perdagang Islam dari sememanjung Tanah Melayu, Jawa, Arab dan Hadramaut yang dikenali dengan perkampungan Kampong Glam (Perkins, 1984: 8; Hanizah, 1997: 71). Undang-undang Islam Singapura Agama Islam yang diterima di Singapura bukan sahaja dalam bentuk amalan harian semata-mata tetapi juga turut diterapkan dalam bentuk undang-undang tempatan. Perundangan Islam yang pertama dibentuk ialah Ordinan Perkahwinan 1880 yang dikenali sebagai Mahomedan Marriage Ordinance of 1880 sehingga diganti dengan Muslim Ordinance 1957. Pada bulan Ogos 1961, kedua-dua Perdana Menteri dari Persekutuan Tanah Melayu dan Singapura telah bersetuju untuk mengaplikasi Undang-undang Pentadbiran Hukum Islam yang dilaksanakan di dua bekas negeri-negeri selat iaitu di Melaka dan Pulau Pinang. Apabila perjanjian telah dipersetujui pada 16 September 1963, peruntukan ini telah dimasukkan di dalam Perlembagaan Singapura. Namun, Singapura telah keluar dari Persekutuan Tanah Melayu pada bulan Ogos 1965 sebelum terbentuknya Majlis Ugama Islam (Sharon Siddique, 1986: 315-326). Kesan daripada perpisahan ini, Singapura sebagai salah sebuah negara sekular memberi penekanan yang tegas bahawa polisi negara tidak boleh bercampur aduk dengan keagamaan (Kong & Yeoh, 2003: 77), dan ini telah dijadikan sebagai suatu amalan dan dasar perundangan di Singapura. Walaubagaimanapun Kerajaan Singapura tetap memberi hak kebebasan kepada rakyatnya untuk mengakui, mengamalkan serta menyebarkan agama mereka sepertimana tertakluk dalam seksyen 15 perlembagaan negara. Selain itu juga, terdapat beberapa seksyen yang khusus bagi masyarakat Islam Singapura sepertimana termaktub dalam seksyen 152 Perlembagaan Singapura. Di dalam seksyen ini mengiktiraf masyarakat Melayu sebagai penduduk pribumi Singapura dan pemerintah harus mempromosikan perkara-perkara yang berhubungkait 82 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura dengan masyarakat Melayu. Dalam hal ini juga, seksyen 153 menjelaskan bahawa pemerintah perlu membentuk badan Islam sebagai penasihat kepada presiden dalam hal yang berhubung kait dengan agama Islam (Bouma et. al., 2008: 99). Selepas perpisahan dengan Malaysia, ramai masyarakat Islam pada masa itu, menuntut supaya diwujudkan sebuah badan yang dapat mengendalikan pentadbiran orang-orang Islam dengan dibentuk suatu perundangan khusus (Singh & Wheatley, 1990: 629). Hasilnya, pada tanggal 13 Disember 1965, suatu rang Undang-undang Pentadbiran Hukum Islam telah dikemukakan di Parlimen Singapura oleh Menteri Kebudayaan dan Hal Ehwal Sosial Othman Wok. Pada 30 Disember pada tahun yang sama dibacakan buat kali kedua di parlimen dan satu jawatankuasa terpilih parlimen telah dibentuk untuk mengkaji rang undangundang tersebut dari setia p aspek dengan mengambil kira pendapat dan pandangan dari pemimpin-pemimpin Islam Singapura, wakil-wakil pertubuhan Islam dan juga pandangan dari individu-individu tertentu (Singapore Government, 1966: 1).1 Di dalam bacaan kedua ini, Othman Wok telah menjelaskan bahawa rang undang-undang hasil contoh yang diambil dari sebahagian perundangan pentadbiran Undang-undang Islam Selangor 1952 yang berkuatkuasa di beberapa negeri di Malaysia seperti Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Pahang dan Perlis. Segala pandangan dan cadangan dari orang ramai telah dikaji dan dibincangkan oleh jawatankuasa terpilih dengan merumuskannya dan hasil laporannya telah dibentangkan di parlimen pada 31 Mei 1966 dan dibacakan kali ketiga pada 17 Ogos 1966.2 Dalam pembentangan Othman Wok kali ini, beliau menekankan bahawa rang undang-undang yang dikemukakan bukan Undang-undang Islam itu sendiri tetapi ia lebih melibatkan administrasi hukum Islam, menubuh sebuah Majlis Ugama Islam, mempertimbangkan untuk memberi kuasa eksekutif kepada majlis tersebut, menguatkan kuasa Mahkamah Syariah Singapura, had umur untuk berkahwin dan pembelaan bagi kaum wanita Islam Singapura. Pada akhirnya rang undang-undang tersebut telah diluluskan oleh Parlimen dan dikenali sebagai Akta Pentadbiran Hukum Islam atau singkatannya AMLA ‘Administration of Muslim Law Act’. Akta ini mula berkuatkuasa dan menjadi sebuah undang-undang pada 25 Ogos 1966 (Sharon Siddique, 1986: 326) dan dua tahun kemudiannya iaitu tahun 1968 Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura mula tertubuh dan beroperasi (Ahmad Ibrahim, 1979: 47). Jika diteliti perkara di dalam akta ini, Akta Pentadbiran Hukum Islam (AMLA) dapat dibahagikan kepada dua bentuk perundangan iaitu pengurusan hal ehwal keagamaan Islam serta kekeluargaan Islam yang turut melibatkan persoalan pembahagian pusaka bagi orang Islam. Perundangan yang berhubungkait dengan hal ehwal keagamaan adalah pertama; Bidang kuasa Majlis Ugama Islan Singapura (MUIS), kedua; Pengurusan Masjid dan Sekolah Agama (Madrasah) di Singapura, ketiga; pengurusan sumber 83 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah kewangan seperti Pengurusan wang Zakat, harta dan hartanah Waqaf, Nazar dan Wasiat, keempat; Sijil Halal dan Pengurusan Haji, dan kelima; Urusan Pendaftaran Kemasukan Agama Islam. Manakala perundangan yang berhubung kait dengan hal ehwal kekeluargaan Islam, pertama; Bidang kuasa Mahkamah Syariah, kedua; Perkahwinan dan Penceraian dan ketiga; Kehartaan. Selain dari itu terdapat beberapa seksyen lain yang turut terkandung dalam akta ini seperti kedudukan Pendaftar, Kadi dan Naib Kadi sebagai kakitangan kerajaan, saksi dalam perbicaraan, bukti dalam perbicaraan, peraturan yang dikemukakan oleh kerajaan Singapura dan hukuman bagi kesalahan-kesalahan di bawah seksyen 129-140 AMLA. Pembahagian Harta Pusaka Islam dalam Perundangan Singapura Secara umumnya, pembahagian harta pusaka melalui kedua-dua perundangan ini mempunyai tujuan yang sama dalam menyelesaikan pembahagian kepada ahli keluarga yang terdekat “Immediate family” untuk menjaga kepentingan dan kebajikan ahli keluarga dalam meneruskan kehidupan mereka melalui kaedah yang telah ditetapkan dalam kedua-dua perundangan ini. Penetapan kaedah susunan iaitu senarai yang awal didahulukan merupakan suatu cara mengenalpasti individu-individu terawal yang layak mewarisi serta ahli keluarga yang bakal mengambil alih hak mewarisi agar harta-harta yang ditinggalkan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh kesemua ahli waris yang berhak dan saling bantumembantu sesama ahli keluar ga. Dalam menyelesaikan pusaka si mati adalah penting mengenal pasti sama ada si mati telah meninggal wasiat yang diiktiraf untuk menentukan status pusakanya samada pusakanya ditinggalkan wasiat (Testate) atau tanpa wasiat (Intestate). Dalam keadaan ada wasiat pusakanya akan dibahagikan mengikut ketetapan wasiat si mati (Sussman et. al, 1970: 16). Bagi kes tanpa wasiat secara umumnya dalam perundangan sivil, pembahagian pusaka akan dibahagikan kepada ahli waris berpandukan kepada urutan berikut iaitu didahulukan pasangan dan anak-anak si mati, diikuti dengan ibu bapa, adik-beradik dan anak saudara, datuk- dan nenek, dan terakhir, bapa saudara dan ibu saudara (Sussman et. al, 1970: 17). Walaubagaimanapun dari segi pelaksanaannya amalan di setiap negara yang mengamalkan perundangan sivil adalah berbeza dari sudut teknikalitinya. Sebagai contoh, amalan di Singapura, sekiranya si mati meninggalkan pusaka tanpa wasiat pasangannya berhak mendapat setengah dari pusakanya dan baki setengah akan dikongsi oleh anak-anak. Bagi mereka di Malaysia, pasangan yang masih hidup hanya layak memperolehi sepertiga dari harta dan duapertiga akan dikongsi oleh anak.3 84 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura Dalam perundangan Islam, panduan khusus dalam mengenalpasti ahli waris serta bahagian-bahagian yang berhak diwarisi termaktub dalam sumber syariah yang utama iaitu al-Qur’an dan hadith dengan ahli waris yang utama adalah pasangan si mati, anak lelaki dan anak perempuan serta ayah dan ibunya. Selain dari itu telah ditetapkan ahli waris lain yang akan mewarisi sebahagian harta bagi menggantikan ahli waris utama yang tiada semasa pemergian si mati. Dalam penentuan bahagian yang berhak diwarisi, sebahagian ahli waris akan mewarisi melalui penentuan bahagian yang telah ditetapkan, sebahagian yang lain pula akan mewarisi setelah menolak bahagian-bahagian ahli waris yang lain. Sekiranya, bahagian yang dikongsi oleh lelaki dan wanita dalam kedudukan yang sama seperti anak lelaki dan anak perempuan, cucu lelaki dan cucu perempuan, lelaki akan memperoleh dua kali ganda dari bahagian wanita (Al-Sabuni, 1388H: 49, 65 & 68), ia dilihat dari sudut peranan dan tanggungjawab kewangan yang lebih berat ke atas seorang lelaki (Abbas, Fadil Hassan & ‘Abbas, Sana’ Hassan, 1991: 322), berbanding Undang-undang Sivil yang tidak membezakan status mereka disebabkan jantina. Dalam peruntukkan Akta Pentadbiran Hukum Islam yang lebih dikenali sebagai ‘Administration of Muslim Law Act’ atau singkatannya AMLA Mahkamah Syariah mempunyai bidangkuasa untuk mengeluarkan sijil warisan bagi mereka yang bermohon sepertimana yang termaktub dalam seksyen 115 AMLA. Walaubagaimanapun segala tuntutan serta perbicaraan berkenaan harta pusaka hanya boleh dituntut dan dikemukakan di Mahkamah Sivil. Dalam satu kes tuntutan ke atas harta peninggalan iaitu Saniah Ali lwn Abdullah Ali, dimana Abdullah Ali menuntut haknya secara faraid daripada Saniah Ali selaku yang merupakan penama bagi wang Tabung Simpanan Pekerja atau lebih dikenali sebagai ’Central Providents Fund’, Mahkamah Tinggi memutuskan bahawa jumlah wang di dalam CPF tidak tertakluk di bawah harta pusaka si mati dan tidak tertakluk di bawah seksyen 112(1) AMLA yang menyatakan,”(1) In the case of any Muslim person domiciled in Singapore dying intestate, the estate and effects shall be distributed according to the Muslim law as modified, where applicable, by Malay custom.“ Dengan itu, Plantiff iaitu Saniah Ali berhak ke atas kesemua wang yang dibayar oleh Badan CPF. Oleh kerana mahkamah yang membicarakan kes ini adalah mahkamah sivil maka keputusannya adalah berasaskan kepada perundangan sivil dan undang-undang pusaka Islam tidak diambil kira (Saniah Ali lwn Abdullah Ali [1990] SLR 584-593). Mahkamah Syariah Singapura hanya mempunyai bidangkuasa dalam membicarakan kes-kes penceraian yang melibatkan pasangan yang beragama Islam dan hanya mengeluarkan sijil warisan bagi ahli waris yang memohon untuk pembahagian pusaka si mati sepertimana yang dinyatakan dalam seksyen 112 dan 115 AMLA. 85 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah Permasalahan Pembahagian Harta Pusaka Islam di Singapura Berdasarkan kajian-kajian lepas, permasalahan dalam pembahagian harta pusaka orang Islam di Singapura adalah isu yang telah wujud sekian lama di dalam pelbagai aspek terutamanya dalam pertembungan undang-undang antara sivil dan syariah. Dalam masa yang sama, terdapat beberapa permasalahan dalam instrumen syariah yang tidak diaplikasikan dengan cara yang sepatutnya antaranya pertembungan Undang-undang Sivil dan Hukum Islam, pengabaian fatwa oleh pihak Mahkamah Sivil, perancangan harta yang tidak kemas, kesedaran hukum pusaka Islam yang rendah. Pertembungan Undang-undang Sivil dan Hukum Islam Pertembungan undang-undang Sivil dan syariah bukan sesuatu isu yang baru dalam sesebuah negara. Ini kerana tidak semua perkara yang bersesuaian dengan syariat wujud dalam perundangan sivil khususnya melibatkan sesuatu yang berhubungkait dengan kehartaan. Harta-harta yang tertakluk di bawah perundangan sivil secara khusus tidak boleh dicabar atau dituntut oleh manamana perundangan atau p andangan hukum agama. Jenis kehartaan yang dikawal di bawah perundangan khusus adalah pemilikan bersama (Joint Tenancy) untuk perumahan, Join Asset seperti wang simpanan bank dan polisi insurans dan penama (Nominee) untuk Wang Simpanan Pekerja Central Provident Fund (CPF) dan polisi insurans. Pemilikan Rumah secara ’Joint Tenancy’ Sekiranya berlaku kematian ke atas pemilik harta dalam masalah ’Joint Tenancy’. Pemilik bersama yang masih hidup akan memiliki keseluruhan harta yang dikenali sebagai ’Right of Survivorship’. Tiada sebarang tuntutan boleh dibuat oleh mana-mana pihak untuk mewarisi harta tersebut. Ia merupakan prinsip undangundang dalam perkara yan g melibatkan andaian ’Resulting Trust’ dan andaian ’Advancement’ (Halijah Mohamad, 2011: 97).4 Terdapat sebuah kes yang melibatkan ahli waris sekeluarga membuat tuntutan ke atas pusaka rumah privet yang dimiliki antara Al-Marhum dan Isterinya. Ke di antara Shafeeq bin Salim Talib & lain-lain lwn Fatimah Bte Abud bin Talib & lain-lain. Plantif selaku Wasi (Executor) bagi pusaka Obeidillah bin Salim bin Talib menuntut agar pusaka rumah yang dimiliki bersama oleh defenden dengan si mati dibahagikan mengikut Undang-undang orang Islam sepertimana yang termaktub di dalam seksyen 112(1) AMLA. Namun, berdasarkan perundangan sivil rumah yang dikongsi berdasarkan kontrak ’Joint Tenancy’ tidak lagi dianggap sebagai salah satu daripada pusaka bagi si mati. Turut 86 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura dikemukakan semasa perbicaraan, fatwa yang dikemukakan oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa bahawa harta sebegini diambilkira sebagai harta sepenceraian antara si mati dan isterinya ke atas harta yang dimiliki bersama. Dengan itu, setengah dari pusaka tersebut perlu dibahagikan secara faraid. Berdasarkan kepada keterangan dan bukti yang dijelaskan di Mahkamah Tinggi, Mahkamah dapati tiada sebarang ketetapan dalam AMLA atau perundangan lain yang mencadangkan agar ’Common law’ dalam masalah pemilikan ’Joint Tenancy’ tidak boleh diaplikasikan ke atas orang Islam. Atas dasar itu, mahkamah memutuskan bahawa defenden berhak secara keseluruhannya ke atas rumah yang dimiliki secara bersama yang mana defenden merupakan satu-satunya pemilik bersama yang masih hidup. Dengan ini, plantif telah gagal dalam permohonannya dan dikenakan bayaran kos mahkamah. Pada tahun berikut, kes ini dirayu kembali dan berakhir dengan rayuannya ditolak juga kerana keterangan yang dikemukakan tidak kukuh (Shafeeq bin Salim Talib & Anor lwn Fatimah Bte Abud bin Talib & Anor [2009] 3 SLR 439-451; [2010] 2 SLR 1123-1153).. Melalui perbahasan kedua-dua kes di atas mendapati kontrak ’Joint Tenancy’ mempunyai kesan kepada jumlah hak yang dimiliki dan perpindahan secara automatik yang berlaku sekiranya berlaku kematian ke atas salah seorang dari pemilik. Dengan pemindahan secara automatik apabila berlakunya kematian mengakibatkan pertembungan kepada fatwa yang menjelaskan bahawa 50% dari hak milik rumah tersebut perlu dibahagikan mengikut faraid dan bukan pemilikan mutlak bagi pemilik yang hidup (Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura, 1991: 38). Sadali Rasban5 (2010: 21-21) berpandangan bahawa fatwa berkenaan hak milik rumah secara ‘Joint Tenancy’ tidak seharusnya bertentangan dengan konsep perundangan ‘Joint Tenancy’ yang memberikan hak mutlak kepada pemilik yang masih hidup sekiranya berlaku kematian ke atas salah seorang dari pemilik. Fatwa yang membahagikan hak 50:50 telah meninggalkan kemudaratan kepada ahli waris terdekat terutamanya Isteri dan anak-anak si mati. Ketatapan setengah dari bahagian hak milik rumah yang perlu difaraidkan akan menyebabkan ahli keluarga perlu berpindah dari rumahnya bagi menyelesaikan pembahagian pusaka ke atas sebahagian dari hak milik rumah tersebut. Harta Penamaan (Nomination) Wang Simpanan Pekerja Penamaan atau Nominee merupakan suatu kontrak pemindahan harta semasa yang tertakluk di bawah perundangan memerlukan kepada penilitian serta pemahaman yang konkrit terhadap kedudukannya dalam perundangan dan kesesuainnya dengan hukum syariat. Fatwa MUIS tahun 19716 dan fatwa tahun 1978 di Malaysia,7 kedua-dua jawatankuasa fatwa memutuskan bahawa Penama (Nominee) hanya dianggap 87 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah sebagai Wasi atau pengamanah yang mana apabila menerima wang tersebut perlu mengembalikan hartanya kepada ahli waris untuk dibahagikan secara faraid dan bukan sebagai pewaris mutlak sepertimana yang difahami dalam perundangan sivil.8 Pertembungan undang-undang dan hukum Islam dalam masalah ini dapat dilihat dalam kes Saniah Ali lwn Abdullah Ali, kes ini melibatkan dua jumlah iaitu $8.038.76 dan $60,607.71 yang dikeluarkan melalui Wang Simpanan Pekerja (CPF) si mati Salleh bin Ali. Plantif yang merupakan kakak tiri kepada si mati memohon kepada mahkamah bagi menjelaskan kedudukan wang yang diperolehi secara penamaan melalui bayaran langsung oleh Badan CPF kepada beliau. Dalam kes ini juga, defenden yang merupakan adik beradik lelaki kandung menuntut agar wang yang dipindahkan secara nominasi agar dibahagikan mengikut seksyen 111, 112 & 115 AMLA yang menjelaskan bahawa segala pusaka orang Islam dibahagikan mengikut hukum Islam. Defenden juga mengemukakan sijil pusaka yang dimohon melalui Mahkamah Syariah dalam menentukan ahli waris yang berhak mewarisi pusaka si mati. Jumlah pertama yang telah dibayar oleh Dana Wang Simpanan Pekerja telah dipersetajui bahawa ianya merupakan milik defendan. Perselisihan yang berlaku adalah ke atas jumlah kedua sama ada ianya tertakluk di bawah Akta CPF atau Akta AMLA. Peguam bagi pihak defendan turut mengemukakan keterangan fatwa berkenaan pandangan hukum Islam tentang penamaan ini melalui surat yang dikemukakan oleh pihak peguam kepada Majlis Ugama Islam. Hakim Mahkamah Tinggi berpandangan bahawa fatwa hanya merupakan pandangan Majlis dan Mahkamah tidak terikat kepadanya dan perkara yang berbangkit dalam kes ini adalah pihak manakah yang berhak ke atas wang yang dibayar disebabkan kematian seorang muslim di Singapura berpandukan kepada Akta CPF dan AMLA dan bukan undang-undang Islam. Hakim berpandangan dan memutuskan bahawa wang yang berjumlah $60,607.71 bukan sebahagian daripada harta pusaka si mati dan tidak tertakluk di bawah seksyen 112(1) AMLA. Plantif iaitu Saniah Ali berhak ke atas kesemua wang yang dibayar oleh Badan CPF berdasarkan kepada Akta CPF. Hasil daripada itu, keputusan ini telah menyebabkan pertembungan antara fatwa yang diputuskan pada tahun 1971 dengan ketetapan undang-undang itu sendiri (Saniah Ali lwn Abdullah Ali [1990] SLR 584-593.). Hasil Wang Insurans Di Singapura, perkara yang melibatkan insurans termasuk takaful tertakluk di bawah peruntukan yang tersendiri bagi mengawal segala transaksi urusniaga yang dikenali Akta Insurans tahun 2002.9 Pemilikan Insurans dan takaful adalah sebahagian dari harta yang dimiliki hasil dari pembelian dari syarikat-syarikat insurans yang menawarkan pelbagai jenis insurans bagi membantu kos kehidupan 88 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura lain seperti kos kesihatan, kos pelayaran luar negeri, kos kenderaan dan beberapa kos lain yang memerlukan pembelanjaan yang tinggi tanpa insurans. Pertimbangan yang perlu diambil kira adalah kedudukannya sama ada diterima sebagai salah satu bentuk pusaka yang halal diwarisi atau tidak. Dalam hal ini, para fuqaha berbeza pendapat tentang keharusan harta insurans yang turut memberi kesan kepada pemilikannya sebagai sebuah aset yang diakui syarak. Majoriti para ulamak mengharamkan kontrak insuran tertamanya insurans hayat kerana unsur urusniaga yang tidak diketahui (Jahalah), riba, perjudian (Maysir) dan tidak pasti (Gharar) dalam insurans konvesional (Al-Basyir, 2002: 4). Bagi para ulamak yang mengharuskan kontrak insurans berhujjah atas dasar keperluan dalam kehidupan, keperluan dapat mengatasi sesuatu unsur penipuan atau tidak pasti dan mengambil kira kaedah fiqh “Asal sesuatu diharuskan kecuali ada dalil yang mengharamkannya” (al-Darir, 1990: 653). Sekiranya diteliti kepada yang dikeluarkan fatwa di Singapura, Jawatankuasa fatwa MUIS tahun 1988 telah memutuskan masyarakat Islam diberikan kebebasan untuk memilih pandangan ulamak dengan mengambil kira tahap keperluan mereka kepada insurans. 10 Dengan itu, selagimana sesuatu insurans yang merupakan kontrak terkini dalam pasaran tidak memiliki empat unsur yang dinyatakan di atas dan mendapati keperluan kepadanya, insurans diharuskan dari sudut syarak dan menjadi sebahagian dari harta (Al-Zarqa’, 1994: 91). Selain itu juga, Takaful turut ditawarkan di Singapura oleh syarikat HSBC, syarikat ini menawarkan pelbagai produk seperti pelan takaful perlindungan keluarga, perlindungan rumah, perlindungan kenderaan, Takaful pakej Umrah dan Takaful pakej Masjid (Barrister Binta Kabir Isa & Kabiru Isa Dandago, 2010: 9). Namun pasaran takaful di Singapura masih rendah dan hanya menyumbang kepada satu peratus dalam pasaran Insurans sedunia.11 Pengabaian Fatwa oleh Pihak Mahkamah Sivil Dalam Seksyen 32 Akta AMLA menyatakan bahawa mana-mana pihak termasuk mahkamah boleh membuat permohonan kepada Majlis Ugama bagi mendapatkan fatwa dalam perkara yang berhubungkait dengan undang-undang Islam. Namun, melihat kepada kes-kes yang dibincangkan lalu didapati bahawa mahkamah telah menolak fatwa-fatwa yang dikemukakan sebagai sebahagian daripada bukti-bukti yang diketengahkan semasa perbicaraan dalam kes yang melibatkan harta pusaka orang Islam di Singapura. Hal ini berlaku disebabkan fakta yang dikemukakan tidak sama sekali secara logiknya dapat dipertahankan dan ia tidak selari dengan undang-undang berpandukan kepada intrepertasi mahkamah serta berlawanan dengan dasar keadilan dan kesaksamaan (Aidil Zulkifli, 2009: 3-4). 89 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah Ini dapat dilihat dalam kes Mohamed Ismail bin Ibrahim and Another v Mohammad Taha bin Ibrahim. Dalam kes ini terdapat wasiat yang menetapkan bahawa pusaka perlu dibahagikan tiga bahagian dengan 1/3 dari bahagian itu hendaklah dibahagikan mengikut kaedah nuzriah. Konsep Nuzriah merupakan sebahagian dari bentuk nazar bersyarat ’Nadhar Mu’allaq’ dengan nazarnya itu diberikan kepada sebahagian ahli keluarga dan menjadi amalan sebahagian penduduk kampung di Yaman dari kalangan Mazhab Syafii. Perlaksanaan nazar dapat ditetapkan kepada 3 hari atau sejam sebelum kematian penazar (Al-Syatiri, Muhammad bin Ahmad, 1997: 433-435; Ba’alwi, ‘Abd al-Rahman bin Muhammad bin Husyayn bin ‘Umar al-Mahsyur, t. th.: 305 & 307). Persoalan yang timbul adalah kebenaran seorang muslim melakukan nazar ke atas hartanya di Singapura. Peguam defendan telah memohon kepada Jawatankuasa Fatwa berkenaan persoalan nuzriah yang diwasiatkan itu. Salinan fatwa yang memperakui kesahihah nuzriah telah diberikan kepada peguam plantif. Fatwa bertarikh 1 Jun 1999 menyatakan bahawa nuzriah bukannya wasiat sebagai jawapan kepada pertanyaan firman guaman Mallal & Namazie berkenaan nuzriah. Oleh kerana itu, pemberian atas dasar nuzriah tidak ada had maksimum dan boleh diberikan kepada orang yang sama serta tidak melanggar undangundang Islam. Begitu juga d alam fatwa sebelumnya yang dikeluarkan pada 3 Ogos 1998 menjelaskan bahawa nuzriah adalah akad yang sah dan masih berkuatkuasa walaupun pihak-pihak yang diberikan pemberian tersebut menafikan haknya ke atas bahagian nuzriah tersebut. Pada 5 April 2002, Tuan Haji Maarof Salleh, Presiden MUIS ketika itu turut mengeluarkan surat pengesahan ke atas segmen nuzriah dalam kes ini. Namun, plantif menolak keputusan serta pandangan berkenaan nuzriah dan berpandangan bahagian yang ditetapkan secara nuzriah perlu dibahagikan mengikut hukum faraid. Setelah mendengar hujah serta bukti-bukti yang dikemukakan semasa perbicaraan, mahkamah mendapati bahawa penetapan untuk melaksakan nuzriah itu terbatal, tidak semua ilmuwan membenarkan nuzriah kepada anak-anak dan tiada sebarang persetujuan dikalangan ilmuwan tentang keharusan nuzriah ini. Mahkamah memutuskan bahawa nuzriah adalah sedikit sebanyak sama dengan wasiat untuk diberikan kepada ahli waris yang tidak dibenarkan dalam hukum Islam. Dengan itu, bahagian yang telah ditetapkan sebagai nuzriah perlu dibahagikan kepada ahli waris yang berhak sepertimana yang ditentukan dalam sijil pusaka yang dikeluarkan oleh Mahkamah Syariah (Mohamed Ismail bin Ibrahim and another v. Mohammad Taha bin Ibrahim [2004] 4 SLR 756-783). Dari satu sudut, mahkamah mengambil kira hukum Islam sepertimana yang ditetapkan dalam seksyen 114 AMLA. Namun, peranan fatwa dalam masalah ini turut mendapat tamparan disebabkan hujah yang dianggap tidak kukuh oleh mahkamah. 90 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura Perancangan Harta yang Tidak Kemas Para pemikir Islam dan pengkaji masa kini telah mengemukakan pelbagai perbincangan dan huraian kepada permasalahan yang wujud dengan mengemukakan beberapa cadangan dalam menyelesaikan permasalahan tersebut. Di Singapura, jawatankuasa fatwa dan beberapa agensi perancangan harta telah berusaha untuk menyelesaikan isu-isu yang wujud. Isu dapat diselesaikan dari satu sudut kemaslahatan ahli keluarga tetapi terdapat beberapa perkara lain juga turut wujud di dalam membuat perancangan dan kaedah tuntutan harta pusaka. Hal ini dapat dilihat dalam kes yang berlarutan dalam pembahagian harta pusaka Gedung Kuning keluarga Al-Marhum Haji Yusoff Haji Mohd Noor, AlMarhum telah melantik dua pe ngamanah melalui wasiat untuk membahagikan harta kepada 11 orang ahli waris termasuk 16 orang cucu tersenarai dalam wasiat tersebut. Pada tahun 2000, perkara ini telah dibawa ke jawatankuasa fatwa dan diputuskan bahawa wasiat tersebut terbatal dan harta perlu dibahagikan secara faraid. Menurut cicit kepada Al-Marhum iaitu Hidayah Amin, sebelum perkara tersebut di bawa ke Jawtankuasa Fatwa, pengamanah bagi wasiat tersebut iaitu Zhukeflee Ismail telah berjanji akan mematuhi keputusan fatwa. Namun, pengamanah tidak dapat memenuhi keputusan tersebut kerana sewaktu ahli waris mengemukakan persoalan kepada Jawatankuasa fatwa, ia tidak dijelaskan sepenuhnya dalam perkara yang berhubungkait dengannya dan masih lagi terdapat beberapa persoalan belum terjawab oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa. Menurut beliau juga, keputusan yang dikeluarkan adalah keputusan majoriti dan masih terdapat pandangan yang membantah pandangan yang dikeluarkan oleh Jawatankuasa Fatwa. Disamping itu, pengamanah berpandangan bahawa wasiat itu tetap sah dan tetap berpegang amanah wasiat itu kerana ahli waris tidak membantah wasiat tersebut sewaktu pembahagian sebahagian dari harta pusaka sebanyak $176,800 yang telah dibahagikan sebelum ini, ini menunjukkan bahawa ahli waris yang berhak telah merelakan wasiat tersebut. 12 Anggapan pengamanah terhadap reaksi ahli waris yang tidak membantah ketetapan wasiat merupakan petanda kerelaan ahli waris tidak seharusnya berlaku. Ini kerana diam ahli waris itu tidak membawa kepada persetujuan oleh mereka seperti yang dinyatakan dalam kaedah tidak dinisbahkan bagi diam itu kata-kata " " )AlSuyuti, Jalal al-Din ‘Abd al-Rahman, 1997: 233). Dalam masa yang sama, ketetapan wasiat sebanyak 1/3 hanya dilihat dari sudut had yang diperundangkan dalam seksyen 111(1) AMLA dan dilihat tidak menjejaskan segala wasiat yang telah ditetapkan sebelum penggubalan kepada Akta tersebut yang menyatakan: “Notwithstanding anything in the provisions of the English law or in any other written law, no Muslim domiciled in Singapore shall, after 1st July 1968, dispose of his property by will, or by any nomination under section 49M(2) of the Insurance Act (Cap. 142), except in accordance with the provisions of and subject to the restrictions imposed by the school of 91 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah Muslim law professed by him.” Ini menyebabkan batasan yang ditetapkan sebanyak 1/3 wasiat dalam syarak tidak diambilkira, ini bertentangan dengan hadis Rasulullah s.a.w. yang diriwayatkan oleh Ibn Abbas r.a.berkata: : Yang bermaksud: “Kalaulah Manusia mengurangi wasiatnya (dari 1/3) kepada ¼, kerana Rasulullah s.a.w. bersabda: Boleh sepertiga dan sepertiga pun banyak.“ (AlBukhari, 2002, h. 677) Ketetapan sepertiga ini juga turut dibahaskan dalam kes yang melibatkan wasiat peninggalan Sultan Johor ke atas hartanya Tyersall yang dijadikan sebahagian dari harta negara setelah kemangkatan Baginda dan bukan sebagai pusaka. Perbicaraan ini berlangsung di Mahkamah Tinggi Singapura antara State of Johor and another v. Tunku Alam Shah Ibni Tunku Abdul Rahman and Others. Menurut pihak Plantif, wasiat yang ditinggalkan oleh Sultan Abu Bakar tidak dikuasai di bawah perundangan Johor tetapi termaktub di bawah undang-undang Inggeris sepertimana yang diaplikasikan di dalam Koloni Singapura pada tahun 1895. Kesan kepada wasiat bagi harta yang tidak alih dikuasai secara khas melalui lex situs dan bukan lex domicile. Wasiat tersebut tetap sah sama ada berlawanan dengan hukum Islam ataupun tidak. Ini kerana pembahagian melalui wasiat bukan sebahagian dari lex situs pada 1895. Defenden membuat tuntutan bahagian daripada pampasan yang diberikan ke atas pemgambilalihan Singapura ke atas Hartanah Tyersall. Menurut Defenden lagi, harta tersebut merupakan sebahagian dari pusaka yang perlu dibahagikan mengikut hukum Islam dan bukan sebahagian dari harta negara yang diwasiatkan oleh Sultan Abu Bakar. Wasiat tersebut dianggap terbatal dan berlawanan dengan hukum Islam. Di dalam Mahkamah juga turut diperjelaskan kedudukan undang-undang AMLA bagi wasiat orang Islam di Singapura yang menghadkan wasiat berpandukan hukum Islam hanya berkuatkuasa pada tahun 1968 dan Akta tersebut tidak memberi kesan kepada orang Islam Singapura yang meninggal dunia sebelum 1 Julai 1968. Apabila membuat perbandingan antara AMLA dan Muslim Ordinance 1958, tiada sebarang larangan dikenakan ke atas seorang muslim yang menetap di Singapura dalam menentukan wasiatnya. Ini dapat dilihat dengan kesan perundangan Inggeris ke negeri-negeri selat turut mengesahkan kedudukan wasiat orang Islam kes Sheriffa Fatimah yang didapati tiada sebarang ketiadakadilan dalam wasiat yang ditetapkan olehnya. Wasiat tersebut dilihat sah kerana Sultan Abu Bakar telah menetapkan keinginannya untuk menjadikan Tyersall adalah jelas. Ini kerana, Baginda juga turut menetapkan beberapa hartanya dibahagikan untuk isterinya dan selainnya dibahagikan kepada ahli warisnya. Dalam hal ini, niatnya agar Tyersall bukan lagi 92 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura sebahagian daripada harta peribadinya selepas kemangkatannya dan dijadikan sebahagian dari harta negara adalah jelas. Dengan itu, Mahkamah memutuskan bahawa pampasan sebanyak SGD25 juta berhak diberikan kepada pihak Plantif kedua hasil dari pengambilalihan ke atas Tyersall dan tidak boleh dirayu oleh pihak defenden (State of Johor and another v. Tunku Alam Shah Ibni Tunku Abdul Rahman and Others.[2005] 4 SLR 380-397). Kesedaran Hukum Pusaka Islam yang Rendah Keadaan ini sering kali berlaku ke atas ahli keluarga yang tidak memahami hukum syarak dengan sebaiknya sehingga lebih mementingkan keutamaan individu berbanding kebajikan ahli keluarga. Di antara aspek yang ketara dalam permasalahan ini adalah sewaktu fatwa belum diputuskan penama (Nominee) sebagai penerima secara mutlak, terdapat sebuah kes antara isteri dan ibu tiri kepada anak al-Marhum Zainab dan anak al-Marhum Melati Bte Ahmad. AlMarhum yang sememangnya mengam bil berat tentang kebajikan anak-anaknya dan isterinya dengan al-Marhum telah membuat nominasi wang simpanan pekerja (CPF) untuk dibahagikan secara sama rata kepada ahli keluarganya setelah beliau meninggal dunia. Dalam kenyataan di atas, fatwa tahun 1971 menjelaskan bahawa penama (Nominee) hanya merupakan pengamanah sahaja dan wang CPF yang diperolehi perlu dibahagikan secara faraid dengan diselesaikan dahulu hak-hak bagi si mati dan membahagikan baki harta secara faraid dan adik beradik alMarhum juga merupakan ah li waris yang berhak menerima harta. Melati telah cuba berbincang dengan ibu tirinya berkenaan perkara ini akan tetapi ibu tirinya berpandangan bahawa wang itu telah sah menjadi milik mereka, adik beradik si mati tidak pernah mengambil berat tentang si mati dan sekaligus tidak perlu membincangkan soal pusaka dengan mereka.13 Selain dari kegagalan salah seorang penama membahagikan sebahagian hak kepada ahli waris yang lain, penama juga gagal dalam memastikan hak-hak si mati telah diselesaikan (Barraj, 1981: 91-93; Al-Bukhari, 2002: 308). Dalam kes yang lain, adik-beradik al-Marhum Ahmad menuntut harta yang telah dihibahkan kepada si isteri oleh suaminya (Ahmad) melalui instrumen Hibah Ruqba. Perkara ini timbul disebabkan adik-beradik si mati tidak berpuashati ke atas jumlah pusaka yang diperolehi dari sebahagian harta si mati. Adikberadiknya mendakwa merek a memperjuangkan hak ayah mereka yang sakit memerlukan wang yang banyak untuk menampung kos perubatannya dan almarhum dikatakan jarang memberi sumbangan kepada ayah mereka kecuali didesak.14 Namun pemakaian instrumen Hibah dalam perancangan pusaka si mati seharusnya tiada sebarang tuntutan harus dipertikaikan. Ini kerana harta yang dihibahkan menyebabkan harta tersebut bukan lagi sebahagian dari pusaka si mati (Abdul Karim Ali, Raihanah Azahari, Ridzwan Ahmad, Muhamad Safiri 93 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah Ismail & Ameer Azeezy, 2006: 531). Tuntutan ke atas hak pusaka tidak dilarang oleh syarak tetapi sekiranya terdapat unsur paksaan atau sesuatu yang berlawanan dengan syarak adalah sesuatu yang dilarang. Di dalam masalah ini, tuntutan yang dibuat adalah cara paksaan ke atas harta yang tidak wujud sebarang pertikaan kerana telah dipindah milik secara Hibah Ruqba. Dalam masa yang sama, ahli waris telah diperjelaskan kedudukan harta si mati dari sudut perundangan sivil dan hukum Islam tetapi kerana perasaan tidak puas hati wujud mengakibatkan tuntutan yang tidak diingini berlaku.15 Dalam kes yang dikongsi di dalam akhbar pula, penulis menjelaskan kisah ibu dan bapa angkat yang dipaksa keluar dari rumah anak angkat mereka oleh ibu bapa kandungnya sendiri setelah mendapat tahu hak mereka dalam mewarisi pusaka anak mereka Linda yang dijaga oleh ibu bapa angkatnya Safiah dan Azman yang mana Ibu angkatnya merupakan kakak kepada Ibu kandungnya. Ibu bapa angkatnya telah ke Mahkamah Syariah untuk membuat permohonan sijil warisan dan menerangkan kedudukan mereka yang sebenar sebagai keluarga angkat kepada al-Marhumah. Pihak mahkamah menjelaskan bahawa mereka tidak mempunyai bahagian dalam pusaka kerana mereka berdua hanya keluarga angkat kepada si mati. Nora mengarahkan ibu dan bapa angkat untuk keluar dari rumah tersebut dalam masa sebulan tanpa sebarang ihsan terhadap jasa keduadua mereka membesarkan a nak kepada Nora.16 Dalam aduan lain yang turut mengambarkan kelemahan keluarga Islam dalam masalah pusaka ini seperti yang dikhabarkan dalam berita tuntutan pusaka si mati antara Alina isteri kepada Al-Marhum dan adik beradik Al-Marhum.. Alina telah melaporkan bahawa tuntutan yang dibuat oleh adik-beradik AlMarhum tidak bersifat ihsan ke atas dirinya yang dijangkiti penyakit HIV hasil jangkitan daripada al-Marhum. Abang kepada al-Marhum dan juga selaku pengamanah ke atas harta pusakanya mendakwa bahawa al-Marhum ketika sakitnya pernah memberitahu kepada abangnya bahawa beliau ingin meletak nama abangnya itu sebagai pemilik rumah tersebut tetapi tidak berlaku kerana abangnya mempunyai rumah lain tetapi disangkal oleh Alina kerana hal sebenar yang berlaku adalah suaminya ingin meletak namanya sebagai pemilik bersama rumah tersebut. Adik-beradiknya juga mendakwa Alina tidak berlaku adil dengan tidak memberikan hak mereka yang sepatutnya dan Alina juga telah mengeluarkan nama adik-beradik al-Marhum daripada sijil warisan atas nasihat penguamnya. Hasil dari jangkitan tersebut, beliau telah membuat tuntutan ganti rugi di Mahkamah Tinggi disebakan kegagalan si mati memaklumkan lebih awal penyakitnya dan kehilangan mata pencarian disebabkan jangkitan tersebut untuk membesarkan anak-anaknya dari hasil perkahwinan terdahulu.17 Ini sekaligus merupakan suatu usaha bagi menafikan hak ahli waris dan menghasilkan permasalahan kepada pembahagian harta pusaka secara faraid, hasilnya dari itu kemudaratan cuba diatasi dengan kemudaratan lain dengan penafian hak ahli 94 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura waris disebabkan jangkitan yang dialami olehnya, perkara ini tidak seharusnya berlaku kerana kemudaratan tidak terhilang dengan kemudaratan " " seperti yang dinyatakan oleh Ibn al-Subki: Kemudaratan hilang tetapi tidak dengan kemudaratan (Al-Suyuti, 1997: 143). Dari kes-kes yang dinyatakan menunjukkan kelemahan ahli waris dalam memahami hukum pusaka dan kuasa mereka dalam membuat tuntutan. Hak yang layak diwarisi seharusnya mengambil kira juga panduan umum dan etika pewarisan. Malahan Islam turut menggalakkan perkongsian sebahagian dari hak yang dimiliki dengan diberikan kepada mereka yang tidak mewarisi. Budaya seperti ini yang seharusnya diterapkan dalam menyelesaikan pembahagian harta pusaka di Singapura. Peranan Badan-Badan Islam dalam Pembahagian Harta Pusaka Islam di Singapura Dalam melihat kepada permasalahan yang dibincangkan di atas, terdapat usaha bagi memperbetulkan perlaksanaan hukum Islam di Singapura. Badan-badan kerajaan seperti MUIS dan Mahkamah Syariah atau badan-badan bukan kerajaan (NGOs) seperti Persatuan Ulamak dan Guru Agama Islam Singapura (PERGAS) dan syarikat swasta seperti Barakah Capital dan Syarikat HTHT menawarkan khidmat nasihat kepada masyarakat Islam Singapura dan berusaha memberi pendedahan yang jelas dan panduan dalam menyelesaikan permasalahan yang berhubungkait dengan pembahagian harta pusaka. Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura sebagai badan berkanun senantiasa menitik berat kepada isu yang dihadapi di dalam masyarakat dengan membuat kajian yang serius kepada isu-isu yang wujud dan menyelesaikannya secara perbincangan melalui saluran fatwa atau Irsyad (Panduan) yang dikeluarkan oleh Pejabat Mufti di MUIS. Majlis Ugama Islam Singapura juga turut menyediakan khidmat konsultasi untuk masyarakat Islam yang ingin mendapatkan nasihat agama berkenaan pembahagian harta pusaka secara Islam. Di antara usaha-usaha yang telah dijalankan oleh MUIS dan Mahkamah Syariah seperti penyediaan risalah ringkas dwibahasa (Bahasa Melayu & Inggeris) yang mudah difahami bagi memudahkan masyarakat Islam memahami sedikit sebanyak berkenaan hukum faraid secara asas dengan diselitkan soalan-soalan lazim berkenaan pusaka dan peranan MUIS sebagai Pentadbir Baitul Mal bagi harta-harta yang tidak diwarisi. Dalam usaha lain yang memberi kesan dalam menghuraikan isu pembahagian harta di Singapura adalah fatwa berkenaan perumahan ‘Joint Tenancy’ pada tahun 2008, fatwa penamaan (Nomination) Wang Simpanan Pekerja (CPF) pada tahun 2010 dan fatwa penamaan (Nomination) ‘Revocable’ dan ‘Irrevocable’ tahun 2012. Selain itu juga, MUIS telah berusaha mengadakan sesi pendidikan awam di beberapa masjid di Singapura bagi 95 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah menjelaskan fatwa yang dikeluarkan sebagai usaha memberikan penjelasan dan kefahaman kepada masyarakat Islam terhadap fatwa-fatwa yang dikeluarkan itu. Dalam masa yang sama, fatwa ini turut dikongsi bersama dalam Majlis Muzakarah Ulama MABIMS tahun 2010 dan mendapat respon yang positif dari pembentangan fatwa dalam masalah harta pusaka di Singapura, respon positif turut diterima dari Menteri Bertanggungjawab Bagi Hal Ehwal Masyarakat Islam, beliau sangat mengalu-alukan fatwa tersebut dalam menyelesaikan isu-isu yang sekian lama wujud dalam masyarakat Islam di Singapura. 18 Masjid-masjid di Singapura turut memainkan peranan mereka seperti Masjid Ar-Raudhah di Bukit Batok menawarkan khidmat nasihat faraid kepada jemaah, Masjid Assyakirin mengadakan kursus khusus berkenaan dengan Faraid dan Masjid Assyafaah mengadakan forum berkenaan dengan Faraid. Ini dapat dilihat melalui usaha-usaha pihak masjid serata Singapura sentiasa berusaha mengadakan program-program sebegini bagi membantu masyarakat Islam Singapura sedikit sebanyak mempunyai maklumat berkenaan hukum Faraid. Bagi badan bukan kerajaan seperti PERGAS yang merupakan sebuah persatuan dan medan guru-guru agama berkumpul, berdiskusi dan mencurahkan bakti dalam dakwah Islam turut mengambil berat dengan suasana masyarakat yang mempunyai pelbagai persoalan dalam pembahagian harta pusaka dalam Islam. Persatuan ini telah membuat keputusan dengan menubuhkan sebuah unit yang dikenali sebagai Unit Konsultan Kewangan Islam (UKKI) yang memberi perhatian khusus kepada bidang harta pusaka di Singapura. Syarikat-syarikat swasta juga turut memainkan peranan yang besar dalam mendidik masyarakat tentang harta pusaka dengan menyediakan khidmat konsultasi, kursus perancangan harta dan pusaka, penyediaan surat wasiat dan lain-lain serta menganjurkan seminar dan syarahan harta pusaka, penulisan di akhbar serta penghuraian masalah harta pusaka di Singapura melalui penulisan buku dengan kerjasama pensyarah dari IIUM Dr. Ismail Mohd @ Abu Hassan yang diterbitkan oleh syarikat HTHT Advisory Service di Singapura. 19 Selain dari syarikat HTHT yang telah menjalankan usaha-usaha kerjasama dengan mendapatkan kepakaran dari kalangan pengkaji ilmiah, sebuah lagi syarikat komersial yang dikenali sebagai Barakah Capital yang dimiliki oleh Encik Suhaimi Salleh telah memberikan banyak sumbangan dari sudut perkongsian pengalamannya dalam sesi konsultasi yang dikendalikan oleh syarikatnya. Syarikat ini juga turut menganjurkan beberapa seminar dengan kerjasama beberapa syarikat lain dan badan-badan tertentu dalam memberikan pendidikan awam sepertimana penganjuran seminar pada tahun 2011 yang bertajuk Seminar Wasiat, Faraidh & Rancang Pusaka dalam usaha menjelaskan perkara yang berkaitan dengan pusaka.20 Dengan perkembangan di atas dapat dilihat bahawa pelbagai usaha telah dijalankan dari sejumlah organisasi yang terlibat sama ada kerajaan dan swasta 96 Pembahagian Pusaka Islam dan Permasalahannya di Singapura bagi menyampaikan maklumat yang diperlukan dalam pembahagian harta pusaka. Kesimpulan Pada asasnya undang-undang pusaka Islam telah mempunyai kedudukan yang agak selesa dalam perundangan Singapura. Walaubagaimanapun terdapat beberapa masalah dari segi pelaksanaannya seperti beberapa halangan perundangan, kuasa mahkamah sivil serta polisi yang sedikit sebanyak mengganggu pelaksanaan sepenuhnya undang-undang Islam tersebut. Permasalahan lain timbul disebabkan kefahaman yang rendah dalam kalangan masyarakat Islam Singapura sendiri. Dalam hal ini, MUIS dan beberapa badan bukan kerajaan (NGOs) serta syarikat-syarikat swasta perlu lebih bergiat aktif dalam usaha mengadakan pelbagai khidmat dan program bagi meningkatkan lagi kefahaman masyarakat Islam tentang hukum pusaka Islam sesuai dengan konteks Singapura. Dengan itu, penerimaan Undang-undang Islam untuk diamalkan dalam pentadbiran hukum Islam secara khusus untuk masyarakat Islam di Singapura sebagai undang-undang diri dalam persoalan pusaka Islam perlu dimanfaatkan dan dipelihara dengan sebaiknya. Notahujung Lihat, Legislation History: Administration of Muslim Law Act (Cap. 3). Ibid. 3 Sect. 7, Intestate Succession Act (Cap. 146); Lihat juga, 6(e), Distribution Act 1958 (Act 300). 