Kautilyan Antecedents of the Westphalian Order - Rutgers DGA [PDF]

KAUTILYAN ANTECEDENTS OF THE WESTPHALIAN ORDER

By Sunny Jiten Singh

A dissertation submitted to the Graduate School-Newark Rutgers, the State University o f New Jersey in partial fulfdlment o f requirements for the degree o f Doctor o f Philosophy Graduate Program in Global Affairs Written under the direction of Professor Yale H. Ferguson and approved by

Newark, New Jersey M ay, 2 0 0 7

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UMI Number: 3280403

Copyright 2007 by Singh, Sunny Jiten

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ABSTRACT OF THE THESIS

KAUTILYAN ANTECEDENTS OF THE WESTPHALIAN ORDER By Sunny Jiten Singh Thesis Director: Professor Yale H. Ferguson

The central thesis o f this dissertation is that the traditional Eurocentric story of the origin of “the state” overlooks the fact that many characteristics usually associated with the Westphalian State existed in other pre-Westphalian polities. The case in point in this dissertation is the Kautilyan State which prevailed over most o f the Indian subcontinent from 323-185 BC. As I demonstrate, a looser conception of the state is not needed in the Kautilyan example, for it did in fact evidence all the characteristics that are part o f the European state construct and went beyond at least the early Westphalian model in its welfare provisions. This study further addresses three related questions. First, did Kautilya propound the first comprehensive theory o f the state? Second, was Kautilya the first to advance hegemony theory via his concept o f the mandala? Third, was the Mauryan state under Asoka indicative o f an emerging national identity?

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Preface An intriguing article “Strategic thinking in ancient India and China: Kautilya and Sunzi” by Giri Deshingkar was introduced to me by Professor Richard Langhome. I later discovered The Arthasastra, written by Kautilya, top Advisor to India’s first sovereign and empire, Chandragupta Maurya and the Mauryan Dynasty, respectively. My further research on the Arthasastra amazed me as did its author, Kautilya. Having already been impressed by the English subtitled videos of the two great Hindu epics; the Mahahharata and the Ramayana; Kautilya’s Arthasastra allowed me to delve deeper into the author’s mindset and marvel at the level o f control he asserted as well as the provisions via which Kautilya maintained stringent control over India. The legacy o f the Mauryan State continued with Bindusura and thereafter with Asoka the Great, who is rightfully regarded as one o f the most illustrious figures in world history. King Asoka multiplied all previous efforts to encompass social welfare for all. Asoka is also regarded as the first to set sanctions against those who injured animals, thus expanding the role o f welfare to humans as well as the protection of animals. This author wishes in this dissertation to highlight the major contributions o f the Arthasastra, especially for the Western reader who has either not yet heard o f Kautilya and his Arthasastra or those who do not yet understand its historic importance. However, the central thesis is that the traditional Eurocentric story of the origin of the state overlooks the fact that many characteristics usually associated with the Westphalian State existed in other pre-Westphalian polities. The case in point in this dissertation is the Kautilyan State, which prevailed over most o f the Indian subcontinent from 323-185 B.C.

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I am confident that anyone who embarks on this journey will not only marvel at Kautilya’s genius, but also be as amazed as I was at the overall comprehensiveness o f the Arthasastra. Perhaps most striking how early it was written, some 1,800 years before Machiavelli’s The Prince. The Faculty and Staff at the Division o f Global Affairs, especially its three pillars, Professors Yale H. Ferguson, Alexander Motyl, and Richard Langhome have my deepest gratitude for encouraging me to “think out of the box” and develop my work for a wider academic audience. I am very appreciative of Professor Alexander Hinton for serving on my dissertation committee and for providing invaluable feedback throughout this process. I am thankful to my friends for their support and understanding as to why I could not attend every party or happy-hour on or off-campus. Finally, and most certainly not least, I thank my parents for their incredible support and patience throughout my academic journey.

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Contents

Preface

Hi

Glossary

vi

Introduction

1

I. Historical Background

31

II. India via Indika and other Foreign Accounts of Ancient India

58

III. The Framework o f the Kautilyan State

84

IV. Kautilyan Diplomacy

135

V. Conclusion

156

Appendices

168

Bibliography

181

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Glossary of selected Sanskrit and Hindi Terms ~A~ Acharya Adharma Ahimsa Artha Arya Asvamedha

Atma, also Atman Avatara Ayurveda, Ayurvedic

Teacher, guru Not aligned with duty. Religion; Sacrilegious, unrighteous Non-violence, considered the most valuable moral discipline Material, wealth, science/meaning of economics; o f what is attainable A noble man, of nobility, high esteem; also referred to as of Aryan origin. Sacrificial ceremony signifying external recognition o f power/sovereignty; horse sacrifice Soul; also what is personal, o f the soul Incarnate medicinal and herbal remedies, still commonly practiced throughout India

Legendary King Bharat, therefore, India also known as Bharatvarsa Creator o f the Universe; part o f the Hindu trinity Hindu Priest; Apex o f the caste system Absolute truth/reality Cosmic evolution Meditation, devotion, dedication towards the Almighty

Bharat Brahma Brahmin Brahman Brahmand Bhakti

~C~ Central/circular pertaining to the body as in Kundalini yoga, also referenced as the cosmic cycle; also symbol o f Buddhism, the asokacakra (as embodied in the Indian flag) Form o f battle formation as used in Mahabharata The study/wisdom/knowledge o f Canakya Outcaste, of the lowest status

Cakra

Cakravew Canakya-niti Candala I)

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Dalit Darsana Dharma

Dharmarajya Diksa Dand-niti

Untouchable, outside the four vamas Righteous, dutiful, moral as in dharmayuddha (righteous and moral warfare, fought accordingly with set rules and regulations o f warfare or “by the book”) Righteous rule In preparation, anticipation for a religious ceremony Punishment; knowledge/form of punishment

~G~ Grama Gun or ganas Guru Gyan

Village Deeds and qualities Enlightened teacher/master Knowledge, wisdom

~H~ Harijan Hota

Name for the classless in India, referred to as the children o f God The ritual of priests offering oblations during sacrifices

Indra Itihas

To conquer; Hindu God o f the sky History

Jain, also Jaina

Adherent o f Jainism, a faith founded in India by Mahavira Utterance of, recitation o f hymns

Jap, also Japa I< Karma Kautilya-niti Kali Kaliyug

Deeds, destiny Study/knowledge/wisdom o f Kautilya Hindu Goddess symbolizing the dissolution o f the divine Yug or era o f destruction

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Karm Karma Kama Kuladharma

Deed Pre-destined deeds, actions Desire, sensual pleasures Familial duty

~L~ Lobhvijaya

Victory via deceitful measures

~M ~ Mahabharata Mahajanapada Mahayug Mantra Mandala Marga Maya

Epic battle between the Pandavas and the Kaurvas Massive territories; city-states Grand battle Prayer; spell Circular Path Illusion

~N~ Niti Nirvana

Knowledge Absolute bliss as in divination

-O Om

The ultimate reality; also serves as prefix in many Hindu hymns and prayers

~P~

Pandit

Public The village tribal council comprising of panch or five leaders chosen to head/represent the village Hindu priest

Panchali

A nother nam e assign ed to Draupadi as she

Prajapati Prakriti Puja Purana, also Puranah Puranas

was the wife of the five Pandava brothers The Originator, the founding father Nature as in realm Worship Old, past Narrations o f old books depicting the

Praja Panchayat

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Punish

creation o f the universe and other cosmic worlds Man

~R~ Raja Rajasuya Ramayana

Rishi

King; sovereign; monarch Religious sacrificial exercise The epic detailing the life o f Rama, his wife, Sita and Rama’s brother Laxmana during their fourteen year exile and ultimate victory over the evil King Ravana. Sage, Master

~S~ People’s council Elder’s council One who bestows, gives, thus ‘daya’ which makes up the word Fluid, illusionism, transmigration To prepare for, perform purification ritual Traditional Sacrificial drink o f the Gods Ascetic, sage Power Revealed divination Land around the Indus; o f the Indus Tradition Duty of/for women Sun Thread in the figurative sense, as in Kama Sutra, the threads o f love which tie, etc. Deviating from dharm, duty, path

Sabha Samiti Sampradaya Samsara Samskara Sanatana dharma Soma Sadhu Shakti Shruti Sindhu Smriti Stridharma Surya Sutra Svadharma

T~ Central, main; also used as in “tantric

Tantra

b lis s,” u nification w ith the A lm igh ty

To be in a state o f tapa is to be in a state of deep meditation, where one has aglow about him or her.

Tapa or Tapas

~U~

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Hindu Philosophical texts which comprised o f the Brahmanic literature How to; means; thinking

Upanisads, also Upanishads Upaya ~V-

Public assembly for the purpose of observance o f festivities; council Knowledge Vedic knowledge as in the four Vedas which are the foundation o f Hinduism

Vidatha Vidya Veda

~Y~ Religious sacrificial ceremony Era; paradigm

Yajna Yug

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Introduction Most accounts o f the state appear to assume that it is a relatively modem phenomenon originating in Europe during the transition from the Middle Ages through the Early Modem to the M odem period. Particular significance is usually attached to the Treaty o f Westphalia in 1648. Such accounts stress the consolidation o f royal power; a shift from lineage-based sovereigns to a broader sense o f the King’s realm and the legal concept o f sovereignty; the decline o f competition from pope and emperor; the establishment o f defined and relatively secure borders; the creation o f a national bureaucracy, legal system, army, and markets; the gradual appearance o f representative legislature; the rise of nationalism and its linkage to the “nation-state”; and the evolution of a genuine welfare state which assumed many o f the responsibilities once held by private institutions such as the church. While a few writers like Stephen Krasner in Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy1 and Janice E. Thomson in Mercenaries, Pirates and Sovereigns2 acknowledge that the European state evolved gradually, most international relations literature takes the stateas-a-European product for granted and recognizes Westphalia as roughly the timeframe of origin. Saskia Sassen in Territory, Authority and Rights rightfully acknowledges that the contemporary state system is the result o f historical capacities which “can accommodate the transfer o f old capabilities into new organizing logics.” However, characteristically, Sassen’s scope in examining the “capabilities, tipping points, and logics” o f continuity however, is confined to post-sixteenth century Europe. Similarly, most students of political philosophy are firmly in the Western tradition and rarely venture any earlier into history than the Greeks. For instance, Michael Doyle in Ways o f

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War and Peace,4 Martin Wright in Why is There No International Theory/ Kenneth Waltz in Theory o f International Politics ,6 and Robert Gilpin in War and Change in World Politics all regard Thucydides as the first political scientist and “realist.”7 There is a cornucopia o f secondary literature on ancient India, but almost all o f it has been produced by historians like Arthur L. Basham, R.P. Kangle, Romila Thapar, and Damodar Dharmananda Kosambi; Indologists and Sanskrit scholars like A.B Keith, Heinrich Zimmer, U.N Ghoshal, and Pandurang Vaman Kane; and economists like Balbir S. Sihag. Their focus has not been on matters o f interest to students o f politics and global affairs. The central thesis o f this dissertation is that the traditional Eurocentric story o f the origin o f the state overlooks the fact that many characteristics usually associated with the state and related political philosophy existed in other pre-Westphalian polities. The case in point in this dissertation is the Kautilyan State* which prevailed over most o f the Indian subcontinent from 323-185 BC. For example, as there was a divorce between secular and papal authority in Westphalian Europe, so too did Kautilya curb Brahmin authority in his state. Moreover, long before Thucydides, Kautilya propounded a clearly realist conception of effective statecraft. This study addresses three related questions. First, did Kautilya propound the first comprehensive theory o f the state? Second, was Kautilya the first to advance hegemony theory via his concept o f the mandala? Third, was the Mauryan State under Asoka indicative o f an emerging national identity?

Kautilyan State refers to Kautilya, closest advisor to Chandragupta M aurya and author o f the famous treatise on statecraft, Arthasastra. It must be pointed out that the Mauryan State refers to governance under the reign o f M aurya sovereigns while the Kautilyan State reflects state governance during the time o f the Chandragupta and Kautilya. It is difficult to ascertain whether the M auryan State was as comprehensive under Bindusura and Asoka

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To address these questions, I briefly compare and contrast specific Kautilyan statecraft strategies with developing provisions o f the European states system during the latter part o f the medieval period. For instance, I compare Asoka’s welfare requirements and religious tolerance with those o f Louis XIV and Frederick the Great, respectively. Such comparisons simply provide a reference and must not be construed as finite to one period or one leader. O f course, many other leaders within and outside the confines o f European history had similar provisions for welfare and religious tolerance. As I demonstrate, a looser definition o f the state is not needed in the Kautilyan example, for it did in fact evidence most characteristics that are part o f the European state construct and went beyond at least the early Westphalian model in its welfare provisions. Furthermore, evidence suggests that by the time the Mauryan State reached it apex under the third sovereign, Asoka, elements o f native and foreign were becoming more crystallized, suggesting a national identity. i. Relevancy o f the Subject While there has been considerable literature concerning the emergence o f the state, no work seriously examines what Indian political and theocratic philosophy might have to offer in this regard. Western scholarship has tended to neglect Kautilya. The Kautilyan State was not only ahead of its time, but sheds considerable light on state governance in general. The political genius o f the Kautilyan State serves as a reminder for all who underrate the ability and capacity o f ancient societies in relation to modem institutions. There are several reasons as to why the Kautilyan polity has been neglected. First, India’s political history, its philosophy, and its political ideology were largely

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disregarded or deliberately misinterpreted during India’s colonization by the British. As a result, much o f the world does not regard Indian political philosophy as significant or perhaps even existent. Indeed, when Indian history is mentioned, India’s contribution to world history is often presented in a negative light. This is evident as much focus is placed on the often misinterpreted and legally abolished system of the four varnas* or the caste system. The intent o f this study is not to compare ancient civilizations and determine which civilization is the “most sophisticated” or “least developed,” but rather to shed light on elements o f ancient societies which have thus far been neglected or considered insignificant. This work seeks to clarify the presumptions associated with the ancient Indian polity, specifically its philosophy, statecraft, religion, and its relevance for the modem world. The idea that “Asian thought is comprehensible and interpretable within European thought, but not vice versa” 8 is a regrettable one. It must also be pointed out that the context o f this study is potentially shifting. Further archaeological discoveries may yield invaluable data which could help to either sustain or call into question historical accounts and interpretation presented here. For instance, with less than seven percent o f the Indus Valley' sites excavated, it is reasonable to assume that recorded accounts o f ancient societies there may be revisited. ii. Defining the State

*

Varna refers to one o f the four castes in Hindu theology. The four varnas include Brahmins, learned men in the Vedic literature; Ksatriyas, warriors com prising the armed forces; Vaisyas, the m erchant class; and Sudras, which comprise the lowest class. Duties o f the Sudras included street sweepers and latrine cleaners, etc. The Sudras are not to be confused with the untouchables, who were considered unfit to be included within the construct o f this prefigured religious and social construct. The untouchables have rem ained the victims o f great oppression in Indian history. * The Indus Valley refers to the excavated sites at Harappa and M ohenjodaro along the Indus River: the form er in Punjab (in Pakistan) and the latter in Sind extending all the way to the State o f Rajasthan in India. Dated to the fourth and third millennium BCE, the artifacts thus far recovered point to a highly complex civilization. Despite the thousands o f recovered artifacts (carvings, pictographs, etc.) the Indus Valley script remains undeciphered.