4 Lihat, Sect. 7(1)(d), Estate Duty Act (Cap. 96); Sect. 53(5), Land Titles Act (Cap. 157); Sect. 66(a)(3)(a), Conveyancing and Law Property Act, (Cap. 61). 5 Pemilik syarikat HTHT Advisory Service yang memberikan khidmat nasihat kewangan dan pusaka Islam di Singapura. 6 Kumpulan Fatwa MUIS, Wang Simpanan Pekerja, bertarikh 30 Oktober 1971. 7 Keputusan Jawatankuasa Fatwa Majlis Kebangsaan Bagi Hal Ehwal Ugama Islam Malaysia Kali Ke-15, Penamaan Wang KWSP, bertarikh 6 Mac 1978. 8 Sect. 25, Central Provident Fund Act (Cap. 36). 9 Sect. 3 (1), Insurance Act (Cap. 142). 10 Keputusan Fatwa MUIS, ‘Insurans Berkumpulan’, bertarikh 24 Ogos 1988. 11 Dipetik dari kenyataan Akhbar Channel News Asia pada 9 March 2010 yang bertajuk ‘Takaful Market Poised for Growth but Lacks Shariah Compliant Investments, Talent’. 12 Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 10 Januari 2010 yang bertajuk ’Gedung Kuning dalam Kemelut Undang-undang’; Lihat juga, Affidavit in Originating Summons 60 of 2002/F in the High Court of Singapore. 1 2 97 Feirul Maliq Intajalle & Luqman Haji Abdullah Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 16 Ogos 2009 yang bertajuk ’Wang CPF Si Mati Haruskah Ikut Faraid?’. 14 Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 20 September 2010 yang bertajuk ’Hibah Flat, Wang CPF Arwah Suami Kepada Isteri Ditikai Adik-beradik’. 15 Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 20 September 2010 yang bertajuk’Tuntut ‘Hak’ Sebab Tidak Puas Hati’. 16 Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 6 Disember 2009 yang bertajuk ‘Harta Arwah Anak: Patutkah Ibu Bapa Dapat?’. 17 Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 17 Mac 2010 yang bertajuk ’Flat Arwah Pesakit Aids Jadi Rebutan Janda dan Adik-beradik’ dan Akhbar Berita Harian bertarikh 20 Mac 2010 yang bertajuk ’Nama Adik-beradik Dipotong dari Sijil Waris’. 18 Pembetangan dalam Majlis Muzakarah Ulama MABIMS 2010 oleh Timbalan Mufti Singapura, Dr. Mohd Fatris Bakaram pada 12 Oktober 2010. 19 Sebahagian dari karangan Sadali Rasban pemilik syarikat HTHT seperti Hibah al-Ruqba dan Joint Tenancy di dalam Hukum Syariat, Muslim law in Wealth and Estate Transfer, Dying Intetstate dan beberapa buah buku lain dengan kerjasama Dr. Ismail Mohd. 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Lumayag & 2Rahim Mohd Sail 1Department of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Malaya 2Universiti Putra Malaysia ([email protected]) 1 Abstract Diffusion of new ideas via international migration is an interesting phenomenon if one wants to study social change. This is a case study that examines the role of migration in understanding diffusion and transmission of skills and knowledge into the home country of foreign workers. It looks at a specific group of migrant workers in the plantation sector in Malaysia and how their position as Indonesian migrants facilitates and encourages transmission of cultural elements to their home country. It means examining their experiences in Malaysia to know the extent to which they can be agents in the diffusion of new skills and knowledge in the local community. Drawn from a qualitative study in 2010, both interview and focus group discussion were conducted among Indonesian workers in oil palm plantation in Johor, in the southern part of Malaysia. The study finds that social remittance is only realistic and feasible when workers have the financial means to possibly carry out the new ideas and skills they have observed, acquired and learned. These ideas and skills may also be very limited to the kind of exposure they have experienced while living in Malaysia considering the limitations they encountered. Actual application of ideas and skills they have acquired and remitted to their home country still largely depends on the availability of finances and the migrant workers agency when they will eventually return to Indonesia. Diffusion can only be realized when a ‘friendly’ environment is available for the diffusion of new ideas. Keywords: Indonesian workers, Malaysia, social remittance, plantation work 102 Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? Introduction This paper takes the view that migration does not always necessarily lead to change. By change we take a very generic understanding of a shift from “what is traditional” to “what is modern”. It re-interprets the view by Alejandro Portes (2010) that changes generated by migration only yield marginal modifications of the social order, and leaving the deep elements of values and social structure substantially unchanged – and sometimes even buttressing the fundamental constitutive elements of society (Van Hear, 2010:1532). While Portes qualifies his position that social change is hardly felt especially in the host country, we argue that social change, in any form, nature or structure takes place in both sending and receiving countries. It is thought that the development of new ideas, behavior and skills would support and promote greater or broader development in migrants and their families’ relationships as shown in micro studies on migration. There are also observations that show that effects of migration are mixed. O’neil (2003), for instance, suggests that migration does not lead to structural changes needed for long-term development and may actually delay them. This argument states that, much like a natural resource windfall, migration may raise incomes without boosting know-how and institutional capacity, while creating perverse incentives that lead to unsustainable family economies. Nevertheless, while this may be true to some extent, there are qualitative changes that are taking place at the level of the migrants such as in the acquisition of technical knowledge and practices while being transnational. For example, an observation of Kompas, an influential newspaper in Indonesia, reveals that in one situation a group of female exmigrants from various di stricts organized themselves to exchange knowledge, skills and money to support and improve their communities (Kompas, 2008). This may just be one of the many developments occurring in the community which needs to be explored and studied. This present paper clarifies the argument that social remittances in the form of ideas, skills and practices provide impetus for social change. Following Levitt (1996) social remittances are what we call the nonmonetary elements that are transmitted to the home country in whatever means. Traditionally, the understanding of remittances is solely focused on monetary transactions, with a plethora of literature on the positive effects of migration is demonstrated in the way migrants are able to provide financial assistance to the households, local community and the national economy. Remittances are among the most tangible links between migration and development. Monetary remittances bring about social change in the country of origin of migrant workers as shown in the studies of Levitt (1996). According to the World Bank, migrants sent $338 billion to their homelands in 2008 (Levitt & Deepak, 2010). A few countries in Asia that heavily 103 Linda A. Lumayag & Rahim Mohd Sail rely on the monthly dollar remittances are the Bangladesh, Philippines and Indonesia (Che Hashim Hassan, 2009). On the other hand, remittance in the form of ideas, skills and practices is not well-addressed in the literature. It is an understudied, important piece of the migration-development nexus (Levitt & Deepak, 2010) but rarely given its fair space in the corpus of migration studies. Following Levitt (2001), social remittances are ideas, know-how, practices, and skills that shape migrants from the developing world. Ideas, resources and discourses influence and transform social identities, households, and power relationships and these also circulate within transnational networks (Huan et al., 2003, as cited in Ramirez et al., 2004). Just as the financial remittances operate, as referenced in how it supports the economy at the macro level, and how they support personal consumption, education and lifestyle of migrants and their families at the micro level, social remittances do have structures that sustain the transfer of ideas, resources and cultural practices. Social remittances are transferred by migrants and travelers or they are exchanged by letter or other forms of communication, including by phone, fax, the internet or video, emails, letters and blogs (Levitt & Deepak, 2010; Levitt, 1996). That social aspects of remittance are transferred by virtue of a medium is important. It can mean migrants bring the idea back to the sending country themselves or through an intermediary like letters and pictures. Social remittances affect family relations, gender roles, class and race identity, political, economic and religious participation (Sorensen, 2004) and this is evident in the way migrants are able to influence the household, at the least, to understand certain issues differently. According to Levitt (2001), social remittances are locallevel counterp art to macro-level global monetary and cultural flows, although they are the key to understanding how migration modifies the lives of those who remain behind. Yeoh (2005) suggests that keeping in regular contact with transnational kin and the sending of remittances and cultural products are motivated not so much by economic reasons but by the need to maintain social and cultural norms. The Global Equity Initiative (GEI) based in Harvard University suggests that social remittances are catalysts for democratization, transparency and accountability (GEI, 2003). This is true especially when migrants have wider access to the news and print media aside from their immersion in the culture of the host country. Interestingly, how some ideas and practices are remolded in receiving countries, the mechanisms by which they are sent back to sending communities, and the role they play in transforming sending-country social and political life (Levitt, 1998) could be very significant. For example, Peggy Levitt’s (1996) study of Dominican immigrants in Boston as host community and Dominican Republic as the sending country, examines the social connections between these two communities arguing that physical mobility in immigration does not mean “forgetting” the immigrants village of origin and instead found a 104 Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? continuing social and economic relations, practices, ideas and behavior that both positively and negatively influence the two communities. How has this transmission of social behavior and practices been possible and which transmission varies from culture, community and identity? Could such practices and behavior bring about tangible and intangible forms of development in the immigrants’ community and therefore create social change? The conceptual understanding of social remittance may be seen in the idea of transnationalism (Basch, Glick Schiller & Szanton Blanc, 1994) where the existence of significant networks are maintained across borders and these social ties can be familial, institutional or religious that can provide another dimension if we look at diffusion of new ideas. It implies the use of networks to enable transmission of knowledge and skills. But then again, the extent to which ideas and other cultural elements travel beyond the so-called nation-states may depend on a lot of things. For instance, there may be technological gadgets to aid in communication but it remains to be seen what these “stories” they share across the border. Do they share about ideas related to work with the hope that family members will adopt these ideas, or do they talk about specific family issues only? So how is social remittance transferred? Conceptually, a prerequisite to the transmission of social remittance is financial remittance. It is impossible to see transmission of social ideas, skills or knowledge on technology transfer without the aid of financial resource to begin with. Moreover, the process of social remittance is put to perfect fruition when temporary migrant workers return home to apply the necessary skills and knowledge on new technology they have learned while working outside their national borders. While we reckon that social remittances can be transferred conveniently since transnational ties allow this, one needs to explore the processes upon which the transmission of social remittance are restricted or hampered. Identifying the factors that preclude migrants from transmitting to their home country is critical in our understanding of social remittance rather than subconsciously believe that the transmission is not without any constraints. Identifying these constraints too may engender new ways of analyzing the process of transmission specific to certain cultures and the political and economic conditions of migrants live and work. The objective of this paper is to explore the role of temporary migrants as agents of innovation through the transfer of skills and knowledge as they work in an oil palm plantation in Malaysia. Temporary migrants refer to circular migrants who continually go in and out of Malaysia for a certain period of time. It also examines the challenges or issues they experience in the transmission of skills and knowledge. This study is focused on Indonesian oil palm workers in Johor in Peninsular Malaysia who have been working in the plantation for at least two years. The focus of this research is to understand the processes that affect or influence the transfer of ideas and knowledge related to agriculture. Significantly 105 Linda A. Lumayag & Rahim Mohd Sail this paper could contribute to the whole issue of whether the transmission of social remittances is a natural course of event in international migration. Levitt (1996) seems to suggest that social remittance is an offshoot of migration. However, the experience of Indonesian plantation workers seems to show otherwise. Research Methodology This study was conducted on Indonesian migrant workers in an oil palm plantation in Johor, the southern state of Malaysia in 2010. All informants came from the provinces of Lombok, West Java and Central Java. Fifteen (15) migrant workers were individually interviewed and a focus-group discussion was held with a group of five workers. Interviews were recorded and later transcribed and categorized into themes. The different themes that came out of the interview and discussion are presented in this paper. Primary data were substantiated with secondary information such as newspaper articles and government reports. The selection of informants was based on purposive sampling in the sense that the research team wanted to identify specific category of migrant workers and in specific sector of the Malaysian economy. The plantation manager and his assistant were also interviewed to understand their views on engaging in foreign workers from Indonesia. One limitation in this research study is the difficulty of getting access to documented plantation workers without the knowledge of the plantation management, hence only fifteen were willing to share their experiences as oil palm workers. This study acknowledges the fact that the issue on social remittance takes a different route especially with regard to other categories of workers such as domestic workers or, maybe, migrants in the entertainment or construction industry. Data and Discussion In this section, I start by providing a brief description of oil palm plantation X and its workers. Next, I describe the kind of work that migrants do, their understanding about the expectations of being migrant workers, and also their living conditions in the plantation that somehow affect their prospects of the future. Oil Palm Plantation and Its Workers The plantation involved in this study is one of the oldest oil palm plantations in Johor, Malaysia and prides itself as a good employer to about four hundred plantation workers, of which three hundred workers are Indonesians and 100 are local workers. The plantation covers about 4000 acres, managed by a plantation manager and his assistant. The manager opines that his workers are legally hired 106 Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? through an employment agency in Kuala Lumpur. During the FGD, however, the respondents were tight-lipped to share their legal status and everyone informed the research team that they all have valid documents. Nonetheless, at the time the interview was conducted, not a single worker was holding his passport and they further alleged that their passports were kept by the management. According to the manager, the management prefers unmarried men, though married workers are also welcomed. However, of the 300 or so Indonesian workers assigned in various stages and areas of plantation work, only a few are single and young. The average age of workers is 28 years old, the youngest is 24 and the oldest 46. Most of the workers have at least a year stay in Malaysia. Most of the ten informants were married with young children back in Indonesia. Most of the workers have low level of education, which is in tandem with the observation of Abdul-Rashid Abdul Aziz (2001) and Sukamdi, Haris and Brownlee (1998) that, Indonesian workers in Malaysia have usually low level of education. The management provides free housing and medical facility while payment of water and electricity is shared equally by plantation management and worker. Workers come mainly from West Java, Lombok and Central Java and speak different dialects, although Bahasa Indonesia is the unifying language when they are at work. The plantation management thinks it is much easier to “manage” when workers come from the same village or ethnic group, presumably because when they speak the same language they can better understand one another. The workers however shared that language is not a problem as they use Bahasa Indonesia when talking to others outside their ethnic group. The plantation manager relates that a team of interviewers went to Indonesia and interviewed young and able-bodied men from the village with the idea that they would remain here without feeling a “loss” and concentrate on their jobs. Indonesian workers are driven by their desire to earn money for their families. According to the married workers, on the average they send RM400 every two months and with annual remittance of 8 million Indonesian rupiah. Most of the workers have come to Malaysia by several means both legal and illegal. They paid between RM1200 and RM2000 to the middlemen from money borrowed from family members or relatives or both. Work, Networks and Money For most of the Indonesian workers in this study, they said that plantation work is ‘common’ work. Five workers had done harvesting and pruning both in Indonesia and Malaysia plantations prior to their present work. It is because of their prior experiences that they were hired. Most of the workers value discipline and strict working habits at the plantation. They opined that “we have to work really hard in order to reach the daily quota, and without hard work, the daily quota is difficult to reach.” For instance, the daily quota for a harvester is 2000 kg. Discipline 107 Linda A. Lumayag & Rahim Mohd Sail includes waking up early in the morning and ensuring they will have more time to work. If the worker cannot reach the quota for that day, then his daily rate will be much lower. The worker therefore needs to meet the quota and even exceed it so that the take home pay will be more. Harvesting is the most tedious and labourious type of work in the oil palm plantation and it is paid the highest. There are workers who want to be harvesters so that they get more pay, however, this task needs more skill and not anyone can do it. The handling of the very long pole made of steel and simultaneously timing it with the worker’s footwork demands dexterity and footwork. Only few workers can somehow perfect this skill. For some who cannot cope with this particular task, they retreat to a much easier plantation work such as carrying of oil palm from the farm to the repository area. One interesting finding in this research is skill mismatch. Though some of the workers said they already have prior experience in the oil palm estates in Malaysia, it is inconceivable that their experience and knowledge on new technology they have acquired while working in Malaysia cannot be put to good use when they eventually return to their respective communities. What accounts for this mismatch is that they come from a rice-farming (sawah) community, while in Malaysia they work in the plantation (ladang) sector. This means that they may have acquired the work skills in the plantation but in terms of applying or using these skills later on in life, the possibility is slim or perhaps even remote. The best option for them would be to work in the oil palm plantations in the Kalimantan region in Indonesia. Across countries and cultures in Asia (e.g. Philippines) acquiring education to improve one’s economic condition is given emphasis both within and outside the family setting. Filipino overseas domestic workers, for instance, consider education of children as a major justification for working abroad. However, at least for the workers in the plantation worker who have little children, they seem to be skeptical about education saying “even when you get high education, you will still end up as worker in the plantation which does not need education at all.” It is also shared that Indonesian women do not need to go to school because they will also end up as domestic workers in other countries anyway (see Tharan (1993), for comparative observation). The globalization of work has resulted in the changing idea about education and this poses a challenge to the pemikiran simpit (narrow-mindedness) of plantation workers towards education. How would this attitude influence the future of the workers’ children and their families is rather unclear. Networks of migrants begin before they leave their villages through the circle of friends, relatives and acquaintances who share personal narratives or accounts of their experiences and observations while abroad. In this study, three of the workers knew each other before coming to Malaysia. In fact, they came from the same village and went through the same process which include going to the 108 Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? same agent for referral and other related matters. There are tendencies that members of the family migrate for work in the same country such as, in this case, Malaysia. In addition, both Malaysia and Indonesia share vast coastline borders and this has strong push factor from the Indonesia side to find employment in Malaysia. When there is a weak link between access to formal structures that offer services related to foreign deployment and access to work, Indonesian workers readily adopt illegal networks in order to realize their migration plan (Sukamdi, Haris & Brownlee, 1998). Within the plantation environment, workers share common needs and concerns. The strategic plan of plantation management to bring in workers from three different districts /areas in Indonesia is reflective of subtle labor control i.e. to eliminate group or ethnic clashes and for easy control compared workers from different ethnic affiliations. The management also share the view that to recruit two different ethnic groups may not be strategic for fear of labor problems and disputes that may arise between two conflicting ethnic groups. The management cannot afford to disturb the work rhythm in the plantation as it would result in loss of production, as one staff mentioned that it cannot afford to delay the process of production because everything is perfectly cadenced right from the recruitment of workers to the harvesting of the crop. A “re-tribalisation” of workers within the plantation environment is noted, as workers get to know more about the life of another worker, his wife and children and everyone. While they were identified as workers coming from Lombok district, for example, the moment they are placed in the plantation, they are seldom associated by their own group but identified themselves as workers from Indonesia. There seems to be a very strong sense of identity among the workers, and as shared by one worker from Central Java, “that the life story of one worker becomes almost the life story of another”. Sharing of the same problems back home, the longing to be with loved ones, and how much money workers could remit to Indonesia are three common topics of discussion. In 2006, Indonesian migrant remittances added approximately Rp 61 trillion (US$ 6.7 billion) (USD 1 is equivalent to 9,567.00 Indonesian rupiah) to the national coffers, second only to oil and gas industry in terms of foreign exchange contribution to the national economy. With this amount, it can feed about 30 million people in Indonesia, according to the National Board of Indonesian Migrant Worker Placement and Protection (Depnakertrans, 2007 as cited in Rusdiana and Saidi, 2008:163). Savings in this study refers to the money workers have saved for the use of their families in Indonesia. The workers who were interviewed were diligent financial remitters, sending as high as RM400 a month. The money goes to the household expenses, education of children, improvement of the house, start a micro business, and perhaps, a little amount to keep aside as savings, as Mantra’s (1999) study also suggests. The financial remittance basically is a survival strategy since this is the only cash resource for the family. If ever there 109 Linda A. Lumayag & Rahim Mohd Sail may be some savings, this may only last for a month or so and then go back to being without cash reserve again. So, migration for work is rather just a household or family strategy and it is safe to say that with small financial remittances from abroad, families are able to sustain its financial as well as other needs. Observations are abundant that one can exactly know which country a family/household member migrant is working by the quality of house/shelter a migrant worker provides in the village. Social Isolation The oil palm plantation is located about six (6) kilometers from the town center. A ‘ghetto’- like existence reflects a life that is both physically and socially isolated from the rest of the community. Life in the plantation is life in isolation where people are not free to come in and out of the plantation area, except when necessary. They live in a housing provided by the management with access to water and electricity. Some own motorbikes to go to the mosque for their Friday prayer but most often they stay in the housing area or work in the ladang (field). The passports of workers are kept by the management and therefore it is difficult to make public transactions, for example, sending money through the banks as one needs it to present his passport. In this case, they would rather use the assistance of middlemen to remit their salary to Indonesia. One way to learn ideas about how other things work is through observation and actual experience. It would be more interesting to know how workers view their relationship with the outside world and how this influences their perception of the environment. The passport issue indeed sets limit to workers’ socialization and failure to possess one invites another form of dispiritedness i.e. the likelihood that they will be harassed by police authorities or RELA (Ikatan Relawan Rakyat Malaysia) or Volunteers of Malaysian people. Worker control is through physical isolation to deter workers from forming networks of connections outside the plantation. This will therefore stop them from being ‘courted’ or ‘pinched’ by potential employers. Though the worker’s passport may not be in his possession yet, it will stop the worker from leaving if better wage arrangement is available. This observation is validated by the plantation manager when he says, ‘workers having less access to the outside world, and therefore having less friends, the probability of leaving the plantation to work in another sector for higher wages is very slim’. In another study (Samsuddin, 2003), it was revealed that plantation workers are attracted to the lure of city life and also to get higher wages, the only way to go there is to work in construction industry. Plantations which are located in the hinterlands of Malaysia face the problem of supply of workers who cannot withstand isolation. At any opportunity therefore, plantation workers would rather work in the construction sector because aside from higher wages, they have space to mingle with others. 110 Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? Limitations in Transmission of Skills and Knowledge Indonesia is the main supplier of huge manpower for Malaysia’s economy. Malaysia is also known to be a prime mover in promoting new technology especially on new high-yielding varieties and cultural practices, new ways of harvesting, management of raw materials, utilization of the product among others. The exposure of Indonesian workers - most of them unskilled - to new technology could propel modernization in agriculture (Castles, 2000) in Indonesia as ideas and practices are shared across the borders. Estate industries in Malaysia rely heavily on Indonesian workers to work for the following tasks: weeding, pruning, manuring, pest control, etc. Indonesian workers who have been working in the plantation industry are potential transmitters of ideas and technical skills to their relatives and family members back home. Both Indonesia and Malaysia share similar climate, soil types, rainfall patterns, and even cultural practices. This similarity could be a good material for adoption of new technology that migrant workers would eventually apply during or after their employment in Malaysia. Given the period of time and workers’ exposure to the technical know-how in “nurturing” plantation, there is ample opportunity to learn certain skills hopefully to be adopted to their own community/locality when they return. An estate worker shares that as when he returns he would like to invest his money on a piece of land. For some migrants, one of the motivations to save money is to buy a piece of land for agricultural purposes or to build a house, for his family. In this sense, their exposure in the new ways of agricultural production or land cultivation will influence their future planning. The thousands of Indonesian workers in oil palm plantations could be called change agents and could well create a multiplier effect the moment they begin to apply new forms of technology in Indonesia, which they have acquired while working in Malaysia. However, this depends on the following considerations: The extent to which technology is transferred to Indonesia lies on whether these migrant workers have access to the various ways of remitting these skills and ideas. For instance, do migrant workers have the opportunity to write letters to their family members, make phone calls, send text messages, or return home regularly? Successful social remittance is viable when they are workers with valid documents, meaning they are employed legally by estate owners since documented workers can take their vacation leave once in every two years, or make phone calls as they wish, at nearby ‘Wartel’ telecom centers (at the time this fieldwork was conducted, the use/ownership of mobile phones was not a prominent feature), or send letters to the family members. That ideas and knowledge can then be transmitted in as many ways such as those mentioned, as a natural consequence. In a way, transmission will be a course of event, in its purest form and shape when workers do not face serious constraints in the way they want the social transfer to be done. 111 Linda A. Lumayag & Rahim Mohd Sail Pertinent issue is the problem of undocumented workers especially from the Indonesian community. The high turnover of Indonesian workers caused by documentation problems and when there is a much higher offer in the construction sector that they find more attractive. Undocumented workers (e.g. without permit, no passport, or passport has expired) find it more difficult to go about transmitting social remittance because of their vulnerability to police harassment or detention. At this point, the position of undocumented workers limits or restricts their opportunity to transmit ideas and information to their family members. There may be a modicum of transmission but that is not quite easy, and risk is always there. Estate owners, though they want Indonesian workers to work in the plantation, still prefer undocumented workers since they submit to low wage etc. Bogus and unscrupulous employment agents from both sides of the border who fleece migrant workers from both sides of the border are one of those responsible for producing tens of thousands of illegal or undocumented Indonesia workers in Malaysia (Jones, 2000). Definitely, the varied experiences of plantation workers in Malaysia have left traces of influences on their expectations and prospects. Firstly, the diffusion of ideas and practices are shared not only within the social networks they have formed in Malaysia but also to their families, by phone and letters. In the sense, diffusion of ideas to the family members is aided by different social networks within the migrant’s community and the networks of so-called migrant beneficiaries. In the Philippines, the dynamic social networks within the country could well influence the behavior, ideas and practices of those who have no opportunity to go abroad. As Levitt (1999) contends, networks within the field connect people with no direct transborder connections to those who have such connections. Moreover, networks can consist of either strong or weak ties that connect persons who maintain transnational relationships with those who do not but who are indirectly influenced by flows of ideas, objects, and social remittances within their field of social relations. However, it cannot be assumed that those who are directly connected are more transnationally active (Levitt & Schiller, 2004). Secondly, the acquisition of new knowledge, skills and ideas is dependent on the extent temporary migrants are “welcome” by Malaysia. It is argued that their opportunity to meet with other members of the Malaysian public, other than the employers and their immediate family members, is when they enjoy the weekly day-off, because that is the only time they could form social networks outside the workplace away from the watchful eyes of the employers. For plantation workers, they are placed in highly isolated places and contact with local people other than their “bosses” is limited. It is limited in the sense that while they may meet on Friday prayers, such meeting is too short to allow for a deeper level of interaction with other workers. Establishing contact with the local people allows migrants to learn and acquire social ideas that they feel worth adopting, as 112 Does Social Remittance Take Place among Indonesian Plantation Workers in Malaysia? Hassinger (1951, cited in Rogers and Shoemaker, 1971) contends that individuals will seldom expose themselves to messages about an innovation unless they first feel a need for the innovation messages. There will be little effect of such exposure unless the individual perceives the innovation as relevant to his needs and greater portions of savings remain in the host country. Thirdly, transmission and, eventually, adoption of social remittance is dependent on financial transfer. Financial remittance is important in order to initiate new ventures or projects or to apply new technologies. It is in this aspect that migrant workers or their families’ access to capital in the home country that is really important so that they can realise their plans. Government agencies responsible in providing initial capital for business, providing supervision and technical expertise could be tapped up to promote migrant projects. Mantra (1999) in fact suggests that remittance carried back home by the return migrants to their areas of origin are not large, so much so that they keep on returning to Malaysia to work. Conclusion Social remittance in the form of ideas, practices or skills is an impetus for social change. However, a necessary requirement in the transmission of social remittance is access to financial resources, just to be able to start a project or to introduce a new technology. Acquisition of new skills and knowledge would remain dormant if there is no available financial resource to start up a project. Transmission of social remittance is only made noble when it plows back financial returns/income rather than creating a whole new set of lifestyle that is not in tandem with cultural practices. Since the mode of transmission is quite restricted, social remittance would peak when migrant workers themselves return home and apply what they have learned – and practiced – while working in Malaysia. The transfer of knowledge and skills will be more pronounced when the individual migrant workers themselves put into practice what they have learned and acquired, provided that they have the financial means to do so with the support of local government agencies. Sharing of knowledge through the phone for instance, is something that is not happening. While the advancement in telecommunication as well as migrants’ access to new gadgets may promote the transfer, it does not seem to be happening here. In a way, what these oil palm plantation workers usually share is the family well-being, health of parents and children, festivities and all. Rarely the discussions dwell on other things. It is safe to say that plantation workers have least opportunity to transmit and practice the skills and knowledge they have acquired in Malaysia as this would imply spending high capital for investment. 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Using personal interviewing as a method of data collection, the study focuses on the aspect of social capital amongst the Non-Governmental Organizations, especially in terms of bonding and bridging social capital. Analysis of the data procured from the NGOs was done, and trust as one of the components of social capital is seen evidently in the study. This paper defines a new kind of trust that exists between the seven NGOs and the homeless people in this particular context, namely moralistic trust. Informants who have been interviewed all declared a uniform insight towards their relationships to the homeless, giving us a new understanding as to how NGOs build trust with those who are considered destitute, weak, doomed, losers or marginalized in society. Keywords: NGOs, homeless, trust, moralistic trust, social capital Homelessness Homelessness is a word that is commonly associated to Social problem as it is inevitably faced by all societies over the years. Many social scientists have embarked their works focusing on the various facets of homelessness as it impacts the social, economic, political aspect of a particular community. It is regarded as a widespread illness in social context for its presence affects both rural and urban areas, debunking the early idea that homelessness is only prevalent in rural areas where poverty is most rampant. Consequently, the concept of homelessness has evolved over the years. In general terms, these 117 Prescious Ann Santos Oria, Nobaya Ahmad & Hanina Halimatusaadiah Hamsan homeless are typically defined as people who dwell on the streets, alleys, improvised shelters, under bridges or other public places, abandoned buildings and even living with friends and relatives which complicates the accurate figure of the homeless population in particular community (Timmer, Eitzen, & Talley, 1994, p. 12). The common notion about homeless as beggars, psychotics, lazy people, substance-abusive, alcoholics, criminals and the like even changed throughout time as people become more inclined in studying these homeless folks. Even wider and deeper understandings about why homelessness takes place in many communities were dug by social scientists, and that having a more advanced context is not an assurance of the absence of homelessness. It is evident in literatures that not only the underdeveloped and developing countries do have homeless cases. It is also evident in the developed countries. UN reported that even countries with high income experience homelessness because of rapid urbanization and structural changes in the society (Levinson & Ross, 2007, pp. 374-375). With all the industrialization happening in the city centres, an inflation rate occurs on the number of migrant people coming from rural areas in urban region due to better and wider work opportunities. While all of these people have strong expectations that they will escape poverty by chasing their good lucks in the city, some of them end up hopeless to the extent of becoming homeless. Moreover, it is seen that because of urbanization, cost of living becomes higher and higher that even the city dwellers find it hard to rent housing and pay other amenities for their survival (Gerdes, 2005, pp. 21-29). In the United States, the National Student Campaign against Hunger and Homelessness (NSCAHH) stated that homelessness and hunger increase in number nationwide. This shows that even a rich country is not excluded in experiencing homelessness. Despite of the problem, USA made measures to combat the issue. It has been said that for the past 25 years, America has came up of emergency food and shelter providers that responded to the basic needs of the people. It was the time soup kitchens, pantries and shelters started to set off, which has resulted to the active participation of charitable agencies in service provision. Because most people seek their assistance, those agencies grew more in number. At present, developed countries display various interventions executed both by the government and the Non-Government sectors. Furthermore, for developing countries, it is seen that intervention done are seemingly limited and even unhelpful sometimes. In the study done in South East Asia, advocacy for homelessness in the case of India, Bangladesh and Peru has been focused to homeless affected by natural calamities such as flooding and earthquakes. There are also policy-related interventions but are just partial in scope. (Tipple & Speak, n.d.; Speak, 2004, p. 477) 118 Ngos and the HomelessnessiIn Kuala Lumpur: Towards Moralistic Trust Homelessness in Malaysia In Malaysia, it has been said that there are around 1,400 homeless people residing in Kuala Lumpur area based from the 2010 survey done by the Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development (MWFCD). These are people coming from different walks of life – different places of origin, ethnic groups, gender, ages, religions, aptitudes, family backgrounds and with different life stories (Ruseko Shimizu, 2014, p. 3). Even the Organizations working for the homeless’ welfare in Kuala Lumpur have reported a rough estimate of 1200 or more for the homeless statistics, hence, execution for a survey research is required to be able to provide a more accurate and updated data not just for the government or institutions and organizations working for the homeless but for the public as a whole. Nevertheless, some other organizations are never concerned about having homeless’ data at all, some organizations have been concerned about the profile and number of the homeless whom they are providing services, and thus they maintain a database to monitor their organizational outcomes. With this, they are aware that some of the homeless originate outside Kuala Lumpur and Selangor state; they come from different states of Malaysia as far as Johor Bahru in the South, Kelantan in the North-east and Sarawak in the East of Peninsular Malaysia. Based from the participant observations done, it was observed that homeless people come from different age brackets: most are young adults around 25-40 years old and some old-aged people around 50 years old above. It is also evident that men outnumber women regardless of the race they come from whether they are Malay, Chinese, Indian or even non-Malaysians such as Bangladeshi and Indonesians. Each of the homeless has different personal stories to tell as to why they end up becoming homeless and these include marriage breakdown for old people, joblessness, family problems, taken advantaged by other people and even family persecution (J. Cheah, personal communication, February 18, 2014). While majority of this population do not have work, some of them work into small-scaled jobs paid with a meagre salary which pushes them to choose living on the street rather than renting an inn. Some of them even own gadget such as phone and mp3 players which according to one of the NGO project directors, “the only treasure they may have”. Thus, homeless definition in Malaysian context is not contained or limited to the common misconceptions of people – them as the drug addicts, psychotics, lazy people, dirty ones, jobless, penniless, savage and the like. And this is what NGOs wanted to be changed amongst people’s way of thinking, to at least better understand the real condition of the homeless. Meanwhile, Alhabshi & Manan (2012, p. 1) argued that homeless people receive not a large amount of attention because there is no clear policy under the Ministry of Women, Family and Community Development that has direct bearing 119 Prescious Ann Santos Oria, Nobaya Ahmad & Hanina Halimatusaadiah Hamsan to the issue of homelessness. But in early 2000, homeless began to receive an evident focus when Non-Governmental Organizations in the city which includes charitable and religious organizations started to make a step in assisting the homeless specifically on food provision (Rusenko Shimizu, 2014, pp. 2-3). Through the consistent and active advocacies of these NGOs and with the increasing issues on homelessness, the Government also took action by building Anjung Singgah, a transitional home under the initiative of MWFCD and currently managed by the Yayasan Kebajikan Malaysia (YKN) or the National Welfare Foundation Malaysia. Designed to cater the primary needs of the homeless people, Anjung Singgah serves as a temporary shelter for the homeless over a period of two (2) weeks before they get reintegrated in the society. With the help of the volunteers, homeless are provided with various services such as counselling, food, clothing, medical aids, and job supports through referrals aside from dwelling in the shelter. Currently, Anjung Singgah is the sole centre in Kuala Lumpur chiefly designed for the homeless populace as a transit or shelter home which is recognized by the Government. However, there may be other shelter or transit homes managed by private organizations. In spite of the idea that the Government has put up this transitional housing as a step in highlighting and addressing the needs of this particular sector in the community, Malaysian Non-Governmental Organizations never cease to play their part in meeting the needs of the growing homeless population. In fact, these NGOs are in a constant pursuit of developing and expanding possible services which they could offer to the homeless. Azman & Sulaiman (2011, p. 53) said that efforts by these many NGOs are offered to complement the programmes of the government for the urban poor. NGO that Provide Food Support to the Homeless in KL In Kuala Lumpur, a number of Non-Governmental Organizations that provide food support to the homeless have been actively pursuing their advocacy since early 2000. According to Yayasan Kebajikan Negara (YKN) or the National Welfare Malaysia, at present, there is no existing official record of the NGOs undertaking this advocacy, nevertheless for the previous years, the active engagement of Malaysian NGOs in combating homelessness in the country has been apparent to the public as they persistently give away food packs to the homeless in Kuala Lumpur area. And up to the present, their advocacy continues to build up as their awareness escalates that the issue of homelessness becomes more and more complex nowadays due to the increasing number of their homeless clients on a regular food distribution. 120 Ngos and the HomelessnessiIn Kuala Lumpur: Towards Moralistic Trust In a research done on the Social Capital amongst NGOs who provide food support to the homeless in Kuala Lumpur, seven (7) NGOs were explored through in-depth interviews with project heads and managers of the organizations. The NGOs were chosen based from their availability and response during the data collection period. For the background of the NGOs subject under the study, the table below shows the Project Launching Year, Number of days of Food Distribution per Week, as well as the number of Food Packs distributed per week. Table 1. NGOs Profile NGO Project Launching Year Number of days of Food distribution per Week Number of Food Packs distributed per Week 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 2001 2005 2007 2009 2007 2006 2010 4 6 3 1 1 7 4 1, 230 4, 600 450 250 130 2, 500 2, 550 Based on the information gathered from the informants under the 7 NGOs, it was observed that each organization’s day and time schedule on food distribution in Kuala Lumpur does not overlap with other NGOs. From the above data, it is also apparent that the number of days where NGOs distribute food varies. Some distribute once a week only while others do it thrice or even daily. Along with the differences on schedule, they also have different areas of distribution which make them more fixed and focused. In spite of not having formal communication amongst these NGOs, each of them is aware about the schedule and places of distribution of the other organizations. By saying this, they believe that there is no sense of competition amongst them but they do complement one another instead. Majority of them believe or have faith on the advocacy of one another and that each of them has the capability to make a change to the homeless. Some of the informants even clearly stated that they do not distribute food on a daily basis because they trust that there are other NGOs who are doing the same thing as them, and that in times they don’t distribute food, they are confident that other NGOs will do it for them. This shows an element of trust amongst these organizations even if there is no close contact amongst them. 121 Prescious Ann Santos Oria, Nobaya Ahmad & Hanina Halimatusaadiah Hamsan Moreover, These 7 NGOs, though they have different vision statements, still share the same meaning on their advocacy. All of them focus on helping the homeless, needy, underprivileged, poor & distressed people by supporting and providing them the most basic thing they need: food. Being in the frontline, these NGOs’ direct contact to the homeless make them understand that while food is the most immediate need of the homeless, it is not the only thing they need. They are also human beings who have holistic needs for survival. Thus, apart from food provision, NGOs also offer extra services covering their physical, mental, emotional and social needs such as medical assistance, counselling, assistance on homeless’ ICs registration or replacement, registering old people for monthly allowance from the Government, referral to other NGOs, Homes, Rehabilitation Centres and other organizations that could cater the right assistance they need, free haircut, reunification of families through provision of transportation tickets to deserving homeless, free laundry and bathing, movie nights, and other more that has positive impact to the homeless’ welfare. While the organizations are more individualistic in executing their advocacy for the homeless, a pattern of similarity on the nature of services they provide is evident amongst them all. In his study about the homeless movements in Japan, Hasegawa (2006, pp. 11-12) has concluded three reasons why there’s a similarity of programmes provided by different groups for the homeless population. First, it is due to the fact that groups working for the homeless may have better chances to exchange and learn ideas from one another since Japan has fewer number of homeless as compared to other countries; Second, because these groups have gained ideas from organizational media, newspapers and other media-mediated tools for information dissemination; and third, because groups believe that the programmes they have are the essential needs that would address the topmost problems existing in the community. As for the NGOs in Malaysia, it is seen that the conclusion of Hasegawa is also applicable except that Malaysian NGOs working for the homeless do not formally and purposely communicate to one another making the learning or exchange of ideas less emphasized. Trust between the NGOs and the Homeless Given that the focus of the research study is on Social Capital, trust is one of the main considerations in understanding the existing social capital amongst the organization. While the study is mainly focused on the relationship of the NGOs giving food support to the homeless people, one of the interesting issues that came up in the research is the relationship between the NGOs and the homeless, particularly on the kind of trust that exists between them. 122 Ngos and the HomelessnessiIn Kuala Lumpur: Towards Moralistic Trust Works on literatures state that trust is an element of Social Capital and has been regarded by social scientists as one of the main ingredients of social capital. Researchers say that the presence of trust is an inevitable component which is useful in determining the existence of social capital in any given community of interest (Morrone, Tontoranelli & Ranuzzi, 2009, p. 8). In Community Development, trust is seen as a public good that is important to individuals, groups and communities as a whole (Stolle, 2002, p. 397) for it serves as lubricant or glue that makes society more cohesive one and also civic work united (Arneil, 2006, p. 4) suffice to say that trust doesn’t only serve the private goals of an individual but also serve the goal of groups or communities towards civic works. In addition to this, trust provides a sense of security to people as they become aware that provisions are available for them. Might as well, trust drives people to take more risk and become more vulnerable to various possibilities (Ward & Smith, 2003, p. 1). In addition, in their book entitled “In Good Company”, Cohen & Prusak (2001, pp. 28-29) restated John Locke’s account about the importance of trust to human society. Trust is a basic need of human that he has compared it to the air that we breathe. Thus without a certain amount of it, there would be no relationship that would lead people to connections and cooperation towards a developed community. Having no trust means “isolated individualism”. Furthermore, talking about Social Capital, trust is also commonly associated to thick-trust or the particularized trust and thin-trust or the generalized trust. It has been said that particularized trust is more evident in homogenous groups where members are bonded together. People who encompass this kind of trust easily trust people who are like them or the people in the same group as them. There is a strong tie amongst them built from their in-group interaction over time. Writers say that because of particularized trust, people sometimes become limited to the point of leaving no room of trusting people outside their group. On the other fence, generalized trust exists on heterogeneous groups where people easily trust people who are like them as well as people who are unlikely them or people outside their group. This kind of trust is common to people who are inclined to civic works (Uslaner, 2008, p. 104). Generally, trust is considered to be a multidimensional concept that exists through people belonging to families, groups of different kind, organizations, and even to institutions (Morrone, Tontoranelli & Ranuzzi, 2009, p. 5). Normally, in a society, trust is more evident among people who are of equal status or it is easier for people to trust the “normal” ones like them, those who have educational attainment, working people, but not with those who are considered and perceived deviants or vulnerable like the criminals, prisoners, beggars or even the homeless for they are seen as lesser trustworthy as compared to the other bracket of the population. Marginalized as they are, one would think twice when to consider 123 Prescious Ann Santos Oria, Nobaya Ahmad & Hanina Halimatusaadiah Hamsan giving them trust for it is easier to give trust to people whom we can identify ourselves with than to people whom we cannot (Stolle, 2002, pp. 401-402). Going back to the idea that diversity of ethnic groups in Malaysia is enormous due to the three major ethnicities namely the Malays (62.3%) which consist majority of the population, the Chinese (22%), Indians (6.7%), other races (0.9%) and non-citizens (8.1%) which is according to the Department of Statistics Malaysia, it is then very essential for these NGOs to consider all the homeless’ culture and religion in choosing the kind of food they serve. All of the 7 NGOs showed their strict observance on the quality of food with the goal that it would be able to cater everyone regardless of the ethnic groups where they come from. It is important to highlight that majority of the NGOs are being run by religious organizations, yet their advocacy is inclusive and impartial, that is to say that homeless are being reached out regardless of their religious and ethnic backgrounds, gender and age, physical and mental conditions. Homeless are well treated because NGOs believe that they are also individuals who have needs like majority of us, and because they are human beings, they also have moral values. This is the very reason as to why the Non-Governmental Organizations under the study put so much strength and passion in executing their advocacies. Informants even disclosed that as much as possible, food being served should be as delicious as the food they eat at home. They also ensure that there’s a variety of menu because even the homeless know how to get bored with the same kind of food daily. Generally, all of the NGOs declared that chicken is the safest viand for it is consumed largely by the homeless while some others also include fish. They make sure that it is pork-free as it is haram or not taken by the Malays and beef-free as it is not taken by Indians and some Chinese. Vegetarian food is also served most of the time together with rice, noodles, bottled water, teh tarik (milk tea) or cold drinks, some fruits plus other treats such as biscuits and bread. With this, NGOs strongly believe that homeless will take and consume what they serve. All of them were confident to say that the homeless trust them so much because they are aware that the food they prepare doesn’t harm them. The way NGOs serve food differs as well. Most of the NGOs serve in plates while some others serve in packet. For those who serve in plates also provide tables and chairs to the homeless because for them, these represent honour and dignity to them. One of the NGOs doesn’t even ask the homeless people to queue in a line to get their food. Instead, they ask them to just have seats and the volunteers will hand them food and drinks on their respective tables. Informants said that even they are homeless they still deserve the best treat from them. Also, NGOs are not concerned about the issue of overfeeding. Majority of them said that they allow the homeless people take extra food for the second time. Some of them even said that they can take extra food even to the n-times as long as 124 Ngos and the HomelessnessiIn Kuala Lumpur: Towards Moralistic Trust they will consume it. They trust the homeless that when they take food, they will be able to finish it and that giving them extra is also like giving them extra points. In this scenario, one would say that homeless are being respected by the NGOs not just on the quality of food they distribute per se but also on the way they provide their services, suffice to say that Malaysian NGOs trust to the homeless is not based on religious or ethnic trust. They go beyond the idea of just providing food but they also take into consideration the type of food that is reasonable for these homeless. And they do not just stop in there, because they even go beyond the quality of food. They make sure that their ways of feeding the homeless should always highlight the homeless’ moral value, and that is to say that even if they are perceived homeless, they have the right to have the best. Dignity and morality are the greatest things they can give to the homeless, thus, they offer the best that they can do to them ranging from quantity to quality of services up to the way they relate to these so called “clients”. Different from the trust that exists within homogenous groups or the particularized trust like family trust, religious trust or organizational trust, the kind of trust that works between the NGOs and the homeless is moralistic trust as coined by Uslaner. For two different groups coming from different milieus, the “powerful” or the NGOs in this case as they are the dominant and the “vulnerable” or the homeless, to have trust to each other, an understanding about the goodwill of each other should be present. This is what Uslaner meant when he said that people treat each other as if they are trustworthy. A kind of trust that neither strategic/knowledge-based nor specific but with a general thinking that people should treat others the way they want to be treated back (Uslaner, 2008, p. 103). He is right in saying that moralistic trust is needed when engaging to civic works. It’s a trust in humanity. Highlighting the homeless on the other hand, in response to the trust that NGOs offer to them, they become more confident that these organizations would always provide them food which gives them a sense of security. Project heads said that most of the homeless became regular clients to their organizations. Also, trust of the homeless towards the NGOs are not seen or reflected only on their everyday or regular attendance on food distributions but also on their relationship to volunteers of the organizations as they open up their personal issues to them. In the participant observations done, it was noticed that some of the homeless have been closed to the regular volunteers that they even update them about their recent experiences, needs and other personal issues. Conclusion The role of NGOs is not only limited on giving food and providing extra services to the homeless population but extends to a kind of relationship that impacts to the homeless. One can say that when homeless people, who are seen as destitute, 125 Prescious Ann Santos Oria, Nobaya Ahmad & Hanina Halimatusaadiah Hamsan doomed or losers are trusted by the Non-Governmental Organizations who provide food, a trust from the homeless is also given in return to the organizations. Homeless are given hope and sense of security that make them not worry about the food they will eat knowing that NGOs are fully aware about the homeless – the type of food they eat, the other services they need, the way they should be served and the like. Therefore, this trust existing between these two groups is neither a family trust nor religious trust nor organizational kind of trust but a moralistic trust because they believe on the same moral principle. Moreover, the existence of a moralistic kind of trust between theses NGOs and the homeless in Kuala Lumpur builds a more positive outlook on how groups and organizations should cater services to the needy people by considering their backgrounds as human and not just for the sake of meeting organizational goals for the public to see. After all, the most important thing at the end of the day is the trust given out to people specially to those marginalized and weak. References Alhabshi, S. M., & Abdul Manan, A. K. (2012). Homelessness in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia: A case of agenda denial. International Journal of Social Science Tomorrow, 1(2), 1-9. Arneil, B. (2006). Diverse communities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Azman, A., & Sulaiman, J. (2011). Urban poverty: The invisible poor population in Malaysia. Asian Social Work Journal, 1(1), 43-62. Cohen, D., & Prusak, L. (2001). In good company. USA: Harvard Business School Press. Hasegawa, M. (2006). “We are not garbage!” The homeless movement in Tokyo, 19942002. New York, USA : Routledge. Levinson, D., & Ross, M. (2007). Homelessness handbook. USA: Berkshire Publishing Group. Morrone, A., Tontoranelli, N., & Ranuzzi, G. (2009). How good is trust: Measuring trust and its role for the progress of societies. Organization for Economic CoOperation and Develo pment (OECD) Statistics Working Paper. STD/DOC (2009), 3. National Student Campaign against Hunger & Homelessness. (2005). “Homelessness as a widespread problem”, in L. Gerdes (Ed), The Homeless. USA: Greenhaven Press, 21-29. Ruseko Shimizu, R., (2014). "The Anjung Singgah Strategy: Simultaneous Inclusion and Exclusion of Homelessness in Malaysia’s Policy Agenda". Paper presented at the Annual meeting of the American Sociological Association Annual Meeting, Hilton New York and Sheraton New York, New York, 126 Ngos and the HomelessnessiIn Kuala Lumpur: Towards Moralistic Trust NYOnline. Retrieved from, http://citation.allacademic.com/meta/p650183 _index.htm Speak, S. (2004). Degrees of destitution: A typology of homelessness in developing countries. Housing Studies, 19(3), 465-482. Stolle, D. (2002). Trusting strangers - The concept of generalized trust in perspective. Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft, 31, 397-412. Timmer, D. A., Eitzen, D. S., & Talley, K. D. (1994). Paths to homelessness extreme poverty and the urban housing crisis. USA: Westview Press. Tipple, G., & Speak, S. (n.d.). The relationship between economic development and homelessness in South East Asia. Uslaner, E. (2006). Trust and economic growth in the knowledge society. Lecture at the Osaka University, March 7-9, Japan. ________ (2008). “Trust as a moral value”, in D. Castiglione, J. Van Deth, & G. Wolleb (Eds), The handbook of social capital. UK: Oxford University Press, 101-121. Visit Malaysia 2014. (2014). Fast facts. Retrieved from, www.vmy2014.com/aboutvmy2014/fast-facts. Ward, A., & Smith, J. (2003). Trust and mistrust: Radical risk strategies in business relationships. UK: Wiley. 127 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp128-150 THE MATERIAL AND THE PSYCHOLOGICAL: AN ANALYSIS OF THE CLAUSE STRUCTURE OF TAGALOG USING COGNITIVE GRAMMAR Jem R. Javier Department of Linguistics College of Social Sciences and Philosophy University of the Philippines Diliman ([email protected]) Abstract For this paper, the researcher attempts to describe the clause structure of Tagalog using Cognitive Grammar (CG). Abiding by the said framework, sentences are regarded as grammatical constructions that represent different event schemas, which are then categorised into situations in: (1) the material world, or how the structured world exists, changes, or undergoes processes; and (2) the psychological world, or the internal world of human sensation, emotion, perception and thought. Analysing the semantic grammar of Tagalog, that is, looking at linguistic utterances as motivated by the meaning that the speaker wants to express, this study aims to provide new insights with regards to the characteristics of the components of grammar as a reflection of cognition. Keywords: linguistics Tagalog, Cognitive Grammar, event schema, semantic grammar, cognitive Introduction The concept of “grammar” that is not limited to morphosyntax, but incorporates the system of meaning assignment, or semantics, is fostered by a relatively new theoretical framework in the scientific study of language, Cognitive Linguistics, which arose during the ‘70s based on studies on Gestalt, and system of categorisation among humans. According to the cognitive framework, grammar is regarded as a meaningful system in itself; therefore it integrates and cannot be separated from semantics. One of the main ideas being advanced by Cognitive Linguistics is Cognitive Grammar, whose main principle states that a 128 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar grammatically well-formed sentence should not be semantically anomalous; a grammatically sound construction is not separated from it being perceived as acceptable or sensible to the speaker. Furthermore, one of the main doctrines of Cognitive Grammar (CG) is its high regard on semantics, or meaning assignment. CG perceives semantics as incorporated into syntax; therefore; an utterance is seen as motivated by what needs to be expressed, more than deconstructing the meaning based on the syntactic structure of grammatical constructions; constructions that express what we will now call event schemas. In this paper, different event schemas in Tagalog, one of the more well known Austronesian languages in the Philippines and the Southeast Asian region (Jubilado, 2008), shall be discussed, with emphasis on the form of sentence that occurs in the expression of a particular event schema. Data that were gathered are all basic sentences, and the predicates used are what can be considered as prototypes of the respective predicates of the event schemas. The resercher gathered and analysed Tagalog constructions that are used in everyday and common discourse. And, since the researcher is also a native Tagalog speaker, introspection1 is also used in order to determine the grammaticality and/or acceptability of the constructions that were gathered and analysed. Studies on the structure of Tagalog are neither scarce nor relatively new; however, analysing its grammatical structure based upon the theoretical framework stated by CG is preliminary 2. This paper therefore aims to look into the characteristics of Tagalog clause structure through the lens of Cognitve Grammar. In this study the researcher shall not look at the difference of CG to other existing theories3, even though the beginnings of the Cognitive Linguistics enterprise to which the said framework belongs resulted from an explicit reaction against the generative tradition of the scientific study of language. Hence, there will be a number of points in this research that carry this implication. Clause structure as expression of event schema An expression is a grammatical construction that is dependent of the conceptual core of a situation (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 269). Within the conceptual core, the participants are given functions; the semantic role that the participants play in a certain situation is called participant role. The most salient participant roles are AGENT, THEME, and EXPERIENCE. The participant that does an action is called the AGENT. The THEME is the role that is played by the participant that is affected by an action, or that whose participation in a situation is considered passive. This role is also assigned to the subject of a non-verbal sentence. The participant that undergoes emotional, perceptual, or mental experiences is called EXPERIENCER. The roles that are involved in a conceptual core give meaning to the role 129 Jem R. Javier configuration, which are the building blocks of the event schema, or the types of situations that describe a unique configuration of participant roles (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 339). These event schemas are then expressed through a number of sentence patterns, which may be intransitive, transitive, or ditransitive 4 (Radden & Dirven, 2007). The relationship between the event schema and sentence pattern will be shown below. Event schemas are expressed by grammatical constructions. These grammatical constructions, which are expressed by clauses and sentences, are also called sentence patterns. Each sentence pattern has its own syntactic function and is based on which constituent/s is/are obligatorily expressed. The obligatory5 constituents are predicate (P), subject (S), direct or prepositional object (O), and other complements which build up the semantics of the predicate (C P). A number of basic sentence patterns in Tagalog based on this paradigm are shown below: (1) Non-verbal Maganda ang dalaga. beautiful the maiden P S The maiden is beautiful. (2) Intransitive Natulog ang binata. to sleep.PRF the bachelor P S The bachelor had slept. (3) Intransitive predicate-complement Pumunta sa Malabon ang guro. to go.PRF to Malabon the teacher.FOC P CP S The teacher had gone to Malabon. (4) Transitive Kumain ng saging to eat.PRF a banana P O The monkey had eaten a banana. 130 ang unggoy. the monkey.FOC S The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar (5) Transitive predicate-complement (a) Humiram ng aklat sa Main Lib ang estudyante. to borrow.PRF a book at the Main Lib the student.FOC P O CP S The student had borrowed a book at the Main Lib. (b)Nagsibak to chop.PRF P ng kahoy (a piece of) wood O sa gubat at the forest CP para sa dalaga for the maiden CP ang binata. the bachelor.FOC S The bachelor had chopped (a piece of) wood at the forest for the maiden. (6) Avalent verbal Lumilindol. earthquake.IMPRF P=AV Earthquake is happening. It can be noticed that the sentence patterns depend on the predicate, which in Tagalog naturally occurs at the beginning of the sentence. As a Philippine-type language, Tagalog has a compex verbal morphology, in which the affixation of the verbal affixes to the stem would determine the kind of complements the verb can take (Jubilado, 2004: 44). The predicates are characterised through the notion of valency, or the number of slots available for the arguments. The argument refers to the participant or complement that obligatorily occurs in a sentence. Sentence (1) represents the type of Tagalog sentence that is called nonverbal, i.e., the predicate is not a member of the lexical category verb. The predicate natulog in (2) requires only the subject argument (ang binata); it is also called a ‘one-place’ predicate. Returning to (1), it can be seen that the predicate maganda also requires one complement, the subject (ang dalaga), in order for the sense of the sentence to be complete. Sentence (3) requires a subject (ang guro) and predicate-complement (sa Malabon) in order to complete the semantics of the verb pumunta, which also the predicate. Sentences (4) and (5) are transitive constructions, which comprise the most prolific of the sentence patterns. One can notice that in Tagalog, the verb which is the verb of the sentence may require two or more predicate-complements. 131 Jem R. Javier In Tagalog, the predicate-complement represents the complements that can be focused by the verb, according to the semantics of the predicate (Malicsi, 2012). Hence, any focusable complement in Tagalog may be assigned the grammatical subject of the sentence, which is done by assigning the nominal marker ang. Phrases, such as some prepositional phrases, which cannot be focused by the verbal predicate, function as adjuncts of the sentence (Malicsi, 2012: 52). In other languages such as English, the prepositional phrase is naturally spatial, which is why instead of the term prepositional phrase, the researcher shall use the term noun phrase complement in order to determine the predicate-complements of the sentence. Since the predicate-complements may be assigned as the grammatical subject, the sentences that have these types of complements are considered as belonging to the class of transitive sentences (Radden & Driven, 2007). Participant roles and event schema The event schemas that will be discussed in this paper may be summarised in three “worlds of experience”: material world, psychological world, and forcedynamic world. Materia l world refers to how the structured world exists, changes, or undergoes processes (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 272). The psychological world is the internal world of human sensation, emotion, perception, and thought. The force-dynamic world is the external world of action, force, and cause-and-effect relations. Events within the material world differ from those within the forcedynamic world, in th at within the latter world, the human is the primary instigator of the events. Through the three worlds of experiences mentioned, we can construct an inventory of the event schemas in Tagalog; however, in this study, only the events in the material world and the psychological world shall be discussed, analysis of Tagalog sentences that illustrate events in the force-dynamic world is reserved for further research. Situations in the material world Events that are included in the material world are comprised of events that describe state and process, location and motion, and possession (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 272). These situations may be classified into three event schemas: occurrence schema, spatial schema, and pertinence/possession schema. These three event schemas are similar in that they harbour the role THEME. a. Occurrence scheme The occurrence schema describes a state or process that an entity undergoes. According to Radden and Dirven (2007: 272), the notion ‘occurrence’ pertains to the sense of condition or event involving objects in the material world. For this 132 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar reason, the situations included in the occurrence schema are characterised as having a subject that has the role THEME. Under the occurrence schema are two subcategories: state, that expresses a simple atemporal relation, and process, that expresses a complex temporal relation. The state is the relationship between the THEME and another entity that describes the former: “THEME is of non-verbal predicate property”. Its simple atemporal relation is expressed through a non-verbal sentence construction that consists a subject and non-verbal predicate. The state has the following schema: TH Figure 1. Schema for state. Figure 1 illustrates that the TRAJECTOR is the THEME, because it is where the focus is in the sentence, and the predicate of the state schema is the LANDMARK, which is ‘where the condition of the TRAJECTOR is happening’. Different types of non-verbal predicate give different meanings to the state. Notice the following set of sentences: (7) Matamis ang baon=ko. sweet lunch=my P S My lunch is sweet. (8) Prutas ang baon=ko. fruits lunch=my P S My lunch is fruits. (9) Ang mangga ang baon=ko. the mango lunch=my P S My lunch is the mango. 133 Jem R. Javier The THEME ang baon ko in (7) is assigned the property matamis (property assignment). In (8), the THEME ang baon ko is included in the category ‘fruits’ (category inclusion). Meanwhile, the predicate in (9) is given a new and additional identity that is represented by the NP ang mangga (identification). Nominal sentences in Tagalog, i.e., sentences with NP for predicate such as in (8) and (9), are usually given two interpretations: NP-predicates that do not have a determiner have a classificatory sense (8), while those that have a determiner (ang) have an identificational sense (9). The process pertains to state that either changes or remains unaltered. A change of signals a transition from a former towards a new condition, whereas a steady process describes events that do not change. The process schema includes change of state, that expresses a complex temporal relation, and steady process, that expresses a simple temporal relation. Be it sudden or gradual, the change of state focuses on the new state. The beginning of a situation is called inchoation, and the verbs that express a beginning of an event are called inchoative verbs. Usually, the change-of-state verbs have an inchoative meaning, illustrated by the sentence (10) below: (10) Naging maayos to become.PRF better P His life had become better. ang buhay=niya. life=his S The change of state can be said to be related to the essential concept of state. However, instead of describing it as “ THEME is of non-verbal predicate property”, the change of state may include a relation that demonstrates change: “ THEME becomes of non-verbal predicate property”. In this case the change of state schema describes a complex temporal relation, as shown in Figure 2 below: Figure 2. Schema for change of state. 134 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar The THEME that undergoes change is the TRAJECTOR, which is given focus in the sentence. The change of state in Tagalog has an inchoative verb naging for predicate. Meanwhile, an equivalent meaning may also be expressed through the use of a verbalised adjective as a predicate: (11) Sumungit to become prickish.PRF The teacher had become prickish. ang titser. the teacher (12) Gumanda ang smokey mountain. to become beautiful.PRF the smokey mountain The smokey mountain had become beautiful. The above sentences can be seen as derived from naging masungit ang titser (for (11)) and naging maganda ang smokey mountain (for (12)). For that reason, this type of sentence is also included in the change-of-state type. A steady process describes an action that involves a non-human or nonvolitional THEME. Notice the following examples: (13) Sumisikat=na ang araw. to rise.PRF=already the sun P S The sun is already rising. (14) Nagliwanag ang buwan. to shine.PRF the moon P S The moon had shone. Steady processes are situations that remain unchanged; they may be represented by an intransitive sentence that requires only one participant, the THEME, as in (13) and (14). However, steady processes in Tagalog may also be represented by a transitive sentence, provided that the verb focuses its locative complement, as shown in the following sentence: (15) Sinikatan ng araw ang kapatagan to shine down.PRF the sun the plain.FOC P CP S The plain was where the sun had shone down on. 135 Jem R. Javier Although in a sense a steady process remains unchanged, the predicates may be inflected in any aspect ((13), (14), and (15)). Generally, the process schema as the following abstraction: “THEME[-HUMAN/-VOLITIONAL] undergoes process (on LOCATION)”. For this research only the non-human THEME will be focused, i.e., those that are related to nature. However, there are modal affixes in Tagalog that when connected to the verb, the latter would be interpreted as being done by a “not intentionally acting” human. Because of the semantics of the predicate of a steady process, the said schema describes a simple temporal relation, wherein the THEME is the TRAJECTOR or focal point of the sentence (cf. Figure 1). Also included in this category is the phenomenological sentence, a sentence that describes natural conditions, such as climate, weather or season, and geological processes. In Tagalog, phenomenological sentences are represented by avalent verbal sentences, those that do not have an overt subject, like (16) at (17): (16) Umuulan. to rain.IMPRF AV It is raining. (17) Maginaw. cold AV It is cold. It is said that the referent of the non-overt subject in this type of sentence is the overall natural condition; the THEME that describes the setting of the phenomenological condition of the situation is also called subject setting (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 276). A typical phenomenological sentence may undergo semantic change to become a change-of-state when the adverbial na is added to it ((18) and (19)): (18) Tag-init=na. dry season=already AV It is dry season already. (19) Pasko=na. Christmas season=already AV It is Christmas season already. 