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C.H. Titus, in the American Political Science Review, identified 145 definitions o f the term state.9 Given that there is no universal acceptance o f a definition o f the state, the following attempts at defining the state highlight the divergent views of some international relations theorists. Referring to the peace Treaties o f Westphalia, Bruce Russett, Harvey Starr, and David Kinsella, in World Politics: The Menu fo r Choice, wrote that ...the key elements of the modem nation-state were now all available: a people, a territory in which they lived, and a bureaucracy administering the affairs o f the monarch, whose authority over the people o f his territory was established by international law (the treaties signed at Augsburg and Westphalia). If one accepts the preceding definition o f the state, then all polities preceding Westphalia meet the requirements of the state. A people governed by a Sovereign within a defined territory as well as recognition o f that territory by international treaties extends back even before the emergence o f the Kautilyan State.10 Ferguson and Mansbach recognize that “early entities evinced several or many of the characteristics customarily associated with the ‘modem state’ for example, territory, executives, legislatures, judges, bureaucrats, taxes, an army, interest groups, social classes; as well as problems o f succession, center-periphery relations, alliances, wars, trade, ecology.” 11 International relations theorists must, in the words o f John Agnew and Stuart Corbridge, remove “idealized fixed representations o f territorial or structural space as • context.”12 appropriate irrespective o f historical For the purpose of this study, the term state implies a sovereign entity internally and externally recogn ized b y others as a sovereign equal; it is also associated w ith the

comprehensive measure of social insurance, the idea o f the state playing a key role in the protection and promotion o f the economic and social well-being o f its citizens.

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Furthermore, the state has additional characteristics, including authority over citizens, rules and procedures imposed by a central authority, and a hierarchal administration system. Central authority here is not a matter o f palace-estates or even temple-city estates, but rather a sovereign monarchial state. iii. Theoretical treatment o f State The Westphalian polity, which supposedly symbolizes the birth o f the modem state to the Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties o f States, defines an entity as a state if it contains a permanent populous, a defined territory, a government, and an ability to conduct global discourse. If one follows the preceding definition o f the state, then states have been in existence long before Westphalia. Ancient Mesopotamia, Egypt, India, China, and others clearly defined the monarchial and absolutist manifestations of the state quite comparably to the provisions set within the early European State System. To say however, that no organized polity existed in Europe before the Peace Treaties o f Westphalia would also be misleading. In fact, the Frankish Empire of Charlemagne as well as the Holy Roman Empire united large areas o f Europe, though each was loosely governed by a weak administration. A regional identity o f “European-ness” emerged in the wake of defending Christendom against internal schisms as well as against the Islamic world. The late Middle Ages continued to see the church as the predominant institution, though weakening as Europe would eventually fragment due to the clashing forces of the church and monarchies trying to centralize and politically expand. The European Renaissance, from the sixteenth to the eighteenth century, signaled the birth o f independent, individual thought, utopian notions of society, equality, and liberty as well as notable advancements

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in the fields o f astronomy, mathematics, philosophy, and law. These philosophers in fact comprised o f a heterogeneous group o f intellectuals like Denis Diderot, David Hume, Voltaire, John Locke, Isaac Newton, and Jean-Jacques Rousseau amongst others. As Roy Porter wrote, “the Enlightenment was the era which saw the emergence o f a secular intelligentsia large enough and powerful enough for the first time to challenge the clergy.”13 He continued, O f greater significance was the widening area o f competence that the secular power arrogated to itself, an arrogation that not only bespoke increased power and strength in the material sense but also the innate self-perpetuating tendency of social, political, or economic public functions to create further demands and grounds for political intervention and control.14 Prior to medieval Europe, the state finds mention in many works o f political philosophy. Vedic literature, notions of rajya, dharmarajya rajya-niti, the Latin Civitas, Greek polis, the Republic, the philosophies o f Plato and Aristotle, Akkade o f Sargon I, the Chinese Order of Confucianism and works like the Arthasastra, Book o f Lord Shang, The Prince, and Leviathan amongst others attest to this fact. An accurate picture of the state then must follow by examining its philosophical and political elements. For the purpose o f this study, the views o f Aristotle, Kautilya, Sun Tzu, Machiavelli, Martin Luther, Thomas Hobbes, Herbert Spencer, Michel Foucault, Hans Morgenthau, and Kenneth Thompson are briefly examined. iv. The State in Political Philosophy Some attribute the emergence of the European State system to the birth and evolution o f stato during the Italian Renaissance. However, the meaning and implications of the term stato, and Machiavelli’s use o f it in The Prince, remain controversial. The idea of stato as a personal and impersonal entity is well addressed by Harvey C.

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Mansfield, Jr. Mansfield compares and contrasts the Aristotelian regime with that of Machiavelli’s stato and the modem state; the former two as characteristic o f the personal nature o f the polis and stato respectively in that “far from being impersonal and impartial, like the modem state, the Aristotelian regime reflects - and advances - the characteristic claim o f the persons who rule.”15 The stato is shaped by the personal nature of those who acquire and shape it to their desire. Hobbes applied a different approach. The Hobbesian view took a strikingly impersonal approach to the state, yet similar in some regards to Aristotle, Kautilya, and Machiavelli. Distinct, the Hobbesian mind approached the state as an impersonal and artificial construction whereas the Aristotelian polis was natural and its dwellers political animals. Hobbes’ mechanical and geometrical approach to power was absolute and realist, in fact strikingly similar to Kautilya. Power lay in the hands o f the monarch, who was at the apex of the pyramid. In fact, Hobbes elevated the sovereign to such an extent that it was as if to suggest that the sovereign could do no wrong and if the sovereign were to act in an unjust manner, he would harm God, being his representative. Hobbes seemed to protect the sovereign by equating him with God and absolving the sovereign o f his responsibility to his subjects based on the assertion that, since the collective individual was responsible for the monarch, it was ultimately the individual who had to bear responsibility for the sovereign’s actions. Hobbes went on to say: For it has been already shown, that nothing the sovereign representative can do to a subject, on what pretence soever, can properly be called injustice, or injury; because every man is author o f every act the sovereign doth; so that he never wanteth right to any thing, otherwise, than as he himself is the subject o f God, and bound thereby to observe the laws o f nature.16

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Martin Luther advanced a similar approach of absolute allegiance to the ruler. In fact, he also divinized the ruler. Referring to rulers, Luther wrote, “to them is due the honour, which is due to God himself.” 17 Apparently, all power vested in the monarch was just, as long as civility and peace persisted. However, civility was probably only via some absolute form of a social contract and this could have been through any type o f government, democratic or absolute, within the Civitas or state. Though Hobbes preferred linguistic discipline to avoid conflict, this ideology o f social contract is similar to the Aristotelian notion o f the city; i.e., to dwell within the social hierarchy o f the polis or city walls was to be a part of the political whole and outside it, one ceased to exist. In fact, Aristotle believed that those who chose to live outside the city were like beasts and those who believed they were above the polis were gods - the ultimate balance was participation, which benefited both the polis and the self. The Confucian view also supports the Aristotelian model that “the State arose as a necessary response to the inherent evil manifested by man in a prepolitical state o f nature.”

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In addition, both are similar to the notion o f government

advanced by Martin Luther: “It is evidence o f God’s continuing mercy to mankind. For without government, there would be no peace on earth, only war and destruction, and the struggle o f all against all.”19 Contemporary scholars like Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Thompson might agree. A mutual relationship must exist where individual good is possible within the polis and a city would do right by its subjects if it aimed for the well-being o f its citizens. The citizens who comprise the polis are “natural” and as such political animals, they nurture this natural entity we call the state. Similarly, in this next passage, Hobbes seemed to

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indicate that those residing in the commonwealth were civil and purposeful and those outside it must deal with the natural and harsh elements o f anarchy: The final cause, end, or design o f men, who naturally love liberty and dominion over others, in the introduction o f that restraint upon themselves, in which we see them live in commonwealths, is the foresight of their own preservation, and o f a more contented life thereby; that is to say, o f getting themselves out o f the miserable condition o f war, which is necessarily consequent, as hath been shown to the natural passions o f men, where there is no visible power to keep them in awe, and tie them by fear o f punishment to the performance o f their covenants, 20 and observation o f those laws by nature. Michel Foucault agreed with the Hobbesian view that the state absorbs us - we are awed by the state - and furthermore, it grips us to the point that we lose our individuality in its great shadow. In other words, the Aristotelian city is disruptive in that it precludes individuality. While Foucault regarded society and societal rules as a leash which constrained an individual, Foucault was contradictory because he did not believe in the permanence o f identity. So then, one may argue, why does individuality matter and how should one be true to self, when identity is not a permanent attribute o f the individual? Unless o f course Foucault was trying to say that identity is not necessary because it camouflages the individual’s naturalness. According to Sun Tzu however, the nature o f man is evil and his virtue is an acquired identity. It is in this strive for worldly gains that men become contentious and lose themselves in anarchy. Harmony ceases. There is no escape from the aggressions o f man. This is why Sun Tzu advised that to know oneself was not enough - the skill lies in knowing oneself and the other - which results first in personal, then m ilitary su ccess.

And so in the military ~ Knowing the other and knowing oneself In one hundred battles no danger Not knowing the other and knowing oneself One victory for one loss

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Not knowing the other and not knowing oneself In every battle certain defeat.21 There is a duality in the Foucauldian-Aristotelian idea o f the city. The city is disruptive and it violates natural individuality, but if one applies realist thought to this mentality, the city is in fact looking after its citizens because it competes against others to maximize its power and this may be argued is to the benefit of its citizenry. Alternatively, if the individual who chooses to remain outside the confines o f the city is an anarchical beast, then it may be argued that the city itself is not far from being a realist beast because, as a collective o f individuals, it remains outside the confines o f other cities and competes with other anarchical cities on the global stage. It is this competition and the presumptuous nature o f states which allows states to keep up their guard. It is this lack of knowledge of the other which creates an environment of anarchy. Robert Axelrod related this phenomenon in the Emergence o f Cooperation among Egoists whereby he equated the Prisoner’s Dilemma to states. It is obvious that each actor has an incentive to cooperate and more so to “defect.” This type o f uncertainty as to what the other actor might do results in dismal outcomes for both. The Hobbesian view o f the science o f politics, absolute realism, and even linguistic perfection is strikingly identical to that o f Kautilya. Both advocated reason. Both advanced the use of force as a means for maintaining stability. Each had a passion for clarity in language so that subjects might not misconstrue what was intended. As H obbes and K autilya w rote, respectively:

Reason is the pace; increase o f science, the way; and the benefit o f mankind, the end.22 ...the science which is the means o f attainment and protection o f that earth is the Science o f Politics.23

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This methodology o f rule for a monarch was commonplace in ancient Indian polity. Well before Kautilya’s time, this authoritative process came to be called dandaniti, or justice driven through the use o f a rod or danda. Kautilya explained that: ...the means of ensuring the pursuit of philosophy, the three Vedas and economics is the Rod (wielded by the king); its administration constitutes the science o f politics, having for its purpose the acquisition o f (things) not possessed, the preservation of (things) possessed, the augmentation o f (things) preserved and the bestowal o f (things) augmented on a worthy recipient. On it is dependent the orderly maintenance o f worldly life. Therefore, the (King), seeking the orderly maintenance o f worldly life should ever hold the Rod lifted up (to strike). For, there is no such means for the subjugation of beings as the Rod,’ say the (ancient) teachers.24 Also realizing that force must be used when necessary, Hobbes, Machiavelli, and Luther wrote, respectively: For Covenants without the sword are but words and o f no strength to secure a man at all25 Et hassi ad intendere questo, che uno principe, e massime enuovo, non puo osservare tutte quelle cose p er le quail li vomini sono tenuti buoni sendo spesso necessitate, per mantenere lo stato, operare contro alia fede, contro alia carita, contro alia umanita, contro alia religione.26 [Translation: You have to understand that a prince, especially a new one, cannot observe all those things for which men are esteemed, being often forced, in order to maintain the state, to act contrary to faith, friendship, humanity, and religion.] The hand that wields the sword is not the hand of man, but the hand o f God.27 Regarding clarity in language, Kautilya and Hobbes wrote: The letters (in the alphabet) b egin n in g w ith a are sixty-three. A com bination o f

letters is a word. That is our-fold: noun, verb, preposition and particle. Among them, a noun signifies being. A verb not having a specific gender is indicative o f action. Those that qualify an action, pra and others, are prepositions...a collection o f words constitutes a sentence, when the sense is complete. A group with a minimum of one word and a maximum o f three words should be made, 28 not conflicting with the meaning o f the other words.

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But if the first ground o f such discourse, be not definitions; or if the definitions be not rightly joined together into syllogisms, then the end or conclusion , is again opinion, namely o f the truth o f somewhat said, though sometimes in absurd and senseless words, without possibility o f being understood. Similar however, to the Machiavellian stato, it may be argued that Hobbes’ Leviathan absorbed the characteristics o f the ruler; in this case, absolute and realist. Hobbes also entertained the idea o f a society without authority or one in “mere nature” where he placed much focus on the individual and individual law and justice. Unknowingly, he advocated a theory o f realism at the individual level -n o t as actors in the global arena - but individuals acting in their own self-interest. The relationship between individuals and their influence over the state was thus the foundation upon which cooperation and discord rested. Hobbes’ rationale for the individual struggle was not far-fetched, for power, no matter the dose, inflates the human ego, which may further drive the individual in a selfless, realist frenzy. Still, “mutual cooperation can emerge in a world o f egoists without central control, by starting with a cluster of individuals who rely on reciprocity.”30 Theories of international relations in the contemporary world are no doubt founded upon the political philosophy o f the state. The Kautilyan, Aristotelian, and Machiavellian schools o f thought, amongst others, highlight realist theory at the individual, state, and multiple state-systems level. For instance, Hans Morgenthau and Kenneth Thompson analyze in detail international politics and its various theories, aimed at power. In doing so, they highlight two schools o f thought: One stresses that human nature is essentially good and that lack o f knowledge and understanding are to blame for society’s failures. The other examines human nature as a factor, resulting in an irrational

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world. The former seems naive in a way because it can be argued that lack o f knowledge and understanding is itself attributed to an “ignorant” human nature. The latter can be made to fit the social chaos o f international politics. Morgenthau and Thompson highlight various philosophical concepts throughout their work - the theme seems quite apparent throughout the text: that the ultimate aim o f human nature is to have power and for man to be power hungry and strive for competition. In this context, Morgenthau and Thompson talk about the concept o f “interest” in both regards; self-interest in achieving power and the self-interests of the state. Herbert Spencer in Social Statics and Man versus the State also acknowledged that the state’s responsibility is to protect its populous and in not doing so, it loses its aim. Indeed, any deviation from this order will naturally result in anarchy. However, the dilemma o f the individual and the state, the latter with its mutual obligations as well as its survivability, inevitably raises the question: what kind of arrangement can accommodate both individuality as well as collective allegiance to the state? Could the answer be as easy as the type o f government installed within the state? Can democracies ensure both individuality and state allegiance? Perhaps, but the state would not be as absolute as, say, under a communist polity. Perhaps communist ideology best satisfies the query. Maybe all we need is a balanced social hierarchy to level the playing field, which will automatically ensure absolute allegiance to the state and the sovereign. No doubt, the term state is a guiding force which brings about social order; however order and disorder remain contingent upon types of installed governments which fill the shell we acknowledge by use o f the term state. “The problem is to find a form of association which will defend and protect with the whole common force the person and

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goods o f each associate, and in which each, while uniting himself with all, may still obey himself alone, and remain as free as before.”31 The vama system was perhaps Hinduism’s answer to the preceding query. Caste was not a consideration during times o f war as all men were expected to fight on the battlefield. At stake was the preservation o f each person’s God given caste status, v. Treatment o f Caste This dissertation places emphasis on the caste system as it pertains to the Kautilyan State. Kautilya’s treatment o f the four varnas is examined - specifically the absence o f Brahmin authority and advocacy for the lower castes. Kautilya’s inclusive approach to all castes may be attributed to efforts to utilize all varnas for the defense of the state. The flexibility o f the caste system however is not unique to Kautilya’s time. •

•

»

•

*

^

There has indeed been fluidity in caste hierarchy in ancient India. The Mahabharata and Ramayana' demonstrate how some literary figures moved from the lower castes to upper castes. More specifically, as R.S. Tripathi points out, ...w e know that Cyavana, a Brahman seer, married Sukanya, the daughter o f a Ksatriya ...as local particularism and the influence of the Brahmanas waxed, the system began to loose elasticity, and mobility and change o f occupation was disfavoured. Further, the off-spring o f the inter-marriages among the different classes, being looked down upon, tended to form separate groups. This process continued on account o f other causes, like the adoption o f a new calling or craft, until society became a strange congeries o f mutually exclusive entities bound by strict laws o f connubium and commensality.32 *

The M ahabharata is an epic story evidencing the victory o f the Pandava brothers (Yudhistra, Arjuna, Bhima, Nakula and Sahadeva) over their Kaurva cousins, specifically (Dhuryodhana). The message o f the Mahabharata is clear: truth, morality, and righteousness always triumph. Though the M ahabharata is considered to be a work o f the first millennium BC, the end o f the earthly life o f its main character, Krishna, is thought to have begun the Kali yug, thus pushing back the epic to the fourth m illennium BC. Actually, yugas (plural) and yug (singular) refer to periods o f m an’s existence. Yugas comprise o f four time periods o f the w orld’s existence. Known as Krta, Treta, Dvapara and Kali. The present existence o f hum anity lies in the Kali period as this period is noted for a w orld o f Sin. The four eras total over four million years. + The Ramayana was composed by the Sage Valmiki. ft covers the trials and tribulations o f Lord Rama, his wife Sita, and R am a’s brother Laxm ana as they battle demons, create alliances, and rescue Sita from the demonic King Ravana. The epic poem stresses obedience, discipline, and purity. Like the M ahabharata, the date o f the Ramayana remains a contentious issue. However, it is also considered to be a product o f the Treta Yug, an era o f righteousness and morality.