136 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar b. Spatial schema A spatial schema describes relations between the THEME and LOCATION or TRAJECTORY (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 276). It can be classified into static or dynamic such as the occurrence schema. The static spatial schema is related to LOCATION: this type of relation is called location schema. As for the dynamic spatial schema, the moving theme is related to its TRAJECTORY: this type of relation is called motion schema. A location schema expresses a simple atemporal relation: in Tagalog, the unconjugable verbal predicate (na- and may) gives information about the relation between the LOCATIVE complement and the TRAJECTOR of the sentence (cf. Figure 1). The location in Tagalog is expressed using sentences predicated by “nasa + NP”. At this point, the morpheme na will be regarded as an unconjugable verb (cf. Malicsi (2012)) that profiles spatial/pertinent relation between the THEME (TRAJECTOR) and LANDMARK, which in turn indicates the location of the former: “THEME exists in LOCATION”: (20a) Na.sa mesa ang ulam. exist.on the table the food P.CP S The food is (existing) on the table. To regard na (and later on to its negative counterpart wala) in (20a) as a verb instead of preposition is based upon the paradigm that is set in this paper, that is, the prepositional phrase (that is headed, as the name suggests, by a preposition, or generally a nominal marker) may be focused by the predicate of the sentence (Malicsi, 2012). However, despite itself being a verb, na is perceived as of the unconjugable type. The verb na is unconjugable because it does not conform to the inflection paradigm of Tagalog verbs that determines the aspect and/or mode of the action. However, this unconjugable verb na has the durative sense: there is no certain beginning or end. This will also be the lens through which may will be discussed below, also according to Malicsi (2012). The morpheme nasa is usually given the gloss ‘in the’ and is regarded as a preposition. However, looking at the different derivative sentences below, one can paradigmatically see that only the morpheme sa is substituted by other morphemes: (21a) Na.kay Damulag ang ulam. exist.with Damulag the food P.CP S The food is (existing) with Damulag. 137 Jem R. Javier (22a) Na.kina Damulag at Dabiana ang ulam. exist.with Damulag and Dabiana the food P.CP S The food is (existing) with Damulag and Dabiana. (23a) Na.rito ang ulam. exist.here the food P.CP S The food is (existing) here. (24a) Na.riyan ang ulam. exist.there the food P.CP S The food is (existing) there. (25a) Na.roon ang ulam. exist.there the food P.CP S The food is (existing) there. It can be noticed that the forms that take the place of sa are the nominal markers kay (21a) and kina (22a), and the demonstrative pronoun rito (23a), riyan (24a), and roon (25a)6 Analysing the negative counterparts of Sentences (20a) to (25a), one can see that only the morpheme na is changed, as in the following sentences below: (20b) Wala.sa mesa ang ulam. negexist.on the table the food P.CP S The food is not (existing) on the table. (21b) Wala.kay Damulag ang ulam. negexist.with Damulag the food P.CP S The food is not (existing) with Damulag. 138 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar (22b) Wala.kina Damulag at Dabiana ang ulam. negexist.with Damulag and Dabiana the food P.CP S The food is not (existing) with Damulag and Dabiana. (23b) Wala.rito ang ulam. negexist.here the food P.CP S The food is not (existing) here. (24b) Wala.riyan ang ulam. negexist.there the food P.CP S The food is not (existing) there. (25b) Wala.roon ang ulam. negexist.there the food P.CP S The food is not (existing) there. For that reason, the form nasa can be said to actually consist no less than two morphemes: na, as well as wala, which are regarded as unconjugable verbs that indicate LOCATION, and sa, which is a nominal markder that serves as the specifier of the LOCATIVE complement. Consider the following sentences: (26) Na.sa entablado ang dalaga. exist.on the stage the maiden P.CP S The maiden is (existing) on the stage. (27) Kumakanta sa entablado ang dalaga. to sing.IMPRF on the stage the maiden.FOC P Adjunct S The maiden is singing on the stage. The difference between the two instances of sa entablado in the sentences above is clear in Tagalog. In (26), the phrase sa entablado is a complement of the unconjugable verb na, which plays the role of a participant that completes the 139 Jem R. Javier semantics of the predicate. Meanwhile, the same phrase that occurs in (27) serves as the spatial setting of the situatioon: it is an adverb of place – an adjunct – that if removed, will not cause the ungammaticality (ill-formedness) of the construction. This is not the case with (26) that if sa entablado is removed, the preposition loses its sense for it is supposed to express the relationship between the two NPs. In (26) above, the THEME ang dalaga is a definite referent. In Tagalog, the definiteness of a noun phrase is encoded in the focus marker ang, which is why sentences with no definite grammatical subject in Tagalog do not exist (Reid & Liao, 2004). As shown in (28) below, only the complement pera(-ng nahulog sa lupa) that serves as the subject of the unconjugable verb may is considered indefinite grammatical subject7: (28) May pera=ng nahulog sa lupa. exist money=that fell on the ground There was money that fell on the ground. This means that in the unverse of discourse, the identity of the entity being referred to is already known to both the speaker and the hearer of the utterance. A referrent is therefore considered definite when the mental space for the said referent is revealed; this is the subject of the sentence. Each of sentences (20) to (29) discussed within the location schema has its own unconjugable verb, respectively, which requires one participant and one complement that determines the location of the participant. Hence, this type of sentence is considered of the intransitive-predicate-complement type. However, there exists a sentence in Tagalog that is considered as a type of location schema but has no LOCATION participant. Consider the following sentence: (29) May tao sa banyo. exist person in the bathroom There’s a person in the bathroom. Constructions like (29) above are commonly called existential sentences: “a THEME exists”. This type consists an unconjugable verb predicate may and is proceeded by a noun that is not assigned with a nominal marker. The loss of the nominal marker indicates that that noun is indefiniteness; in fact, this type of sentence is commonly used in introducing a new entity within a discourse. In the terminology of CG, the so-called existential sentence is a space-builder that reveals a mental space where the THEME, which is also the grammatical subject of the construction, exists (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 277). If the location is not specified (that is usually 140 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar expressed through NP-LOCATION as illustrated in (30) below), the THEME is understood to exist in universality, as illustrated in (31): (30) May mga demonyo sa mundo. exist demons in the world There are demons in the world. (31) May Dios. exist God There is a God. The motion schema illustrates the change undergone by the THEME, particularly the trajectory, or path, that it travels – from one place and instant to another place instant (Radden & Dirven, 2007: 278). The motion event is represented by (in) transitive-predicate-complement: it is directional and specifies the SOURCE, PATH, and/or GOAL. The motion schema describes a complex temporal relation that is represented by the following illustration: Figure 3. Representation of enter (Adapted from Langacker (2008: 117)). Normally the tendency of a motion is for it to finish (verb telicity); that is, from a SOURCE, it travels through a PATH, and ultimately reaches its GOAL. Motion, whose abstraction is “THEME moves along TRAJECTORY” is the basis of the three basic event schemas: object motion and self-motion, and caused motion, which are represented by the following sentences: (32) Pumasok ang bola to enter.PRF the ball.FOC P S The ball had entered the room. 141 sa loob ng silid. inside the room CP Jem R. Javier (33) Pumasok ang pusa to enter.PRF the cat.FOC P S The cat had entered the room. sa loob ng silid. inside the room CP (34) Nagpasok to bring.PRF sa loob ng silid inside the room ng laruan a toy ang bata. the child. FOC S P O CP The child had brung a toy inside the room. Sentence (32) demonstrates a non-agentive object motion, while self-motion (33) and caused motion (34) sentences are typically agentive. Self-motion and caused motion schemas will be discussed later on. c. Pertinence/possession schema The pertinence/possession schema, that is represented by a non-verbal sentence, consists a THEME, which is usually a physical object, and its relationship with another entity, usually a human. This schema describes a simple atemporal relation (Figure 1); but, the TRAJECTOR-LANDMARK alignment depends on which is the focal point of the sentence. In Tagalog, a pertinence is usually interpreted as possession (Malicsi, 2012: 50), which has the following abstraction: “ THEME exists in POSSESSOR”, which is why pertinence and possession fall under a single category. The relationship between the abstraction of location schema and possession schema can be seen in the following sentences: (35) May ulam ang kapitbahay. exist food the neighbour.FOC P CP S The neighbour has some food. (36) Isda ang ulam ng kapitbahay. fish the food of the neighbour P S The food of the neighbour is fish. (37) Na.sa kapitbahay ang ulam. exist.with the neighbour the food P.CP S The food is (existing) with the neighbour. 142 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar (38) Isda ang kanyang=ulam. fish food=his P S His food is fish. (39) [Poetic] Isda ang sa kapitbahay na ulam. fish the neighbour’s food P S The neighbour’s food is fish. Sentence (35) above has a number of differences with an existential construction discussed under location schema. The definite subject ang kapitbahay has the role POSSESSOR of the NP that is indicated by the may-phrase (may ulam). It differs from the existential construction in which the subject – which is indefinite – is incorporated to the may-phrase, and may have a prepositional phrase (functioning as an adjunct that describes a specific location of action) or may not (describes a universal existence), like the sentence May ulam sa kapitbahay. Meanwhile, (36) is a nominal sentence that possesses a subject that contains a pertinence phrase, the construction is interpreted as an instance of possession, i.e., an NP that has a ngphrase (ng kapi tbahay) that functions as POSSESSOR of the head of the NP-subject, ang ulam. The relation between the possession and location in Tagalog can be seen if (35), (37), and (38) are analysed. If the complement of may in (35), ulam, becomes the subject, the NP-POSSESSOR becomes of the sa-form, sa kapitbahay, which is the complement of the unconjugable verb na (37). As for (36), if the ng-phrase ng kapitbahay, which is the POSSESSOR of the head of the subject NP ang ulam, is preposed, or put at the beginning of the head, the marker becomes sa, although the resultant form of the sentence is considered poetic or has literary licence (39). This type of construction is more commonly heard with personal pronouns that function as POSSESSOR and of the sa-form type, as shown in (38). Situations in the psychological world Situations in the psychological world describe human experiences, such as emotion, perception, and thought. Schemas – like emotion schema and cognition schema – both express complex temporal relations (Figure 2), in which the EXPERIENCER is the TRAJECTOR, and the LANDMARK is the state that the EXPERIENCER underwent, or the STIMULUS or OBJECT of EXPERIENCER (for the emotion schema) or the PERCEPT (for the cognition schema). 143 Jem R. Javier a. Emotion schema The emotion schema illustrates the condition or the emotional process consciously experienced by a human. Among the three psychological schemas mentioned, only the emotion schema may have only the EXPERIENCER as the sole argument, as in the following intransitive sentence: (40) Nalungkot ang kuya. to become sad.PRF the brother P S The brother had become sad. (41) Natutuwa ang bunso. to be pleased.IMPRF the youngest child P S The youngest child is pleased. However, there is undeniably an implicit reason for experiencing an emotional state. In Tagalog, if the emotional schema contains a ma-form verb (as in nalungkot in (40) and natutuwa in (41)), the resultant sentence is intransitive, in which the grammatical subjects ang kuya (in (40)) and ang bunso (in (41)) play the role EXPERIENCER. The emotional schema in Tagalog is not only expressed by an intransitive sentence like in (40) and (41). There are verbs that function as predicate of transitive sentence, illustrated by the following: (42) Tinakot ng mama ang bata. to scare.PRF the man the child.FOC P CP S The child had been scared off by the man. (43) Ginagalit ng bata to anger.IMPRF the child P CP The mother had been angered by the child. (44) Nanakot ng bata ang mama. to scare.PRF the child the man.FOC P CP S The man had given a scare to a child. 144 ang nanay. the mother.FOC S The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar (45) Nanggagalit ng nanay ang bata. to anger.IMPRF the mother the child.FOC P CP S The child had been making his mother angry. Sentences (42) through (45) show that there are Tagalog verbs that may require more than one complement. In (42) and (43), the focus is on the EXPERIENCER, the one that experiences the emotion verb takot (ang bata) and galit (ang nanay). On the other hand, the grammatical subject of (44), ang mama, and (45), ang bata, is the AGENT, or instigator of the predicates takot and galit. The maN- affix is used to focus the AGENT; the construction would be ungrammatical had the typical AGENTfocusing affix -um- or mag - (*tumakot; *gumalit). The interpretation of the EXPERIENCER becomes classificatory or indefinite in this sentence configuration. Consider the following sentences: (46a) Natakot sa paputok to be frightened.PRF the firecrackers P CP S The dog had been frightened by the firecrackers. ang aso. the dog.FOC (47a) Nagalit sa presidente ang samahan. to feel anger.PRF the president the group.FOC P CP S The group had felt anger towards the president. Instransitive predicate-complement sentences like the ones mentioned above have a STIMULUS as one of the complements. The STIMULUS is assigned the nominal marker sa if it does not function as the grammatical subject. In (46a) and (47a), the EXPERIENCERs ang aso and ang samahan, are the ones being focused by their respective predicates. The role assigned to paputok and presidente is STIMULUS and not AGENT because of the different verbal affix if they are focused, as in (46b) and (47b) below: (46b) Kinatakutan ng aso ang paputok. to frighten.PRF the dog the firecrackers.FOC P CP S The firecrackers had given the dog a fright. 145 Jem R. Javier (47b) Kinagalitan ng samahan to feel anger.PRF the group P CP S The president had angered the group. ang presidente. the president.FOC The schema can therefore be summarised using the following formula: “EXPERIENCER experiences emotion (towards STIMULUS)”. b. Perception/cognition schema Perception/cognition schema describes the perceptual or mental consciousness of the EXPERIENCER towards an object. It has the following abstraction “ EXPERIENCER perceives PERCEPT”. One can see the closeness of perception and cognition through the verbs such as nakita/naliwanagan and narinig/naunawaan, as shown in the following transitive-predicate-complement sentences: (48a) Tiningnan ng pari ang langit. to look.PRF the priest the sky.FOC P CP S The sky was looked up to by the priest. (49a) Kinikilala ng pulis ang batas. to respect.IMPRF the policeman the law.FOC P CP S The law is respected by the policeman. (50a) Susubaybayan ng bayan ang halalan. to monitor.CONT the nation the elections.FOC P CP S The elections will be monitored by the nation. Like in the emotion schema, the PERCEPT of perception/cognition schema projects a different syntactic behaviour: the nominal marker sa is assigned to it if it is not focused. (48b) Tumingin sa langit to look.PRF the sky P CP The priest looked up to the sky. 146 ang pari. the priest.FOC S The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar (49b) Kumikilala sa batas to respect.IMPRF the law P CP The policeman respects the law. ang pulis. the policeman.FOC S (50b) Susubaybay sa halalan to monitor.CONT the elections P CP The nation will monitor the elections. ang bayan. the nation.FOC S Based on the sentences above, the verbs follow the -um- paradigm: the focused complement is the EXPERIENCER (ang pari in (48b), ang pulis in (49b), and ang bayan in (50b)). Hence, the complements having the participant role PERCEPT are assigned the nominal marker sa as in sa langit (48b), sa batas (49b), and sa halalan (50b). In Tagalog, there are verbs that are limited in the number of complement(s) that can be focused, particularly those having the participant role PERCEPT. Consider the following sentences: (51) Nakita=ko ang sagot sa katabi=ko. to see.PRF=I the answer.FOC the seatmate=my P=CP S CP The answer had been seen (by me) in my seatmate. (52) Nakita=ko ang sagot sa hilatsa ng mukha mo. to see.PRF=I the answer.FOC in your face P=CP S CP The anwer had been seen (by me) in your face. In (51) and (52), the NP ko with the participant role EXPERIENCER cannot be focused by a typical AGENT-focus verb (that which contains the infix -um- or the prefix mag); the construc tion would become ungrammatical (*kumita or *magkita). Conclusion: Entrenchment of event schemas as images The categories of the simple sentences in Tagalog based on the CG echoes the principle that grammar and semantics cannot be separated; rather, the lexicon and grammar create a continuum of symbolic elements (Langacker, 2006: 41). 147 Jem R. Javier Language is imagic: both the creation and symbolisation of conceptual contents are supplied by the lexicon and grammar. Hence, in the utterance of a linguistic unit from a morpheme thru a sentence, the speaker chooses a particular image schema in order to convey the observed situation to another speaker (Langacker, 2006: 41). The image schema is patterns of perceptual interaction, bodily action, and manipulation of object (Johnson, 1987; 1993; Lakoff, 1987, 1990; Talmy, 1988) that serve as dynamic analog representations of spatial relation and movement in space derived from perceptual and motor processes (Gibbs & Colston, 2006: 239). Furthermore, based on the discussions above, the creation of a sentence is the use of entrenched schematic constructions resulting from the exposure to expressions of a particular language. This means that in an expression, the speaker forms the concept they want to convey first and afterwards finds the equivalent form from the entrenched constructions that will function as the sentence pattern. Hence, there is the necessity for the theoretical framework proposed by CG to demonstrate the mechanism in the entrenchment and retrieval of schematic assemblies, and not only in the assignment of meaning of different expressions of clause structures. Implicatively, CG responds to the need of having explicit descriptions of grammatical constructions of a language, and promoting how they are seen as imagic. Because of the different perspective offered by CG, this paper aims to provide new insights as regards the characteristics of the components of grammar as a reflection of cognition, particularly of the Tagalog speaker. It seeks to contribute to the ever-growing knowledge not only of Tagalog, but of the general linguistic theory, by opening new avenues for future studies on Tagalog, and other Philippine languages, using CG, by creating an alternative methodology in the discipline of linguistics. References Enriquez, M. A. T. (2004). Isang analisis sa mga pangungusap na ELPP [An analysis of ELPP sentences]. Daluyan: Journal ng Wikang Filipino, 12(1), 616. Evans, V. (2007). A glossary of Cognitive Linguistics. Salt Lake City: The University of Utah Press. Evans, V., & Green, M. (2006). Cognitive Linguistics: An introduction. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press Ltd. Gibbs, R.W., Jr., & Colston, H.L. (2006). The cognitive psychological reality of image schemas and their transformations. In D. Geeraerts, (Ed.), Cognitive Linguistics: Basic readings. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Harris, R.A. (1993). The Linguistics Wars. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Johnson, M. (1987). The body in the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 148 The Material and the Psychological: An Analysis of the Clause Structure of Tagalog Using Cognitive Grammar Johnson, M. (1993). Moral imagination. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Jubilado, R.C. (2004). Philippine linguistics, Filipino language, and the Filipino nation. JATI, 9, 43-54. Jubilado, R.C. (2008). The Filipino language in the Malaysian linguistic space. JATI, 13, 147-158. Lakoff, G. (1987). Women, fire, and dangerous things: What categories reveal about the mind. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Lakoff, G. (1990). The invariance hypothesis: Is abstract reason based on imageschemas? Cognitive Linguistics, 1(1), 39-74. Langacker, R.W. (1987). Foundations of CG volume 1: Theoretical prerequisites. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Langacker, R.W. (1991). Foundations of CG volume 2: Descriptive application. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Langacker, R.W. (1994). Structural syntax: The view from CG. Semiotiques, 6-7, 6984. Langacker, R. W. (2000). A dynamic usage-based model. In M. Barlow at S. Kemmer, (Eds.), Usage-based models of language. Stanford: CSLI Publications. Langacker, R. W. (2002). Concept, image, symbol: The cognitive basis of grammar, 2nd ed. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Langacker, R.W. (2006). CG: Introduction to concept, image, and symbol. In D. Geeraerts, (Ed.), Cognitive Linguistics: Basic readings. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Langacker, R. W. (2008). CG: A basic introduction. New York: Oxford University Press. Malicsi, J.C. (2012). Pang-ukol sa Filipino [Prepositions in Filipino]. Daluyan: Journal ng Wikang Filipino, 18(1-2), 39-82. Malicsi, J.C. (2014). Gramar ng Filipino. Quezon City: UP Diliman Sentro ng Wikang Filipino. Quetua, F.L., et al. (1999). Sangguniang gramatika ng Wikang Filipino. Quezon City: UP Sentro ng Wikang Filipino Diliman. Radden, G., & Dirven, R. (2007). Cognitive English grammar. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company. Reid, L.A., & Liao, H. (2004). A brief syntactic typology of Philippine languages. Language and linguistics, 5(2), 433-490. Talmy, L. (1988). Force dynamics in language and cognition. Cognitive Science, 12, 49-100. Talmy, L. (2005). [Foreword]. In M. Gonzalez-Marquez, I. Mittelberg, S. Coulson, and M. Spivey (Eds.), Methods in Cognitive Linguistics. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. 149 Jem R. Javier 1 Much literature has been written regarding introspection as a linguistic methodology. L. Talmy, one of the leading scholars of CG, defines it as “…[a] conscious attention directed by a language user to particular aspects of language as manifest in her own cognition” (2005). 2 The author wishes to reiterate that studying language or aspects of it through the lens of Cognitive Grammar is relatively new; for the reader who wishes to gain more understanding as regards the key concepts and terminology used in the framework will please refer to Evans’s 2007 Glossary of Cognitive Linguistics, which provides useful operative definitions of those key concepts used in Cognitive Grammar. Meanwhile, terms in boldface type are given definitions to guide the reader of this paper. 3 For a more in-depth discussion on the difference of CG to the other existing linguistic theories, see Harris (1993) and Evans and Green (2006: §22-23). 4 In the case of the ditransitive sentence pattern, this paper shall not subscribe to that in relation to Tagalog; this study shall look into the multivalence of Tagalog – whichever complement that occurs in the sentence may be focused depending on the semantics of the predicate. 5 Different from the obligatoriness of occurrence of a complement within a sentence, the term ‘obligatory’ has the sense of the possibility of becoming an argument and/or the grammatical subject of the sentence. 6 The na- + demonstrative pronoun constructions have the allomorph nan- that is attached to the variant form of the demonstrative pronoun with [d] for the initial sound: narito ~ nandito; nariyan ~ nandiyan; and naroon ~ nandoon. 7 This is what is known as the topicless sentence as per Enriquez (2004) and Quetua, et al. (1999). 150 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp151-168 ANALISIS KESOPANAN BAHASA LEECH & GRICE: MANIFESTASI STRUKTUR DALAM PERISTIWA MELUNAS RINDU (POLITENESS ANALYSIS OF LEECH AND GRICE: THE STRUCTURAL PATTERNS OF POLITENESS MANIFESTED IN THE NOVEL MELUNAS RINDU) Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid Department of Malay Language, Academy of Malay Studies, Universiti of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur ([email protected], [email protected]) Abstract The purpose of this research is to classify and structuralize the pattern of politeness in the novel Melunas Rindu, the literature text used by the form four students in Zone 4 (Johor, Sabah, Sarawak and Wilayah Persekutuan Labuan). The pattern of politeness is depicted through various occurrences and dialogues between the characters in the novel. When practising the pattern of politeness, a suitable structure is used according to a specific occurrence. Thus, the research data reflects the analysis done on this pattern of politeness. The dialogues of the main and supporting characters of the novel from Chapter 12 were analysed. The two models of Leech Politeness Principle (1983) and Grice Model of Communication (1975) were used to analyse the dialogues. This research used library research, text analysis and quantitative methods. The findings showed that only four Leech maxims and only two Grice maxims were fulfilled. The findings also showed that the Leech maxims were not able to stand alone in portraying the politeness pattern as a combination of maxims to form specific patterns is needed. In certain cases, the Leech maxims were completed with the presence of the Grice maxims. In addition, the application of structure in the politeness pattern for each occurrence was diversified. It can be concluded that the politeness pattern and its structure of politeness exist because of specified events. Keywords: dialogues, Politeness Principles, combination pattern, maxim combination pattern 151 Cooperative Principles, structures, Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid Pendahuluan Kesopanan semasa berwacana atau berbahasa akan menjadi penentu untuk mencitrakan diri dan keperibadian seseorang. Oleh itu, kesopanan berbahasa tidak boleh dipandang remeh kerana penggunaan bahasa yang sopan berhubung erat dengan sosiobudaya dan konteks pengguna dan penggunaannya. Kesopanan berbahasa turut dipengaruhi budaya yang melatari kehidupan sesebuah masyarakat. Seseorang yang berbahasa dengan sopan seperti lemah lembut, tertib, jelas, tidak berlebih-lebihan dan tidak menyinggung perasaan orang lain dianggap sebagai orang yang “tahu bahasa” dan beradab dalam budaya masyarakatnya. Kesopanan berbahasa bukan sahaja mencitrakan keperibadian malahan memanifestasikan citra dan identiti bangsanya. Hal ini demikian kerana kesopanan dapat menggambarkan jati diri dan menjadi asas kejatidirian Melayu yang terpuji (Tenas Effendi, 2011) sementara Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah (2003 : 155) berpendapat bahawa ketamadunan akan berkembang kembali dengan suburnya jika bangsa Melayu itu punya jati diri. Kedua-dua pandangan ini mencerminkan bahawa kekuatan jati diri amat signifikan untuk menjadi sebuah bangsa yang bertamadun dan mempunyai peradaban yang tinggi. Aspek kesopanan berbahasa bukan sahaja signifikan dalam penggunaan bahasa yang bersifat lisan semata-mata malahan memainkan peranan yang penting dalam penggunaan bahasa yang bersifat tulisan. Sesebuah teks harus memaparkan penggunaan bahasa yang sopan agar menjadi wadah yang berkesan untuk mentarbiah generasi muda khasnya para murid. Sesebuah karya sastera yang bermutu tidak akan meminggirkan aspek kesopanan berbahasa sebagai cerminan keintelektualan pengarangnya. Justeru, langkah Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia mengintegrasikan bahan sastera dalam mata pelajaran Bahasa Melayu merupakan tindakan yang wajar dan bijak untuk memenuhi hasrat Falsafah Pendidikan Kebangsaan (FPK) iaitu menekankan pengembangan potensi anak didik secara seimbang daripada segi jasmani, rohani, intelektual dan emosional (Naffi Mat, 2006). Pengintegrasian teks sastera secara sistematik dalam mata pelajaran Bahasa Melayu mulai tahun 2000 sehinggalah sekarang bukan sahaja memudahkan para guru malahan memberikan manfaat kepada para murid dalam mengenali karya dan pengarangnya. Perkara yang lebih mustahak ialah kandungan teks sastera yang sarat dengan falsafah dan pemikiran yang dijelmakan oleh pengarang. Menurut Azman Ismail (2010: 15), sesebuah karya kreatif tanpa mengira genre mempunyai hubungan yang erat dengan persoalan moral, intelektual, keagamaan, etika, suara kemanusiaan, keluhuran dan kedamaian. Beliau turut berpendapat bahawa melalui kehalusan dan estetika, sesebuah karya sastera mampu membangkitkan nilai yang bersesuaian dengan fitrah manusia yang dahagakan keindahan, kedamaian, keharmonian dan 152 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu mengungkapkan cara sesebuah masyarakat berfikir. Pandangan ini bertepatan dengan hasrat murni dalam FPK yang hendak melahirkan generasi yang mempunyai daya intelektual dan daya fikir yang tinggi tanpa mengesampingkan keseimbangan emosi, rohani dan jasmani (Kementerian Pendidikan, 2001). Langkah mengintegrasikan teks sastera dalam subjek Bahasa Melayu amat bertepatan dengan usaha untuk menerapkan nilai murni kerana implementasi ini merupakan suatu mekanisme dalam pengajaran dan pembelajaran yang akhirnya akan menampakkan hasil yang efektif dan faedah yang tidak ternilai kepada generasi muda khasnya remaja. Hakikatnya, golongan remaja mempunyai tanggungjawab dan peranan yang amat penting dalam penerusan dan pengekalan institusi kemasyarakatan di negara kita (Haris Abd Wahab, 2004). Objektif Ojektif utama kajian ini adalah untuk menganalisis dan menstruktur kesopanan berbahasa dalam novel Melunas Rindu berdasarkan Prinsip Kesopanan Leech (1983) dan Prinsip Kerjasama Grice (1975). Metodologi Kajian Kajian ini menggunakan tiga kaedah, iaitu kaedah penyelidikan kepustakaan, kaedah analisis teks dan analisis kualitatif dan kuantitatif. Kajian kepustakaan melibatkan pembacaan dan pengumpulan bahan-bahan yang berkaitan dengan tajuk kajian. Sumber utama yang bakal digunakan banyak terdapat dalam bentuk bertulis seperti buku, majalah, jurnal, akhbar, kertas-kertas kerja seminar dan latihan ilmiah. Analisis teks melibatkan pemilihan watak yang terlibat bagi dijadikan fokus kajian. Pengkategorian dibuat dengan memilih dialog yang diujarkan oleh watak utama dan watak sampingan. Dialog-dialog tersebut dikeluarkan dan akan melalui proses pelabelan atau pengekodan. Data dikod berdasarkan tajuk buku, bab (jumlah halaman dalam satu-satu bab), nama watak yang melafazkan dialog, halaman dan nombor dialog mengikut urutan dalam sesebuah bab. Misalnya, MR-B1(9)-Fu-H6-D1/5. MR bermaksud Melunas Rindu, B1(9) bermakna Bab Satu dan angka sembilan dalam kurungan merujuk kepada jumlah halaman dalam Bab Satu, singkatan Fu bagi nama watak yang melafazkan dialog iaitu Fuad, H6 ialah halaman enam dan D1/5 pula ialah dialog satu daripada lima dialog yang dilafazkan oleh watak Fuad dalam Bab Satu. Tujuan pengekodan adalah untuk memudahkan proses pengenalpastian data analisis. Seterusnya, dialog dikelompokkan berdasarkan peristiwa tertentu sebelum dianalisis. Kajian ini hanya menggunakan dialog yang dilafazkan oleh dua watak, iaitu Fuad watak utama dan watak sampingan, iaitu Farhana hanya 153 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid menggunakan 23 dialog (dari halaman 126-128). Jumlah 23 dialog ini bukanlah jumlah mutlak bilangan dialog, sebaliknya dirujuk sebagai bentuk lafaz seseorang watak yang boleh menyamai jumlah satu ayat atau bentuk lafaz seseorang watak yang melebihi jumlah satu ayat dalam sesuatu peristiwa Analisis dilakukan dengan mengenal pasti kata kunci yang digunakan dalam dialog antara watak berdasarkan peristiwa tertentu dengan memberi fokus terhadap penggunaan kata, ungkapan dan ayat yang bersesuaian dengan padanan maksim-maksim dalam PS Leech dan PK Grice. Analisis kuantitatif pula akan memperlihatkan jumlah dan peratusan kesopanan berbahasa yang dipaparkan dalam bentuk jadual untuk memperjelaskan lagi dapatan kajian. Kaedah kualitatif diaplikasikan apabila dapatan analisis dihuraikan dengan menggunakan pendekatan pragmatik kerana pragmatik ialah kajian penggunaan bahasa berdasarkan konteks. Komponen Sastera (Komsas) dalam Mata Pelajaran Bahasa Melayu Komsas dalam mata pelajaran Bahasa Melayu merupakan integrasi bahan sastera seperti novel, antologi cerpen, antologi sajak dan puisi tradisional, antologi prosa klasik dan antologi drama. Melunas Rindu karya Hartini Hamzah merupakan salah sebuah novel yang diintegrasikan dalam Komsas. Novel ini merupakan novel yang telah dipilih oleh panel penilai untuk dijadikan bahan Komsas di peringkat sekolah menengah dan digunakan oleh para pelajar Tingkatan Empat di Zon 4 (Johor, Sarawak, Sabah dan Wilayah Persekutuan Labuan). Novel ini mengandungi 19 bab dengan ketebalan 209 halaman. Novel ini diterbitkan oleh Utusan Publications & Distributor Sdn. Bhd. pada tahun 2009 untuk edisi murid. Novel ini pernah memenangi tempat pertama kategori Novel Remaja Hadiah Sastera Utusan Melayu & Public Bank 1998. Kedudukan penggunaan novel tingkatan empat mengikut zon terdapat dalam Jadual 1 yang berikut: Genre Novel Zon Azfa Hanani karya Halis Azhan Mohd. Hanafiah Papa … (Akhirnya Kau Tewas Jua) Karya Deana Yusof Zon 1: Perlis, Kedah, Pulau Pinang dan Perak Zon 2: Selangor, Negeri Sembilan, Wilayah Persekutuan Kuala Lumpur dan Wilayah Persekutuan Putrajaya Zon 3: Melaka, Pahang, Terengganu dan Kelantan Zon 4: Johor, Sarawak, Sabah dan Wilayah persekutuan Labuan Renyah karya Gunawan Mahmood Melunas Rindu karya Hartini Hamzah Sesebuah karya sastera yang dipilih untuk bacaan dan kajian serta penghayatan para pelajar sudah tentu memenuhi kriteria yang ditetapkan oleh 154 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu Pusat Perkembangan Kurikulum sejak bermulanya penyerapan teks Komsas secara terancang pada tahun 2000. Langkah ini diambil setelah mengkaji kandungan dalam sesebuah karya sastera yang sudah tentu mengandungi nilainilai murni sebagai wadah untuk mentarbiah dan menyemai unsur-unsur yang membina sama ada dari segi jasmani, rohani, emosi dan intelek seperti yang tercakup dalam Falsafah Pendidikan Kebangsaan. Menurut Haris Abd Wahab (2004: 72) sekiranya individu dalam masyarakat dididik dengan baik dan sempurna maka lahirlah kelompok masyarakat yang berilmu pengetahuan dan berkeupayaan mencapai kesejahteraan diri selain memberi sumbangan terhadap keharmonian dan kemakmuran negara. Kesinambungannya, guru yang mengajar dari pelbagai mata pelajaran haruslah berperanan memberi kesedaran tentang nilai dan moral dalam proses pengajaran dan pembelajaran agar memberi kesan yang positif dalam pembangunan diri murid (Mohamad Khairi Othman & Asmawati Suhid, 2010). Sesebuah karya sastera turut mementingkan pertuturan secara bersopan atau santun ketika watak berdialog dengan orang lain di samping mendedahkan penggunaan bahasa yang berlapik. Justeru, integrasi teks sastera dalam mata pelajaran Bahasa Melayu dapat membantu para murid mempertajam minda dan meningkatkan kepekaan mereka dalam berkomunikasi. Model Kesopanan Leech (1983) & Model Kerjasama Grice (1975) Leech (1983) telah memperkenalkan satu prinsip yang dikenali dengan Prinsip Kesopanan (PS). PS Leech lebih menekankan faktor budaya masyarakat, psikologi penutur-pendengar dalam menyampaikan maksud dengan berkesan. PS ini lebih menekankan tingkah laku dan persoalan beradab yang menghubungkan dua pihak dalam sesuatu proses komunikasi, iaitu antara diri sendiri yakni penutur dan orang lain yakni pendengar. Leech (1983) memberi penekanan pada prinsip yang memaksimumkan keuntungan, kesepakatan, rasa hormat dan sikap belas kasihan kepada orang lain dengan meminimumkan atau mengabaikan perkaraperkara tersebut terhadap di ri sendiri. Maksim-maksim Leech adalah seperti berikut: i. Maksim Kebijaksanaan (Tact) ialah maksim yang meminimumkan kos bagi orang lain dan memaksimumkan manfaat kepada orang lain. ii. Maksim Kedermawanan (Generosity) ialah maksim yang meminimumkan manfaat bagi diri sendiri dan memaksimumkan kos bagi diri sendiri atau dengan kata lain menguntungkan orang lain. iii. Maksim Sokongan (Approbation) ialah maksim yang meminimumkan cacian terhadap orang lain dan memaksimumkan pujian terhadap orang lain. 155 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid iv. v. vi. Maksim Kerendahan Hati (Modesity) ialah maksim yang meminimumkan pujian terhadap diri sendiri dan memaksimumkan cacian terhadap diri sendiri. Maksim Persetujuan (Agreement) ialah maksim yang meminimumkan perbalahan antara diri sendiri dengan orang lain dan memaksimumkan persetujuan antara diri sendiri dengan orang lain bagi mencapai kesepakatan. Maksim Simpati (Sympathy) ialah maksim yang meminimumkan antipati antara diri sendiri dengan orang lain dan memaksimumkan simpati antara diri sendiri dengan orang lain. Grice (1975) telah mengemukakan PK, iaitu prinsip atau tatacara yang perlu dipatuhi oleh penutur-penutur dalam perbualan mereka untuk menghasilkan satu komunikasi yang berkesan dengan kewujudan kerjasama kedua-dua belah pihak yang mengambil bahagian dalam perbualan tersebut. Maksim-maksim Grice dapat memberi makna yang mendalam dalam perbualan. Khan Qaisar & Ali Bughio Faraz (2012) turut memperkatakan hal ini, iaitu: “… the maxim is generally flouted on the surface level but at the deeper level, such flouting gives rise to implicatures. Such implicatures in turn render the conversation lively and more meaningful.” Empat maksim yang dikemukakan oleh Grice dan menjadi peraturan bagi mengawal perbualan ialah pertama, Maksim Kuantiti yang memerlukan pemberian maklumat yang sempurna, iaitu (i) memberi maklumat yang informatif dan mencukupi dan (ii) jangan memberi maklumat yang berlebihan daripada yang diperlukan. Kedua, Maksim Kualiti yang memerlukan pemberian maklumat yang betul, iaitu (i) tidak menyebut sesuatu yang anda tidak tahu atau benar dan (ii) tidak menyebut sesuatu yang anda tidak tahu dalil atau kesahihan buktinya. Ketiga, Maksim Pertalian yang memerlukan maklumat yang relevan, iaitu (i) maklumat yang disampaikan haruslah berkaitan dan mempunyai pertalian dan keempat Maksim Cara yang menyatakan sesuatu dengan cara yang betul dan mudah difahami, iaitu (i) tidak taksa (ii)tidak kabur (iii) jelas (iv) tertib. Justeru, kajian ini akan menggabungkan kedua-dua model untuk menganalisis data berdasarkan peristiwa dalam Bab 12 novel ini bagi memperlihatkan kesopanan berbahasa yang digunakan. 