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Questions regarding castes, sub-castes, and other religious and social practices point to a larger issue not confined to the ancient Indian polity. In other words, one could ask the question; how much o f the historical data that has been passed down from generation to generation is factual? vi. Methods o f Measuring Reliability and Validity The task o f authenticating literary history is made more difficult by the volume of historical texts and literature. Ancient Indian literary works are not limited to a particular genre - in fact, they may be divided into three main categories: religious, philosophical, and mythological. The process o f separating facts from mythology is contentious. For instance, scholars endure much criticism from theologians for questioning established religious texts. Holy books like the Bible, the Bhagavad Gita, the Guru Granth Sahib, the Torah, and the Koran remain controversial today. The discovery o f new religious documents or archaeological artifact may further provoke debate. The controversy concerning one o f the earliest surviving pieces o f the New Testament scripture, the Rylands Papyrus* comes to mind (see Figure 1). Originally dated from second century AD, the fourth gospel was eventually moved into the first century. It was suggested that the fourth gospel may have been written by the Apostle John. Questions concerning the authenticity of the Rylands Papyrus also point to the general problem o f verifying ancient documents. There is ample evidence to suggest that survived ancient works have been modified. The question then arises about their reliability and validity; how can these be measured?

* Discovered in Egypt in 1920, the Rylands Papyrus or P52 is believed to be one o f the earliest surviving pieces o f the New Testament. It comprises o f John 18: 31-33 and 37-38. It is displayed at the John Rylands Library in M anchester, England.

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Chauncey Sanders proposes three approaches which may be used in testing reliability: “the evidence upon which we must rely in attempting to solve problems o f authenticity and attribution may be classified as external, internal and bibliographical.”33 Bibliographical evidence allows for comparison between the original material and copies. We might compare external evidence with internal evidence (accounts within the text), including how the data compares with accounts from other sources. This may help in verifying the age o f the text and perhaps affirming the validity o f its content. For instance, some suggest that the Arthasastra is not a product o f fourth century BC or even that it is the victim of literary manipulation. These concerns may be addressed by first studying the source data in conflict and then by examining pre-Mauryan works and those compiled later which refer to accounts o f the Mauryan State. Furthermore, the tangible source itself (the original text o f the Arthasastra) may undergo a host o f scientific tests. There is ample data from Jain' and Buddhist texts which document the Mauryan State.

The Arthasastra is a com pendium on statecraft based on the tri-ideology o f dharma, karma, and artha. Its author, Canakya Visnugupta, or Kautilya, wrote this manual as a guide for his sovereign, Chandragupta Maurya, founder o f the Mauryan monarchial state which lasted from 323-185 BCE. ^ Jainism and Buddhism are two o f the w orld’s oldest faiths. Jain texts comprise o f Purvas and other texts including Sanmatitarka, Gomattasara, Jayadhavala, Adipurana, Dvatrimshika, Aptam im amsa, Mulacara, Ratnakarandasravakacara, Sagaradharmamrita. Buddhist religious texts include the P ali, Tibetan and Chinese Tripitaka as well as the Lotus Sutra among others.

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Because the age and time frame o f the Buddhist Pali Cannon and other religious texts has already been established, it may be inferred for the most part that events during Chandragupta’s time did occur as described in the Arthasastra. It is important to recognize that, although advances in carbon 14 dating and thermoluminescence dating can clearly give the “material” in question its age, it is the content (description o f events or locations mentioned in a text) which is key in distinguishing between fact and fiction. Ancient historic works may yield invaluable data which can be traced back to their original sources. This is particularly true regarding specific peoples and specific “natural” geographical landmarks. For instance, if a text discusses the settlement of a particular tribe near a specific river (unknown to us today), technology allows us to determine whether the remnants o f a river exist in the form o f a dry river bed. Additionally, further examination o f trees, plant life, soil, and rock sediments o f the region can provide conclusive data of, or indication of, water levels. Finally, if a settlement did exist alongside a river, internal evidence from reading relevant texts may further provide clues for archaeological research to support the claim. It is reasonable to assume that other historic works may mention the existence of a particular tribe or river in question. In fact, other texts may further detail accounts of active trading between regional tribes and tribal customs. The recently quelled debate over a river mentioned in the Vedas comes to mind. Sriram Sathe sheds light on the evidence supporting the Vedic description o f naditama. In his work on Bharateeya Historiography, Sathe states; Another scientific research has also proved the same thing. The American satellite Landsat has sent certain photographs o f India. The analysis of these, by the scientists o f the Ahmedabad Space Research Center revealed the dried bed

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o f a big river from the Shivalik mountains near Simla up to the Ran o f Kuchh. Earlier, the rivers Yamuna and Sutlej were flowing into that river. The scientists found the width o f that river at some places to be six kilometers. In the Vedas, there are references to such a big river. It was called the Naditama i.e., the biggest river. Sarasvati must be the name o f that river, according to Ahmedabad scientists. Prior to these findings o f the scientists o f the Ahmedabad Space Research Center, many other scholars had also come to the same conclusion. Sri N. N. Godbole, an officer o f the Rajasthan Government, had chemically analyzed the waters o f the wells in this tract and found them to be the same; while the waters of the wells just a few furlongs away from the tract gave a different chemical composition. Research scholars have also found a thick bed o f alluvial soil under the sand bed o f Rajasthan proving that some big river was flowing there for a number o f years and the alluvial soil got accumulated because o f it. The photographs o f the American satellite have positively confirmed the conclusion of the earlier scholars. The position o f the dried bed o f the river is now accepted by a greater number o f scholars.34 Consistency o f data is a critical factor o f reliability. Consistency is verifiable by reviewing the original data (texts and inscriptions) internally as well as via external sources. The redundancy o f themes in any historic work is only one part o f verifying consistency. A cross-sectional review o f literary data across various cultures further strengthens the measure o f consistency. This can prove vital in determining whether a piece o f literary work or an inscription has been manipulated. The main concern here, however, lies with the hermeneutic expertise o f the examiner. Perhaps most critical is reverification of these results by other scholars who have also examined the original data. It is important to note that reliability and its successful measure o f consistency does not prove validity. For instance, some o f Megasthenes’* accounts o f early India in Indika contain similar themes, but are invalid in that they are inconsistent with other accounts by Greek and other scholars o f the time period. In fact, some accounts are simply fictitious. * Megasthenes was the Greek A m bassador from Seleucus Nicator to the Mauryan Royal Court. His famous work entitled Indika (or Indica) describes the social conditions o f the peoples o f India. W hile the Indika is lost, much information is passed down in fragments from other Greek writers o f the time.

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Consistency o f data may also be measured by comparing copies o f the original source. Theologians employ this method vigorously. The World Sikh Council comes to mind as it attempts to pinpoint the origin and thus resolve the lingering controversies over the Dasam Granth

*

Equally important in testing the consistency o f ancient texts and inscriptions is the language o f the source document, the style o f script used, and the medium used to write with or the material on which it was carved. Animal skins and papyrus were the two main media available for writing surfaces and the use o f each was dependent upon geography. For instance, .. .in the first century, reed papyrus from Egypt was commonly used because o f its lower cost. Knowing the source and method o f papyrus manufacture for a given period o f time may lead to the assignment o f a manuscript date which is written on an identifiable papyrus material. Vellum also evidenced variation over time in its manufacturing process and the manner in which sections were joined. (Vellum scrolls consisted o f smaller sections o f skin laced together, whereas parchment scrolls could be manufactured in continuous lengths).35 Lack of consistency either in the style, the medium on which the document was written, or the medium used to write may indicate literary forgery. The authenticity of historic works may also be questioned due to the varying lengths and styles o f the alphabet over the centuries. The case o f Henry William Ireland is famous because o f the great number o f people he was able to deceive with his fraudulent work. Ireland forged “many Shakespearean documents including a letter to Anne Hathaway, with an 1/

accompanying lock o f hair.”

This had even convinced the well-known author James

Boswell who “knelt in rapture and kissed the alleged relics.”37

*

The A di Granth or the Guru Granth Sahib is the only recognized scripture o f the Sikhs. The Dasam Granth is the source o f much controversy because it is supposedly written by the tenth Master, Guru Gobind Singh. The work is also the victim o f literary manipulation. Some Sikhs accept the Dasam Granth while others reject it. The teachings and philosophy o f the tenth teacher or Guru are not included in the A di Granth.

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Notable monarchs throughout human history have left behind permanent imprints o f their reigns. Alluding to personal milestones, honoring specific Gods and deities, commemorating the birth o f dynasties, and even professing love or sorrow, these records remain permanently recorded via carved text inscriptions and art in stone. The Egyptians best exemplify this via the Great Pyramids and their use o f hieroglyphics, which still continue to be deciphered some thirty-five hundred years later. These ancient relics in stone provide a wealth o f information about the times during which they were constructed. For instance, not only do Asoka’s rock edicts and pillars shed considerable light on the time frame during which they were built, but they also help in establishing a timeline o f when Asoka may have felt remorse over the war o f Kalinga (Indian state of Orissa) and particularly when he converted to Buddhism. Some scholars believe that Asoka converted to Buddhism before the Kalinga war. As Anuradha Seneviratna points out: The timing for Asoka’s involvement with Dharma is expressed in Prakrit as ‘tato paca adhuna ladhesu kaligesu’ (Shahbazgarhi text), or ‘tato paccha adhuna ladesha kaligyesu’’ (Kalsi text). This special grammatical construction in Sanskrit, Pali and Prakrit called the locative absolute, is used to express not merely a sequence in time but more emphatically a conditioning or accompanying circumstance...such an interpretation o f the Edict on the strict analysis o f Asoka’s choice o f words and grammatical form would certainly take away much o f the dramatic effect which popular interpretations would assign to the Kalinga war. But it confirms that the information on Asoka’s conversion especially the date - as given in the Sri Lankan Pali sources could still be accurate. •30

While there is agreement over the established age of Asoka’s rock edicts and pillars, other questions may be resolved by new technologies, such as thin-section petrography,* which can determine when and how clay and rock materials were made.

* Thin section petrography w orks by sectioning the artifact or fragm ent into thin slices, in fact so thin that light passes through it. This allows for detailed com position o f the fragment under the microscope.

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Lack o f clarity in the transliteration o f historic data makes it difficult to assess the original writer’s intended message. This process is further polluted by those who, over the centuries, supplemented existing materials with their own ideas in reproduced copies. Add to this any misspelled words, which at times change the intended meaning o f a sentence, paragraph, or a work in its entirety. For instance, failing to differentiate between the terms, Brahma, Brahman, Brahmana, and Brahmin can significantly alter the writer’s meaning. In Hinduism, the Brahma is the creator o f the universe; the Brahman refers to absolute reality; the Brahmana means a pure and spiritual being; and the Brahmin are the first caste o f the varna system. The reliability and validity o f ancient works may also be correlated with reports o f natural disasters and cosmological events. Studies of such experiences evoke controversy as scientific research clashes with “natural” and “divine” accounts of religious texts. Nevertheless, many faiths and cultures offer exhausting accounts of similar natural and cosmological events. In fact, “the Vedas, the Puranas, and the epics contain many references to earthquakes and allied phenomenon.”

IQ

An example which

spans various faiths is the unprecedented flood which finds mention in many religions - it is strikingly similar in Judaism, Hinduism, and Christianity (see Chart I). Furthermore, the consequences o f cosmological events such as supemovae and countless witnesses to comets like the infamous Haley’s Comet must not be underestimated as these greatly influenced religious thought throughout history.*

*

Comets and other types o f cosm ic phenom enon have been considered as signs o f prophetic change since the very beginning. Throughout history m any rulers have waged w ar based on viewing comets as divine gestures acknowledging their actions. The first recorded view o f H aley’s comet was in 300 BC.

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Ancient civilizations relied heavily on the lunar and solar calendars; in fact, tribal and eventually state ceremonies commemorated events like coronations and the harvest

Chart I

Principal Features of the Biblical Record

Man in Transgression Divine Destruction Favored Family Ark Provided Destruction by Water Human Seed Saved Animal Seed Saved Universal Destruction Landing on Mountain Birds Sent Out Survivors Worship Divine Favor on Saved Full representation of Bibical idea W Partial representation of Biblical idea (Source: Byron C. Nelson, The Deluge Story in Stone

season were held in accordance with the cycles o f the sun and the moon. This is especially cumbersome in the Japanese system o f date calculation. As Michel Mohr points out: When dealing with the Kinsei Zensrin Soboden or other traditional Chinese, Korean or Japanese sources, the dates and birth are often difficult to calculate. First, most dates are given according to imperial era names, which are based on the lunar calendar. In the case o f Japan, this calendar remained in use until 1972 (Meiji 5), when the third day o f the 12th month was declared to be 1 January o f Meiji 6. Until recently, accurate conversion between the two calendars required careful calculations based on the Japanese Chronological Tables, but many scholars simply transposed the traditional dates into the Gregorian calendar with no adjustments whatsoever. This is why so many inaccuracies exist in Japanese reference works, beginning with Zengaku daijiten.AX While natural calamities throughout the ages have been recorded both in literary form and through art and symbolism, the process o f verifying data becomes gravely

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complex when a text is lost and then recovered some two millennia later. The case in point is the Arthasastra - which, prior to its discovery by R. Shamasastry, was virtually unknown to the world. Historians who analyze ancient texts like the Arthasastra must rely not only archaeological dating alone, but should also look to other historical accounts. In the case o f the Arthasastra, there are other documents that detail not only Chandragupta’s rise to power but also the daily life under his reign. Chandragupta, known to the Greeks as Sandrocottus, is described by Greek travelers and writers. Though Megasthenes’ work Indika is lost, some fragments o f M egasthenes’ writing are reflected in the works o f other Greek writers. Nearchus (also spelled Nearchos), Strabo, Diodorus Siculus, Lucius Flavius Arrianus Xenophon (also known as Arrian), and Mestrius Plutarch provide much information on ancient India, its geography, and its people. While Greek writers describe India in general and India during the Mauryan State specifically, they frequently disagree with their peers. Strabo makes it clear in his writings that M egasthenes’ work is dubious because Megasthenes at times goes beyond the realm of reality in his description o f Indian people and animals. For instance, Strabo describes one o f M egasthenes’ many fictitious accounts (Fragm. XXXIX) and Strabo refutes Megasthenes’ description (Fragm. XXIX), respectively. 42 While some o f the claims advanced by Megasthenes are clearly false, there is also reason to believe that many o f the rituals, customs, and practices o f ancient Indians that

* “Among the Derdai, a great tribe o f Indians, who inhabit the m ountains on the eastern borders...beneath the surface there are m ines o f gold, and here accordingly, are found the ants which dig for that metal. They are not inferior in size to wild foxes. “But deviating into fables he says there are men five spans and even three spans in height, some w hom want the nose, having only two orifices above the mouth through which they breathe.” 35

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he described are real. Still, accepting Megasthenes’ claims is made more difficult because scholars cannot definitively agree about the authorship and time frame o f the Arthasastra. vii. The Authenticity o f the Arthasastra Much controversy still surrounds the Arthasastra and its authorship. The Arthasastra, it must be noted, was not the work o f one author. It is credited to Kautilya because it is believed that he modified and compiled various centuries-old ideas, then added a great deal o f new material to form the work as we know it today. While it is important to study the debate which ensues over Kautilya, e.g. his aliases, his origin, the time frame, and dates during which the Arthasastra came about, some information on the work and the author’s name is provided within the Arthasastra itself. For instance, scholars have offered numerous definitions o f the word Arthasastra, while the author himself clarifies two things: the originality o f the work and what the Arthasastra means. In book one, chapter one, section one, Kautilya describes the origin of his work: This single (treatise on the) Science o f Politics has been prepared mostly by bringing together (the teaching of) as many treatises on the Science o f Politics as have been composed by ancient teachers for the acquisition and protection o f the earth.43 Kautilya’s name is itself the source o f much controversy among scholars. Three names are associated with the author o f the Arthasastra: Kautilya, Canakya, and Vishnugupta. While some contend that the name Kautilya stems from his birth in the Kutila gotra, others suggest that the name Kautilya “is, indeed a pejorative name meaning ‘crooked.’”44 Given Kautilya’s ruthless, yet ingenious political strategies for many hypothetical situations, it is not surprising why the terms “crooked” or “cunning” may have stuck to him. Max Weber acknowledged this in his “Politics as a Vocation” lecture, stating that

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.. .truly radical Machiavellianism,* in the popular sense o f that word, is classically expressed in Indian literature in the Arthasastra o f Kautilya (written long before the birth o f Christ, ostensibly in the time o f Chandragupta): compared to it, Machiavelli’s Prince is harmless.”45 Many scholars also refer to Kautilya by the name Chanakya or Canakya, which is believed to have originated from his father’s name, the Sage Canak. Finally, in the concluding chapter, Kautilya signs off as Visnugupta, stating that the Arthasastra has been composed by Visnugupta himself. Seeing the manifold errors o f the writers o f commentaries on scientific treatises, Visnugupta himself composed the sutra as well as the b hasya46 “The name Vishnugupta (protected by Vishnu) was given by his father during the namakarana or namkama ceremony.”47 The naming ceremony is a living tradition which spans many cultures and faiths. It is not unusual for historic figures to be referred to by several names or renamed. In fact, it is common in mythology and theology. The Greek, Roman, and Indian Pantheons of Gods were often recognized by various names based on either their good or notorious activities or simply because o f their incarnate status. The j.

ten avatars or incarnations of Vishnu come to mind. Perhaps the greatest controversy surrounding Kautilya’s Arthasastra is the time frame during which it was written and compiled. The confusion arises from the name of the Mauryan King Chandragupta, also known as Candragupta. While most agree and date the Maurya Ascendancy to the throne at or around 323 BCE, others confuse the Mauryan

* Niccolo M achiavelli was the fifteenth century political philosopher and author o f The Prince', a realist guide for the governance o f the stato. His philosophy on statecraft is often referred to as Machiavellianism. ^ Though the tenth is yet to m anifest, Vishnu is said to have taken the form o f M atsyavatara (fish), Kurina (tortoise), Varaha (boar), Narsim ha (lion), Vam ana (dwarf), Parusrama (the angry sage), Rama (the epic hero o f Ramayana), Balarama, and Krishna (the Statesman), with the tenth yet to appear as Kali.

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King with Chandragupta Vikramaditya o f Gupta Dynasty* in the fourth century AD. This is easily refuted as King Asoka was the grandson o f Chandragupta Maurya and the established dates and times o f his famous edicts and pillars establish a timeline as to his grandfather’s ascendancy to the throne. This is further supported by the established and generally agreed upon time frames o f Buddhist and Jain texts. “The earliest existence of the Arthasastra is paved by the fact o f its being mentioned in various books. The Jaina Nandisutra' placed Kautilya among the false sciences but another Jaina author, Samadeva Suri borrowed material from Kautilya for his famous book, Nitivakyamritam” Furthermore, because Kautilya confirms that the Arthasastra is a refined work based upon the various teachings o f past teachers, the similarities and differences between the textual patterns and the ideas presented prior to the Arthasastra and the Mauryan environment clearly point to the compilation o f the Arthasastra in the fourth century BC. For instance, “there are pieces o f evidence in the Artha sastra which are only compatible in the fourth century BC. The use o f Yukta refers only to the Mauryan times, yuga means five years, and the rainy seasons are mentioned as starting in Sravana rather than in Ashada.”49 In fact, the prevalence o f the Arthasastra in still earlier days is provided by “the Junagadh Rock Inscription o f Rudradaman which contains such technical terms as Pranaya and Visti. It is likely that the knowledge of these terms was derived from Kautilya.”50

The Gupta Empire originated in India in 340 CE and lasted until 550 CE. M uch controversy surrounds the empire and its successors because some believe that the Arthasastra is a w ork o f this time frame considering that among others o f the Gupta Dynasty, two sovereigns Chandragupta 1 and 11 reined during this period. The Gupta Empire was not as big as the M auryan State. ^ The Jain Nandisutra is one o f the eight miscellaneous canonical literary pieces.

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Therefore, I disagree with Choudhary’s statement that, “the problem and the date and authenticity o f Kautilya’s Arthasastra is baffling. Even the latest discoveries do not help us in solving this tangled web o f chronology satisfactorily.”51 There is widespread agreement that the Arthasastra is a product o f fourth century BC. Choudhary herself alludes to Dr. Pandurang Vaman Kane’s statement that, “all that has so far been gathered from it agrees with the traditional date o f 300 BC and no cogent arguments have been yet brought forward that would compel us to assign it a date later.. ,”52

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End Notes 1. Stephen D. Krasner. Sovereignty: Organized Hypocrisy, 3, 143 2. Janice E. Thomson. Mercenaries, Pirates and Sovereignty, 7, 149 3. Saskia Sassen. Territory, Authority, Rights: From Medieval to Global Assemblages, 7 4. Michael Doyle. Ways o f War and Peace, 50 5. Martin Wright. Why is there no International Theory, 32 6. Kenneth Waltz. Theory o f International Politics, 66 7. Robert Gilpin. War and Change in World Politics, 93 8. Wilhelm Halfbass. India and Europe, 436 9. C.H. Titus. A Nomenclature in Political Science, 45 10. Bruce Russett, Harvey Starr and David Kinsella. World Politics: The Menu fo r Choice, 54 11 Yale Ferguson and Richard W. Mansbach. The Elusive Quest: Theory and International Politics, 123 12. As quoted in Yale Ferguson and Richard W. Mansbach. The Elusive Quest Continues: Theory and Global Politics, 114 13. Peter Hamilton. The Enlightenment and the Birth o f Social Science, 126 14 Marc Raeff. The Well-Ordered Police State, 19 15. Harvey Mansfield Jr., On the impersonality o f the Modern State: A Comment on M achiavelli’s U seofStato, 50 16. Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan, 161 17. W.D.J Cargill Thompson. The Political Thought o f Martin Luther, 63 18. Martin Sicker. The Genesis o f the State, 19 19. W.D.J Cargill Thompson. The Political Thought o f Martin Luther, 66 20. Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan, 129 21. SunTzu, The Art of War, pp 14-15 22. Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan, 46 23. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 512 24. Ibid, 9 25. Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan, 129 26. Maurizio Viroli. M achiaveli, 50 27. W.D.J Cargill Thompson. The Political Thought o f Martin Luther, 64 28. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 93 28. Thomas Hobbes. Leviathan, 57 30. Robert Axelrod. The Emergence o f Cooperation among egoists, 317 31. Jean-Jacques Rousseau. The Social Contract and Discourses, 191 32. R.S. Tripathi. History of Ancient India, 49 33. C hauncey Sanders. An Introduction to R esearch in English L iteracy H istory, 143

34. 35. 36. 37. 38.

Sriram Sathe. Bharateeya Historiography, Section 3, page 6 Lundquist, Lynn. The Tetragrammaton and the Christian Greek Scriptures, 56 Chauncey Sanders. An Introduction to Research in English Literacy History, 143 Ibid Anuradha Seneviratna. King Asoka and Buddhism: Historical and Literary Studies,

54

39. R.N. Iyengar. Earthquakes in Ancient India, 827-829

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40. Byron C. Nelson. The Deluge Story in Stone, 169 41. Michel Mohr. Linking Chan/Seon/Zen Figures and Their Texts: Problems and Developments in the Construction o f a Relational Database 42. John W. McCrindle Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 73-96 43. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 1 44. Bharati Mukherjee, Kautilya's Concept o f Diplomacy: A New Interpretation, 18 45. Max Weber: Selections in Translation, 220 46. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 516 47. Bharati Mukherjee. K autilya’s Concept o f Diplomacy: A New Interpretation, 18 48. Radhakrishnan Choudhary. Kautilya’s Political Ideas and Institutions, 30 49. M.V. Krishna Rao. Studies in Kautilya, 14 50. Radhakrishnan Choudhary, Kautilya’s Political Ideas and Institutions, 27-28 51. Ibid, 41 5 2 .Ibid

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Chapter I: Historical Background Indian history encompasses a vast period o f human civilization. It is generally believed to span at least 6,000 years and, like many periods in ancient history, it presents us with an amalgamation o f facts and mythology. Remarkably, the continuity o f India’s religious and cultural plurality has survived despite invasions, ethnic and religious wars, and centuries o f persecution by diverse dynasties. It is useful to look at Indian history through religious, literary, and archaeological sources. Hindu, Buddhist, and Jain religious texts provide insight into the social, cultural, and political rituals o f ancient India. In fact, religion permeates almost every aspect of Indian social, cultural, and political life even today. Archaeology sometimes supports the literary sources, but often does not corroborate the source nor does it provide additional information beyond the physical evidence. For instance, the archaeological sites o f the ancient Indus civilization at Harappa and Mohenjodaro point to Hindu symbolism and ritual. “In this connection . * reference may be made to the principles o f Tantrism, the philosophical Sankhya; the

practice of yoga and modem Saktism.”t It is likely that such rituals were passed down from inhabitants o f the pre-Mohenjodaro-Harappa period. The question this raises is significant. The Mohenjodaro-Harappa sites are the oldest known sites discovered so far

Sankhya or Samkhya is one o f many schools o f Hindu philosophy. It was founded by Sage Kapila and covers dualistic realism. M argaret and Jam es Stutley point out that the Samkhya school o f thought was originally an atheistic branch known as “N ir is v a r a - s a m k h y a but was subsequently merged with the theistic yoga system. It has been variously defined as ‘enumeration,’ ‘investigation,’ or analysis, viz., o f the categories o f the phenomenal world. Perhaps the critical aim o f the Samkhya philosophical branch is to distinguish the two fundamental constituents o f existence - purusa (spirit, the intelligent principle, whose essence is consciousness) and prakrti (substance, an eternal unconscious principle (jada) which is always changing and w hich is composed o f three constituents; sattva, rajas and tamas, collectively known as gunas) from which everything else (with the exception o f the soul) originated. These gunas are inseparable-one alone cannot produce anything, but the predominance o f one o f the three determines the dominant characteristic or quality o f each individual or thing. ^ Saktism or Shaktism is defined in m any ways. As ‘oneness,’ it has m any followers; as sakti, it personifies energy, perhaps more correctly, it signifies divine energy and synergy with the divine.

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on the subcontinent and are generally agreed to date between 3200-2900 BC. How can they contain images relating to Hindu deities if Hinduism and the Vedas did not exist until 1500 BC? Such inquiries point to the fact that obtaining accurate information on ancient civilizations remains a daunting task. As archaeology and carbon dating technologies advance, new data emerges, and it becomes necessary to revise historic dates and even modify existing literary works. The meticulously described dates and figures by Ved Vyas* in Hindu religious texts will continue to be examined by archaeologists, academics, and religious scholars. The origin o f Vedic literature dates between 1500-1000 BC. The term Vedic is derived from its Sanskrit root, vid, meaning to know. In Hindi, the word vidyaf or “knowledge” also stems from the same root. Vedic texts discuss the various aspects of daily life in ancient India and shed considerable light on the importance o f religious rituals. Vedic books o f ancient philosophy are the Rigveda, Samarveda, Yajurveda, and Atharvaveda} Each Veda is comprised o f three parts: Mantras, Brahmanas, and Upanisads. While the collection o f the Mantras is regarded as Samhits, the Brahmanas Ved Vyas was the son o f Sage Parashar. He lived during the time o f King Shantanu, the grandfather o f the Pandavas. Krishn Dwaipayan was his first name and Ved Vyas was his title because he revealed and systematized the mantras o f the Vedas. He was also called Vadrayan because he lived for some time in the jungles o f vadari (jungle o f berries) in the Himalayas near Badrikashram. All o f these names are famous in the scriptures, but for speaking convenience Ved Vyas or Bhagwan Ved Vyas is commonly used for him. ^ Vidya, like jn a n a , denotes knowledge, however it is more specialized, as in the context o f the sciences and the arts. O riginally comprised o f four branches o f knowledge; namely, Trayi-vidya, Anviksiki, Danda-niti, and Vartta. Trai-vidya is the knowledge o f the triple veda. Anviksiki captures m etaphysical science and logic. Danda-niti is known as the science o f government, but more explicitly as the science o f discipline by government as in the case o f the Arthasastra. Vratta refers to agriculture, commerce, medicine, etc. Vidya is also looked upon as a compilation o f fourteen sacred philosophies; the four V edas, the six vedangas, the Puranas, the M im am sa, the Nyaya, and Dharma or more explicitly associated with the four upavedas, eighteen branches o f knowledge. In other specific contexts, vidya includes dozens o f sciences, including astronomy, geometry, architecture, dancing, music, m agic, etc. ^ The Rigveda or the Rgveda Samhita is the veda o f praise, a collection o f sacred lore. Samarveda or Samaveda is the veda o f sacred songs or samans. Yajurveda is the veda o f the Yajus, a manual for the guidance o f the Adhvaryu priest in the perform ance o f sacrifices. Atharvaveda is the veda o f the Atharvan or knowledge o f magic formulas.

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describe religious duties. The Upanisadic literature appears at the end o f the Vedas and pertains to philosophical discourse. The Rigvedic Age derives its name from the Rigveda, a compilation o f 1,028 religious hymns comprising o f ten books, also known as Mandalas, written during different periods and with “varying degrees o f literary merit.”2 The word rig is derived from the word ric which literally means “praise or verse,” especially a sacred verse recited in praise o f a deity. Many questions exist surrounding the Vedic period. Perhaps, the most striking question concerns the inhabitants o f the Indian subcontinent at the time. 1.1 The Aryan Connection There is much controversy about the early inhabitants o f ancient India. Some scholars believe that it was the Aryans who were the original inhabitants o f the land, yet others theorize that it was the Indo-Aryans as well as the Avestan Iranians, a branch of the Indo-European peoples or Wiros who invaded India in the second millennium BC and established the Vedic Aryan culture. Still others contend that the Aryans invaded India and displaced the indigenous inhabitants o f the subcontinent. The controversy is further compounded by misinterpretation o f the word arya, in both Avestan Iranian and Vedic Sanskrit texts. The word arya was used to imply race and the Aryans were described as “physically different from the indigenous population and their cultural distinctiveness as apparent from the fact that they spoke an Indo-European language.”3 However, it is important to note that “the racial connotation may have been due to the counterposting o f arya with dasa.”4 A Dasa in the Rigveda is o f a lower category than an Arya. This is evident since Rigvedic literature equates Dasa with those not spiritual or devoted to prayer. It is believed that from the Arya evolved the three upper castes (Brahmins,

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Ksatriyas, and Vaisyas) as from Dasa, the lowest caste (Sudra). The term Arya is also prevalent in Vedic literature. Here it signifies nobility, nobleness, and spirituality. For instance, the word Acharya* fits both the noble and spiritual conditions o f a Guru or teacher. Those who did not espouse such values were considered Anarya. Ashamed by the deceit through which their Guru Dronacharya is killed, the Pandavas refer to themselves as Anarya. Such historic accounts stress the need to distance oneself from the Aryan Invasion Theory on the basis o f race. The Aryan Invasion Theory was proposed by Charles Morris in his 1888 book The Aryan Race. It suggested that the Aryans were a nomadic people of Caucasian race who originated from the Caucasus mountains bordering Russia. Migrating south-east, they invaded Northern India and Iran somewhere between 1800 and 1500 BC. The Indian sub-continent was invaded as the Aryans crossed over the mountain passes o f the Hindu Kush. With the domestication o f the horse in particular, it is quite possible that the Aryans entered India on horseback. The theory adds that the Aryans initially forced out and later assimilated the indigenous peoples and that masses o f these pre-Aryan peoples either migrated or were forced to flee to the southern parts of India. The southern peoples o f the subcontinent may have formed the lower castes o f post-Vedic society. The theory was furthered when it was discovered that Sanskrit was related to the principal languages o f Europe. Western Indologist William Jones is credited with recognizing the similarities between Sanskrit and the European language group and creating a new language classification, the Indo-European languages. Jones pointed out that Sanskrit, Latin, and Greek originated from one source, even suggesting that “(the)

* The reference is to the word archarya. For instance, Dhronacharya was the spiritual and noble hero o f the Pandavas.