156 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu Penganalisisan Data Penganalisisan terhadap data-data kajian dengan menggunakan kedua-dua model ini memperlihatkan pembentukan tiga pola kombinasi maksim, iaitu (i) pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan + Kuantiti, (ii) pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan dan (iii) pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Sokongan + Kerendahan Hati + Relevan seperti yang terdapat dalam Jadual 2 yang berikut: Prinsip Kesopanan Leech/ Kerjasama Grice JUMLAH Peristiwa Pola Kombinasi Maksim Peristiwa 1 Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan+Kuantiti Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+Persetujuan Kebijaksanaan+Sokongan+Ker endahan Hati+Relevan 14 60.87 4 17.39 5 21.74 3 23 100 Peristiwa 2 Peristiwa 3 3 Jumlah Dialog Peratus (%) Jadual 2 menunjukkan tiga pola kombinasi maksim yang terbentuk berdasarkan 3 peristiwa dalam Bab 12 ini. Penganalisisan tersebut menunjukkan pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan + Kuantiti dalam peristiwa 1 diwakili 14 dialog, iaitu sebanyak 60.87 peratus dan pola kombinasi maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan dalam peristiwa 2 pula diwakili 4 dialog, iaitu 17.39 peratus manakala pola kombinasi maksim Kebijaksanaan + Sokongan + Kerendahan Hati + Relevan dalam peristiwa 3 diwakili 5 dialog, iaitu 21.74 peratus. Sementara itu, analisis turut memperlihatkan struktur pola kesopanan berbahasa yang bervariasi kerana setiap peristiwa komunikasi mempunyai objektif komunikasi yang berbeza-beza. Pola dan Struktur Kesopanan Berbahasa Leech (1983) & Leech (1975) Terdapat tiga pola kombinasi maksim yang terbentuk berdasarkan analisis terhadap tiga peristiwa dalam data-data kajian. Huraian analisis pola-pola kombinasi maksim dan struktur peristiwa kesopanan adalah seperti berikut: 157 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid (i) Pola Kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan + Kuantiti-Peristiwa 1: Fuad Memberi Kad Harijadi kepada Farhana Pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+Persetujuan+Kuantiti ditandai kata kunci yang tertentu. Maksim Kebijaksanaan ditandai pemilihan kata yang tepat untuk memanggil rakan sekerja manakala Maksim Kerendahan Hati ditandai sikap merendah diri dan mencaci diri sendiri. Sementara Maksim Persetujuan ditandai dengan kewujudan kesepakatan yang tinggi dalam perbualan dan Maksim Kuantiti pula ditandai sumbangan maklumat yang mencukupi dalam memenuhi permintaan atau pertanyaan. Kesemua dialog ini dianalisis berdasarkan peristiwa dalam novel ini. Pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+Persetujuan+Kuantiti ini dapat dilihat dalam peristiwa Fuad memberi kad harijadi kepada Farhana seperti dalam Jadual 3 berikut: Pola Kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+Persetujuan+Kuantiti Buku/Bab MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D1/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D1/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D2/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D2/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D3/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D3/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D4/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D4/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D5/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D5/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D6/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H127-D6/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D8/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H127-D7/32 Ana ... Hari ni kau ada dapat kad tak? Ada Warna apa? Merah jambu. Cantik tak? Cantik. Kau tahu siapa yang bagi? Tahu. Siapa? Engkaulah. Ya ... Betul. Murah saja, empat ringgit setengah. Ya? Siapa tanya? Eh, kau tak tanya ya? Aku ingat kau tanya tadi. Kau suka tak? Tentulah aku suka. Kau tahu sebab apa aku suka? Sebab, kau yang bagi! Perbualan dalam peristiwa ini mematuhi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan + Kuantiti. Maksim Kebijaksanaan dikenal pasti melalui penggunaan kata ganti nama yang sesuai untuk memanggil rakan sekerja yang sudah akrab seperti aku dan kau yang digunakan oleh Fuad dan Farhana. Penggunaan kata ganti nama aku dan kau dalam konteks hubungan keduaduanya mencerminkan kesopanan b erbahasa. Penggunaan kata ganti nama peribadi seperti Ana dalam peristiwa ini turut menggambarkan pemilihan kata yang sesuai untuk menyapa rakan. Pemilihan kata ganti nama yang sesuai dan 158 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu tepat dalam berkomunikasi dapat memaksimumkan manfaat kepada pendengar yang sekali gus memanifestasikan kesopanan berbahasa. Maksim Kerendahan Hati dipatuhi dalam peristiwa ini berdasarkan dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D6/38 Murah saja, empat ringgit setengah oleh Fuad. Ungkapan murah saja dalam dialog ini mencerminkan kerendahan hati Fuad kerana sanggup mencaci diri sendiri dengan mengaku bahawa dia membeli kad yang murah dengan harga empat ringgit setengah. Fuad sanggup memaksimumkan cacian terhadap diri sendiri dengan mengakui kelemahan diri walaupun pada hakikatnya mampu membeli kad yang lebih mahal. Maksim Persetujuan dalam peristiwa ini ditandai persetujuan secara langsung dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D3/32 Cantik, yang dilafazkan oleh Farhana. Kata cantik dalam dialog tersebut merupakan persetujuan secara langsung Farhana terhadap pertanyaan Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126D3/37 Cantik tak? yang me rujuk kepada kad yang diberikan oleh Fuad kepada Farhana. Persetujuan secara langsung juga terdapat dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-FaH127-D7/32 Tentulah a ku suka yang dituturkan oleh Farhana bagi menjawab pertanyaan Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D8/37 Kau suka tak? dan dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D6/37 Ya ... Betul, Fuad pula bersetuju secara langsung dengan Farhana apabila melafazkan kata ya dan disusuli kata betul apabila Farhana mengatakan Fuad yang memberikan kad tersebut. Persetujuan secara langsung dalam peristiwa ini bukan sahaja dapat melancarkan komunikasi malah dapat memaksimumkan persetujuan antara diri sendiri dengan orang lain yang sekali gus memanifestasikan kemesraan antara satu sama lain. Peristiwa ini juga memperlihatkan kehadiran Maksim Kuantiti dalam komunikasi antara Fuad dan Farhana. Dialog MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D2/32 Merah jambu yang dituturkan oleh Farhana bagi menjawap pertanyaan Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D2/38 Warna apa? mencerminkan maklumat yang mencukupi apabila ditanya tentang warna kad yang diterima. Dialog MR-B12(13)Fu-H126-D4/37 Kau tahu siapa yang bagi? yang dituturkan oleh Fuad dan dijawab Farhana dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126-D4/32 Tahu juga memenuhi permintaan penutur dan dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H126-D5/37 Siapa? yang dituturkan oleh Fuad dan jawapan Farhana dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fa-H126D5/32 Engkaulah, mencermin kan sumbangan maklumat yang cukup dan memenuhi kehendak melalui pertanyaan atau permintaan sekali gus mewujudkan kerjasama dalam berkomunikasi. Penutur memperlihatkan sikap berhati-hati agar maklumat yang diberikan tidak berlebihan kerana maklumat yang berlebihan akan mengundang kebosanan kepada pendengar. Pemberian maklumat yang mencukupi dalam berkomunikasi mematuhi maksim Kuantiti dalam PK Grice dalam memanifestasikan kerjasama dan kesopanan berbahasa. 159 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid Berdasarkan perbincangan di atas, didapati peristiwa ini memperlihatkan struktur tertentu dalam memaparkan kesopanan berbahasa seperti dalam Jadual 4 yang berikut: Peristiwa Fuad memberikan kad harijadi kepada Farhana Unsur Unsur sapaan Unsur pertanyaan Unsur pernyataan Unsur pernyataan Unsur pernyataan Kebijaksanaan Kuantiti Unsur pernyataan Kerendahan Hati Unsur pertanyaan Unsur lawak Unsur pernyataan Persetujuan Persetujuan Berdasarkan Jadual 3, mukadimah perbualan dimulakan oleh Fuad dengan menggunakan unsur sapaan bagi menyapa Farhana melalui penggunaan kata nama peribadi iaitu, Ana sebelum meneruskan perbualan bagi memperlihatkan kebijaksanaan berbahasa selain mengundang kemesraan dalam perbualan. Seterusnya, barulah Fuad bertanya dengan menggunakan unsur pertanyaan bagi mendapatkan kuantiti maklumat yang mencukupi. Farhana pula menggunakan unsur pernyataan bagi memberikan maklumat yang ditanya Fuad tentang kad yang diberi oleh Fuad. Unsur yang sama juga digunakan oleh Fuad untuk mendapatkan maklumat, iaitu respons daripada Farhana sama ada kad itu cantik dan sama ada Farhana menyukainya atau tidak. Farhana menggunakan unsur pernyataan bagi memberikan maklumat yang diminta. Bagi memperlihatkan persetujuan dalam komunikasi, unsur pernyataan digunakan oleh Fuad dan Farhana apabila Fuad mengiakan dia yang memberikan kad tersebut. Seterusnya, Fuad menggunakan unsur pernyataan melalui ungkapan negatif murah saja empat ringgit setengah untuk mengakui kerendahan hatinya bahawa kad yang diberinya murah. Akhirnya, bagi mendapatkan persetujuan sekali lagi tentang reaksi Farhana sama ada menyukai kad tersebut atau tidak, Fuad menggunakan unsur pertanyaan dan unsur lawak. Tujuan Fuad berbuat demikian adalah untuk memancing perhatian Farhana dan mewujudkan kemesraan di samping menghiburkan hati. Farhana menggunakan unsur pernyataan dengan mengakui bahwa dia menyukai kad tersebut lebih-lebih lagi Fuad yang memberinya. Unsur sapaan, pertanyaan, pernyataan, pertanyaan dan lawak digunakan dalam peristiwa ini untuk mencerminkan kesopanan berbahasa selain mencapai objektif komunikasi, iaitu Fuad hendak mengetahui reaksi Farhana terhadap kad yang diberinya sempena harijadi Farhana. 160 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu (ii) Pola Kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+PersetujuanPeristiwa 2: Fuad Mengajak Farhana Keluar Berjalan Pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+Persetujuan ditandai kata kunci yang tertentu. Maksim Kebijaksanaan ditandai pemilihan kata yang tepat untuk mendekati dan berurusan dengan seseorang dan menggunakan kata yang sesuai dan sopan untuk memanggil rakan sekerja. Maksim Kerendahan Hati ditandai sikap merendah diri, iaitu mencaci diri sendiri sementara Maksim Persetujuan ditandai dengan kewujudan kesepakatan yang tinggi. Kesemua dialog ini dianalisis berdasarkan peristiwa dalam novel ini. Pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati+Persetujuan ini dapat dilihat dalam peristiwa Fuad mengajak Farhana keluar berjalan seperti dalam Jadual 5 yang berikut: Pola Kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan Buku/Bab MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D9/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H127-D8/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D10/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H127-D9/32 Ana, duduk kejap. Tak mahu ucap terima kasihkah? Aku tahulah kad aku tu murah. Okey, terima kasih. Ana, err ...Aku ingat nak ajak kau jalan-jalan petang ni. Itu pun kalau kau nak. Petang ni ... bolehlah. Setakat jalan-jalan apa salahnya. Perbualan dalam peristiwa ini mematuhi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Persetujuan + Sokongan + Kerendahan Hati. Maksim Kebijaksanaan dikenal pasti melalui sikap sopan meminta rakan duduk untuk berbicara. Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D9/37 Ana, duduk kejap, meminta Farhana duduk sekejap supaya dia dapat bericara dengan Farhana. Ungkapan duduk kejap merupakan permintaan yang beradab dan memudahkan perbualan dan pendengar juga berasa selesa. Pemilihan kata yang tepat untuk berurusan dengan orang lain juga terserlah melalui tindakan yang bijaksana untuk mencadang. Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D10/37 Ana, err ...Aku ingat nak ajak kau jalan-jalan petang ni. Itu pun kalau kau nak, bercadang untuk mengajak Farhana keluar. Kata kalau dan ingat dalam dialog ini merupakan penanda untuk mencadangkan sesuatu dan penggunaan kata melalui cara yang berhemah ini tidak akan memberi tekanan kepada pendengarnya, iaitu Farhana kerana lebih lembut dan sopan. Pemilihan dan penggunaan kata yang tepat dan sesuai untuk meminta dan mencadangkan sesuatu bukan sahaja mencerminkan kesopanan berbahasa malah dapat meminimumkan kos pendengar dalam berkomunikasi. Peristiwa ini juga memaparkan penggunaan kata ganti nama yang sesuai seperti kata ganti nama peribadi, iaitu Ana yang lebih lembut dan sopan di 161 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid samping penggunaan kata ganti nama aku dan kau. Penggunaan kata ganti nama aku dan kau antara Farhana dan Fuad masih sopan kerana faktor keakraban hubungan mereka. Maksim Kerendahan Hati pula terdapat dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-FuH127-D9/37 Aku tahulah kad aku tu m urah yang dilafazkan oleh Fuad. Kata sifat murah yang dilafazkan oleh Fuad mengimplikasikan cacian terhadap dirinya sendiri kerana sanggup mengakui bahawa kad yang dibelinya murah. Berdasarkan maksim ini, sikap menyelar, menghina, mengkritik dan mengakui kelemahan diri merupakan tindakan yang sopan kerana cacian terhadap diri sendiri dapat diterima sebagai sopan walaupun berlebihan (Leech, 1993: 164). Maksim Persetujuan dalam peristiwa ini dipatuhi apabila Farhana menyetujui cadangan Fuad yang hendak mengajaknya keluar dalam dialog MRB12(13)-Fa-H127-D9/32 Petan g ni ... bolehlah. Setakat jalan-jalan apa salahnya. Kata bolehlah dalam dialog ini memanifestasikan persetujuan secara langsung Farhana terhadap cadangan Fuad. Persetujuan juga terdapat dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-FaH127-D8/32 Okey, terim a kasih, yang dituturkan oleh Farhana bagi menyetujui permintaan Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H127-D9/37 Tak mahu ucap terima kasihkah? Penutur yang sopan sentiasa berusaha untuk mewujudkan kesepakatan dalam berkomunikasi agar dapat memaksimumkan persetujuan antara diri sendiri dengan orang lain di samping menjaga air muka lawan tuturnya. Berdasarkan perbincangan di atas, didapati peristiwa ini memperlihatkan struktur tertentu dalam memaparkan kesopanan bahasa seperti dalam Jadual 6 yang berikut: Peristiwa Fuad mengajak Farhana keluar berjalan Unsur Unsur sapaan Unsur permintaan Kebijaksanaan Unsur pernyataan Kerendahan Hati Unsur pertanyaan Unsur pernyataan Persetujuan Unsur sapaan Unsur cadangan Unsur pernyataan Kebijaksanaan Persetujuan Berdasarkan Jadual 4, mukadimah perbualan dimulakan oleh Fuad dengan menggunakan unsur sapaan, iaitu dengan menggunakan kata nama peribadi untuk menyapa rakan bagi menggambarkan kebijaksanaan berbahasa. Kemudian barulah Fuad menggunakan unsur permintaan dengan meminta Farhana duduk. Seterusnya, Fuad menggunakan unsur pernyataan untuk memberitahu bahawa kad yang diberinya murah bagi menggambarkan kerendahan hati. Selepas itu 162 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu barulah Fuad menggunakan unsur pertanyaan untuk mendapatkan persetujuan Farhana agar mengucapkan terima kasih kepadanya. Farhana menyatakan persetujuannya dengan mengucapkan teima kasih atas pemberian kad tersebut. Akhirnya, barulah Fuad menyatakan cadangannya untuk membawa Farhana keluar bersiar-siar. Farhana memberikan persetujuan dengan menyatakan kesudiannya untuk keluar berjalan-jalan. Unsur sapaan, permintaan, penyataan, pertanyaan dan cadangan digunakan dalam peristiwa ini bagi menggambarkan kesopanan berbahasa selain mencapai objektif komunikasi, iaitu Fuad berjaya menyampaikan hajatnya hendak membawa Farhana bersiar-siar. (iii) Pola Kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Sokongan+Kerendahan Hati+Relevan- Peristiwa 3: Perbualan Semasa Memesan Makanan Pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Sokongan+Kerendahan Hati+Relevan ditandai kata kunci yang tertentu. Maksim Kebijaksanaan ditandai pemilihan kata yang tepat untuk memanggil rakan sekerja dan cara yang berhemah untuk berurusan dengan seseorang manakala Maksim Sokongan ditandai oleh kata pujian dalam perbualan. Maksim Kerendahan Hati ditandai sikap merendah diri dengan memohon maaf dan menolak pujian sementara Maksim Relevan pula ditandai sumbangan maklumat yang mempunyai pertalian dengan permintaan atau pertanyaan. Kesemua dialog ini dianalisis berdasarkan peristiwa dalam novel ini. Pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan+Sokongan+Kerendahan Hati+Relevan ini dapat dilihat dalam peristiwa semasa memesan makanan seperti dalam Jadual 7 yang berikut: Pola Maksim/Peristiwa Buku/Bab MR-B12(13)-Fu-H128-D11/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H128-D10/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H128-D12/37 MR-B12(13)-Fa-H128-D11/32 MR-B12(13)-Fu-H128-D13/37 Kebijaksanaan+Sokongan+ Kerendahan Hati+Relevan Kau nak makan apa Ana? Ikut kaulah. Aku ikut saja, orang nak belanjalah katakan. Apa fasal kau pandang aku macam tu? Aku lupa pakai gincukah? Taklah. Sebab kau cantik. Bohonglah. La ... Tak percaya? Kalau tak percaya, balik rumah nanti jangan lupa tengok cermin. Perbualan dalam peristiwa ini mematuhi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Sokongan + Kerendahan Hati + Relevan. Maksim Kebijaksanaan diperlihatkan melalui pemilihan kata yang sesuai dan lembut dalam memberi cadangan, iaitu 163 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid penggunaan kata kalau. Fuad memberi cadangan kepada Farhana agar melihat cermin apabila balik dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H128-D13/37 La ... Tak percaya? Kalau tak percaya, balik rumah nanti jangan lupa tengok cermin. Cadangan yang ditandai kata kalau dapat meminimumkan kos pendengar dalam komunikasi. Pemilihan kata yang tepat dan sesuai untuk memanggil rakan dalam peristiwa ini ditandai kata ganti nama aku, kau dan kata ganti nama peribadi, iaitu Ana. Penggunaan kata ganti nama tersebut mencerminkan kesopanan berbahasa kerana digunakan oleh dua orang rakan yang akrab. Penggunaan kata ganti nama yang sesuai dapat memaksimumkan manfaat kepada pendengar. Maksim Sokongan dalam peristiwa ini ditandai kata pujian dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fu-H128-D12/37 Sebab kau cantik. Kata sifat cantik yang dituturkan oleh Fuad dalam dialog ini mencerminkan pujian dan menunjukkan Farhana seorang gadis yang cantik. Penutur, iaitu Fuad berusaha memaksimumkan pujian terhadap orang lain dalam berkomunikasi bagi mengekspresi kesopanan berbahasa dan tindakan ini dapat menyenangkan hati pendengar dalam berkomunikasi kerana tiada sesiapa yang suka dikeji. Penolakan terhadap pujian merupakan penanda bagi Maksim Kerendahan Hati dalam peristiwa ini. Farhana dalam dialog MR-B12(13)-Fa-H128-D11/32 Bohonglah, menolak pujian Fuad yang mengatakannya cantik. Kata bohonglah dalam dialog ini bermakna tidak benar dan Farhana tidak menerima pujian dengan mudah. Penolakan terhadap pujian mencerminkan sikap rendah diri dan sikap tidak bermegah-megah dengan pujian. Penolakan ini bukan sahaja melambangkan kesopanan berbahasa malahan meminimumkan pujian terhadap diri sendiri. Maksim Relevan dalam peristiwa ini terdapat dalam dialog MR-B12(13)Fa-H128-D10/32 Ikut kaulah. Aku ikut saja, orang nak belanjalah katakan. Ayat yang dituturkan oleh Farhana dalam dialog ini memberikan sumbangan maklumat yang mempunyai pertalian dengan pertanyaan Fuad dalam dialog MR-B12(13)Fu-H128-D11/37 Kau nak maka n apa Ana? Jawapan yang diberikan oleh Farhana, Ikut kaulah. Aku ikut saja, orang nak belanjalah katakan, secara tersiratnya berkaitan dengan pertanyaan Fuad tentang apa yang hendak dimakan oleh Farhana walaupun jawapannya langsung tidak berkaitan dengan makanan. Walau bagaimanapun, jawapannya difahami dan Fuad bebas untuk memesan makanan. Sumbangan maklumat yang mempunyai pertalian dengan perkara yang disoal amat bermakna untuk mewujudkan kerjasama dalam berkomunikasi dan sekali gus memanifestasikan kesopanan berbahasa. Berdasarkan perbincangan di atas, didapati peristiwa ini memperlihatkan struktur tertentu dalam memaparkan kesopanan berbahasa seperti dalam Jadual 8 yang berikut: 164 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu Peristiwa Unsur Perbualan semasa memesan makanan Unsur pertanyaan Unsur pernyataan Relevan Unsur pujian Sokongan Unsur penafian Kerendahan Hati Unsur cadangan Unsur lawak Kebijaksanaan Berdasarkan Jadual 5, mukadimah perbualan dimulakan oleh Fuad dengan menggunakan unsur pertanyaan bagi mendapatkan maklumat yang relevan daripada Farhana, iaitu tentang makanan yang hendak dipesan. Farhana memberikan maklumat yang relevan dengan menggunakan unsur pernyataan. Seterusnya, Fuad menggunakan unsur pujian bagi memuji Farhana apabila Farhana bertanyakan sebab Fuad memandangnya. Sementara Farhana menggunakan unsur penafian apabila dipuji Fuad bagi mencerminkan kerendahan hatinya. Akhirnya, Fuad menggunakan unsur cadangan dan unsur lawak dengan memberi cadangan kepada Farhana agar melihat dirinya di cermin jika tidak percaya akan pujian Fuad. Unsur pertanyaan, pernyataan, pujian, penafian, cadangan dan lawak digunakan dalam peristiwa ini untuk menggambarkan kesopanan berbahasa selain mencapai objektif komunikasi, iaitu untuk mewujudkan suasana yang mesra ketika memesan makanan. Kesimpulan Berdasarkan analisis, didapati tiga pola kombinasi maksim yang terbentuk dan pola kombinasi maksim yang tertinggi ialah pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan + Kuantiti, iaitu sebanyak 60.87 peratus sementara pola kombinasi maksim yang terendah ialah pola kombinasi Maksim Kebijaksanaan + Kerendahan Hati + Persetujuan, iaitu sebanyak 17.39 peratus. Hasil analisis ini memperlihatkan kedua-dua model ini sesuai untuk menganalisis data kajian. Selain itu, penelitian juga memperlihatkan bahawa struktur pola kesopanan berbahasa disampaikan dalam struktur yang bervariasi. Walaupun hasil dapatan memperlihatkan penggunaan pola-pola tertentu tetapi struktur dalam peristiwa-peristiwa tersebut berbeza antara satu sama lain. Perkara ini berlaku disebabkan setiap peristiwa komunikasi mempunyai objektif yang tersendiri. Impaknya, penyusunan struktur bagi setiap peristiwa adalah berbezabeza bagi mencapai o bjektif komunikasi. Maksim Kebijaksanaan disampaikan dengan penggunaan unsur sapaan, unsur permintaan dan unsur cadangan. Penggunaan unsur sapaan untuk memulakan 165 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid perbualan dapat mempamerkan kebijaksanaan dalam berbahasa dan memperlihatkan kecenderungan yang dominan. Unsur sapaan berperanan sebagai penghubung antara penutur dengan pendengar dan menjadi unsur wacana yang dominan dalam peristiwa komunikasi. Penutur dan pendengar menggunakan kata panggilan dan sapaan yang sesuai dalam berkomunikasi yang mencakupi kata ganti nama diri pertama seperti saya, kata ganti nama diri kedua seperti awak dan kata nama peribadi. Asmah Hj Omar (1993: 81) menyatakan kata ganti nama saya, kami dan kita merupakan kata ganti nama pertama yang paling biasa dan diterima oleh semua golongan. Ganti nama tersebut adalah santun. Maksim Sokongan pula disampaikan dengan menggunakan unsur pujian bagi mencerminkan sokongan dan penghargaan apabila penutur memuji dan berasa kagum dengan seseorang. Ketiadaan unsur ini akan mengimplikasikan cacian walaupun harus dilakukan secara berpada-pada. Maksim Kerendahan Hati memperlihatkan penggunaan unsur penafian dan unsur pernyataan. Unsur penafian digunakan untuk menolak pujian bagi memberi gambaran kerendahan hati seseorang. Tindakan menafikan pujian mencitrakan kehalusan budi bahasa kerana dalam sesebuah masyarakat, penolakan atau penafian terhadap pujian adalah cerminan masyarakat yang sopan. Unsur pernyataan pula digunakan untuk memaklum atau mengekspresikan sikap rendah diri. Maksim Persetujuan dipatuhi dengan menggunakan unsur pertanyaan bagi memperolehi persetujuan. Penggunaan unsur ini merupakan pendekatan yang sesuai untuk mendapatkan persetujuan agar tidak mengimplikasikan paksaan. Maksim Kuantiti dalam kajian ini memperlihatkan penggunaan unsur lawak, unsur pertanyaan dan unsur pernyataan. Unsur lawak diselitkan dalam perbualan agar peristiwa komunikasi menjadi lebih mesra dan tidak tegang serta dapat membangkitkan perasaan terhibur dan komunikasi berjalan dengan tenang. Penggunaan unsur pertanyaan berkesan untuk mendapatkan maklumat yang mencukupi dalam komunikasi. Secara fitrahnya, setiap pertanyaan pasti diikuti jawapan sekiranya wujud kerjasama dan kesopanan dalam berbahasa. Menurut Mohamad Fadzeli Jaafar (2013: 240) penggunaan ujaran pertanyaan lebih memberi kesan khususnya dalam memulakan sesuatu perbualan. Maksim Relevan pula memperlihatkan penggunaan unsur pertanyaan dan pernyataan. Unsur pernyataan dalam hal ini berperanan untuk mencerminkan sumbangan maklumat yang mempunyai pertalian agar dapat meningkatkan kerjasama dan sekali gus memanifestasikan kesopanan. Novel Melunas Rindu memperlihatkan paparan kesopanan berbahasa dan struktur peristiwa kesopanan berbahasa yang signifikan sekali gus memperlihatkan kesesuaian novel ini sebagai teks Komsas. Para murid mendapat pendedahan tentang aspek kesopanan bertitik tolak daripada penggunaan bahasa yang sopan dan tepat selain penggunaan struktur pola kesopanan berbahasa yang bervariasi untuk mencapai objektif komunikasi. Lanjutan daripada itu, kita dapat 166 Analisis Kesopanan Bahasa Leech & Grice: Manifestasi Struktur Pola Kesopanan Bahasa dalam Peristiw a Melunas Rindu melahirkan generasi yang peka dalam membudayakan bahasa yang sopan dan sesuai dengan situasi atau peristiwa komunikasi. Nota Hujung Pengkaji menggunakan istilah murid dalam kajian ini untuk merujuk kepada pelajar sekolah menengah berdasarkan istilah yang digunakan dalam Sukatan Pelajaran Bahasa Melayu walaupun penggunaan murid biasanya dirujuk kepada mereka yang belajar di sekolah rendah. 2 Komsas ialah singkatan bagi Komponen Sastera dalam mata pelajaran Bahasa Melayu yang mulai diperkenalkan di seluruh sekolah menengah di Malaysia mulai tahun 2000. Fasa pertama (2000-2009) dan sekarang fasa kedua yang bermula pada tahun 2010 dengan menggunakan teks dan antologi yang baharu. 3 Novel Melunas Rindu mula digunakan oleh para murid Tingkatan Empat di Zon 4 (Johor, Sarawak, Sabah dan Wilayah Persekutuan Labuan mulai tahun 2010 bagi menggantikan novel Terminal Tiga (2000-2009) karya Othman Puteh. 4 Dalam Falsafah Pendidikan Kebangsaan dinyatakan dengan jelas bahawa matlamat pendidikan negara adalah untuk melahirkan insan yang seimbang dan harmoni dari segi intelek, rohani, emosi dan jasmani berdasarkan kepercayaan dan kepatuhan kepada Tuhan (Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia, 2001). 1 Rujukan Asmah Hj Omar. (1993). Nahu Melayu mutakhir edisi keempat. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Azman Ismail. (2010). Mencari kekuatan bahasa dan sastera kebangsaa. Dewan Bahasa. Oktober, hlm. 15-18. Grice, H.P. (1975). Logic and conversations. Dlm. Cole, P., & Morgan (ed.) Syntax and Semantic: Speech Act. New York: Academic Press, 41-58. Haris Abd. Wahab. (2004). Masalah sosial di bandar Semenanjung Malaysia: Tinjauan daripada Perspektif Masyarakat Malaysia. JATI, UM, 9. Disember, hal. 55-74. Hartini Hamzah. (2009). Melunas rindu edisi murid. Utusan Publication & Distributors Sdn. Bhd: Kementerian Pelajaran Malaysia. Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia. (2001). Falsafah pendidikan kebangsaan: Matlamat dan misi. Kuala Lumpur: Pusat Perkembangan Kurikulum Kementerian Pendidikan Malaysia. Khan, Qaisar & Ali Bughio, Faraz. (2012). Nunnery scene: A pragmatic analysis of Hamlet-Ophelia encounter. 3L: Language, Linguistics and Literature, The Southeast Asean Journal of English Language Studies, 18(2). pp.25-34. ISNN 0128-5157 167 Sara Binti Beden & Indirawati Zahid Leech, Geoffrey. (1983). Principles of pragmatics. New York: Longman. Leech, Geoffrey. (1993). Prinsip pragmatik. Terj. Azhar M. Simin. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Mior Ahmad Noor Mior Hamzah. (2003). Bangsa Melayu: Melihat sebuah tamadun sebagaimana yang digambarkan oleh karya sejarah Melayu. JATI, UM, 8. Disember, hal 155-182. Mohamad Fadzeli Jaafar. (2013). Teori sistemik-fungsional dalam stilistik. Kuala Lumpur: Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka. Mohamad Khairi Othman & Asmawati Suhid. (2010). Peranan sekolah dan guru dalam pembangunan nilai pelajar menerusi penerapan nilai murni: Satu sorotan. MALIM, SEA Journal of General Studies, 11, 117-130. Naffi Mat. (2006). Keperluan teks sastera dalam pengajaran Bahasa Melayu. Dewan Bahasa. September: 44-47. Tenas Effendy. (2011). Kesantunan dan semangat Melayu. Pemerintah Kota Pekanbaru & Tenas Effendy Foundation: Pekanbaru. 168 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp169-188 FUTURE ASPIRATIONS OF THE ELEMENTARY PUPILS IN SCHOOL OF SAINT ANTHONY, LAGRO, PHILIPPINES Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, E., De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., & Violanta, M. Faculty of School of Saint Anthony, Lagro, Quezon City, Philippines ([email protected]) Abstract The Elementary Christian Living and Good Manners and Right Conduct teachers conducted a survey regarding the dreams of Elementary school students at their respective grade levels. Responses were then gathered in determining the important themes that emerged during the analysis stage. During this process, it was found that the dreams and intentions of the pupils revolve around four themes in the perspectives of “I”, “Family”, “Others” and “Faith.” In the “I” perspective, the following factors are revealed: jobs in the future, materials/gadgets, high academic performance, imaginative/supernatural dreams, positive moods, being rich, having pets, possessing good attitudes, acquiring desired talents/skills, travelling, possessing certain physical attributes, food, health, receiving recognitions, finishing studies, enrolling in prestigious College institutions, receiving blessings, and becoming successful in life. It was found out that the concept of “I” becomes broader as students mature. In the “Family” perspective, some students hope for better family relationships, safety, love, good health, and happiness for their families by supporting their parents and making them proud. The notion of making parents proud and supporting the family is evident in most of the grade 4 to 6 students. The “Others” perspective involves concern for other people like friends, teachers, neighbors and care for the environment, country, and world peace. The last theme discerned was the “Faith” perspective wherein appreciation for God’s blessings, becoming closer to God, asking for God’s guidance, protection and forgiveness are cited by a few students. The “I” and the “Family” perspectives are given importance by majority of the elementary population. It can be derived from these study’s findings that students in the elementary highly prioritize concerns about oneself and the immediate people involved in their lives who are their family members. At this stage, they try to win recognition by showing efforts. These were represented by the results of how the students hoped to have good jobs, attain high grades and please their families because these are the things they view as right or good. It can be assumed 169 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M that the positive dreams that the children have for themselves and their families are influenced by their belief in the concept of goodness which is a significant teaching of Christ. Further, the findings of this study serve as a challenge to the significant adults in the lives of children such as parents, teachers and guardians to enlighten every child to manifest concern towards other people and to always place God in the center of their dreams and aspirations in life. Keywords: dreams, Elementary school, intentions, faith, themes Introduction Questions about children’s hopes, dreams, wishes or aspirations in life are commonly asked by the elementary teachers to their students. This is usually evident during teacher and student interactions or written activities. Parents ask their children the same questions as well. Although asking a child’s dream serves as a common question during formal/informal interactions, not much relevant local studies related to it were found in literatures and in the web sites. Thus, it is pioneering to probe the dreams of children and come up with a research on this facet. Bukatko and Daehler (2012) explains that when children reach about 7 years of age, there is an element that enters their self-description whereas children describe themselves in terms of typical physical characteristics and activities. Older children, on the other hand, begin to make relational statements that may include one’s family members and other people. Dreams usually denote what a person hopes for or envisions in the future or it could be what every individual fervently prays for. Children in the grade school may dream about themselves or their relation with other people. During spiritual activities, there would be specific moments when people offer their personal intentions through prayers. The essence of long prayers is developed when a person reaches adolescence. Then, it becomes more evident during the adult stage and becomes deeper in the old age. Through this basic observation, the CL/GMRC teachers of the School of Saint Anthony find interest in discovering the dreams that their students would often pray for through an essay activity. It would be interesting to know the dreams of Elementary students for teachers to be able to capture their attention during interactions and reflective activities. 170 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines Statement of the Problem This study examined the dreams of the Elementary students across grade levels. This study addressed the following questions: 1. 2. 3. 4. How do dreams of students vary in each grade level? What are the common dreams shared by the students in each grade level? What are the themes that emerged in the dreams shared by the Elementary students? What are the differences discovered in the dreams of Elementary students as they mature? Literature Review There are theoretical perspectives that explain the development of children in the elementary years. There are also few studies found about the hopes and dreams of children in their school-age years. These theories and studies would be helpful in understanding this study. Theoretical Perspectives Children in the Grade School may also be termed as school age children, or children in elementary years and ages range from 6 to 12 years old. Erikson (cited by Berns, 2010) discussed children at this age are becoming more aware of themselves as individuals. They work hard at “being responsible, being good and doing it right.” Erikson viewed the elementary years as critical for the development of self-confidence. Ideally, elementary school provides many opportunities for children to achieve the recognition of teachers, parents and peers by producing things-drawing pictures, solving addition problems, writing sentences, and so on. If children are encouraged to make and do things and are then praised for their accomplishments, they begin to demonstrate industry by being diligent, persevering at tasks until completed, and putting work before pleasure. If children are instead ridiculed or punished for their efforts or they find they are incapable of meeting their teachers’ and parents’ expectations, they develop feelings of inferiority about their capabilities. Erikson explains that children in the school-age are in the Industry versus Inferiority stage. In this stage, the child in the school age learns to accept instruction and win recognition by showing effort and by producing “things.” The child is developing the capacity to enjoy work. The outcome of this stage for children who receive recognition for their efforts will be motivated to achieve, whereas the children who are ignored or rebuked may give up and exhibit 171 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M helplessness. Some feelings of inferiority are healthy; however, they can prevent children from feeling invincible and taking dangerous risks. Kohlberg’s theory (cited by Berns, 2010), on the other hand, stressed that children in the Elementary years fall in the Conventional stage of the Moral Development theory. This stage emphasizes the mutual interpersonal expectations, relationships and interpersonal conformity of children. What is right among the children in this stage is to live up to what is expected by people close to them or what people generally expect of their role as son, brother, friend, etc. “Being good” is important and it means having good motives and showing concern about others. It also means keeping mutual relationships by showing trust, loyalty, respect and gratitude. The reasons for doing the right things are to know how to be a good person in your own eyes and those of others; caring for others; belief in the golden rule; and desire to maintain rules and authority, which support stereotypical good behavior. Bukatko and Daehler (2012) stressed that psychologists have long recognized that children live in vastly different circumstances and that these differences can have a dramatic influence on development. He further discussed that Ecological theories in general stress the need to understand development in terms of the everyday environment in which children are reared, a concern that is seldom the focus of many other theories. Bronfenbrenner (cited by Bukatko & Daehler, 2012) in his ecological systems theory explain five systems that influence the development of the child and these are the following: microsystem (include the home, members of the household, social and educational circumstances, and neighbors); mesosystem (includes the many interrelationships among the various settings within the microsystem); exosystem (social, economic, political, religious and other settings can affect the development either directly or indirectly through their impact on those who care for the child); macrosystem (the broadest context that includes the spiritual, religious values, legal and political practices, and ceremonies and customs shared by a cultural group; and chronosystem (the constantly changing temporal component of the environment that can influence development). In this connection, Lev Vygotsky’s socio-cultural theory blends with Bronfenbrenner’s theory emphasizing the importance of cultural tools, symbols and ways of thinking that the child acquires from more knowledgeable members of the community. Moreover, the Dynamic systems theory explains that development is an emerging organization arising from the interaction of many different processes (Lewis, 2000, cited by Bukatko & Daehler, 2012). One of the more important implications of dynamics systems theory is that development is not controlled or regulated by one particular factor, for example by the brain, the genes, child rearing practices, or any other specific influence. Instead, these various 172 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines components are parts of the cascading process that induces more organized and advanced behaviors or ways of thinking. Fowler (1982), developed a stage theory of Faith Development which is the most complete organization of concepts of faith within the framework of human development. Schoolchildren belong to stage 2 referred as the “Mythic-Literal” faith. This is when a person begins to internalize the faith attitudes and views of person, primarily adults, other than family members. She/he has an increasing awareness of different faith attitudes in society but still tends to hold on to those of family and religious traditions. Emotional Development and Family Siegler (2006) discussed that children’s emotional development is influenced by parents’ socialization of their children-that is, their direct and indirect influence on their children’s standards, values and ways of thinking and feeling. The author went on discussing that parents socialize their children’s emotional development through (1) their expression of emotion with their children and other people, (2) their reactions to their children’s expression of emotion, and (3) the discussions they have with their children about emotion and emotional regulation. Each of these avenues of socialization can affect not only children’s emotional development but also their social competence. In addition, Bukatko and Daehler (2012) explained that families are central to the process of socialization, the process by which children acquire the social knowledge, behaviors, and attitudes valued by the larger society. Parents, siblings and others within the family unit are the people with whom the child usually spends the most time and forms the strongest emotional bonds, and they thus exert an undeniable influence on the child’s life. Eisenberg (1986, cited by Siegler, 2006) explained the different levels of pro-social behavior. He cited that recognition of others’ needs increases in the elementary school years. In this connection, children increasingly express concern about social approval and acting in a manner that is considered “good” by other people and society. Moreover, the following levels of pro-social behavior are found predominant among Elementary children: Level 1: Self-Focused Orientation. The individual is concerned with his/her own interests rather than with moral considerations (predominant mode for younger elementary school children). Level 2: Needs-Based Orientation. The individual expresses concern for the physical, material and psychological needs of others even when those needs conflict with his/her own (predominant mode for many elementary school children). Level 3: Approved and/ or stereotyped orientation. The individual justifies engaging or not engaging in prosocial behavior on the basis of others’ approval or acceptance 173 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M and/or on stereotyped images of good and bad persons and behavior (predominant mode for some elementary children). Level 4: Self-reflective empathic orientation- The individual’s judgments include evidence of self-reflective sympathetic responding or role taking, concern with others’ humaneness, and/or guilt or positive emotion related to the consequences of one’s actions (predominant for few older elementary school children). Children Dreams/ Hopes for the Future In a study conducted in Paris last 2010 about children’s hopes, the children under study have positive and hopeful understandings of the future. While the children discuss about global issues such as war and poverty, many have hope in, and believe that we will find solutions to these problems in the future. Such belief in positive futures transpiring is fundamental to a sense of well-being. From a total of 1170 participants, it was found that 70 children explicitly referenced celebrity in some way. Some 76 children- both boys and girls-implicitly identified themselves with the wealthy stars that they admire, and hope to enjoy similar futures. Moreover, the children ambitiously hope to develop varied skills and abilities and to combine multiple and social roles and identities (Enfance et Culture, 2010). Moreover, in the study of Jarden (2005), the researcher emphasized that the question “What do you want to be when you grow up?, is a question that is asked of children yet little is known about how children and their parents think about their future in terms of employment. In this qualitative longitudinal study of 14 families, the findings highlight the hopes expressed by parents and the nature of parental influence in shaping their children’s futures. While children’s futures were not developed as précised plans, there were many ways in which they were being “planned.” Choices were expanded or narrowed and trajectories mapped out through parents’ and children’s hopes, dreams and assumptions for what the future would hold. This planning was framed by the family’s individualized biographies and their socio-economic status (Sociological Research