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Celtic and the Gothic were members o f the same group.”5 Jones believed that, because there existed similarities between Eastern and Western languages, Indo-Europeans must have originated from a common ancestor who spoke a common language. It was further assumed that as the group migrated, they became separated, but their ancestors were one. The idea was further supported by “Frederick Schlegel, who in 1808 maintained the theory that the languages o f India, Persia, Greece, Italy, and Germany were connected by common descent from an extinct language, just as the modem Romanic tongues were descended from the Latin.”6 As mentioned, the common ancestor was traced to Aryans from the word Wiros which refers to men and occurs in the majority o f the Indo-European languages. It was assumed that languages spoken in Northern India were derived from the root language, Sanskrit, and that those who must have migrated to the subcontinent must have spoken some form o f Indo-European language. For instance, “the word chariot in the Rgveda, ratha, clearly indicates its foreign connexion, for it is an Indo-European ‘wheel’ word related to the Latin rota and the Celtic roth,”7 Furthermore, “the Indo-Iranian form for horse, asua, is clearly the basis of the Babylonian susu, o f which the Aramaic is susia and the Sanskrit avva.”8 “The important god o f fire o f the Rigveda, Agni, is identical with the Latin word ignis, ‘fire’ (also Lithuanian ugnis and Old Slavic ogni) and here we may point out that the word agn occurs at Ugarit in North Syria and is held to mean “fire,” a word perhaps introduced as a result o f Aryan influence.9.Furthermore, the Dravidian languages of Southern India were most likely spoken by the pre-Aryan, indigenous peoples who had been displaced southward. Therefore, the Aryans are credited for having supplanted the Dravidians in the north of the subcontinent.

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Some scholars credit the Aryans with having brought with them their own vedic religion - which was codified in the Vedas. It is assumed that upon their arrival in India, the Aryans abandoned their nomadic lifestyle and assimilated with the native peoples remaining in the north of India. It is possible that the Aryans may have tolerated the indigenous peoples in the North because of the color o f their skin. It is further assumed that the victorious Aryans overpowered the native civilization completely and in a very short period o f time, this resulted in the dominance o f Aryan culture and language over northern parts o f the subcontinent and its exercising considerable influence on parts of the south. The discovery o f the ancient cities o f Harappa and Mohenjodaro in the early twentieth century further influenced the Aryan Invasion Theory. As the cities appeared to be abandoned, proponents of the invasion theory took this as evidence that an Aryan invasion had occurred. However, they failed to acknowledge the lack o f clear •

archaeological evidence suggesting an invasion.

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1.2 Questioning the Aryan Invasion Other scholars question whether the Aryans invaded the subcontinent or established themselves through peaceful migration and whether the Aryans even came from outside India. Historians supporting the invasion theory rely on the passages within the Rigveda. These suggest that the light-skinned arya-varna10 subdued the dark, aboriginal peoples, dasa-varnan and later assimilated them into their lifestyle. However, it must be noted that the idea o f light versus dark, white versus black, and the historic correlation o f light with good and dark with evil has been existent throughout ancient cultures. Moreover, the * N o ironware or chariots have been found to indicate an invasion.

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Aryan Invasion Theory fit neatly into some existing ideas o f race and culture which justified contemporary European colonization. David Frawley, for example, contends that the Aryan Invasion Theory is the result o f colonialism and its mutated ideas. The continents o f Africa, Asia, and even the Americas were targeted by European colonial expansionism. Colonial empires introduced the European conquerors, who were primarily white, to the conquered peoples, who were primarily dark-skinned. Hence accounts such as Rudolph Von Jhering’s passage: The prevailing opinion is that the original home of the Aryans was in Ancient Bactria (Central Asia), where according to the accounts of the ancients there was a nation called ‘A rii,’ and a country known as ‘A ria’. Others suggest the Danubian Principalities, Germany, or Russia, even Northern Siberia, which last suggestion would certainly most simply explain the Aryan emigration from their original home.12 Initially, the indigenous, later named “Dravidian,” inhabitants o f India were assumed to have been primitive, and the achievements o f ancient India were credited to the descendants o f the Aryan invaders. However, again the discovery o f the Indus Valley Civilization refutes this claim: The cities o f Mohenjodaro and Harappa surprised archaeologists with their level o f advancement, including planned cities, a standardized system o f weights and bricks, and so on. Regardless o f their later achievements, this suggests that if the Aryans had invaded then, they had in fact overthrown or at least supplanted a civilization more advanced than their own. The second part o f the debate over the Aryan Invasion Theory questions the migration of Aryans. There is some doubt whether the Aryans came from outside India. As mentioned, the lack of archaeological evidence, specifically carbonized layers, undermines the proposed invasion theory. Several elements must be recognized should an invasion have taken place. First, for an invasion, the Aryans would have had to trek over

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the Hindu-Kush mountain range and face the harsh natural elements. If the Aryan invaders survived the natural elements, they would then have had to design and implement a strategy for rooting out the advanced civilization of the Indus, living in fortified cities over a large geographic area, and imposing their culture, language, cosmology, and religion on the local population, all without leaving any physical traces o f themselves. Waves o f migration seem probable, causing a mingling o f the immigrant and local populations. There may have been significant exchange as well as assimilation o f culture and language on both sides. Recovered seals found at various locations, including those at the states of ancient Mesopotamia (Ur, Kish), clearly suggest either active trading between the two ancient civilizations or the extent to which the Harappans migrated and settled elsewhere. The immigrants may have traveled back and forth to their original lands, taking language and culture to other Indo-European peoples, especially to ancient Persia. Human skeletal remains excavated from sites o f the Indus Valley Civilization show a mixed ethnic composition similar to the present, which seems to support migration rather than an invasion. Thus, the idea o f the Aryan invasion is fading away and scholars are increasingly inclined to accept the notion o f migration and acculturation by a small group of linguistically Indo-European people. This notion proposes that the proto Indo-European language actually originated in India, and then spread westwards. Other scholars accept the original claim that the IndoEuropean languages originated outside India, but argue that they spread into India before the development o f the Indus Valley Civilization. 1.3 Implications

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However contested, the Aryan Invasion Theory has left a negative imprint on Indian history. Many people in India have accepted the idea that the fair-skinned Aryans forced the migration of the dark-skinned Dasas to the South. Such emphasis on the color of one’s skin has created a racial divide and contributed to making skin-lightning treatment in India today a multi-billion dollar industry. “The pre-eminence o f the arya 11

was explained as due to the successful conquest o f the aryas over the dasas.”

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literature was used as an instrument by colonial powers to create doubt among the Indian populace and to further impress upon the world that India was not her own; that it could not survive with its primitive ideology, and that India was a byproduct o f an advanced civilization with European roots. The sites at Mohenjodaro and Harappa continue to yield invaluable information on this theme. Some o f this data does indeed corroborate Vedic literature. For instance, Vedic literature mentions the Sarasvati River at several literary junctions. As a result, some believe that the Aryan race was not some barbaric regime, but rather an indigenous people who were disciplined practitioners o f Vedic philosophy and whose life and livelihood depended upon the Sarasvati River. These theorists stress that the drying out of the river is simultaneously linked to the disappearance o f the Mohenjodaro and Harappa cultures. While much debate ensues over this theory, a majority o f scholars rely on established archaeological data, gathered via thermoluminescence dating,* and advances in Archaeogenetics1

* Therm oluminescence dating is the product o f the m id-twentieth century. However, Oxford University in England first used this procedure to date fired ceramics in the 1960s and 1970s. Dating o f sedim ents and optical stimulation luminescence dating was developed at Simon Frasier University in Canada. The procedure used lasers to date sediments. * Archaios (ancient) and the modern term genetics attempts to study the past by analyzing molecular DNA. Archaeogenetics allows for information from a list o f ethnic populations around the world to analyze and decipher prehistoric events and

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Even with the assistance o f advanced technology, collecting and verifying ancient data that is scattered over an enormous area can certainly result in some oversight. Also, whether the individual arguments focus on linguistics, use o f metals, domestication of horses, or differences in described geography, the basic focus remains in the identification o f the Rigvedic culture as part o f the Indus Valley civilization. Assuming either way inevitably raises the question o f the transformative process o f inhabitants in the Rigvedic period from a tribal society to a society governed by the state. 1.4 Tribe to State The great epics Mahabharata and Ramayana, the deeply ingrained system o f the four varnas, the notions of dharma-rajya (just rule as mandated by religion) and Bharatvarsa (the legendary King Bharat whose name is synonymous with India), the disciplined approach to ahimsa, (non- violence) nyaya (justice), and niti (knowledge), are all critical elements o f early Indian politics and statecraft. However, it was during the late Vedic and post-Vedic era (around 500 BCE) that state formation actually began to occur. This is not to say that during the Rigvedic era there was no tribal organization. In fact, most ancient societies gradually evolved from a tribal clan lineage-based system to a formal authority and state-ship. While “a tribal organization o f society and a state system in the modem sense was not possible,”14 tribes and formal tribal warfare were common. In fact, Vedic society was composed o f various tribes or janas which in turn were comprised o f clans or vis. These clans varied in size and in their level o f development. The janas were ruled by the janapati, and the tribal communities lived in villages also known as gramas. These gramas had their own local governance councils or Vidathas,

establish accurate timelines. DNA results are then measured via comparison with other accounts and by discussions involving scholars from various inter-disciplinary fields o f hermeneutics, linguists, archaeologists, anthropologist, and historians.

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much like the Panchayat in Indian villages today. The autonomous Greek Polis may be compared with the Indian grama since both maintained autonomous social, cultural, and religious functions. The Greek equivalent o f the Indian Panchayat is best reflected by the term ethnos, “a regional territory and people without a single urban center or a central government or formal political union.” That is, “each village was independent and autonomous.” 15 The Vidathas gathered in Sabhas or assemblies as did the ancient Roman Magistrates in the Comitia Centuriata. The role o f the Sabha varied throughout Vedic times, with the earlier assemblies symbolizing tribal gatherings and the later Vedic period assemblies constituting religious, judicial, and other official gatherings presided over by the king. It is clear that the evolution of the Sabha resulted in assemblies that were attended by men o f high social stature. As R.S. Sharma points out, “the very term came to mean a body of men shining together, which suggests that those who sat on it were supposed to be men o f distinction.” 16 It must be noted that at one point, women also attended Sabhas; however there is speculation that the change may have occurred after the shameful treatment o f Draupadi* by Duryodhana in the Mahabharata. While the Sabha was open to Vidathas, Samitis were general assemblies open to the public much like the Comitia Curiata in Rome. It is important to note that the elite Romans or Patricians were not allowed to attend the Council of the People just as the vote o f a common Roman citizen did not count in the Centuriata. Samitis were all inclusive because most o f their activities were nonpolitical. However, the Samitis did include military and, like the Sabha, religious gatherings. During the late Vedic period,

Draupadi w as wife o f the five Pandava brothers. She was dragged by her hair into the Sabha by her Cousin-in-law Duryodhana. Duryodhana was the eldest son o f King Dhrtarastra and led the Kauravas to the epic battle against the Pandavas.

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discussion and debates on philosophy were also included. The idea o f assemblies and their respective exclusivity is also evident in European history. Though it is evident from Vedic literature that the term Samiti came to use after Sabha, it may be argued nevertheless that Samiti served as the foundation upon which the Sabha grew and further strengthened. Regardless o f the organization o f ancient assemblies, there was constant conflict between tribes established during the early Vedic period based on a number o f factors. Disagreements over property and varying religious customs resulted in tribal warfare and eventually a hierarchal social status. “Most o f the celebrated battles were among the major clans and conflicts involved claims to territorial control and rights o f succession to these territories” 15 Perhaps the most famous event o f the early Vedic age was the Dasarajna or the battle o f ten tribes. Fought on the banks o f the Parusni, present day Ravi, the Rigveda recounts the clash between King Sudas* and the Puru, Druhyu, Anu, Turvasa, Yaksa, Sambras, and Partis tribes. The Panis tribe is specifically noted for its notorious cattle raids and cattle lifting. It is important to note here that cattle symbolized wealth so much so that it was said “the cow is a unit of value, a man’s life being calculated to be worth a hundred cows or satadeya.”18 Gradually, these clans split, strengthened, and gave rise to patriarchal ruling families, known as Kula. “It was among these families that the tribal raja or chief was chosen.” 19 Other clans divided on the basis o f social standing (not the vama system) and primogeniture. * The conflict between two legendary sages sheds light on King Sudas. In his bid for expansion across the Parusni River, King Sudas replaced his m inister Visvamitra with Vasistha, resulting in a bitter feud between the two. The form er joined the ten tribes on the offensive. Nevertheless, King Sudas would be victorious in his endeavor - defeating the ten kings and ruling over modern day Punjab.

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The bifurcation o f clans into those o f higher status and others is not unusual. It often comes about through a claim to differentiation between elder sons and younger sons or the ability o f some to lead in cattle-raids, to protect the clan, to establish new settlements as also through the control o f alliances with other clans.20 This sort o f Agnatic Primogeniture was common in Europe in the form o f Salic Law, a body of traditional laws which determined inheritance. Furthermore, the use of the word rajan or raja in the Rigveda “denoted a tribal chief and not a national monarch. References to several rajas attending the assemblies can only be explained in terms of the attendance o f a number o f tribal chiefs at a meeting.”21 Scholars offer varying religious literature to dispute the notion o f a raja as a tribal chief. The notion o f and clear importance o f a monarchial king is reflected in the Satapatha Brahmana* v.3.3.12 which plainly states that the king is the visible representative o f Prajapati because the institution o f kingship is essential to put an end to anarchy. In fact, the concept o f sovereign monarch is mentioned in the Brahmana literature well before the Mauryan state. Furthermore, other scholars stress that the “royal gradation is indicated by titles such as raja, jyestha, adhiraja, maharaja, svarat, ekarat, virat and s a m r a f22 However, literary evidence strongly supports the original claim that the term raja denoted a tribal chief. The responsibility o f the raja in the Vedic sources was primarily that o f a leader in battle and the protector o f the settlements. “Reference to rajas as in assembly would suggest members o f the ruling families or an assembly o f chiefs. Later references even when the role o f the raja had changed still occur, often in the plural, and * The Satapatha Brahm ana is considered to be one o f the most comprehensive pieces o f Vedic literature. Preserved in Sanskrit, it comprises o f one hundred chapters or adhyayas and is also known as the Brahmana o f a H undred Pasts. This piece o f Brahmanic literature comprises o f subjects as wide ranging as m ythology to cures for bodily ailments. It is believed to have been composed around 800 BCE.