Online). Furthermore, Auger, Blackhurst and Wahl (2005) researched on the development of elementary-aged children’s career aspirations and expectations. Interviews were conducted with 123 first, third and fifth grade children were observed to examine the types of careers the children wished to have and expected to have. The older children desired careers that were more socially prestigious and less sex-typed compared to those of the younger children. The career thinking of older elementary-aged children was no more specific or realistic than that of younger children, with older children being more likely to aspire for fantasy occupations, (Auger, Blackhurst & Wahl, 2005) 174 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines Conceptual Framework The CL/GMRC teachers had a meeting on coming up with a research to learn about the prayer intentions of the Grade school students. The term prayer intention was unlocked in the lower grade levels as dreams, wishes or hopes. The teachers agreed to collate the data through an essay activity. During the CL/GMRC subject, the teachers had an essay activity and this was their first reflection activity for the school year. The reflection activities written by the students were gathered per grade level and tallied/grouped to determine the themes that emerged during the analysis process. Conceptual Diagram Essay: Dreams / Intentions of Grade School Students CHAPTER III Grade 6 Grade 1 Grade 2 Grade 3 Grade 4 Grade 5 Methodology Research Design The researchers used the descriptive design in the form of survey in gathering the data. The study is exploratory in nature. The research design is largely an investigative process whereby the researcher gradually makes sense of a social phenomenon by contrasting, comparing, replicating, cataloguing and classifying the object of the study. In this regard, the researchers valued every detail shared by the participants and considered significant for the study. In this connection, based on the meanings discovered from the essay activities of the students, there were themes that emerged that can be relevant to present situations and theories. Participants of the Study The participants of the study were all of the grade school students of the School of Saint Anthony, Lagro, Metro Manila Philippines from levels 1 to 6. There were 134 students who submitted their reflection activities from grade 1, 132 students in 175 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M grade 2, 150 students in grade 3, 183 students in grade 4, 174 students in grade 5 and 208 students in grade 6. Table 1 presents the frequency distribution of the participants per grade level. Table 1: Distribution of Participants per grade level Grade Level Number of Participants Grade 1 134 Grade 2 132 Grade 3 150 Grade 4 183 Grade 5 174 Grade 6 208 Total 981 students Research Instruments The instruments used in this study were the intermediate papers and pens used by the grade school students in writing their intentions and dreams in life. The papers were used for the pupils to enumerate their dreams in the future. An instruction was posted on the black board letting the pupils write their dreams on a piece of paper. Likewise, the researchers had tally sheets to note the responses of the students. A computer and calculator were also used to add the frequency of responses and in formulating the graphs to be used for the research analysis. Data Gathering Procedure The Grade School Christian Living and Good Manners and Right Conduct Department conducted a meeting to brainstorm about the implementation of a research in determining the dreams or intentions of the students. The intention was defined by the teachers especially in the lower grades as dreams, wishes, hopes or aspirations in life. The grades 1 and 2 pupils were guided by their teachers in writing the essay. The pupils who had difficulty in spelling out words were supervised by the teachers. Grades 3 to 6 students wrote their essays independently and the students were given 30- 40 minutes to finish their activity 176 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines and were encouraged to write all their intentions or dreams in life. The pupils wrote their answers in English. Afterwards, the CL/GMRC teachers checked the essays, encoded in the computer excel and the responses were tallied. Data Analysis Frequency/ Percentage as the statistical tool used in this research whereas the responses of the students were grouped and tallied based on the discovered themes, and corresponding percentages in the grade level population were computed. Moreover, tables and charts were likewise used in the tallying of students’ responses and data were also compared and analyzed through these means. To further compare and analyze the data gathered, the researchers made use of graphs to view the similarities and differences of responses across grade levels. Results and Discussion This section comprises the presentation, analysis and interpretations of the gathered data based on the instruments used in the study. Graphs are presented to compare the data gathered and to analyze the meanings derived and presented from the formulated graphs. In the grade one level, it was found that the students were generally particular of dreams about oneself or which is termed in this research as the “I” perspective. Figure 1 shows that most of the grade 1 students mentioned about the future jobs as well as the toys and gadgets they want to have. These findings indicate that children in grade 1 level mentioned in their dreams the jobs they hope to have someday, and the things they want to have like toys and gadgets. Sample responses from a grade one pupils were: “I dream of Barbie dolls, fairies, princess meca, hello kitty, flowers, T.V., necklace, books, and shoe,” and “I want to be a doctor when I grow up.” Figure 1: “I” Perspective Graph of the Grade One Population 177 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M As the researchers collated the grade two data, it was found that dreams of the students on this level were categorized into three themes, namely the dreams that revolve on the “I”, “Family”, and “Others” perspectives. Figure two presented the graphical representation of the dreams among the grade two students. It was found that most of the grade two population shared dreams about oneself (71%). Then, 9% mentioned dreams in relation to family members like safety and happy relationship among family members. Eight percent, on the other hand, mentioned dreams with other people like gaining more friends and having good relationships with them. Figure 2: Dreams of Grade 2 Students In addition, elaborating on the “I” perspective of the grade 2 population, most of the grade 2 students valued the toys and gadgets they want to own in the future (70%). This is followed by the jobs they hope in the future(60%), super natural dreams like being a super hero (33%), possessing good behavior (31%), becoming rich (27%) and getting high grades (27%), travelling (12 %), becoming happy (9%), enhancing one’s talents (6%), obtaining better physical attributes (4%) and acquiring specific food (3%). These data are presented in figure 3. The previous graphs emphasize that children in grades one and two dreamt of their ideal jobs in the future, as well as, the materials they want to own like toys and gadgets. The sample responses of the grade two pupils were “I wish to get high grades so my mom and dad will be happy, “ and “I want a bike that is purple.” Figure 3:“I” Perspective Graph of the Grade Two Population 178 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines As for the grade 3 students, it was found that majority of the participants in the level prioritized their future jobs in one of their dreams. Sixty five percent (65%) of the participants mentioned this. This was followed by the “Family Perspective” which was considered by 29% of the grade three students and this encompasses the wish for safety, good health and happiness among family members. Thirteen percent (13%), on the other hand, shared their dreams in relation to others like good relationships with their classmates and friends. The new theme that emerged in this level is the “Faith” perspective which was cited by around three percent of the said level, indicating a closer relationship with God in the future. Figure 4 presents the graph of the grade 3 responses. Figure 4: Dreams of Grade 3 Students When the “I” perspective of the grade three population is further studied, it was discovered that children in this level placed higher weight in obtaining higher grades in class (65%). This was also followed by the ambitions they aspire in the future (60%), then, the materials or gadgets they wish to have (45%), and the last one was the pets they hoped to possess someday (15%). This depicted that as children reach grade three, they start to become grade conscious than when they were in their younger years. Sample responses from the grade three pupils were “I wish to get high grades and receive a medal.” and “ “I want to have a new PSP.” Figure 5:“I” Perspective Graph of the Grade Three Population 179 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M Moreover, the data gathered among the grade four students revealed that grade four students had several dreams for themselves in general (66%). As for the “I” perspective, there were variety of dreams shared which will be further discussed in the next graph. As for the “Family” perspective, students shared about having happy, safe, healthy, and good relationships among family members. In this connection, to help and please their families and making them proud were also cited by the grade four students. These were written by forty three (43%) percent of the grade four population. Sixteen percent (16%), on the other hand, mentioned details under the “Others” perspective that talked about classmates, friends, environment, Earth, world peace, and helping the poor. Around 13% valued Faith in their dreams disclosing protection, forgiveness, guidance and appreciation from God. Figure 6 shows the percentages of the grade four students’ responses as grouped according to perspectives. Figure 6: Dreams of Grade 4 Students When the maximum percentage of the “I” perspective is further explored, it was found that most of the grade four students dreamt of getting high grades (80%), and along with these dreams are the aspiration of attaining a specific job (74%), followed by graduating someday (40%), obtaining recognitions (35%), travelling abroad (32%) , manifesting positive behaviors (30%), possessing appealing physical features (20%), receiving blessings (15%), and owning particular pets, food and shelter (10%). Similar with the grade three population, majority of the grade four students placed higher consideration on obtaining high grades in class. Figure 7 presents the graph of the data explored in the “I” perspective of the grade four students. Two grade four pupils shared “I will study had to gain high grades, earn more and be a dancer, “and “I will study hard to be the first honor and make my parents happy.” 180 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines Figure 7:“I” Perspective Graph of the Grade Four Population Figure 8 displays the graph presentation of the dreams of the grade five students. It can be derived from the graph that similar with the previous levels, the grade five students likewise noted dreams that dealt more on oneself (88%) or the “I” perspective. Although about half of the grade five population already developed concern towards their families (41%) and other people (45%). In this connection, in the “family” perspective, the students mentioned more on helping their family members especially their parents. As for the “Others” perspective, on the other hand, the students cited peace, friendship and serving others. Further, with regard to the “Faith” perspective, 12% of the grade 5 population shared their closer relationship with God in the future. Figure 8: Dreams of Grade 5 Students Figure 9 reveals the variety of intentions written by the grade five students, yet, the high percentage for dreaming about one’s job in the future is very evident (86%). This was followed by becoming rich (8%), possessing gadgets/materials (4%) obtaining high grades (23%), travelling (21%), graduating in the future (18%) receiving recognitions (16%), enjoying a good life (11%), loving and forming a family (9%), experiencing happiness (7%), and small percentages on having talents, pets, good health, good physical attributes, more blessings, pets and imaginative dreams like being a cartoon or computer game character. 181 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M Figure 9:“I” Perspective Graph of the Grade Five Population A grade five student disclosed “I dream to become rich, to be a doctor, make a school for the poor children, and donate a big amount of money for the poor children.” Figure 10 shows that the intentions of the grade 6 students dealt more on oneself as evidence by the 90% percentage tallied in their responses. This is in connection with the other Elementary Levels stressing the “I” perspective as highly prioritized when the dreams of the grade school students were asked. In addition, 26% of the grade six population emphasized the special roles of their families in the dreams they shared like to help and support one’s family in the future and making their parents proud someday. As for the “Others” perspective which generated 24% of the grade six population, the students cited their friends and serving and helping people in need. Lastly, only around 6% among the grade 6 students mentioned about being closer to God in the future. Figure 10: Dreams of Grade 6 Students As the “I” Perspective of the grade six students was further explored, it was very evident that majority of the grade six students were extremely focused on their job and career in the future considering that students in this level are graduating students. There was a big difference observed when compared to other 182 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines factors. Obtaining the job dreamt was shared by 85% of the grade six population, and this was followed by travelling (28%), becoming rich (25%), receiving recognition (2%), graduating in college and getting desired course (20%), purchasing wanted gadgets or materials (14%), having a family (9%), enrolling on a prestigious school in college (9%) and small percentages on possessing good behavior, being healthy and getting into sports, receiving high grades, talents and skills, becoming happy and attaining imaginative dreams. A grade 6 pupil wrote “I want to become a doctor in the future because if my parents are sick, I will cure them and I want to help people.” It can also be discerned that as children reach grades five and six, few students would already mention about having a family in the future. Serving/helping the family and other people in need was also apparent in grades 4 and five. Figure 11:“I” Perspective Graph of the Grade Six Population It can be derived from these findings that students in the elementary highly prioritize concerns about oneself and the immediate people involved in their lives who are their family members. Erikson (cited by Bukatko & Daehler, 2012) explains that children in the Elementary School years are becoming more aware of themselves as individuals and they are working hard at being responsible. At this stage, they try to win recognition by showing efforts. These were represented by the results on how the students hoped to have good jobs, attain high grades, and please their families because these are the things they view as right or good. This is in support of Fowler’s Faith Development (cited by Stokes, 1982) emphasizing school-aged children adapt the “Mythic –Literal” faith which is a strong belief in justice, a concept of moral righteousness based on ethics. Although, few students mentioned the hopes to have deeper faith in God, it can be assumed that the positive dreams that the children have for themselves and their families are influenced by their belief in the concept of goodness which is a significant teaching of Christ. 183 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M Further, the findings of this study serves as a challenge to the significant adults in the lives of the children like the parents, teachers, and guardians to enlighten every child to manifest concern towards other people and to always place God in the center of their dreams and aspirations in life. Table 2 presents the summary of findings of the percentages generated from the grade school students’ responses when grouped according to the four themes discovered. Table 2: Summary of Percentages Grade Level Grade 1 “I” Perspective 97 % “Family” Perspective 0 “ Others” Perspective 0 “Faith” Perspective 0 Grade 2 71% 9% 8% 0 Grade 3 65% 29% 13% 3 Grade 4 66% 43% 16% 13% Grade 5 88% 41% 45% 12% Grade 6 90% 26% 24% 6% It can be realized from the table that majority of the grade school population placed higher priorities on dreams that concern oneself. This is also in relation to the study conducted by Erbina, Flores, Pinuela, Palaganas, San Jose, Semorlan and Violanta (2013) wherein the results in their new study showed that Elementary pupils tend to be more concerned with individualized activities, considering that few percentage spend time with other people. Grade one students stressed valuing their personal dreams, and this is followed by the grades 6 and 5 levels respectively. It was also discovered that there are increasing percentages in the Family, Others and faith perspectives from grades three to six levels indicating that students place higher concerns over their families and other people as they mature, and a few intend to be more faithful to God as they mature. Yet, a slight drop of percentage could be noticed as children reach their sixth grade which could indicate how students became more serious and focused in attaining their personal dreams as graduating students. Theoretically, Erikson (cited by Berns, 2010) discussed children during their school age work hard at “being responsible, being good and doing things right. Likewise, elementary school children hope to achieve the recognition of teachers, parents and peers. This theory supported some of the responses of the 184 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines grade school students revealing their aspirations to obtain high grades, receive recognitions and to make their parents proud. This is also in line with Kohlberg’s theory (cited by Berns, 2010), emphasizing that what is right among the children in this stage is to live up to what is expected by people close to them, “being good,” and doing the right things. Siegler (2006) also explained that Elementary children increasingly express concern about social approval and acting in a manner that is considered “good” by other people and society. It could be observed that most of the responses written by the grade school children were all positive in nature, and being “good” to oneself and others could be established in their varied sharing. The children’s positivity in their insight is also related to a study conducted in Paris (2010) about hopes of children wherein the Elementary students under study have positive and hopeful understandings of the future. Although, several theorists explained several factors that may influence a child’s psychological or behavioral perspectives and shaping values of children come in different perspectives (Bukatko & Daehler, 2012). And one of the most influential factors in every child’s development, emotionally speaking, is one’s family. It was emphasized by Bukatko and Daehler that parents, siblings and others in the family unit are the people with whom the child usually spends the most time and forms the strongest emotional bonds. With regard to development, Parungao (2011) explained that the development of an individual or a community is exhibited in external behavior that provides the empirical evidence for measuring significant change. The development of the changes of pupils’ aspirations is apparent in every grade level and these aspirations are influenced by different factors. In this connection, Atendido, De Vera, Mambil and Semorlan (2014) explained in their recent study that family serves as the top consistent factor that makes the Elementary pupils happy. They enjoyed the different activities and experiences they had with their family members. In relation to this, Erbina, Mambil, Pecson, Pinuela, Semorlan and Sugay (2014) concluded in their research how family serves as a motivating factor among Grade School pupils in dealing with their school activities. The Revised Framework Based on the findings and analyses generated, a new framework could be formulated which depict the connections of the themes discovered in relation to the dreams of the grade school students as they mature. 185 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M “I“ Perspective Maturity Dreams of Grade school Students “Faith” Perspective Maturity “Family“ Perspective “Others“ Perspective Conclusion and Recommendation Determining the intentions or dreams of children is inspiring for teachers and parents. This encouraged the Elementary CL/GMRC teachers to conduct a study in discovering the dreams of students from grades 1 to 6. This research is descriptive in nature, and the needed data are gathered through an essay writing activity. All the grade school students were requested to write an essay about their intentions in life and this was recorded as one of their reflection activities. During the data gathering and analysis procedures, the responses of the students were noted and studied and it was further ascertained that the answers shared by the pupils fall into four perspectives namely, the "I", "Family", "Others" and "Faith" Perspectives. There were varied factors revealed in every perspective or theme. The “I” perspective gained the highest percentage in all levels and the top responses found for this theme included the desired job in the future, materials/gadgets dreamt to possess someday and high grades wished to obtain. In addition, the “Family” perspective was the secondary theme found in the study. This was the next factor prioritized by most of the grade school students next to their personal intentions. Concern for others came as the third priority among the grade school students. The percentages of these perspectives increase as students mature. Very few of the grade school population mentioned God in their essays. It can be assumed that deepening one’s faith in God in the future is not that significant among the Grade school students. Yet, the concept of “goodness” valued by the students may also prove relevant to the children’s value of faith because doing good is Christ like or God- oriented. Based on the data gathered, and in relation to this study’s statement of the problem, the following conclusions are revealed: first; the dreams that transpired in each grade level vary. In the grade one level, the students in general shared their dream jobs and materials in the future. While in the grade two level, most of 186 Future AspirationsoOftThe Elementary PupilsiIn School of Saint Anthony, Lagro Philippines the students shared dreams about to oneself, and few mentioned dreams in relation to their families and other people. For the grade three level, on the other hand, more than half of the students dreamt of obtaining high grades followed by their dream jobs and materials. Very few students cited the significance of faith in the future. Likewise, in grades four, five and six, high percentages of the student population cited dreams about oneself, followed by dreams in relation to their family members. Then, some displayed concern for other people’s welfare, and few of the students shared intentions of being closer to God. Second; the common dreams shared by the students in each grade level dealt on dreams about oneself. Majority of the students in the lower grades envision their dream jobs and the wish to possess certain materials and gadgets. Students in grades three and four prioritized obtaining high grades to make their parents proud. Grades five and six students valued the jobs they hope someday, and considering helping and serving their parents in the future. Third; there were four themes that emerged in the study. The first theme is the “I” perspective, which is defined as dreams that dealt more one’s personal hopes. The next theme was the “Family Perspective” which is described as the students’ dreams relating to their family members. The “Others” perspective, on the other hand, served as the third theme, and this dealt on students’ concern to other people like their friends, classmates and neighbors. The last theme realized was the “Faith” perspective which is characterized by the closer relationship of the children to God in the future. Fourth; the changes or dream transitions found in the dreams of the students across levels are the variety of dreams discovered as each child matures. In the grade one level, dreams were only encapsulated in the “I” perspective. Few percentages among the grade two students, on the other hand, already cited dreams about one’s family, friends, classmates and relationship with God. The dreams of the students especially in the “I” perspective became broader in the next level as several dreams were already shared. Dreams in relation to “Family” and “Others” perspectives increase in percentages as the students mature. Yet, the “Faith” perspective remains to comprise a few percentage in the whole grade school population. Recommendations First; the findings of this study carry implications for the enlightenment of the significant adults in the lives of the children like the teachers, parents, guardians, administrators, counselors and others. In this regard, these significant adults in the lives of the children should deepen their relationship with God so as to imbibe in the children the significance of putting God at the center of every person’s life. Second; since this study contributes to the awareness of the general body of knowledge, a summary of this study could be submitted to some publications to update the people of their special roles on shaping the values of the children. 187 Semorlan, A., Atendido, P., Erbina, De Vera, E., Flores M., Mambil, W., Palaganas, G., Pecson, S., Pinuela, P., San Jose, K., Sugay, J., Violanta M Taking into consideration that as each generation passes, developing the values of the children remains to be challenging. Thus, it is still a powerful notion to emphasize that the children/youth are the hopes of the future. Third; future researchers could also explore on other factors or enrich this study. A comparative study could be investigated like comparing the dream transition of the each student every grading period/quarter to observe the changes noted. In this connection, a longitudinal study could also be applied to determine the changes of dreams that developed in every participant under study. Likewise, follow up interviews could also be conducted to the participants in the study to further understand the reasons behind every person’s dream, and what influence their aspirations in life. Lastly, the dreams in the higher grade levels could be explored as well to enrich the comparisons of data. References Atendido P., De Vera, E., Mambil W.J., & Semorlan, A. A. (2014). Factors that make elementary pupils happy. Philippines: School of Saint Anthony. Auger, R.W., Blackhurst, A. E., Wahl, K. H. (2005). The development of elementary-aged children’s career aspirations and expectations. Professional School Counseling, Apr2005, 8(4), p322. Berns, R. (2010). Child, family and school community 8th Edition. USA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning Bukatko, D., & Daehler, M. W (2012). Child development: A thematic approach. USA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning. Enfance et Cultures. (2010). The children’s high hopes. Retrieved July 17, 2012 from, http://www. Enfanceetcultures.culture.gouv.fr Erbina, E.Y., Flores, M., Palaganas G., Pinuela, G.P., San Jose, K.E, Semorlan, A.A. & Violanta, M. (2013). Activities that elementary pupils value at home. Philippines: School of Saint Anthony. Erbina, E.Y., Mambil, W.J., Pecson, A.S., Pinuela, G.P., Semorlan, A.A., & Sugay, J.O. (2014). Factors that motivate grade school pupils to go to church and school. Philippines: School of Saint Anthony Harden, J. (2010). Hopes for the future: Parents’ and children’s narratives of children’s future employment orientations. Retrieved July 17, 2012 from, http://www.socresonline.org.uk/17/2/13.html Parungao, J. (2011). Values and the communication of change: The value filters of the nlp communication model applied to Aetas in Loob Bunga Zambales. University of Malaya: JATI: Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 16, pp 177-193. Siegler, R. (2006). How children develop. USA: Worth Publishers. Stokes, K. (1982). Faith development. New York: William H. Sadlier, Inc. 188 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp189-202 A MAN OF THE CENTRAL HIGHLANDS: N Rie Nakamura College of Law, Government and International Studies Universiti Utara Malaysia ([email protected]) Abstract n. He was born and has been living in Kon Tum, a city of the central highlands of Vietnam. The Kon Tum province has two borders with the neighboring countries of Cambodia and Laos. The northern part of the province has higher mountains and Kon Tum city is 525 meters from sea level. The city of Kon Tum was established by the French missionaries, Missions Etrangeres de Paris in the mid-19th century (Hickey, 1982a, pp. 190-197). An old wooden church and a mission built between 1913 and 1918 are still in use. The main followers of the Catholic Church in Kon Tum n is a member of the Art Association of Vietnam ( t Vi t Nam) and an owner of a well-known garden café called Eva Café in Kon Tum, where he installs his art works. He also organizes special trips for tourists to get to know the society of the Bana ethnic minority. This paper is an endeavor to understand “ m ” reflected in his art works. Keywords: art in Vietnam, central highlands of Vietnam, regional identity, Vietnam War, ethnic minority people The Central Highlands m m dynasty, the Nguy n court did not have full control over the areas. Traditionally the majority Kinh (Viet majority) people considered non-Kinh mountain m“ v ” v “ ” “ ” m a distinct boundary between Kinh and highland ethnic minority groups by issuing 189 Rie Nakamura various regulations to keep the two populations separate (Woodside, 1971, pp. 242-243). During the French Colonial period, highland people received different treatment by the colonial administration. The Catholic missionaries were the first to enter the minority communities in the central highlands around the mid-19th century. The French became interested in the central highlands primarily for reasons of border-security. In 1895, the highlands came under the authority of the French colonial administration. Under French control, the ethnic minority people in the highlands were taxed while males aged between 16 and 60 were subjected to corvee labor for road construction and other public works, or occasionally for the privately-owned French plantations (Hickey, 1892a, pp. 199-224). In 1913, Leopold Sabatier became the head of the autonomous district of Darlac, and during his term (1913-1926) the political and strategic colonial administration was established. Sabatier was fascinated with Rhade (Ede) culture, and gained profound knowledge of highland traditions. He established the FrancRhade school, an ind igenous law court and medical facilities. Under his administration the rights to the land among the ethnic minority people who practiced shifting cultivation were protected. In order to protect the highland ethnic groups, Sabatier kept out the Kinh and Chinese traders as well as French missionaries and businessmen from entering the highlands. He organized the highland military called the Garde Indigene Moi (Hickey, 1982a, pp. 297-308). During the first Indochina War (1945-1954), the highlands became a strategic asset for the French. In 1950, the highlands became Emperor domain, Crown domain of the Southern Highlander Country (Domaine de la Couronnedu Pays), which is generally referred to as Pays Montagnard du Sud. This put the central highlands directly under the authority of , but actually continued to be administered by the French (Hickey, 1982a, p. 406; Salemink, 1991, p. 264). Although the ethnic minority people were exploited by the French under direct colonial administration, they were always kept separate from the rest of the Vietnamese population. Consequently, those conditions allowed a certain degree of autonomy in the highlands (Volk, 1979; Hickey, 1982a). After the Geneva Agreements in 1954, the Republic of Vietnam (South Vietnam) was established in 1955. The central highland population was put under the direct administration of the Southern Vietnamese regime. President Di m adopted an assimilation policy and the highland ethnic minority people were forced to take Vietnamese names and forbidden to wear their traditional clothes. Their highland law courts were abolished and only the Vietnamese language was allowed in the schools (Jackson, 1969; ng, 1969; Volk, 1979; Hickey,1982a, pp. 47-60). Massive numbers of Vietnamese were also brought into the highlands to modernize the highlands and also to solve the problem of the vast influx of refugees from the north after the Geneva Agreements (Volk, 1979; Hickey, 190 A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o n 1982a). By 1960, over 60,000 mostly Kinh settlers had resettled in the highlands and by 1963, nearly 40% of the total population of the highland provinces were estimated to be Kinh people. The large migration of Kinh people into the highlands caused land-grabbing and land-loss among the highland minority peoples (Hickey, 1982a, p. 62). In 1959, in order to prevent Communist penetration into the highland ethnic minority population, the South Vietnam government promoted a policy of settling them in fortified villages. At least 65% of highland villages had been relocated since 1945 (Hickey, 1982b, p. 228). The projects were generally illprepared and badly ca rried out. The highland minority people suffered from inadequate housing, lack of sufficient water resources and delayed food rations in their new settlements. Considerable numbers of ethnic minority people in the highlands died in their new settlements from malaria, dysentery and salmonella (Osnos, 1971; Volk ,1979, p. 80; Hickey, 1982b, p. 166). The strong assimilation policies and drastic changes of their livelihood provoked various ethnic movements to resist government control and to politically separate the highlands from South Vietnam: the Bajaraka movement called the Front de Lutte des Races m (FULRO: the United Front of the Oppreced Races) (Hickey, 1982b, pp. 47-62). After the reunification of the North and the South, the central highlands were recognized as an integral part of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam. However, after reunification the Vietnamese government did not pay as much attention to the ethnic minority people and their regions as before when they were important for mobilizing during the war effort. Ethnic minority people living in the mountainous areas were considered to be obstacles for socio-economic development and were left behind. Meanwhile the central highlands became the m A m or renovation a large number of migration of Kinh and other ethnic minority people from the North and other parts of Vietnam flooded into the central highlands to seek new economic opportunities. I visited Buon Ma Thuot, the city of the central highland for the first time in 1993. I stayed in one of a few government run hotels in the city center. In the room I stayed, there were thin curtains too small for the size of windows that could not block the strong afternoon sun. From the window, I could see a big armoured tank installed as a victory monument at the city center. The city did not have many large and tall buildings and the streets were quiet. Most of the streets other than the city center were not paved. I revisited Buon Ma Thuot in 2011 and was astonished by its transformation to an urban city. I could not find anything which reminded me of the dusty small town that I visited in 1993. The city is now filled with people and large buildings including many modern shopping 191 Rie Nakamura complexes. Paved wide streets are occupied by many motocycles, cars, trucks and buses. In 1976, the population of Dak Lak province, where Buon Ma Thuot is located, was approximately 360,000 but by 2007, the population had increased to nearly 2 million (Asano, 2007, p. 42). In 2001 the Vietnamese government was stunned by the ethnic minority people uprisings in the central highlands. There have been small conflicts and confrontations between highland ethnic minority people and Kinh migrants since 1998. In 2001 large scale demonstrations across major cities of the highlands such as Plaiku, Ban Ma Thuot and Kon Tum were organized. The uprisings were said to be due to the failure of substituting shifting cultivation, loss of land and the crash of coffee prices (Shin-ne, 2007, p. 100). There was another uprising in 2004. It resulted from the G v m m m m of the central highland economic development and negligence of understanding m -economic problems (Ito, 2009, p. 33-41). The central highlands continues to be a sensitive region for the Vietnamese government. n m m mQ the south-central coast of Vietnam. His maternal uncle followed the French missionaries and became a Catholic priest in Kon Tum. He had invited his younger sister to help him take care of his daily life. She met Tum and married there. n was born in 1959 as the first son of a Catholic family. The Catholic religion can be thought of as m m background in Kon Tum. The majority of the older migrant families who had been living in the central highlands prior to 1975 are Catholic while many of the recent migrant families are Buddhists. n maternal uncle, a Catholic priest who was fluent in a few highland ethnic minority languages had the intention of bringing up n to be a priest. At the age of 13, after completing form 6 of his elementary education, he was sent to the seminary. However as a young boy, n could not bear the regimented seminary lifestyle and went back to a formal education. He remembers his childhood as spending lots of time in rivers and fields with his friends who were mostly ethnic Bana children. Because he had close interaction with Bana people since he was young, he grew up speaking the Bana language fluently and had profound knowledge of their society and culture. In 1975, n was 15 years old when he saw his father for the last time. He still remembers the final words of his father speaking to his mother: “Take care of ” m m the battlefield and his family never received any information about him after the war. During a conversation 192 A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o n over dinner his friend mentioned that his father may have been killed in the war, but n insisted on using the words “m ” m efforts to find his father at least twice by consulting with psychics. The story of his missing father is a repetitively mentioned topic that seems to indicate that for n the Vietnam War (the 2nd Indochinese War) has not ended. Since n father was a soldier of South Vietnam, and he is from a Catholic m v “ m ” new Communist government of Vietnam. Usually people who had such a family background were not allowed to attend higher educational institutions. However, n managed to enter (later named Hue University). His community services made him an exceptional case and enabled him to further his studies. After the war in order to help with m s, he opened a small drawing studio with two friends. Their studio received various orders for designing advertisements, drawing portraits and making decorations for the people in the community. Sometimes the local government ordered some propanganda posters from Since his shop provided services for the community, n was allowed to take an entrance examination for the beaux art de Hue where he matriculated for the following five years. Upon completion of studies in Hue, n went back to Kon Tum. He wished to continue his study of art at a higher institution, but he was employed at the Department of Culture and Information in Plaiku. He does not seem to have pleasant memories of working as a bureaucrat. While working at the department, he started to practice Buddhist meditation. After working for the department for two years, n finally decided to give up the government job. He spent lots of his time simply meditating, especially after he left his job. He also started a business of buying and selling iron scrap. Though his relatives and friends were very skeptical about his new business, n collected and sold iron scrap for 10 times its original price. At the age of 27, n married his wife who has a similar background to him. She is from a Catholic family in Kon Tum who lost her father who was a soldier in the South Vietnamese army during understanding and support, he took and passed the entrance examination of Ho Chi Minh City Art University. He pursued his dream for five years of studying art in Ho Chi Minh City. While he was in Ho Chi Minh City, his wife could not continue the scrap iron business by herself. She started to sell coffee instead and this coffee shop was the origin of the garden cafe, Eva Café. Before creating Eva Café, n designed a park along the river for a private company in Kon Tum. After the garden was completed, the Kon Tum province intervened by saying that the park was located on the land owned by the province. The company could not argue against the local government so the park became provincial property. This 193 Rie Nakamura incident motivated n to create his own garden where he could then install his art pieces and express his own artistic ideas. Eva Café and the tour of Nous Avons Mange la Foret Eva Café is situated in a quiet neighborhood of Kon Tum city. As you enter the gate, you are in the world of v “D A” of the highlands in his garden in response to the loss of highland traditional culture. The garden is filled with trees, plants and flowers. One can see small fish in ponds and enjoy birds singing. A few bowers in the garden are in harmony with their green background which is decorated with gongs and other materials used by the ethnic minority people of the highlands. The wooden sculptures that are installed in different corners of the garden are reminiscent of those erected at the mourning house of the highland ethnic minorities and stand together with own works of scrap iron sculptures. n seems to create this entire garden as a work of art. The best way to understand the concept of his garden is to participate in a tour called, Nous Avons Mange la Foret (We Eat the Forest) which he organizes for visitors who are interested in learning about life in the highlands. The name of tour is taken from the famous 1957 ethnography on the Mnong Gar people by French anthropologist George Condominas. n had been visiting mountains and Bana villages for sketching and had an idea to share his experiences in the mountains with other people. He has been conducting the tour since 2009. Depending on their interests and physical strength, n organizes and accompanies various trips to the mountains where visitors can experience the life of Bana people. Most people who take the Nous Avons Mange la Foret tour are foreigners and expatriates. Their letters expressing their gratitude to n for organizing such wonderfully memorable trips are posted at Eva Café. Deeply impressed by the tour, some come back to make another trip with n not only to the central highlands but also to other parts of Vietnam. I participated in the Nous Avons Mange la Foret tour in the summer of 2012. I spent four days at the Bana villages in the mountains. We departed from Eva Café and traveled by motor bike on the national road No. 24 to the north for about two hours and reached the Bana village called Kon ă left our motor v elongings and headed toward the mountains on foot. Mr. Bong, a Bana man in his early 60s, helped us carry our heavier items. Mr. Bong, who was barefoot and carrying more than 20 kg on his shoulders, hiked up the mountain quickly and I could barely keep up with his speed. After the three-hour hike, we came up to a Bana dwelling of a few families, and stayed in one of their four houses made out of wood and bamboo for the night. The next day at around 10 am, we started to walk to another Bana dwelling place and reached our destination around 2 pm. We stayed in the house 194 A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o n of a young couple, Mr. Trau and Ms. Nong with their three children. The following day, we went to the mountains with Mr. Trau to set up traps. He never wasted a minute, constantly on the move and in search of food while setting up the traps. I was amazed how quickly he could identify and gather various foods. After we entered the mountains, within 10 minutes, he identified edible plants and collected them. In this trip he could identify and gather five different kinds of food of which some were used to prepare our lunch. Mr. Trau also used trees and vines to build temporal pathways for us when he saw we could not climb up steep hills. All the work was carried out effortlessly. We had trapped game for our breakfast the next day and after breakfast we left the mountains to return to Kon Tum city. There was no electricity nor running water at the Bana residences we stayed. A flushable toilet, a bath tub or hot shower were out of the question. I found very basic essential daily activities difficult to carry out in the mountains: eating, sleeping, going to toilet, bathing and washing. We ate what they grew in the fields and what they found or caught in the mountains. We bathed in streams and slept on the floor where pigs and chickens slept underneath. Although they do not seem to have a clock at home, our life in the mountains was surprisingly well regulated. Our hosts got up in the morning, prepared breakfast, attended animals, and around 10 am after finishing breakfast they all went to the fields to work. By 1 or 2 pm they returned from the fields to prepare lunch and rest after lunch. Around 4 or 5 pm, they started to prepare dinner and in the evening, they m k by candlelight. n wished before the trip that I would understand how Bana people live “ ”. Through this trip I could see how Bana people live in the mountains by taking advantage of rich mountain resources. n emphasized that in m “ ” that “ m v m ” not have any communication problems while we were in the mountains. The younger generation of the Bana people spoke Vietnamese so I could also communicate with them to a certain degree. n commented on the lack of language ability of Vietnamese ethnologists who came to work in the highlands. He criticized them as being obnoxious and authoritative since they spouted to the Bana people in Vietnamese and never showed an attitude of learning from them about their life. It was obvious that the mountains could not support a large number of v A m m ed, their traditional ways of life in the mountains has changed. The lowland lifestyle has been coming up into the mountains. I heard sounds of motorbikes on hills and saw lowland materials from the cities found in the mountains look out of place. Even a small plastic candy wrapping on the ground looked alien in the place and I could 195 Rie Nakamura not help feeling that they are contaminating the mountain environment. n told me of his conversation with Mr. Trau in which he suggested he go to the mountains and live along the road like other ethnic minority people so that they could get electricity and easily travel to cities and the market. Mr. Trau answered that he preferred to live in the mountains. Although living in the lowlands is convenient, at the same time there would be lots of complicated problems. It was a new realization for me to find out that the young Bana couple chose to live in the mountains. I was a little disoriented when I came back from the Nous Avons Mange la Foret tour. We came back to the Eva Café in Kon Tum. Eva Café was crowded with customers when we arrived. As soon as we took off our backpacks from the motorbike, started to help attending to the customers in the café. I waited for him to take me to a hotel. I did not want to talk to any lowlanders and tried to hide myself inside the Eva Café garden since the garden was closest to the highlands. I found the small replica of a kitchen with an open fire as the most suitable corner in remembrance of my mountain trip. The garden was made in a way that provokes the sentiment and feelings I had in the mountains. I felt that my understanding and appreciation of the garden deepened after I came back from the Nous Avons Mange la Foret tour. While watching the fire, sitting next to a friendly little dog and smelling smoky air, I remember the mountains and then thought about my life at the university which is controlled by suffocating regulations consisting of lengthy faculty meetings, tedious administrative work, lecturing in front of sleepy students and grading their hard-to-make-sense-of papers. Thinking about my sincere effort to pass a day in the mountains, I felt my university life as something superficial and shallow. My life seemed to lack something fundamental and quintessential. It was a surprise for me to see using a register and giving change to customers. I could not understand how he managed to switch back into the lowland life so easily and quickly. Hearing my sentimental contemplation as an aftershock of the Nous Avons Mange la Foret trip, m balance in our lives: between a life in the mountains and a life in the lowlands, a life as a cafe owner and a life as an artist, a life as a husband and father and a life as a man. We have various lives in our lives m v m m v v m maintain the balance in his life. He has practiced meditation since the time that he worked for the Department of Culture and Information in Plaiku. During our mountain tour, I woke up every morning to find him already up and meditating. The meditation probably enabled him to engage in various aspects of his life in a 196 A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o n balanced manner and helps him travel between the lowlands and the highlands without any emotional troubles. The works of Human Loss n: Memories of the Mountains and The War and A A m A g titled Memories of Mountains ( ) which he painted in 2009. The same painting was included under a different title, The Place of Life ( ), a book introducing artists from Kon Tum and their works published by the Association of Art and Literature of Kon Tum province. It was merely one of the pretty paintings I saw before I did the Nous Avons Mange la Foret trip. However after the trip, I appreciated the painting differently. In this painting, one can identify a few ethnic minority people who are engaging typical activities such as milling rice and drinking liquor out of a jar by bamboo straws with a dark blue background and star-like things that radiate warm gentle lights. The ethnic minority people do not have any individuality. Actually they are painted like ornamental shadows decorating a circular body, creating a certain rhythm. It reminded me of the time I spent in the mountains: the regulated cycle of a day, which was in tune with the natural environment, the close relationship of the family and the neighbors, concentrating on carrying out quintessential activities of life. The painting brought me back to the peaceful inward feeling I had while I was in the mountains. Figure 1: Artist, “m m 197 m ” Eva café. Rie Nakamura It also made me think that the ethnic minority people, like the shadows in the painting, represent not just ethnic minorities but humans in general who are living in the cycle of the universe and are a part of a cosmic rhythm. We all are a part of a large cosmic cycle. By painting ethnic minority people as abstract shadows, ms them out of the specially marked category of c, m “ s” practice unfamiliar customs or wear colorful exotic costumes. Instead they are representative of us and are a part of the cycle of the universe. In this sense, the old title of the painting The Place of Life ( ) seems to be a more suitable title than Memories of Mountains ( ). tle before sending this painting to the exhibition in Plaiku. sed to produce souvenir-type of paintings of ethnic minority women carrying out daily activities in a village. However, he no longer produces such paintings though they were quite popular in the market. According to n, such souvenir paintings do not provoke any feelings and do not bear any meanings or messages. They are just pretty decorations for walls. He also argued that as life is a journey and a constant transformation, his art should not hang onto one style, but should constantly change. The medium and style of his art are changing, but his art bears an unchanging persistent message/identity: a man of the central highlands. Figure 2: War and Human loss at the central and central highland regional exhibition of arts in 2012 Q n identity as a man of the central highlands is expressed by his relationship with the Bana ethnic group and his work is inspired by his 198 A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o n relationship with them and a very strong sentiment against war. iron sculpture to the Central Coast and Central Highland Regional Exhibition of Arts in 2012. The sculpture titled War and Human Loss captures the moment when a person is blown away by a land mine. He put sand in a shallow square box and erected the sculpture. A real mine used during the Vietnam War was covered with a twisted cloth bag and placed at the botom of the sculpture. Two helmets (Figure 2) are l m A v m is depicted by v v v m ( Figure 2). In the highlands, both the majority Kinh and the ethnic minority people suffered from being caught between two forces, the South Vietnam Government and the Communist North Vietnam. The accounts by US Army infantry Lieutenant Colonel Thomas McKenna during the war in Kon Tum in 1972, known as the Easter Offensive among the Americans, explains the frightening magnitude of the war in the highlands. It was not the attacks by the Vietnamese Communist guerillas but those by the North Vietnamese Army with heavy artillery where for the first time armoured tanks were brought into the Central Highlands. Kon Tum was surrounded by the North Vietnamese army and became an isolated island in the Highlands. The population of Kon Tum suddenly increased through an influx of refugees from the surrounding areas (McKenna, 2011)1. ing and misery during the war and experienced it himself as a victim of the war. He remembers the wars in Kon Tum in 1972 and 1975 with horrifying images that he would never be able to forget. When there was an attack, his teacher ordered the class to hide under their desk immediately. The thin desk could not be any protection in reality but he and his fellow pupils jumped under their desks. When the Communist army surged into the highlands in 1975, there was a rumor that the Saigon government would leave the highlands in the hands of the Communists. People fled from the highlands in panic. m , fleeing from the highlands. They walked along National Road No. 19 toward a place called Phu Bon near the Ba River. Dead bodies and m m In this book, McKenna (2011) argues that if Kon Tum and the highlands fell into the hands of the North Vietnamese Army in 1972, South Vietnam would have been divided and lost the war against the Communists. The battle of Kon Tum or the Easter Offensive in 1972 saved South Vietnam (p. 3, p. 72). 1 199 Rie Nakamura were dead the next morning. At the end, his family did not succeed in escaping mm m m m m tizens killed in the crossfire. He remembered that many of those victims were young children. During interviews, n repeatedly indicated his fear that Vietnamese society might lose those m m suffering during the war and the prolonged pain from which people like himself m m :“ my duty to continue to teach younger generations about the horror and misery of ” When one enters Eva Café, one notices a tall statue of scrap iron standing at the side. It is about 2.5 metres tall and made out of a bombshell used during the war. m m m e is always missing half of himself: The half he left with his family and loved ones back in their country. Three iron rings around the v s to follow. The hape of heart. In front of the hole an antiwar mark is dangling like pendant (Figure 3). Figure 3: v 200 : A Man of the Central Highlands: The Works o n The heart-war mark expresses the ince the bombshell used for this sculpture was American-made, the sculptural figure seems to be a US soldier. When war is the theme of n art work, he does not blame anybody or any side. He tries to express the sorrow and suffering of the people who experience war regardless of their backgrounds. Conclusion In his art, treates ethnic minorities and soldiers as fellow humans. Through this generalization, he expresses the universal themes of life and death. The undercurrent of his artwork is his strong identity as a man of the central highlands. His art is rooted in his empathy and proximity to the highland ethnic minority people and the war victims such as the soldiers and himself. Such empathy and proximity have been developed through his life in the highlands as he has identified himself with this special region. His identity as a man of the central highlands is also reflected in the distance that he has kept from the Department of Culture and Information, the Communist party, and the Central Government as the central highlands is registered outside of its control. A m recurring phenomenon that I have noticed in the past several years. When I visit Vietnam, I often go out with my friends working at the Southern Institute of Sustainable Development, formally known as the Southern Institute of Social Sciences. At one of our dinner gatherings, my friends and fellow reseachers discussed a book written by an Australian scholar Philip Taylor who has done extensive field research in the Mekong Delta and southern Vietnam. They praised his book by saying that Taylor really understood the South. In his book, Taylor argues that southern Vietnam is different from the north because of its different historical development and its culture. They further mentioned that the reunification of Vietnam has been weathering a unique southern culture. This type of discourse was not heard when I was living in Ho Chi Minh City in the mid-1990s. The phrase I often heard “ m ” to my surprise to hear their assertion of a southern identity based on cultural difference and made me realize a widening space of asserting various identities rather than a unified Vietnamese one. y as a man of the central highla v m art work is fortelling a heterogeneity of views, perspectives and identities in Vietnam under one party domination. 201 Rie Nakamura References Asano, E. (2007). Growth process of coffee production in Vietnam: Use of surplus m P ê ăm and Ikemoto Yukio. (Eds.), C ee Ve e r l l d: r l, anthropological and economic perspectives. (pp. 8-51). Ho Chi Minh City: Vietnam National University Ho chi Minh City Press. ng, Ma. (1978). Research: The neo-colonialism of the United States and the ethnic minorities in Southern Vietnam. Hanoi Tap Chi Cong San, No.2, Feb., pp. 89-96. Hickey, G. C. (1982a). Sons of the mountains: Ethnohistory of the Vietnamese central highlands to 1954. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. Hickey, G. C. (1982b). Free in the forest: Ethnohistory of the vietnamese central highlands, 1954-1976. New Haven, Connecticut: Yale University Press. Jackson, L. R. (1969). The Vietnamese revolution and the Montagnards. Asian Survey, 9(5), pp. 313-330. Masako, I ( 9) “(Vietnam cannot accept the concept ” (Human rights and Buraku problem), 61(1), pp. 33-41. McKenna, T.P. (2011). Kontum: The battle to save South Vietnam. Kentucky: The University Press of Kentucky. Nancy, N. (1979). A temporary community in a temporary world, Ph.D. Dissertation at Department of Anthropology, University of Washington. Osnos, P ( 97 ) ‘ disaster for Montagnards. Washington Post, April 25: A1, A3. Salemink, O. (1991). Mois and Maquis: The invention and appropriation of m Montagnards from Sabatier to the CIA. In, George W. Stocking. (Ed.). History of anthropology. USA: The University of Wisconsin Press. pp. 243-284. Shin-e, T. (2007). History of sedentary policies of ethnic minority people in VietnamTokyo: Fukyosha. Woodside, A. (1971). Vietnam and Chinese model: A comparative study of Nguyen and Ching civil government in the first half of the nineteenth century. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 202 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp203-217 RE-EXAMINING THE OBJECTS OF MYSTICAL REALITY Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow School of the Art, Universiti Sains Malaysia, Penang ([email protected], [email protected]) Abstract In the 1960s, when Malaysian artists seemed to be influenced by the Abstract Expressionist art movement of the West, a group of Malaysian artists known as the New Scene were interested in the “cerebral and impersonal”, analytical and constructivists aspects of art making. They were mostly interested in space, colour and materials that were exhibited in art exhibitions such as The New Scene, experiment ‘70, and Dokumentasi 72. Only the partnership of Redza and Sulaiman Esa, in their effort to provide an alternative aesthetic to the Abstract Expressionists, lasted. Both artists’ propositions on objects of real time and space were presented in the exhibition Towards a Mystical Reality in 1974 in which they took over the role of the critic by framing their own propositions, ideas, and concepts written in the manifesto published in conjunction with the exhibition. This essay attempts to discuss random objects without any aesthetic value selected by these artists as works of art by employing Dickie’s Institutional Theory. Furthermore, it will examine a few aspects from the theory that justify the exhibition and its content as art and thus argue that it has its own aesthetics that demand our own contextual analysis and understanding. Keywords: Mystical Reality, Redza Piyadasa, Sulaiman Esa, George Dickie, Institutional Theory Introduction Malaysian art today have shifted in terms of its artistic approaches as more and more artists are working beyond the traditional compartmentalization of fine arts (Abdullah, 2011). These new works, are of a different type. Leaving the less clearer direction of artists in the early years of Malaysia’s post-Independence (Abdullah, 2010b), leaving the well-espoused Abstract Expressionists of the 1960s and Malay/Islamic-centered art of the 1970s and 1980s. Malaysia art in the last two and 203 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow a half decade embraces a more universal subject, inter-discipline in terms of its artistic approach. The eclecticism and the complexity of art making today can be traced as early as during the 1970s, when a group of Malaysian artists known as the New Scene were interested in the “cerebral and impersonal”, analytical and constructivists aspects of art making – akin to Minimalist art espoused by artists like Carl André, Dan Flavin, Donald Judd, Sol LeWitt and others. These interests were presented in art exhibitions such as The New Scene, experiment ‘70, and Dokumentasi 72 and Towards a Mystical Reality: A Documentation of Experiences Initiated jointly by Redza Piyadasa and Suleiman (sic) Esa (1974). Only the latter Towards a Mystical Reality: A Documentation of Experiences Initiated jointly by Redza Piyadasa and Suleiman (sic) Esa (or in this essay will be referred to as the Mystical Reality) held in 1974 has been examined and discussed recently as an important exhibition in the Malaysian art scene. Mystical Reality was an exhibition held at Sudut Penulis (Writer’s Corner) of Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka and it was the first and the only Malaysian exhibition that was accompanied by a 31-page manifesto akin to the manifestos produced by European artists in the early 20th century. Although the exhibition did not bring direct impact on the development of modern art in Malaysia, in the study of art history, the exhibition is important as one of the initial catalyst that brought about changes to the acceptance of conceptual ideas into the practice of Malaysian art (Abdullah, 2008; 2010a; Mashadi, 2007; Soon, 2013). The main contribution of the exhibition was based on the fact that it was initiated and produced based on its conceptual premises. While the appreciation and importance of this exhibition have been discussed, especially in terms of its conceptual premise, this paper will focus on the legitimacy or authenticity of the works of this exhibition based on the perspective of Institutional Theory as espoused by George Dickie. Before we proceed with the argument, it is best for us to first discuss the exhibition itself. Mystical Reality, a Jointly Initiated Experience In the late 1960s, a few Malaysian artists had begun to advance the idea of an ‘alternative aesthetic’ based on the premise that art should be cerebral-centred rather than emotion-centred and this has accumulated in the works of artists that have been influenced by the Hard Edge or Conceptual Art such as Redza Piyadasa, Sulaiman Esa, Tan Teong Eng, Tan Teong Kooi, Tang Tuck Kan and Choong Kam Kow. Artists promoting these perspectives in Malaysia at that time included those who had arrived in Britain in the mid-1960s and witnessed a change in the principles of art education in the United Kingdom where several leading English art colleges that had introduced ‘Basic Design’ subject founded based on the Bauhaus pedagogy.1 While these new approaches were not uniformly 204 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality or simultaneously implemented across all art colleges in England, much of the agitation for change in art education was initiated by Hornsey College of Art in London, in which two Malaysian artists, Sulaiman Esa and Redza Piyadasa were enrolled. The cerebral-centred versus emotion-centred art discourse can be traced in how these artists attempted to challenge and displace the Abstract Expressionist2 aesthetic as exhibited in the GRUP exhibition and The Expressionists of the 1960s. In the 1960s and even until today, Abstract Expressionism has been one of the Western art movements that has influenced many Malaysian artists despite the fact that most of the content or subject matter were local (Abdullah, 2013: 455-465). Redza Piyadasa, Sulaiman Esa and a few other Malaysian artists as listed above have consistently initiated the so-called ‘alternative aesthetics’ in which is characterized by its ‘cerebral and impersonal’ approach in exhibition such as The New Scene’69 (1969), experiment ’70 (1970), dokumentasi 72 (1972) and Mystical Reality (1974). Eventually, Mystical Reality became the pinnacle of both Sulaiman Esa and Redza Piyadasa’s attempt in shifting the perspectives of Malaysian artists at that time. Even though it may be argued that such conceptual attempts had already begun with The New Scene ‘69, the Mystical Reality manifesto claims to reject all previous developments in Malaysian art (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 6). However, despite this claim, various aspects of the exhibition and manifesto reveal that the exhibition was, nonetheless, still an extension of dokumentasi ’72, and to an extent, of experiment ’70. This is particularly evident when considering the premise the artists promoted -- a context of art concerned with actual space, time and light and its reference to Zen and the premise of the Conceptual art approach, which had been flagged by these two previous exhibitions before. In the exhibition, the artists put up everyday objects or artifacts to highlight the concept of ephemerality based on Zen/Taoism ideology. Besides that, the artists managed to make the ideational premise of the work known through their manifesto, in contrast to other artworks of that time which attended almost exclusively to its appearance. The manifesto extensively outlines its structure, in which the artists frame their own propositions, ideas and concepts to the public. In the manifesto of the exhibition, Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa (1974) outlined the underlying thoughts of Malaysian artists in the 1960s and early 1970s. They wrote about the dilemma faced by the artists in Malaysia in their search for a national identity. They also criticized the local artists whom they consider as imitating Western art. Their stance is anti-formalist and anti-aesthetic, against various other artists whom at that time were mostly producing Abstract Expressionist artworks. In the premises of their conceptual work, they stated, ‘We had abandoned illusionistic devices altogether by 1971 and had become involved with actual space, actual time and actual light.’ (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 8). 205 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow The alternative models as espoused by Sulaiman Esa and Piyadasa followed the Eastern philosophy, or so they claimed. T.K. Sabapathy in the “Introduction” explained that Redza Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa have put themselves in a position of confrontation that deals between Eastern artistic practices and Western artistic practices, but highlighting new artistic approach that is derived from the mystical and philosophical traditions rooted in Asia, Taoism and Zen, in particular. This alternative approach that they assert consciously, seeks to replace the Western artistic model, which is based on humanism and scientific empiricism spirit. Sabapathy said that their attempt to reflect on the expectations of Asian artists reached the level that art is based on something that is real or ‘art = reality’ (Sabapathy, 1978: 33). This perhaps could restore the Asian values as the main subject, especially for Asian artists and it could also lay the foundation for artists in examining local realities in which could also be investigated in the context of arts (Sabapathy, 1994: 68). The exhibition, however, was not well received and became somewhat become polemical. The polemics were primarily based on the way the manifesto was written and the premise suggested by the artists. During the opening of the exhibition, Salleh ben Joned unzipped his trousers and urinated in another corner of the exhibition space as part of his protest of the ‘premise’ of the exhibition. One year later, polemics on the event was published in Dewan Sastra magazine by authors such as Siti Zainon Ismail, Redza Piyadasa, Ponirin Amin and Salleh ben Joned, who voiced their opinions about the event (Amin, 1975, Ismail, 1975, Joned, 1975, Piyadasa, 1975). It must be noted here that the ‘premise’ of the exhibition was criticized by Salleh, Siti Zainon Ismail and Ponirin Amin while Redza Piyadasa defended the objective of the exhibition. The objects or artifacts exhibited, however, due the fact that the objects chosen did not fit the idea of what an artwork should be (or not), have been left unexamined. Therefore, this paper is an attempt to examine how the objects or items listed in the previous section are works of art. On the other hand, this paper, will not further discuss the cerebral, conceptual premise, the Zen aspect or even the manifesto of the exhibition. The question that will be discussed in this paper is why found objects or termed as ‘artifacts’ as listed above are works of art? The answer to this question is vital, especially for those who are not familiar with the historical development of modern art. It must be noted that the exhibition itself has not been well received from certain quarters. Examining Mystical Reality In this essay, we will discuss Mystical Reality and the acceptance of the objects that were exhibited as artwork by using Dickie’s Institutional theory. Reading the list of objects that was exhibited in the exhibition, one would wonder how randomly 206 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality collected objects or artifacts could be regarded as artworks. It must be noted, however, that this is not the first case that random objects have been conferred as art objects though this was the first attempt in Malaysia. The attempt to use everyday objects or what was termed as ‘readymades’ by Marcel Duchamp as works of art has superseded Mystical Reality about fifty years ago. The Western art world in the mid-1960s consists of what Arthur Danto called the ‘mere things’. This development in the Modern art context resulted in the difficulty of picking out artworks from non-artworks, since the art that was produced resembled or consisted of non-artworks. George Dickie is a professor of philosophy who proposed the Institutional theory in order to explain the forms of contemporary art in the post-modern era in Euramerica. In his works, Dickie argues that art actually exists in a larger social institution as works of 'art' when it has been conferred. Only then the object is considered valid and worthy to be treated like a piece of art. He has rejected the earlier theories of art such as imitation theory as espoused by Plato and expression theory as proposed by Clive Bell. He argues that these theories cannot explain the works of art that accepts the elements of inadvertence or chance as the nature of the artworks and even the non-objective artworks such as those produced by artists like Jackson Pollock, Willem De Kooning, Mark Rothko, Victor Vaserely, Frank Stella, Dan Flavin and others (Dickie, 2007: 220). It must be noted that, Imitation theory refers to the works of art that can be identified by its function as a representation of the subject, whether through media such as painting, sculpture, literature or music. The existence of works of art such as paintings that does not denote or represent objects (or non-objective) shows that imitation is not a mandatory element in a work of art. The failure of the Imitation theory in understanding the nature of non-objective artworks has spawned debate. In the context of various proposed theories of art, Institutional theory as suggested by Dickie on the other hand has enlightened our understanding of art that cannot be explained by imitation and expression theories. Dickie extended the theory of the ‘artworld’ that has been proposed by Arthur C. Danto. Arthur C. Danto, in his book Transfiguration of the Commonplace, sheds some light on the dilemma in the current art world where aesthetics or beauty is no longer the main characteristic of arts anymore. In the 1960s, more art works that consisted of what Danto called ‘mere things,’ were produced. This development resulted in the difficulty of picking out artworks from non-artworks, since such art works resembled or consisted of non-artworks. Danto’s contribution to the discourse is by finding a definition which is not only consistent with radical disjunctiveness of the class of artworks, but explains how the disjunctiveness is possible as well (Danto, 1996: 284). 207 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow In the process of searching for a definition of sound art, Danto examined the exhibition of works such as "Brillo Box" (1964) by Andy Warhol and "Bed" (1955) by Robert Rauschenberg and writes, ‘To see something as art requires something the eye cannot descry an atmosphere of artistic theory , a knowledge of history of art: the artworld.’ (Danto, 2007: 214) According to Danto, what distinguishes an object as an artwork is subjected to two cases: first, theories of art and the second, the artworld. Arising from that viewpoint, Dickie expands his view and argues that that the artword is actually in a social institution that cannot be seen by the outward eye. Dickie compares Danto’s term ‘the artworld’ with the wider arts institution with an example of the art of theater that existed since the Greeks to the present. He gives the example of a system such as performance or theater that must be represented by the writers, management crew, the casts and the audiences. Even the script of the plays must be written and produced within the theater-world framework. Dickie uses the simple definition of ‘institution’ taken from the Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary - ‘3. That w hich is instituted as: a. An established practice, law, custom, etc., b. An established society or corporation.’ Therefore, according to Dickie, similarly in the example of the theater-world framework -- that there must be a common convention in the production of the artwork, in which the works will be displayed (Dickie, 2007: 221). Dickie argues that the existence of a framework in the the artworld allows an object that may not be considered as a work of art to be accepted as a work of art. So when Marcel Duchamp submitted a urinal to an art competition on display as ‘works of art’ in 1917, several things happened at the same time - first, the status of ‘art’ has been conferred to the object which initially did not have any special value and is not any different from the urinal sold in stores. It must be noted that the nature of the work (or its properties) and the beauty of an artwork is usually the main focus in a normal exhibition context. In such ‘normal’ context, only the values of the representations or expressions generated by the work are being appreciated by the audience. Whereas the intangible nature of the work that cannot be exhibited or what is termed as the ‘non-exhibited properties’ are usually neglected. In the context of Duchamp’s work, Dickie argued that Duchamp has acted indirectly as an agent of the artworld and has conferred the status of ‘works of art’ to the urinal. So in that circumstance, the audience is forced to accept the urinal as an art work. Dickie, however, viewed that the process of conferring an object as an art work within the framework or artworld as something that is actually more flexible as it covers a wider art system that was put forth by Danto (Dickie, 2007: 222). He argues that the act of 208 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality conferring of an artwork can occur based on the definition of ‘artwork.’ Dickie puts forth his definition of this term in the form of classificatory. A work of art according to him is, first, an artifact and second, sets of aspects of the work conferred with the status of art on behalf of a particular institution in the art world. The second condition has four interconnected notions (1) [someone] acting as the representative of the art world (2) [the act of] conferring status of the artwork (3) [artifacts] as a candidate and (4) appreciation [by the audience]. The first and the second notion can be exemplified with the act of a king conferring a knighthood, the power of a judge in passing a ruling, or the conferring of Ph.D. to a candidate by the university. However, according to Dickie, in any artworld or institutional contexts, the conferring of a work to an art status does not necessarily exist via certain formal legislation, but it can also take place in an informal way. The conferring of the status of ‘art’, for example, can be made by those who are involved or play a role in the artworld. It can be artists, writers, composers, film directors and museums, critics, art historians, art lovers and others (Dickie, 2007: 223). What is important here for Dickie, is the context in which the artifacts are on display or being a candidate. The act that a plumbing equipment salesman displays his urinal over the counter in stores is different than Duchamp exhibiting the same urinal in the gallery. Duchamp's work is recognized as a work of art because it was a candidate in which it was conferred by the artists and the act of conferring happens within the artworld support system. The selected objects on display have been consciously presented and the way the artwork was created (by the factory) is not a question. The next criterion is appreciation that demands the audience to accept, understand and appreciate the work (Dickie, 2007: 223-224). As Marcel Duchamp said: ‘All in all, the creative act is not performed by the artist alone; the spectator brings the work in contact with the external world by deciphering and interpreting its inner qualification and thus adds his contribution to the creative act. …’ (Lebel, 1959: 78) Therefore, the audience also plays an important role in the relationship as described above. Duchamp, who was also the protagonist of the Dada movement, has brought about the ideas that bring forth the issue of anti-art and rebellion against the art in terms of aesthetics, meaning and purpose. In the context of the Mystical Reality as posited in this essay, Piyadasa himself refers to Duchamp. He writes in praise, 209 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow ‘Duchamp will perhaps emerge as the greatest artist in the twentieth century on the strength of what he single-handedly achieved as early as 1913-1915 - debunking the myth of the art-establishment.’ (Sabapathy, 1978: 12) If ‘Fountain’ (1917) by Duchamp can be accepted on the basis that its art status was conferred, works by Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa in the Mystical Reality exhibition have features that work in tandem with ‘Fountain’ -- although they are different in terms of reasons and directions. In the exhibition, the artists put up everyday objects taken from their original settings in the exhibition space as a means to promote the concept of ephemerality based on Zen/Taoism ideology (Figure 1). They advocated a new way of confronting reality based on how the audience should ‘conceive’ reality through concepts rather than ‘seeing’ things through the visual or retinal sphere. All of these can be understood in how they posited the title or the lists of artifacts or objects of their works: A list of artifacts or objects that were exhibited in the exhibition: 1. Empty bird cage after release of bird at 2.46 pm on Monday 10 th June 1974 (Figure 2). 2. Potted plant watered and looked after by the two artists over a period of seven months. 3. Empty chair on which many persons have sat on. 4. Two half drank Coca Cola bottles. 5. An outlined area occupied by the shadow of the poet Usman Awang made at 4.05 pm on Saturday 8th December 1973. 36”X36” 6. Empty canvas on which many shadows have already fallen. 1974. 36” X 36” 7. Discarded silk-screen which was used to make many beautiful prints. 8. Burnt out mosquito coils used to keep away mosquitoes on the night of 25th March 1974. 