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suggest persons belonging to a superior social group rather than individual Kings.”

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Rajas were also divided between senior and junior lineages and members o f the senior lineage selected the junior rajas. However, there is much debate over how rajas were chosen. Was a raja elected by clans or was hereditary kingship common? Because the Rigveda mentions both ways, it can be assumed that the former way o f electing the raja faded as powerful ruling families sought greater control and paved the way for formal hereditary succession. Even during the Middle Ages in Europe, kingship involved election by the nobility, leaders of the community and churchmen, or hereditary kingship. However, it is interesting to note that in ancient India, throughout the Middle Ages in Europe, and in fact even today, the ritual o f anointment has been a common practice and played a critical role in formally recognizing the monarch. Some existing monarchies still use anointment as a symbol o f the divine right or at least right to rule. Although the church/state relationship is evident in both eras, its application to the state is remarkably divergent in ancient India, most specifically within the Kautilyan polity. While religion was infused in state political structure in Europe during the Middle Ages, it was of secondary importance within the Kautilyan state. This is of major significance given the facts that first, Indian history is cradled in religion and second, that any sovereign presumably would not dare to preclude Brahmin authority as part of state structure. Kautilya separated governance from divinity long before the Doctrine of Gallicanism*, which separated the power o f monarchs from the power o f the pope. In

* Gallicanism was a response to stress opposition to a lax papal authority. These ideas are best preserved in the Declaration of the Clergy of France in 1682. Here, emphasis is placed on tradition in four articles. For detailed explanation of Gallicanism and the four articles, visit the New Advent Catholic Encyclopedia online.

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fact, under Louis XIV, this measure was farther strengthened by the Declaration o f the Clergy of France in 1682. Likewise, it is striking that in describing the elements o f a state in the Saptanga theory, Kautilya did not make any reference to the role o f or the importance o f Brahmins. Kautilya realized that while Brahmins had their own place in society, they were not to interfere with the activities o f the state. Kautilya’s approach to state governance is unique and rested on the assumption that the sovereign was put on earth to maintain order. This is evident in the epics Mahabharata, Ramayana, and the writings o f Manu, who also attached importance to deified kingship. Kautilya regarded the king as a paternal figure for his people, one who promoted good and also punished those not adhering to rules or laws o f the state. Maintaining order and control via punishment was well known in the ancient Indian polity by the term danda-niti. While ornate religious ceremonies marked the early Vedic period, a heightened sense o f pomp and circumstance followed the late Vedic era as sanctification and consecration o f the raja chosen by the assembly lent legitimacy to his rule and the backing he had received from the assembly. Despite the ceremony which followed the selection o f a raja, kingship as a matter o f hereditary succession did not exist until the late Vedic period. This is clearly evident in the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. The gradual emergence o f a defined hereditary succession also paved the way for new relationships to develop and strengthen at the local level. For instance, ceremonial sacrificial duties such as the rajasuya or rajasua became more elaborate. Offerings o f foods considered pure such as milk and butter were accompanied by the traditional *

The Rajasuya evolved from a sim ple ceremony which consecrated the king to a more elaborate ritual. The Rajasuya ceremonies followed a series o f rituals, taking one or even two years to complete. The inaugural ceremony w as preceded by purification rights, a soma (see below ) sacrifice comprising four diksas or initiation days. This was followed a year later by the abhisecaniya, the consecration or act o f anointing. This was followed at intervals by m inor rites and finally by the Ksatradhriti, or acknowledgement o f the king’s sovereignty.

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agricultural offerings o f grains. Celebratory festivities included Soma, the intoxicating drink of the Gods. It is important to note here that “the pastoralism o f Rigvedic society made livestock breeding and more especially cattle herding the major activity.”24 Local cattleraids introduced the need for protection and ultimately led to an active warrior or military force. This defined the role of the Ksatriya or warrior class in the more stringent social hierarchy. However, it is also important to note the Aitareya Brahmana literature, which stated that, “state and kingship had emerged from military necessity.”25 In exchange for the protection o f people, the king received obedience and their contribution to the maintenance o f his reign. The constant warfare during the Vedic period further defined the concept o f sena and senani or senapati, the army and the chief o f the army respectively, late in the Vedic period. Gradually, the bond between the raja, the priests, and the commander-in-chief of the army grew stronger, thus structuring society in social classes. Non-uniform detribalization may also have contributed to establishing a hierarchy o f social class in ancient India. The once cattle-raiding tribal chiefs and local princely families had to assume greater responsibility and would have become an army o f Ksatriyas at the end o f the Vedic period. It is interesting that while the raja headed the raid, the prize or bounty would be unevenly distributed; some kept by the raja and a greater portion was collected by “priestly families on the grounds that their rituals ensured success in battle and they were the bestowers o f praise and therefore o f immortality on the hero.”26 *

Vedic literature places great significance to the Soma Sacrifice. Soma is the name o f a plant w hich, when mixed with water, barley, butter, or honey, affected the senses with its strong intoxicating and hallucinogenic properties. It was also the drink o f the Pantheon o f Hindu Gods, especially Vishnu or Visnu, and therefore was used in all Vedic sacrifices. The Soma is also identical with the Avestan haoma which constituted the central rite ofZ orastrian worship.

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The industrial and agricultural population and the vis o f the Rigvedic period sought protection from the Ksatriya class. The Brahmans, because o f their social and political situation, would have been favored by the new and more defined social and political situation and the complication o f the daily rituals o f the raja. Rigvedic literature recognizes heroes as those who were extravagant gift-givers. In fact, gift giving during the late Vedic period reinforced social status and reciprocity between the dominant groups. “The chiefs vye with each other making valuable gifts, because the value o f the gift reinforces their status and partly because it is expected that when they in turn perform the Rajasuya, a still more valuable gift will be returned.”27 In many ancient and modem societies, o f course, there were longstanding traditions of patronage by which a wealthy or well-placed patron would take on a lower-bom or less wealthy client, providing protection or recognition to the client. In return, the patron could expect to receive gifts, political, and physical support as well as prestige. In describing the many ways to subjugate a populace, Kautilya in book seven, chapter sixteen, section three alluded to patronage to win over the subjugated. Kautilya wrote, “he (the king) should subjugate the weak by means o f conciliation and gifts, the strong by means of dissension and force.”

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With the increasing responsibilities o f the king came even greater concerns. Securing the allegiance o f neighboring localities and smaller powers was essential in securing territorial recognition. In ancient India, religion eased such concerns to a degree. “Performing rituals like the Rajasuya served as graceful means for securing allegiance of the smaller powers.”29 Regarding the Rajasuya ritual, Thapar adds “whereas in the Rg Veda is a relatively small affair aimed at conquering foes and acquiring prosperity, in the

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later Vedic texts becomes an activity o f political supremacy where the claim to the subjugation of others is a sequence to the initial ritual and is also a means o f legitimizing control over new territories.”30 However, in Medieval Europe, the king was not supreme over all; the church held true power and could ex-communicate and dethrone a monarch. In the ancient Indian polity, the Brahmans formed an organization o f their own known as the Parisad, a group or council o f priests to advise the king on different occasions and to ensure conformity to traditional laws. Despite the local consolidation o f power and the evolving rituals which followed, the modem version of the state in ancient India would not arrive until the fourth century BCE under the reign of its sovereign Chandragupta Maurya. The transition from tribe to state involved a continuous overlap due to uneven social and economic development. Likewise, “in the later Vedic age a few Kingdoms such as those o f the Kurus, or the Pancalas, existed like islands among the vast ancient literary references to Kingship and sovereignty in ancient India, it is important to realize that the transition from tribal society to statehood was non-uniform to say the least.”

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As smaller tribal settlements fused into larger ones or Mahajanapadas, incorporating detribalized tribes and castes into the mainstream vama system posed a concern for the mler. Because these tribes lacked identity, their incorporation into the vama system posed a problem. The question o f whom to place where within the four vama hierarchy brought about the emergence o f the Varnasankara theory o f mixed caste. The theory was based on attributing each caste on the basis o f hypergamic* or hypogamic

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Hypergamic and hypogamic are philosophical ideologies on marriage. The form er stresses that when a wom an marries, most likely she marries up because an independent woman in terms o f supporting herself was non-existent and therefore no matter what the circumstance, as a result o f her marriage, her life improved because she m arried up. M arriage itself was an “up,” “liberation” for the woman. The latter looks at the scenario w hen a wom an m arries down, again this is arguable.

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marriage. Therefore, to incorporate the smaller tribes, the idea o f a mixed caste emerged as one “bom from the union o f a Brahmin male and a Vaisya female.”32 The theory was remarkably successful in incorporating various tribes, local castes, and sub-castes within the four-fold social system o f vamas (see Appendix I). Scholars who question the purity o f the caste system because o f this indefinite line which seems to have existed between the tribal castes and those within the original vama system have a valid point. The flexibility o f the caste system is supported by numerous instances in ancient Indian texts which have allowed for people for one reason or another to move up or move down the “ladder” o f the vama system. The formal procedures and offices o f the raja gradually began to emerge, as was the case when the raja would sanction his control in close association with the Senani. This was clearly evident in the Kingdom of the Pandavas and the Kaurvas, though at this stage o f kingship, “there was no systematic method o f collecting an income to finance the institutions o f a state.”

The notion o f sovereignty did not take full effect because tribal

elements o f governance remained strong. However, the symbolic importance o f ceremonies must not be underestimated. One can infer from the Vedic texts that the transition o f the state from the tribal to the territorial manifested itself via the migration and settlement o f tribes within a geography which they could call “their own,” the division of tribal society with respect to occupation, and the development of a truly agricultural economy from pastoralism.

The International Encyclopedia o f Marriage and Family states t h a t , “both husband and wife are most com fortable when the husband has higher status than the wife. The cultural preference for hypergam y results in a m ating gradient; wom en prefer a m an who are [sic] o f equal value or higher status them selves and men prefer women who are o f equal or lower status than them selves.” The importance o f m arriage cannot be underestim ated, especially during the ancient Greco-Hellenic period. In fact, women who did not m arry were marked at their death as wives o f Hades. Hades was the Greek God o f the underworld.

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The amalgamation o f tribes and their wars o f aggrandizement gradually led to the formation o f bigger territorial units as compared with those o f the Rigvedic times. The ideal o f ‘paramountcy’ or ‘universal sovereignty’ now began to loom large on the political horizon, and kings performed sacrifices like the ‘vajapeya,’ the Rajasuya and the Asvamedha to symbolize the Sovereign’s purity and divinity as well as sovereignty, the emergence o f new offices and ranks and their importance to the King and perhaps most importantly, the King as the embodiment o f dharma. The degree o f success achieved in realizing their ambitions not only extended their sway, their titles also changed. Thus, raja was used for an ordinary ruler, and Adhiraja, Rajadhiraja, Samrat, Virat, Ekarat, and Sarvabhauma denoted various gradations o f suzerains.34 It must be emphasized that dharma kept in check not only the social hierarchy of the Vedic period but also served as a guide reminding the king, the Brahmin, and the Senani o f their mutual obligations to each other and most importantly of their duties to the Praja in general. Popular assemblies like the sabha and the samiti, not quite defunct yet, are rarely heard o f during this period. The growth o f the size o f the kingdom must have made their frequent meetings difficult, and in consequence, their control or check over the ruler must have progressively decreased.35 Nevertheless, the king, at least in theory, was considered subordinate to the popular will o f the people, as mentioned in the Kautilya Arthasastra as well as later in M achiavelli’s The Prince. Vedic literature clearly affirms that real power existed in the hands o f the people or Praja because a discontented populace, regardless o f the social hierarchy, reflected poorly on the sovereign. The will o f the people sometimes asserted itself. “Thus, a king named Dustaritu was expelled by his discontented subjects but he was o/r

subsequently restored to the throne by his Sthapati Cakra.” No doubt the birth o f the state in the post-Vedic era absorbed the tribal elements of the Vedic era. Assemblies like the Samiti eventually dissolved as various offices within the Kingdom and local offices throughout the Sovereign territory took prominence

* Virat is not to be confused with Virata. Virata was an ally o f the Pandavas against the Kauravas.

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and managed the daily aspects o f state life. Elements o f the state - a well defined and controlled territory, a central system o f governance which included taxation, military, foreign policy, and espionage (a spy state) - would emerge during Chandragupta’s reign. In Europe, it was not until the mid-to-late-sixteenth century that the similar aspects of state formation gradually evolved. By the fourth century BCE, extensive trade routes and agriculture further enhanced identity formation in ancient India. The identity of the populace was based not only on the varna system but also on its allegiance to the sovereign. Technology further enhanced identity formation. The use o f iron as in the production of iron arrow heads and spear heads strengthened the capacity o f the Ksatriya warriors. That progress in trade and technology was uneven further strengthened trade between the less developed and more developed locales. “Local circuits o f trade linked the villages, gramas, with the local market centres, nigamas, and these in turn with the towns, nagaras, the commodities in -IQ

circulation being largely items o f basic consumption.”

Trade was certainly not limited

by India’s natural waterways; in fact, trade flourished along the Ganges and river traffic “provided a wider circuit of exchange.”40 While some scholars doubt the extent o f trade with neighboring empires, it must be pointed out that, well before the Vedic age, archaeological evidence o f clay seals throughout the Indus Valley and the ancient states of Mesopotamia like Ur, Lagash, and others suggests a strong trading environment between the inhabitants of the Indus Valley, specifically Mohenjodaro/Harappa and the Ancient Mesopotamia. As cities became trading hubs, they attracted migration and in fact allowed for politically active regions to relocate along such commercial cities and routes. Thapar

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highlights two such cases, “the Kosala Capital [moved] from Ayodhya to Sravasti and the Maghadan capital from Rajagrha to Pataliputra.”41 Political expansion via war and marriage alliances also maintained lineage and further brought about convergence of the populace. Though the rise o f major Indian city-states like Maghada (modem day Bihar), Ayodhya (modem day Delhi), and Patilaputra (modem day Patna) further solidified identity and brought about sovereign allegiance to the respective king, it also resulted in a period o f warring states. It must be stressed that despite intra-state conflict within the deeply inter-connected and inter-dependent landscape o f Indian city-states, mlers did not disrupt regional trade and commerce. An additional common thread between warring city-states was Hinduism, which served as the foundation for the raison de systeme.

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India was still not a unified state governed by one monarch; however this would change especially in light o f the activities of India’s neighboring kingdoms to the west, Greece and Persia (modem day Iran). Greece and Persia were each a confederation of loose city-states much like ancient city-states of Ur, Lagash, Nippur, Assur, and others before they were united by Sargon I o f Akkade in Ancient Mesopotamia; the former brought together by Philip o f Macedon and the latter by Darius the Great. In studying the various factors which brought about the emergence o f a unified India, it is vital to look at the historical account o f Macedonian expansion that is directly linked to the growth and expansion o f the Mauryan State. The epic battle between Alexander and King Poms (purushotta) of Punjab would alter the course o f the Greek conqueror. Until this point, Alexander was remarkably

* Raison de Systeme is a comm on phrase in international relations literature. It regards diplom acy as the thread which binds relations betw een states. Since diplom acy can be practiced in m any ways, i.e. sports diplom acy, economic diplomacy, etc., the term may refer to any factor w hich even during times o f conflict keeps some level o f dialogue or exchange active.