9. Discarded raincoat found at a Klang rubbish dump at 4.23 pm on Sunday 13th January 1974 that must have belonged to someone (Figure 3) 10. Randomly collected sample of human hair collected from a barber shop in Petaling Jaya. 210 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality Figure 1: Redza Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa, “Mystical Reality” (1974). View of Mystical Reality exhibition held at Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur. (Source: Vision and Idea: Relooking Modern Malaysian Art. 1994. Kuala Lumpur: National Art Gallery) Figure 2: Redza Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa, “Empty Bird-Cage After Release of Bird” (1974). View of Mystical Reality exhibition held at Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka, Kuala Lumpur. (Source: Vision and Idea: Relooking Modern Malaysian Art. 1994. Kuala Lumpur: National Art Gallery) 211 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow Figure 3: Redza Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa, “Mystical Reality” (1974). Discarded raincoat found at a Klang rubbish dump at 4.23pm on Sunday 13th January 1974 that must have belonged to someone (discarded after the exhibition). (Source: Towards a Mystical Reality: A Documentation of Jointly Initiated Experiences by Redza Piyadasa and Suleiman Esa. 1974. Kuala Lumpur) Based on the theory of imitation and expression, all of these objects exhibited by Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa, do not have the quality that an artwork should have based on their physical look. They explained, ‘The realization that the “object” is really an event draws the spectator’s attention to the fact that it exists within a continuum just as he does. The realization that he and the ‘object’ are both processes existing in time results in a breaking down of the essential differences between the “thing” and “the person”. In a sense, both are essentially energies in an infinite situation.’ (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 22). Such listings of objects to be presented in an exhibition setting without being artistically manipulated are odd and are not all in tandem in the general understanding of what forms an artwork during that time. The duo, however, had chosen the objects as the candidate of works of art and the objects were displayed in a place related to the institutional context of art. Thus, the conferring process occurred either formally or informally by various institutional agents -- the Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka (that function as a gallery space), artists, dignitaries, administrators, writers, as well as the audience or visitors as agents of the art 212 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality world. These people have either directly or indirectly conferred the status of art to the objects by attending the exhibition and being a part of the exhibition itself. Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa first, should be seen as the agents and spokesmen who have played roles as a representative of the artworld and that had conferred the status of 'art' to the objects on display during the Mystical Reality exhibition. This was further supported by their preexisting roles and positions in the Malaysian art world at that time – both were very competent artist and vocal critic of the art scene in Malaysia. Their roles were further consolidated by writing a provoking manifesto that is being distributed during the exhibition. The interference or intervention by Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa by selecting the objects and positioning or exhibiting them in the context of a gallery had also initiated the objects or at least acted as catalyst for the audiences’ mind in appreciating objects as an artistic idea. This is further supported by the attendance of people in the art scene at that time -- their discussion on the displayed works and even the premise of the exhibition through the manifesto could also be argued as overlapping with the functions of the art institution that had conferred the status 'works of art' to the works on display. Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa acted as a trigger or 'initiators' of a mental process that occurs among the audience or visitors due to the fact that they are in a situation that has already being planned in advance. The goal is to get meditative empathy from the audience to be aware of the power of reality in which the audience has become a part of. The end product of the process, however, depends on the thinking experience that takes place in the mind of the audience (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 21). The brave exhibition in the context of the development of modern art in Malaysia however, has a totally different purpose from Dada. The selections of objects that complete the Mystical Reality artifactuality element are, however, different from Duchamp's ‘readymade.’ Duchamp exhibited ‘readymades’ such as urinal, clothes hanger, shovel and a bicycle wheel. Mystical Reality, on the other hand, delved into the deeper beliefs of the eastern traditions and suggests new interpretations of the role of the artist. Taking the example of the dalang, the shadow puppet player, Piyadasa associates the role of the artist as a mediator or liaison between the audiences and his work (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 16). The continuum, however, in this case, in which the object and the viewer coexist were placed in two different constructs are -- firstly, the Western perspective (spatio/temporal/sensorial) and second, the Eastern perspective (mental/meditative/mystical). Mystical Reality demanded the audience within the construct of Dickie’s theoretical framework to not only have the intellectual capacity that enables a formal appreciation, but also mystical awareness in order to be able to understand the form of sensorial perception itself. Their main argument in the manifesto is that scientific and empirical point of view that comes from the West is only one reality from many other different 213 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow perspectives (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 16). Largely attributed to this view, the manifesto is trying to lay the foundation of art activities on the basis of the mystical and philosophical Taoist/Zen exists in the East despite it is being far from the concept of national culture and the core beliefs of Malaysians at that time. They explained; ‘Taoist thinking concerns itself with the understanding of life and reality directly instead of in the abstract, linear terms of representational thinking.’ (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 18) Piyadasa and Sulaiman Esa included elements of time or time in the context of selected artifacts. They wrote, ‘The Taoist/Zen tendency to view object as an “event” rather than as ‘form’ presupposes that objects existence within an interrelated field or continuum. Time, in this case is a ‘mental’ time that cannot be measured for all measurements, can only remain relative.’ (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 19). They felt that the concept of time or space, as practiced in the West are indeed in contrast with the intrinsic concept of the Eastern time and this has not been explored or understood by Eastern artists. ‘The western artist’s attempt to create works which exist ‘within the viewers own space’ then must be quite redundant to the oriental artist. Similarly, the commonly held notion amongst so many “Kinetic” artist that their works are only active when ‘switched on’ would seem very naïve to the Taoist. Whereas, the western artist has tended to envisage time through “physical” action, the oriental artist feels it mentally. It is essentially a very metaphysical concept of time that the oriental artist deals with!’ (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 20) Thus, the works on display do not only display the aesthetic arrangement in line with the concept of beauty, harmony, structure, style, symbolism or techniques. What is required from the audience is awareness of the mental time but not in the shape or form. They cited the views of Mario Bussagli in his book Chinese Art that explains, for Chinese artists, plants and animals do not only exist as a form of physical existence, but it has a relationship with something that is uncertain and cannot be defined. This is consistent with the nature that Chinese artists believe to have mystical elements. Believing in the union in nature, Eastern artists reject the static and limited happening at one time (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 19). Evidently, their writing through the manifesto has rejected the concept of Western physical time that can be activated or de-activated (switched on/switched off) with respect to kinetic works by artists such as Naum Gabo, László MoholyNagy, Alexander Cald er, Jean Tinguely, Julio Le Parc, Nicolas Schöffer, Takis and 214 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality many others. The duo do not only highlight the physicality elements of the artifacts or objects that are potential to be conferred as an art object as done by Duchamp but also incorporate elements of Eastern time mental and metaphysical nature that should be felt mentally (Piyadasa & Esa, 1974: 20). In tracing the early artistic inclination of Redza Piyadasa, the artist explained that his early works examined the involvement of actual space in art and denied any attempt to create symbols. His interest in ‘reality’ could be traced in his works earlier in even during the dokumentasi 72 exhibition which he pointed out that the fact that there should be no demarcation lines between illusion and reality or the painting and the space occupied by the painting (Piyadasa, 1972: unpaginated). In the catalogue, he explains, ‘There is something very religious about my obsession with actual space. It is almost metaphysical. The emptiness and the detachment are reminiscent of the spirit of Zen. The Zen garden, sand arranged in furrows and a few rocks, is the image of stillness. The more still our position and the less disturbed the immediate environment, the greater the possibility of the deepest penetration of reality. This is exactly what meditation is really about. …’ (Piyadasa, 1972: unpaginated). Conclusion The exhibition was forgotten over time as it was just a hara-kiri and it has not made a deep impact on Malaysian arts in general and Malaysian artists in particular -the exhibition is important in the context of art history as an initial attempt by Malaysian artists in trying to change Malaysian artistic practice at that time. Salleh ben Joned later accused the Mystical Reality manifesto as containing elements of juvenile bullying. When he acted by ‘opening up his zipper and zipped his mouth shut,’ and water the exhibition catalog with his urine – Salleh can be seen as representing the art world institution itself and the incident can actually be examined as indirectly conferring the status of the objects on display as artworks. His urine had symbolically conferred these objects or artifacts as artworks in the art world, formally and legally at one corner of the Writer’s Corner in DBP. Salleh who was also a credential agent of the art world institutions claimed his act was also inspired by the Zen spirit. Salleh himself was apt as a poet/writer who comes from literature background. Therefore, this incident can also be argued as a very brave cross-disciplinary interaction: a protest against what he saw as hypocrisy, conflict and as a challenge towards the ideas that was brought forward by the manifesto. The explicit and implicit credential of Salleh as a poet/writer was then further revealed in response to the open letter that was later 215 Sarena Abdullah & Chung Ah Kow published in Dewan Sastera. He analyzed the Zen concept deeper than what had been articulated by the manifesto. Salleh explained that he was practically illustrating a Zen master’s anecdote who licked the buttock of a monk as an Enlightenment metaphor (Joned, 1975: 59). The challenges and symbolic act made by Salled as he peed on the catalogue can be argued as another form of conferring (anointing/consecrating) the exhibition that had increased the value of the event. Endnotes Bauhaus teachings emphasise the analytical and investigative aspects of visual perception and the structural properties of visual design, rather than the emotive-intuitive approach of previous academic traditions. 2 The term Abstract Expressionist in Malaysia is employed loosely to describe the kind of work, which moves towards abstraction, or non-representational art that seems to communicate exclusively through formal means of line, shape, colour, space, and texture and physical aspects such as brush strokes. These abstracted forms and colours are produced to communicate their emotional and spiritual states. The association of the artists labelled as Abstract Expressionists culminated in a group exhibition called GRUP in 1967 at the former AIA Insurance Building on Ampang Road. This was followed by another exhibition entitled The Expressionists of the 1960s in 1974. 3 The work was “The Fountain” (1917) by Marcel Duchamp. 1 References Abdullah, S. (2008). Malaysian postmodern art and its strategies. In S. Lee & H. Chan (Eds.), New Asian Imagination. Singapore: Nanyang Academy of Fine Arts. Abdullah, S. (2010a). The early postmodern artistic strategies in Malaysian Art. In sentAp! , no. 01/07. Abdullah, S. (2010b). Absenteeism of Malaysian identity in art in the early years of independence. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JATI), 15(1). Abdullah, S. (2011). Thematic approaches in Malaysia Art since the 1990s. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies (JATI), 16(1). Abdullah, S. (2013). Contextualizing abstraction and abstract expressionist art in Malaysia. In H. Hussin, M. R. M. Ariff, L.B. Bautista, R.C. Jubilado, C. Yun, D. Quintero & W.Q J.R. Javier (Eds.), 5th International Conference on Southeast Asia (ICONSEA 2013). University of Malaya: Department of Southeast Asian Studies, University of Malaya. Amin, P. (1975). Surat terbuka polemik senilukis. In Dewan Sastra 5, no. 8. 216 Re-Examining the objects of Mystical Reality Danto, A. C. (1996). Art, essence, history, and beauty: A reply to carrier, a response to Higgins. Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 54, no. 3 (Summer 1996). Danto, A. C. (2007). Arthur Danto: The artworld. In T.E. Wartenberg (Ed.), The nature of art. CA: Thomson Wadsworth. Dickie, G. (2007). George Dickie, art and the aesthetics: An institutional analysis. In T.E. Wartenberg (Ed), The nature of art. CA: Thomson Wadsworth. Ismail, S. Z. (1975). Suatu esei untuk Piyadasa. In Dewan Sastra 5, no. 5. Kuala Lumpur. (1970). Experiment '70. Joned, S. B. (1975). Kencing dan kesenian. Dewan Sastra 5, no. 7: 56-59. Lebel, R. (1959). Marcel Duchamp. New York: Paragraphic Books. Mashadi, A. (2007). Telah terbit (out now): Southeast Asia contemporary art practices during the 1960s to 1980s (2007). Singapore: Singapore Art Mudeum. Piyadasa, R. (1972). Statements by Redza Piyadasa about his work. In Dokumentasi 72: Recent works by Sulaiman Esa and Redza Piyadasa. Kuala Lumpur: Samat Art Gallery. Piyadasa, R. & Suleiman E. (1974). Towards a mystical reality: A documentation of jointly initiated experiences by Redza Piyadasa and Suleiman Esa. Kuala Lumpur. Piyadasa, Redza (1975). Satu lagi jawaban untuk Siti Zainon. In Dewan Sastra 5, no. 6. Sabapathy, T.K. Piyadasa. (1978) Kuala Lumpur: Archipelago Publishers. Sabapathy, T.K. (Ed.) (1994). Vision and idea: Relooking modern Malaysian art. Kuala Lumpur: National Art Gallery. Soon, S. (2013). An empty canvas on which many shadows have already fallen. In N.H. Khairuddin, B. Yong & Sabapathy, T.K. (Eds.), Reaction -- New critical strategies: Narratives in Malaysian art. Kuala Lumpur: RogueArt. 217 Jati, Volume 19, December 2014, pp218-230 BRIDGING THE PAST AND PRESENT THROUGH FOOD HERITAGE AMONG PERANAKAN CHINESE OF THE STRAITS OF MALACCA1 Hanafi Hussin Institute of Ocean and Earth Sciences Department of Southeast Asian Studies Centre for Malaysian Indigenous Studies University of Malaya, Kuala Lumpur ([email protected]) Abstract This paper discusses the ritual role of specific types of food and drink amongst the Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Malacca in Malaysia. Food, in this context, is not merely for consumption but functions also as ritual apparatuses. These rituals, performed by the caretaker of a Peranakan Chinese family, invoke the unseen spiritual realm during a ritual event. The Peranakan Chinese community acknowledges the significance of specific food and drink as essential to these ceremonial proceedings. Food and drink function as a bridge between the realms of the seen and the unseen, and signify a metaphysical link between ritual practitioners and the supernatural world. The Peranakan Chinese, or commonly known as the Baba-Nyonyas of the Straits of Malacca, are descendants of 15 th -17th century Chinese immigrants from the Indonesian archipelago and British Malaya who adopted Nusantara customs and assimilated into local communities. Food and drinks offered to the ancestors and spirits form a major community-wide series of offerings performed a few times a year by family members who continue to maintain the tradition. Typically, the rituals coincide with events of the Chinese calendar such as Chinese New Year and the Hungry Ghost Festival. These series of rituals involve every household of the Peranakan Chinese community. Keywords: traditional food, invoke, bridge, unseen spiritual, Peranakan Chinese, BabaNyonya, Strai ts of Malacca 1This paper is an output of research funded by RP017D-13SBS (Ethnographic Study of Shared Traditional Food Heritage of Coastal Communities of South China Sea and RU006F-2014 (Ocean Governance and Coastal Community Geopolitics & Culture East Coast of Malaysia: Intangible Heritage Policy and Implementation. 218 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Mala cca Introduction The Peranakan Chinese, or commonly known as the Baba-Nyonyas of the Straits of Malacca have a unique and fascinating history and culture. The people of this community are descendants of 15th -17th century Chinese immigrants from the Indonesian archipelago and British Malaya who adopted Nusantara customs, and assimilate into local communities of Malay and Chinese cultures. Three terms are commonly used to describe this community: the Peranakans, the Straits Chinese, and the Babas and Nyonyas. The word Peranakan is derived from the Malay word ‘anak’ which means ‘child’. The term refers to the local born, as well offsprings of foreigner-native unions. Frank Swettenham explained that the term Baba was used for Straits-born males, whether children of English, Chinese Eurasian parents or of Hindustani origin (Tan Chee Beng, 1988: 89-103). Baba is the term for males and Nyonya, females. The word Baba may have been derived from the word bapa, which means father in Malay. Some historians think that it was an honorific title equivalent for a tuan or a towkay. The word Nyonya is said to have originated from Java (Lee, 2008: 162). This hybridity resulted from interactions and intermarriages with the local community such as the Chinese immigrants who arrived in the Malay Peninsula. Some of the commonly attributed examples of hybridity include language, food, and clothing. While their culture stimulates curiosity and has undergone a resurgence of interest in recent decades, defining their heritage and what it means to be Baba Nyonya evades simple definition. Further development among the Peranakan Chinese, especially Babas in the 1800s and early 1900s, established businesses and traded profitably with the British. Some scholars posit that they could have been the ancestors of current Peranakan Chinese in Malacca (Suhaila Abdullah, 2013: 143-149). They gained wealth through businesses and spent in on great collections of art, enjoying extravagant celebrations and food while Nyonyas within were keepers of the home. Nyonyas are very well known for excellent skills of home cooking and craft. They combined Chinese and Malay food preparation techniques and ingredients to create unique fusion food. Worldview and Custom of Peranakan Chinese of Malacca Peranakan people speak Malay, consume Malay food, dress in Malay-style attire, and adopt terms of Malay kinship in life (Clammer, J. 1980). However, most of the customs practiced is based on Chinese customs. As discussed by Tan, the Baba in Melaka (Peranakan Chinese), with the exception of a very small number of them, practice Chinese folk religion (Tan Chee Beng, 1988, 161-163). Since most Peranakans are of Hoklo (Hokkien) ancestry, although a sizeable number are of Teochew or Cantonese descent, they generally subscribe to Chinese belief systems such as 219 Hanafi Hussin Taoism, Confucianism and Buddhism. Respect to the parents (filial piety) is a very important and worship of ancestors is the core of their culture. Thus, in many homes of Peranakan families there are altars for worship and memorials to the ancestors. The Peranakans also celebrate Lunar New Year, Lantern Festival and other Chinese festivals, while adopting the customs of the land they settled in, as well as those of their colonial rulers. The Chinese New Year celebration is a celebration that has become a major festival among the Baba and Nyonya. However, some traditional festivals like Cheng Beng2, Tang Chek3, Wangkang4 etc have begun to disappear as a result of social changes experienced by this community, especially in modern lives and many of young Peranakans who have embraced Christianity. Chinese folk religion, which Tan calls the Chinese religion, is a rather syncretic system which comprises Taoist, Buddhist and confusion elements; ancestor worship forms a crucial part of the system. It is polytheistic and most of the deities worshipped reflect the Baba way of life. Like all Chinese worshippers, the Baba not only worship at home but also worship at Chinese temples now and then or when there is a need to do so. The most popular domestic deities among the Baba are Hood Chor (called as Datuk Uco) and Kuah Teh Yah, the former being Guanyin in Mandarin and is popularly known as the Goddess of Mercy in English. On Jalan Hang Jebat, where Straits Chinese houses can still be located, the main domestic deity popularly worshipped is the Goddess of Mercy. Those who do not keep any deities at home do, in fact, pray to other deities and ancestors at their ancestral homes or at the home of an elder sibling during festivals ( Tan Chee Beng, 1988: 144-154). Not all Peranakan Chinese know the names of the deities that they worship and some even designate wrong names for them. This happened to an informant of this study as well. She always referred the unknown name of the Cheng Beng better known in Hokkien means bright and sunny, also called Qing Ming in Mandarin is an important day in the Chinese culture and tradition to honor the ancestors and relatives who died each year. Prayer and the celebration is done to those who died even though not his own family. Cheng Beng Day falls normally in the month of April and the prayer can be done 10 days earlier or 10 days later than the date. 3 The Tang Chek Festival known as Dōngzhì Festival or Winter Solstice Festival is one of the most important festivals celebrated by the Chinese and other East Asians on or around December 22. Its origin related to the yin and yang philosophy of balance and harmony in the cosmos. There will be days with longer daylight hours after this celebration therefore an increase in positive energy flowing in. One activity related to these happening is get together and eating of tangyuan or balls of glutinuous rice, which symbolize reunion. 4 The Wang Kang Festival is of Hokkien origin which celebrated in two large districts of the Hokkien Province, Chiang Chew Hoo and Chuan Chew Hoo. Outside of China, Malacca is the only place that this big event take place which also held in Manila and Sarawak in the early days. 2 220 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Mala cca deity as “God (Datuk), although she can recall few Datuks i.e Tikong, Datuk Quan Yin, Datuk Buddha and Datuk Dapor (Deity of the Kitchen) (Madam Grace, Bandar Hilir Melaka, February, 2014). Peranakan Chinese or Baba discussed by Tan Chee Beng has two systems of ancestral worship, “invite the ancestor” (chia abu) system and “keep the ancestor” (piarah abu) system (Knapp, 2010). For Chinese Peranakan ccia (chia) abu and piarra (piarah) abu distinguishes between those who have ancestral altars at home and those who do not but still pray to ancestors on festivals (Tan Chee Beng, 1988: 150-154). Both systems include placing the altar facing the graveyards, and this comprises one or two tables placed with two candle sticks and a joss-stick holder that can be a glass filled with uncooked rice. During prayers, normally done by the wife, burning joss sticks invite the ancestors back to the house for the occasion. By placing the joss sticks in the holder and lighting the candles, it marks that the wife has invited the ancestors to return to the house, to be worshipped and celebrated. It is believed that the invited ancestors and deities will occupy and stay in the house to celebrate the festival by consuming food and drinks offered to them during particular rituals. They will leave the house when they are requested to in a separate ritual by burning incense and ritual papers called Kerte Perak (silver paper) Traditional Food of Chinese Peranakan Peranakan food, sometimes called Nyonya Food, is a wonderful combination of Malay and Chinese cuisine with influences from Indonesia and food cultures. Nyonya food, according to Tan (1993), is clearly unique and Malaysian/ Singaporean in identity. Using ingredients such as lengkuas (galangal), serai (lemongrass), lada (chillis), kunyit (turmeric), halia (ginger), tau cheow (cheo), asam jawa (tamarind), air limau (lime juice), shrimp paste (belachan), buah keras (candlenut), gula melaka (palm sugar), spices (rempah) such as star anise, cinnamon, cardamom, cloves, nutmeg, leaves such as daun kesum (laksa leaf), daun kaduk (wild betelnut leaf), daun cekok (galangal leaf), daun limau purut (lime leaf), pandan leaves, the Nyonyas concoct unique cuisines, predominantly spicy and piquant in flavour. A Nyonya’s cooking ability could be assessed in the old days from the rhythm of how one pounded spices (rempah) to make sambal belachan. Some of the basic and well-known Peranakan traditional food of Melaka are Otak Otak, Ayam Pongteh, Assam Laksa, Roti Babi, Itik Tim, Buah Keluak (babi bush keluak), Perut Ikan. Achar (pickled chillies), Sek Bak (stew pork), Hong Bak (roasted pork), Cheng Chuan Hoo (fish cooked in fermented soybean paste), Cincalok Omelette (preserved shrimp), Pork Liver Balls (hati babi bungkus). To some Peranakan Chinese who still practice feeding food and drinks to the ancestors, basic traditional food needs to be 221 Hanafi Hussin prepared and serves during specific occasions. These includes Pongteh, Buah Keluak, Babi Sayur Asin (Itik Tim) and Chap Chai. Preparation of food must incorporate the correct ingredients, and follow the right methods of preparing it as listed below. Pongteh – ingredients include shallots, garlic (just a little), tau cheo, paste (fermented bean paste), potatoes, chicken, sam chan (pork belly), soy sauce/thick soy sauce. Pongteh is prepared by following this sequence: first, sauté chopped shallots and garlic until crispy and fragrant; second, add in black soy or thick soy sauce; third, add in chicken and sam chan; fourth, add in water (up to preference) and potatoes, and leave to boil. Buah Keluak-the main ingredient for Buah Keluak is pork ribs, although it can be replaced by chicken for non-pork eaters, making the dish halal. Main ingredients for Asam pedas paste are lengkuas (galangal), serai (lemongrass), garlic, shallots, belacan – dried shrimp paste, dried chili, red fresh chili, buah keras (kemiri), kunyit isi (turmeric) and asam jawa (tamarind). Buah Keluak is prepared by following this sequence:, first, blend the ingredients for the asam pedas paste; second, sauté (tumis) the paste until oily, then add in buah keluak, pork ribs and/or chicken into the cooking and finally add in asam jawa juice, salt and ajinomoto (MSG) to taste. Bring to boil. Babi Sayur Asin (or Itik Tim) originally pork is its main ingredient, but it is sometimes replaced by duck and called as Itim Tim. The ingredients of the sauce are buah kana, asam keeping (dhania), belimbing kering (dried star fruit) and tomatoes. Brandy (wine) is optional, adding flavor to this recipe. Babi Sayur Asin (or Itik Tim) is prepared by boiling water, adding in buah kana, asam keeping, belimbing and tomatoes. Boil until the smell of asam is fragrant. Add pork/duck and leave it to boil. Wine is added a minute or two before it is completed. Chap chai is the simplest food prepared for ancestral worship and it is also a regular food consumed by the community in the daily life. The main ingredients are cabbage, kimchan bokji, tofu skin, sengkuang (turnip root-optional), tau cheo paste (fermented bean paste), garlic, soy sauce and suhoon (glass noodles). It is prepared by sautéing tau cheo, garlic with water and soy sauce till it boils. It is followed by adding kimchan and the rest of the ingredients until it boils. Soh-un is added later. Traditional Food and Drink as Bridge of Chinese Peranakan Traditional food as discuss above is not merely for consumption but functions also as ritual apparatuses. These rituals, performed by the caretakers of a Peranakan Chinese family, invoke the unseen spiritual realm during a ritual event. The Peranakan Chinese community engaged for this research was the family of Madam Grace (an informant), who acknowledged the significance of specific food 222 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Mala cca and drink (as discussed above) as essential to these ceremonial proceedings. Food and drink function as a bridge between the realms of the seen and the unseen, and signify a metaphysical link between ritual practitioners and the supernatural world. Food and drink offered to deities and ancestors form a major communitywide series of offerings per formed few times a year by family members who continue to maintain the tradition. Typically, the rituals coincides with events of the Chinese calendar such Chinese New Year, Hungry Ghost Festival etc. These series of rituals involve every household of the Peranakan Chinese community. The ritual observed and performed by Madam Grace is likewise practiced by other Peranakan Chinese in Malacca. The deities that are worshipped include Datuk Tikong, Datuk Uco (Quan Yin), Datuk Dapur, Datuk Tanah, Datuk Buddha and Datuk Monyet. Madam Grace explained that one has to kneel to worship Datuk Tanah, as “Datuk Tanah” is the groundkeeper. Kuih Baluh (In Malay and Baba Nyonya also called as kuih bahulu) is served as an offering during worship as a “mouth sweetener”. For ancestral worship, Madam Grace explained that food is prepared as an offering to the spirits of the deceased ancestors. The specific dishes that must be authentic are Buah Keluak cooked with chicken or pork-ribs, Asam Pedas cooked with ikan Tenggiri (Mackerel), Chap Chai (mixed vegetables with glass noodles and tofu skin), Pongteh (cooked with chicken or pork), Itik Tim or pork cooked with sayur asin (fermented cabbage). Sometimes there will be additional vegetable and fish dishes are prepared as offerings in worship. Alongside the main dishes, other cakes such as kuih bahulu, Bangkit etc. Each type of cake has to be presented in five (5) pieces. These array of dishes are usually presented for ancestral worship during the Chinese New Year period, specifically one or two days before the first day of Chinese New Year. Dishes presented during ancestral worship include eight (8) bowls of rice, eight (8) cups of arak putih (white wine) or Brandy, 8 sets of sirih (betel leaves) with 2 pieces for each set or 5 pieces that are combined with kapur, tobacco and pinang. All these are laid on the altar table for worship.5 The Process On the eve of the prayers, usually in the evening, the act of inviting the deceased ancestors and family members (sisters, nieces and nephews) are done through prayers. “Esok hari baik, datang jemput minum teh” (tomorrow is a good day, please be invited for tea) are uttered to Datuk Luar (Quan Yin) and Datuk Dapur, informing Some of the family serve 9 sets, because they trace back out ancestors to the 1st or 2nd (plus their wives), generation to the grandfather’s generation which is the fifth. 5 223 Hanafi Hussin them to “Jemput malaikat masuk rumah” (inviting deceased ancestors spirit to the home). Prayers are made to Datuk Jaga Pintu (door keeper/guardian) on the right and left of the house to allow the “malaikat” (deceased ancestor spirits) to enter the home for tea. The act of inviting ancestor spirits for tea and dishes for ancestral worship right is detailed in Table 1. Table 1: Inviting and offering food and drink to the deities and ancestors before Chinese New Year, 2014 Date Day 29 January 2014, 2 days before Wednesday Chinese New Year Acts Performed Jemput (Invitation) in the evening, the offering for worship is served with tea and fruits only. 30 January 2014, Chinese New Year Serve dishes for prayers. Thursday Eve At 10am or 11am, ancestral worship is done and the dishes (mentioned above) are served as an offering for worship. This act of worship is done before the reunion dinner in the evening. 31 January 2014, First day of Chinese All living family members enjoy the festival Friday New Year Source: Fieldwork, January 2014 The sequence of prayers comprises prayers to Tikong, Datuk Quan Yin, Datuk Buddha and Datuk Dapor. Preparations are made in order to invite the spirits of the deceased ancestors into the house. Chinese tea is prepared. Candles are lit on the kaki lilin (candle stand). After tea is brewed, it is poured into three small cups before Quan Yin. The joss sticks are lit, and brought to the main door of the house, to be placed at the joss stick holder following the recitation of prayers. Back at the Quan Yin altar, three (3) joss stick are lit. A teapot and joss stick is then taken to the back of the kitchen, to the altar of Datuk Dapur. Two candles are lit at the kitchen altar and one tea cup is placed on it. The tea and joss sticks are then brought upstairs, candles lit. Altogether, eight tea cups and a handful of joss sticks are used. 224 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Mala cca Photo 1: Prayer (Madame Grace) in front of the altar – informing the deities and inviting for tea (Photo: Hanafi Hussin) Photo 2: Offering tea by Madame Grace to the spirit of the kitchen, Datuk Dapor (Photo: Hanafi Hussin) 225 Hanafi Hussin Photo 3: Tea is serve for to the ancestors, spirits of dead family members (Photo: Hanafi Hussin) The bunga rampai (pronounced as bunga rampe), fragrant flower, and is usually presented on the ancestral altar during Chinese New Year. Huat Kue (or steam cake), presented in white, as one of the offerings offered for prosperity. Keledek (sweet potato) is also used as an offering for worship. As part of the presentation, of daun bawang (onion leaves) in a bowl, rice in bowls, tea and wine are used. In the olden days, ancestral worship incorporated sugar cane, pisang raja (banana) and noodles with dried squid (mee basah dengan sotong kering). There is no ritual in the preparation of dishes for offering, as long as it is cooked with sincerity and filial piety. As the dish is being served on the ancestors’ altar table, invitations are then recited to the spirits of the deceased family members and ancestors. The joss sticks are used to pray three times in the time span of two hours. The first time is to invite the spirits of the deceased family members for the feast; second time is to ask whether all deceased family members are present, and lastly is to ask if the spirits are satisfied with the food that had been prepared. It is a belief of the Baba Nyonya community that such practice is go on for two hours so that the spirits of the deceased family members and ancestors are able to enjoy the food for a longer period of time during the Chinese New Year season. 226 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Mala cca Photo 4: Food and drinks served for the ancestors and spirits of deceased family members (Photo: Hanafi Hussin) After two hours, a pair of 20cent coins or (chopouey) a wooden block is used to ask and seek a response from the deceased spirits of the invited ancestors. This is called “pak pooi, so poi”. The pair of coins or wooden blocks is clasped in both hands, raised to the chest in a gesture of prayer. While asking the deceased spirit of the ancestors and family members, the hands are shaken back and forth and the coins or wooden block is left to fall to the floor as the hands open. A few possible results are then interpreted. If coins are used and both coins’ heads are facing upwards, it is interpreted that the spirits are angry. The same interpretation is given if both wooden blocks are closed with the protruding side up. If both coins are opened in tails, it means that the deceased ancestor spirits are laughing. This is similar for the wooden blocks with the flat surface facing upwards. If the coins are opened to a head and a tail, it means that the deceased spirit of the ancestors and family members are appeased. A similar interpretation is given if the wooden blocks open to one protruding side and another with the flat surface facing upward. If the spirits are appeased, the prayer session ends with the burning of kerte perak (paper money offering). Tan interprets this as a sending offerings to the ancestors and spirits from the house. The daun bawang in the bowl, tea and white wine from the altar table is then splashed unto the fire. This act is symbolizes the cleansing of the house. This ceremony highlights the importance of food and drink 227 Hanafi Hussin as a bridge that connects living family members to their ancestors and deceased members of the family. Photo 5: Kerte Perak Photo 5 & 6: Sending back the ancestors and cleansing (Photo: Hanafi Hussin) Continuity and change of traditional food and Drink among Peranakan Chinese Babas have gradually became more scattered throughout Malaysia and the Southeast Asian region, and with interactions with other groups taking place, much of their distinctiveness and exclusiveness might soon be lost (Lee, 2008, 166). Intermarriage between Straits Chinese and non-Straits Chinese has led to a dilution of Peranakan Chinese and Baba Nyonya culture. Many customs and rituals are less frequently practiced, and language is transmitted even less from one generation to the other because of more dominant languages such as English and Malay. Food today has also shifted to restaurant businesses. This commercial move has changed the socio-economic status of the Peranakan. While capitalizing the unique flavours and cultural heritage of the Baba Nyonya, as some scholars 228 Bridging the Past and Present through Food Heritage among Peranakan Chinese of the Straits of Mala cca view this as a form of commercialization or commodification. The commodification of Peranakan Chinese food appeals to locals and to tourists in Melaka (Malacca). It has also spread to the other parts of Malaysia and Singapore where Baba and Nyonya can be found. This commercialism can be traced 1970s, just before the Malaysian government’s promotion of tourism in the 1980s, which has made tourism “the most vibrant sector of Melaka’s economy” (Worden, 2003). The resulting increase in Malaccan tourism has greatly benefited the Nyonya restaurants, perceived as exotic and therefore a prime destination for cultural tourism. Conclusion Food and drinks are very important in human life. May other cultures also use food and drink as tools for engaging the spiritual world, deities, ancestors and deceased spirits of family members. Its function as a bridge between the realms of the seen and the unseen, and signify a metaphysical link between ritual practitioners and the supernatural world like other sacred performances which deals with ancestral world (J. Pugh-Kitingan, Hanafi Hussin & JJ Baptist. 2009). Favourite food and drink of the ancestors and spirits serve as a bridge among living family members and ancestors and spirits of the deceased family. These sacred practices are a sign of continuity between the ancestors and living generations, which can be observed in the practices of Peranakan Chinese during festival such as Chinese New Year. These ritual practices require an understanding of beliefs that are used fulfil the sacred functions. These practices can also be seen as a symbol of unification among living family members, securing family ties. Maintaining the authenticity of food served to the ancestors is a challenge for the younger generation as such sacred rituals need to be performed correctly. Sustaining these cultural practices among the younger generations will not easy as food culture among the Peranakan Chinese community has changed. In the near future, if food for rituals are prepared by restaurant operators, less concern for authenticity will be taken because food for commercial uses will be more focused on profit making. Main ingredients and its high cost could be replaced by ingredients that are cheaper but similar in taste. This will make food culture among the Peranakan Chinese less authentic, and will not be recognised as Nyonya food in the future. References Clammer, J. (1980). Straits Chinese society. Singapore: Singapore University Press 229 Hanafi Hussin J. Pugh-Kitingan, Hanafi Hussin & JJ Baptist. 2009. Symbolic Interactions between the Seen and the Unseen through Gong Music and Dance in the Lotud Mamahui Pogun. Borneo Research Journal. 2009. Knapp, R.G. (2010). Chinese houses of Southeast Asia: The eclectic houses of soujourners and settlers. Singapore: Turtle Publishing. Lee, S. K. (2008). The Peranakan Baba Nyonya culture: Resurgence or disappearance? Sari 26. Malaysia: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia. Suhaila Abdullah. (2013). Effect of Malay-China trade relations during the Malacca Sultanate on the emergence of Chinese Peranakan community. World Journal of Islamic History and Civilization, 3(4): 143-149. Tan, C. B. (1988). The Baba of Melaka: Culture and identity of a Chinese Peranakan community in Malaysia. Petaling Jaya, Selangor: Pelanduk Publications. Worden, N. (2003). Nation identity and heritage tourism in Melaka. Indonesia and Malay World, 31(89). Interview: Madam Grace, Bandar Hilir Melaka, February, 2014. 230

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