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successful in his quest for expansion as he liberated Greek cities in Egypt, established the city of Alexandria, then conquered Persia (modem day Iran), Assyria (modem day Iraq), Herat, Samarkand, and Kandahar in Afghanistan. Alexander, upon first witnessing the forces o f King Poms, stated “I see at last a danger that matches my courage. It is at once with wild beasts and men o f uncommon mettle that the contest now lies.”42 As the battle ensued and both sides held their own ground, Poms was eventually captured and brought before Alexander. Alexander, impressed by Pom s’ confidence as well as the vigor and valor of his army, pardoned the land and reinstated King Poms as his Satrap. However, India was still not a consolidated territory governed by one monarch and it was the death o f Alexander the Great which unleashed opportunities for Chandragupta Maurya to unify India. None would be able to reestablish the Macedonian Empire beyond the Indus, including Seleucus,* whose own reduced empire held sway over most o f Mesopotamia. The Mauryan King had well established his state, and Seleucus suffered humiliating defeats by Chandragupta’s vast and well equipped army. Seleucus concluded peace with Chandragupta Maurya, ceding vast land (modem day Afghanistan and Baluchistan) and securing the marriage alliance o f his daughter to Chandragupta.4 The Indian King concluded the marriage alliance with an offering o f 500 elephants. With Seleucus no longer a threat, Chandragupta turned his attention to uprooting the Nanda dynasty. Up until Chandragupta’s accession to the Maghdan throne, India was loosely governed by King Dhanananda; however, power was also vested in and divided amongst his eight sons. Chandragupta’s dislike o f the Nandas was for three primary Seleucus was an officer under A lexander the Great w ho w ent on to establish the Seleucid Empire after A lexander’s death. 4 Scholars debate the idea o f such m arriage alliances as these may interfere with the traditional Greek custom and laws on marriage, the epigamia.

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reasons: first, Chandragupta’s public humiliation at the hands o f the Nandas; second; the fact that the Nanda Dynasty was not a Ksatriya-bom dynasty and there were claims from various quarters that the dynasty was founded by a woman o f Sudra caste; and third, the misrule and lawless governance o f their populace. Various historical accounts suggest that Chandragupta sought Alexander’s help in bringing down the Nandas but Alexander declined. The reasons for his refusal are sketchy, but Greek invasions had been taking place under the reign of the Nandas. Nevertheless Chandragupta, with the help o f his reliable confidant Kautilya, defeated the Nandas and ascended the Maghdan throne. With Kautilya’s guidance, the Mauryan monarch vastly increased his power through territorial expansion. Expansionism alone would not be the key to consolidating and maintaining power. The birth o f the state in ancient India would be cradled in Hinduism and dharmic law much like the European system o f pre-state polities was cradled in the Holy Roman Empire. In fact, Indian society even today functions on the basis o f religiously sanctioned social stratification (the vama system). 1.5 Caste System The caste system was a great tool for the sovereign to maintain order. There is no doubt that the ruler benefited from this pre-figured religious philosophy. By reinforcing birth-right and dharmic role, the sovereign was able to govern over the populace with relative calm. It may also be argued that the flexibility o f the vama system also contributed to civil obedience. For instance, the reference to some samghas in the Arthasastra may be taken to mean that “the bulk o f soldiers may be supposed to have

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come from classes following these occupations.”43 Caste was not a factor during war and the adage “strength in numbers” gave way to a larger armed force. With the emergence o f an occupation-based social system in India, categories of social class were organized and labeled as the Brahmanas, the Ksatriyas, Vaisyas and the Sudras. In fact, “the vama had already emerged in the pre-Vedic age. In Ancient Iran there existed social groups (the Iranian word for these groups - Pishtra - like vama means colour) which correspond to the first three Indian categories.”47 This suggests that not only was there a system o f social division already in place during the Indo-Iranian period, but it is likely to have developed even earlier. The caste system may also have been introduced to India, as Jairazbhoy points out, ...from the Avesta it appears that the Airyas o f Iran divided themselves according to their professions. There they are listed as (i) The Athravans or priests - from atar, “fire” and van “to venerate,” thus “one who takes care o f fire.” (ii) Rathaeshtars or warriors - from ratha “chariot”, (iii) Vactrya or agriculturalists from vastra meaning “pasture,” and (iv) The Huiti, the artisan class - from hu “to prepare” (things). These o f course correspond to the four castes in the Hindu Code o f Laws attributed to M anu.. ,48 The very word in Portuguese caste means race or lineage; “it was adopted in European to designate the rigid groups within Indian society after the Portuguese invaded South-Western parts o f India in the sixteenth century.”49 In Sanskrit, these socially divided groups were designated by the Sanskrit term, Jati. As explained earlier, the caste system does not necessarily imply class or color, Aryan ancestry or non-Aryan ancestry, or even occupation. A Brahmin bom dark-skinned will always be a Brahmin as a Sudra bom fair-skinned will always remain a Sudra. Therefore, “one cannot tell caste from colour.”50

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Basing caste on occupation alone is also inaccurate. In the epic battle between the Pandavas and Kaurvas, many Brahmins took up arms. Likewise, “one doesn’t have to be a Baina to be a trader,”51 or a Brahmin to achieve sainthood. Even an untouchable may attain sainthood. There is other evidence which supports the fluidity o f the caste system. In the epic Mahabharata, “Queen Satyavati, the grandmother of the Pandavas and Kaurva Kings, was a fisher girl whose untouchability vanished the moment King Santanu, a Kshatriya fell in love with her beauty. King Vishvamitra, a Kshatriya by birth became a Brahmin via penance.” Perhaps, what further complicate the caste system are the sub-castes who continue to mold various societies. For instance, in the Balinese-Hindu caste system, the Brahmin and Sudra castes are further stratified by sublevels o f clans or wargas. In Bali, there are five strata under the Brahmin caste and the Sudras comprise o f the title groups Pandes, Paseks, and Bandesas, who are attributed higher status than ordinary commoners. Sub­ castes are strict in keeping their contacts at a minimum with those who live outside their caste, even on the basis o f wealth. Within the Hijaz, an elite group o f families known as the awaali maintained cohesiveness based on family kinship. Relationships waxed and waned because they were contingent upon wealth and lifestyle, which was not always uniform. These families, also known as “first families,” claimed diverse backgrounds based on family histories tied to religious figures and ancient trading traditions. It is important to note that diversity amongst castes within the same society or group dynamic varies greatly. Consider the array of castes and lifestyles within the Sikh culture; the lifestyle o f Jat Sikhs from Khalsa Sikhs is striking, yet they retain these identities and co-exist in the State o f

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Punjab, India. Yet another example o f variance o f lifestyle within India describes consumption habits based on caste; “the Brahmin abhors meat, alcohol and violence; the Rajput relishes all three.”53 1.6 Conclusion Most ancient societies evolved from early-tribal polities to those ruled by powerful families who had accumulated sufficient resources and governed locally. The gradual emergence o f a unitary sovereign, whether a local raja or a national monarch, united loosely governed tribal communities and established a centralized administration. Taxation and religion made for considerable consolidation of power and therefore were central to the emergence of autonomous states in ancient societies. The use o f dynastic marriage was also a common theme across ancient civilizations as it served the interest of expansion and securing of allies. While there are various resemblances between the Indian and other ancient polities, the Indian case is unique in several respects, not the least is its ruler’s comprehensive statement o f the principles o f what later came to be known as political realism and his political advice on statecraft under a variety o f scenarios. “Kautilya furnishes us as full and complete a definition o f the state as was possible in ancient times.”55 It was not until Niccolo Machiavelli, over eighteen hundred years later, that philosophy on statecraft and governance reemerged on a similar scale. The ideas proposed by Kautilya, in certain respects, foreshadowed the era of politics and statehood o f post-sixteenth century Europe. I shall explain in the next chapter how Kautilya advocated separation o f church and state, formulated the Balance o f Power Theory equivalent to his Mandala Theory, conceived the first Saptanga Theory o f the state that described the seven critical elements o f a state, and side-stepped the varna

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system by allowing for the rights o f Sudras, unheard of in ancient India and even today. “No thinker in his time or place, not even one as bold as Kautilya, could imagine ridding India of the four classes or varnas or the system o f inherited occupations, subcastes, or ja tis ,”56 Such contemporary views o f state governance must be sorted and analyzed thoroughly for their authenticity and verifiability. While the earlier part o f this chapter briefly detailed ancient Indian history and the transition from the Vedic period to statehood, the following chapter seeks to explore India through the eyes o f foreign travelers to the subcontinent. These foreign accounts attest to the conditions o f the subcontinent under the Kautilyan state. Most descriptions in this section allude to Megasthenes Indika, commentaries by Strabo and Arrian, Herodotus’ Historica and the adventures o f the notable Chinese traveler, Fa-Hsien1 in the fourth century AD. Though Fa-Hsien’s visit to India did not occur until 400 AD, it nevertheless provides invaluable information on ancient India and its progression after the Mauryan State. An attempt is made by this author to examine and analyze the recovered data and further support the argument of crediting ancient Greek writers wherever credit is due. Indeed, not all accounts by ancient Greek scholars are shrouded in myth and fable. Additionally, fields o f study supported by excavated evidence are divided herein and examined individually. Inscriptions on rocks, pillars, and fragments are also examined as these further detail the scope o f the Mauryan State. * Herodotus, labeled the first historian and the father o f history, lived in the fifth century BCE. Having written The Histories, H erodotus’ descriptions o f ancient peoples within and outside Greece is well regarded for accurate ethnographic descriptions as well as details myth and legend. ^ Fa-Hsien, also known as Fa-Hian, a Buddhist pilgrim traveled to India in the fifth century AD. The original translation o f his travelogue w as first published in the west in France in 1836 by M. Abel-Remusat.

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Chapter II India via Indika and Other Foreign Accounts of Ancient India 2.1 Agriculture While the Arthasastra provides an invaluable glimpse o f state administration and governance in ancient India, specific accounts o f travelers to India offer further evidence to complete the big picture. Take the settlement o f land for example. Though Kautilya detailed the provisions for agriculture, we get an overall picture o f the condition o f the land from Strabo, who reviewed Megasthenes: Megasthenes indicates the fertility o f India by the fact o f the soil producing two crops every year both of fruits and grain (Eratosthenes writes to the same effect), for he speaks o f a winter and a summer sowing, which both have rain: for a year, he says, is never found to be without rain at both those seasons, whence ensues a great abundance, since the soil is always productive.57 Fear not, in case o f a shortage o f rainfall, Kautilya yet again came to the rescue with his contingency planning. Kautilya advised that to begin with “he should cause irrigation works to be built with natural water sources or with water brought in from elsewhere.”58 Kautilya preferred lands not dependent on rain. In other words, settlement o f lands was optimal near natural water resources: “O f two-water works with naturally flowing water is preferable to one into which water has to be brought. Even among two water-works with naturally flowing water, one with an extensive region for sowing is preferable”59 Strabo concluded on the subject: “India is watered by the summer rains, and the plains are overflowed. During these rains, accordingly, flax is sown and millet, also sesamum, rice and bosmorum and in the winter time wheat, barley, pulse, and other esculent fruits unknown to us”60 Indeed, this is strikingly consistent with Kautilya’s advice that “[s]ali-rice, vrihi-rice, kodrava, sesamum, priyangu, udaraka and varaka are

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the first sowings...sunflower, lentils, kulattha, barley, wheat, kalaya, linseed and mustard are the last sowings.”61 Furthermore, the seasonal pattern remains consistent today. M egasthenes’ Indika is perhaps the most comprehensive account o f India recorded by a permanent resident ambassador to India. Though the complete work has not been recovered, many discovered fragments depict life in India, specifically its geography, the conditions, culture, and mannerisms o f Mauryan life, and certain specific references to the first Mauryan Sovereign Chandragupta Maurya. There is no doubt that Megasthenes resided at the Mauryan Court because Strabo, in Fragment xxv from Book II, acknowledges: “the King in addition to his family name must adopt the surname of Palibothras, as Sandrokottos, for instance did, to whom Megasthenes was sent on an embassy”62 Not only has this been established, but various accounts also place Deimachos, who was sent as envoy to Bindusura, the successor o f Chandragupta, there as well. The succession of the Mauryan Kings is further cemented by Fa-Hsien, who detailed his arrival “at the country o f Kin-to-wai (Gandhara). This is the kingdom formerly governed by Fah Yih, the son o f Asoka”

The name corresponds to Asoka’s

son, Kunala. It must be noted that “country” denotes a kingdom because India fragmented into various kingdoms post Mauryan Empire and the travels o f Fa-Hsien and his companions took them across many kingdoms, all within India. In fact, upon reaching south o f Delhi in the Kingdom o f Mathura, the travelers mentioned that, “all the kingdoms beyond the sandy deserts are spoken o f as belonging to western India.”64 Nevertheless, Megasthenes’ account o f India remains the subject o f much debate. There is no denying that at times Megasthenes work derailed into fantasy; e.g. as previously mentioned, his allusions to men with no mouths or noses and gold digging

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ants. Therefore, accounts o f Megasthenes are only deemed reliable via consistent literary references outside o f the Greek scope. An amalgamation o f facts and mythology were no doubt influenced by Ctesias’ Persica, which itself may have been somewhat prejudiced by Herodotus. Nevertheless, one gets a second hand review o f Ctesias’ literary work and one o f its chapters devoted to India as maintained by Photius in his Bibliotheca. It must also be pointed out that many o f the ancient Greek literary works once thought to be baseless due to their overimaginative tendencies have been supported by recent discoveries. For instance Ctesias, who was somewhat proud o f his role as physician and caretaker o f the wounds of the Sovereign Artaxerxes claimed that, as a reward for his service, he was presented a pair o f swords from India by the sovereign’s mother. While that may be up for dispute among historians, there is validity in Ctesias’ account o f her wealth in terms o f property. As J.M. Bigwood explained, “when for example he implies that she was a property owner on a significant scale, he is certainly correct. His testimony and also o f course that o f Xenophon* is corroborated by cuneiform evidence of her property in Babylonia.”65 Ancient Indian historic dates are also recorded in Buddhist and Jain sources which lend support to Megasthenes claims. While India was discussed in many ancient literary works, only a few provided a somewhat detailed picture o f its physical boundaries. Megasthenes, Arrian, and Strabo discussed this aspect o f India by describing its size via stadias 2.2 Physical Boundaries o f India *

*Xenophon: Greek historian and author w ho wrote the Anabasis, Cyropaedia, and Memorabilia.

^ Stadia: There is no com m only accepted m easurem ent o f the Stadia in ancient Greece. Though sim ilar to the Egyptian measurement, Rem en, one finds conflicting measurement o f what constitutes a stade.

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India reached its territorial peak via expansion under the reign o f Asoka. However, the exact measurement becomes difficult to ascertain as described by ancient travelers because measurements varied. For instance, while the Greek stadia is equivalent to 607.5 feet today, a Greek foot in ancient times was equivalent o f 12.15 inches and a Roman foot was 11.66 inches. Megasthenes wrote that “the extent o f the whole country from east to west is said to be 28,000 stadia, and from north to south 32,000 stadia”66 Furthermore, there was disagreement over the size of India amongst Megasthenes, Eratosthenes, and Patrokles. Unfortunately, one does not find much on the size and boundaries o f India from the travels o f Fa-Hsien and Sung-Yun. What can be interpreted, however, from the Chinese pilgrims is their description o f the rugged landscape o f the northern subcontinent and the harsh elements o f nature which eventually took the life of one of his companion travelers, Hwui Ying. Furthermore, it must be noted that much of the myth, legend, and fable associated with Megasthenes’ description o f India may be attributed to great inaccuracies o f Greek scholars in understanding the physical scope of India. In fact, Arrian was quite critical o f his fellow Greek writers when he wrote, “Ktesias o f Knidos says that India equals in size all the rest o f Asia, which is absurd; while Onesikritos as absurdly declares that it is the third part o f the whole earth.”67 Add to this the misattribution of geography as McCrindle relates: They imagined it to be Eastern Ethiopia which stretched away to the uttermost world, and which like the Ethiopia o f the West, was inhabited by a race o f men whose visages were scorched black by the fierce rays o f the sun. Much lies in a name, and the error made by the Greeks in thus calling India Ethiopia led them into further error o f considering as pertinent to both these countries narrations, whether o f fact or fiction, which concerned but one o f them exclusively68 2.3 Control via fea r o f the Danda

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The effect o f Danda-niti on overall governance was confirmed by Fragment xxvii. “They dislike a great undisciplined multitude, and consequently they observe good order. Theft is o f very rare occurrence. Megasthenes says that those who were in the camp of Sandrokottos, wherein lay 400,000 men, found that the thefts reported on any one day did not exceed the value o f two hundred drachm ae...”69 This seems consistent with the stringent control placed by Kautilya over Chandragupta’s subjects. In fact, “it seems reasonable to suppose that all topics connected with the running o f the state came within its purview since very early days.”

1(\

The key point to be noted in M egasthenes’ account

is that he used the words, “they observe good order.” This is critical because while there is no doubt that danda was utilized as a mechanism for order, it was practiced within reason. As noted in chapter three, moderation was key for the maintenance o f the populace in good standing o f the monarch. “For, the (King), severe with the Rod, becomes a source of terror to beings. The (King), mild with the Rod, is despised. The (King), just with the Rod, is honoured.”71 This type o f moderate control resulted in a populace living with security and without fear. “Their houses and property they generally leave unguarded.”72 2.4 Caste As stated earlier, Megasthenes mistakenly divided the Indian populace into seven castes - this may be attributed to several reasons. First, Megasthenes may have based the caste system on the seven-fold system in Egypt as described by Herodotus in Book II of Historica. Megasthenes could have combined the activities o f state officers along with the system o f the four vamas. Instead o f the seven castes, he may have meant as stated in fragment xxxiv “those who have charge o f the city are divided into six bodies o f five

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each”

7T

These may constitute officers or superintendents responsible for carrying out the

state’s administrative duties. For instance, Megasthenes described the sixth caste as being that o f overseers - who observed the activities throughout the state and reported back to the sovereign. This corresponds to the third body o f officers which were assigned to every city - their responsibilities included inquiring as to “when and how births and deaths occur, with the view not only o f levying a tax, but also in order that births and deaths among both high and low may not escape the cognizance o f government.”74 Regarding the rules concerning the four vamas, Megasthenes wrote, “no one is allowed to marry out o f his own caste, or to exercise any calling or art except his own: for instance, a soldier cannot become a husbandman, or an artisan a philosopher.”75 While this is consistent with the established system of the vamas, the notion o f mixed castes in ancient India is plausible. This may be attributed to tribal groups which were included after the establishment o f vama society. Furthermore, one finds several references to mixed castes. Some historians contend that these categories were not in fact the caste orientations o f the four vamas - rather they were the untouchables. However this cannot be the case as Kautilya allowed for accommodation for these groups and respected their rights of inheritance as indicated by the following remarks: The quarters for heretics and Candalas (should be) on the outskirts of the cremation ground76 Whatever be the customary law o f a region, a caste, a corporation or a village, in accordance with that alone shall he administer the law o f inheritance.77 .. .the well o f the candala is o f use only to the Candalas, not to others.. .7S It is not surprising that such treatment of the lower classes and especially the Dalits persists even today. This persistent attitude is well documented. Well over five

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centuries after Chandragupta’s reign, one finds similar observances reflected in the travels o f Fa-Hsien and Sung Yun. As the travelers noted, “the word Chandala signifies a wicked man, who lives apart from others. If such a man enters a town or a market place, he strikes a piece o f wood, in order to keep himself separate; people, hearing this sound, know what it means and avoid touching him or brushing against him”79 It seems that the post-Mauryan period entailed a more rigid system o f discrimination. One can only imagine the treatment o f mixed castes and sub-castes. 2.5 Slavery The issue o f slavery in ancient India is quite contested among historians. While a part o f the debate focuses on the translation and meaning of the terms dasa or dasyu and karmakara, the significance o f the subject lies in the Arthasastra. R.P. Kangle, whose interpretation o f the Arthasastra is employed throughout this study, suggests that there was no slavery in India. In fact, mention o f slavery within the Arthasastra does not constitute the traditional use o f the term - as in an individual devoid o f independence. Rather it stresses a contract or a pledge for work to be done. There is no sale - instead they “only stay for the time being.”80 These were not the same as the slaves in ancient Greece. As Kangle points out, “there is the right to be free on payment o f a ransom amount which is carried by the work done for the master.”81 This is not to be confused with the ahitaka* one vowed with the creditor when initiating a debt. Megasthenes seemed to support this view when he wrote that “all Indians are free, and not one o f them is a slave. The Lakedaemonians and the Indians are here so far in agreement. The Lakedaemonians however, hold the Helots as slaves, and these Helots do servile labour; *

An ahitaka must not be interpreted as a slave. The ahitaka is one o f two types o f workers who were pledged or m ortgaged against a debt. In a contemporary example, one may pledge him self and his property or someone else on a bet in a casino. The other type is known as a underadsatva, one w ho bartered work for protection.

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but the Indians do not even use aliens as slaves, and much less a countryman o f their own.”82 This

recognized

quality

o f the

Indians

is furthered

as Megasthenes

acknowledged, “ ...o f several remarkable customs existing among the Indians, there is one prescribed by their ancient philosophers which one may regard as truly admirable; for the law ordains that no one among them shall, under any circumstances, be a slave, but that, enjoying freedom, they shall respect the equal right to it which all possess: for those, they thought who have learned neither to domineer over nor to cringe to others will attain the life best adapted for all vicissitudes o f lot: for it is but fair and reasonable to institute laws which bind all equally...” 83 2.6 Indian Medicine Perhaps one subject area where there exists the least contention amongst scholars concerns medicine. Accounts of medical treatments and advanced surgical procedures for various ailments were thoroughly addressed a millennium prior to the Mauryan Empire. Ayurvedic* medicine consisted o f eight branches: kayachikitsa (internal medicine), shalyachikitsa (surgery, including anatomy), shalakyachikitsa (eye, ear, nose, and throat diseases),

kaumarabhritya

(pediatrics),

bhutavidya

(psychiatry),

agada

tantra

(toxicology), rasayana (science o f rejuvenation), and vajikarana (the science o f fertility). Furthermore, students o f medicine were to be skilled in the preparation and application of procedures like distillation, pharmacy, horticulture, analysis, the separation o f minerals, etc. In addition, “according to Phylarchus (third century B.C.) Chandragupta sent, with other gifts, presents o f drugs (aphrodisiacs) to his father-in-law Seleucus.”84 Use of aphrodisiacs is prevalent in the Kama Sutra. M egasthenes’ descripion o f medical practice during the Mauryan reign is thus well founded. He wrote that “by their knowledge o f pharmacy they can make marriages * The Ayurvedic School o f medicine is 5,000 years old. Composed by sages and ascetics, the natural holistic system o f healing is universally practiced today. The field o f medical study was wide ranging from toxicology to fertility.

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fruitful, and determine the sex o f the offspring...the remedies most esteemed are ointments and plasters.”

Of

Clark provides a concise summary of medical provisions in the

Arthasastra: Storerooms in which large quantities o f medicine were kept are referred to. Physicians were divided into four classes, ordinary physicians, those who dealt with poisons, those who were expert in childbirth, and army surgeons. Women nurses accompanied the armies. Medicinal herbs were cultivated under government supervision. The state controlled medical practice. Every case o f dangerous disease had to be reported to the government. If carelessness o f the physician caused death he was severely fined. Aggravation o f the disease by neglect o f the physician was equivalent to an assault. In certain cases, the body had to be brought to the morgue for a post-mortem.86 And it must be noted that medical practice in ancient India included extensive provisions of veterinary care, as will be discussed later. 2.7 Architecture The detail o f architecture in the ancient world is remarkably precise. This is quite evident in the chapters o f the Arthasastra which detailed the construction o f forts and fortified cities.* O f interest is M egasthenes’ account o f the construction o f the city wall o f Patilaputra, perhaps more importantly, its layout which continues to stir debate. Describing the city, Megasthenes wrote, “it is o f the shape o f a parallelogram, and is girded with a wooden wall, pierced with loopholes for the discharge of arrows.”87 Though “remains o f the wooden palisades have been found,”

oo

supporting Megasthenes’

claim that wood was used in the construction o f cities, Kangle discounts the claim because Kautilya forbade the use o f wood in construction. Indeed, while Kautilya emphasized the use o f bricks and mud, he did not confine construction to this method. In fact, M egasthenes’ description was not limited by the use of wood - “those cities which

’ The discussion on architecture in the Indika centers around the complexity o f buildings. Ancient travelers have also described the awe-inspiring decor o f some o f the buildings.

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stand on commanding situations and lofty eminences are built o f brick and mud.”89 Megasthenes’ description o f spaces through which arrows could be lodged against the advancing enemy are confirmed by Kautilya’s guidelines for the construction o f forts and fortified cities: “between each turret and tower, in the centre, he should cause to be erected a board, compact with planks having holes with coverings, as a place (from which to fight) for three archers.”90 Kangle adds that “it seems that a board o f planks is fixed at the outer edge o f the parapet; through holes in it, archers could shoot at the enemy outside and the holes could be covered at will so that arrows from outside could not come

Other accounts o f M egasthenes’ also seem consistent with Kautilya’s guidelines. Arrian recounted Megasthenes’ claim that ...this city that the inhabited part o f it stretched on either side to an extreme length of eighty stadia and that its breadth was fifteen stadia, and that a ditch encompassed it all round, which was six plethora in breadth and thirty cubits in depth, and that the wall was crowned with five hundred and seventy towers and had four-and-sixty gates.92 Besides Kautilya’s measures for the precise lay-out o f the city in proximity to abundant natural resources, his designs for the city were exhaustive - a very brief summary follows: .. .he should cause three moats to be dug around it.. .at the bottom or square with the bottom, paved with stones or with bricks... at a distance o f four dandas from the moat, he should cause a rampart to be made out o f the earth dug out, six dandas high, made compact twice that in breadth, piled upward with a platform ...on the top o f the rampart, he should cause a parapet to be built, double the breadth in height, built o f bricks from twelve hastas upwards up to twenty four hastas...he should cause turrets to be made, square with the breadth, provided with steps for going dow n.. ,93 Kautilya’s keen eye for architecture is notable. It is similar to other ancient civilizations and may be stated that it varied in degrees o f complexity and opulence. The

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“theatre o f monarchy” as noted in the preceding chapters is not confined to the opulence of Louis XIV or Peter the Great. One finds accounts of ancient travelers at times mesmerized by the beauty o f palatial architecture in India as well. As Walter Eugene Clark recounts the sentiments o f Fa-Hsien and Aelian, respectively: ...the royal palace and halls in the midst o f the city, which exist now as o f old, were all made by spirits which he employed, and which piled up the stones, reared the walls and gates, and executed the elegant carvings and inlaid sculpture work - in a way which no human hands o f this world could accomplish.94 In the Indian royal palace where the greatest o f all the kings o f the country resides, there are many things which are calculated to excite admiration, wonders with which neither Susa in all its glory, nor the magnificence of Ekbatana can hope to vie.95 These accounts are not surprising as excavation o f the Indus sites has provided an invaluable glimpse o f the complexity and precision o f urban Harappans two millennia before the Mauryan Empire. Furthermore, the construction o f ornate palaces is not only prevalent in both the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, but their construction in the epics is depicted as divinely ordained.* “The massive stones of which the walls are made, the doorways and the sculptured towers, are no human work.”96 2.8 Preparation fo r War Warfare throughout the ages has been marked by advances in weaponry and perhaps more importantly strategy. This is evident in the Arthasastra as Kautilya advanced three types o f warfare: open, concealed, and silent. Preparation for warfare involved careful planning and an abundance o f resources, as is the case today. During Kautilya’s time, this would have included chariots and charioteers, skilled archers, horses

* Visvakarm a is considered the architect o f palatial chambers for the Gods and is an important figure in the Hindu Pantheon o f Gods.

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capable for war, infantry, cavalry, and perhaps unique throughout the global history o f warfare, the use o f elephants. Planning for war began with a cooperative environment all major division-heads like the superintendent o f chariots, superintendent o f horses, superintendent o f foot soldiers, the commandant o f the army, and others worked closely with the monarch. Furthermore, the commander had to possess the right qualities and lead the army - “trained in the science o f all (kinds of) fights and weapons, (and) renowned for riding on elephants, horses or in chariots.”97 While the importance of the use o f horses in warfare was made clear when Kautilya wrote that, “the all-sided work of a horse is (work) connected with war,” the importance o f elephants in warfare was further stressed by Kautilya as he wrote that - “for, the destruction o f an enemy’s forces is principally dependent on elephants.”

QO

Arrian’s accounts of preparation for war in ancient India detailed the equipment and the methodology applied in securing equipment for warfare. In fact, the following claims, made by Arrian, are credible as they reaffirm Kautilyan strategic warfare: The foot-soldiers carry a bow made of equal length with the man who bears it. This they rest upon the ground, and pressing against it with their left foot thus discharge the arrow, having drawn the string far backwards...there is nothing which can resist an Indian archer’s shot, - neither shield nor breastplate, nor any stronger defence if such there be...som e are equipped with javelins instead o f bows, but all wear a sword, which is broad in the blade....the horsemen are equipped with two lances like the lances called saunia...but they do not put saddles on their horses, nor do they curb with them bits in use among the Greeks or the Kelts, but they fit on round the extremity of the horse’s mouth a circular piece o f stitched raw ox-hide studded with pricks of iron or brass pointing inwards, but not very sharp.99 2.9 Brahmans and Philosophers It is commonly accepted that Alexander the Great met with the Indian Brahmans or gymnosophists and discussed life and immortality. Encounters with the Indian

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philosophers were not confined to Alexander - in fact, “Clement him self met Indian wise men at Alexandria with whom he conversed.”100 Sophists occupied the first category of Megasthenes’ observation o f the seven castes. Arrian recounted this description o f the Brahmans (for the most part strikingly accurate) which in fact remains consistent to the present. Indeed, their treatment is above and beyond the rest o f the castes. They “hold the supreme place o f dignity and honour, - for they are under no necessity o f doing any bodily labour at all, or o f contributing from the produce of their labour anything to the common stock, nor indeed in any duty absolutely binding on them except to perform the sacrifices offered to the gods on behalf o f the State.” 101 As Starbo wrote, Megasthenes divided philosophers into Brachmanes and Sarmanes. The latter has been the source o f argument as scholars differ on whether the Sarmanes were in fact Buddhists. This is certainly a possibility as Buddhism had been around for well over two hundred years before the embassy o f Megasthenes was sent to the Mauryan Court. Also, given the numbers o f Buddhists reflected in the travelogue of Fa-Hsien and his companions, one can estimate the spread o f Buddhism to the levels as described by the aforementioned Chinese pilgrims. The use o f the term Sangharama (a resting place for priests or a mini-monastery) further denoted a multitude o f Buddhist priests living in India. As Fa-Hsien pointed out, “the name given to places where priests take up their fixed abodes is Sangharama. There are altogether about 500 o f these (in the country)...”102 2.10 Treatment o f Foreigners Another aspect which clearly corresponded to the Kautilyan State as discussed in the preceding chapters is the subject o f a tightly administered state as well as the care

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accorded to foreign travelers. As described in Fragment I, Diodorus II, “among the Indians officers are appointed even for foreigners, whose duty is to see that no foreigner is wronged. Should any o f them lose his health, they send physicians to attend him, and take care o f him otherwise, and if he dies, they bury him, and deliver over such property as he leaves to his relatives.” 103 Furthermore, reference to officers in charge are in fact strikingly similar to Kautilya’s description. One finds, in Fragment xxxiv, Megasthenes’ account that a second body o f officers who “attend to the entertainment of foreigners. To these they assign lodgings and they keep watch over their modes o f life by means o f those persons whom they give to them for assistants. They escort them on the way when they leave the country.”104 2.11 Treatment o f Animals A fantasy world unfolds while reading the descriptions of beasts and animals mentioned by Ctesias and Megasthenes. In fact, some o f the descriptions hint at Greek mythology. For instance, a one-homed horse no doubt mimics the unicorn. Furthermore, it must be noted that like Megasthenes’ descriptions were influenced by Ctesias to a certain degree. Myths and legends were widespread throughout the region. For instance, regarding serpents, Megasthenes described these as winged and stated “these do not go abroad during the day, but by night, when they let fall urine, which is it lights upon one’s skin at once raises putrid sores herein.”105 Note the striking similarity as Fa-Hsien, traveling by the mountains in northwest India, spoke o f their snow-covered peaks and wrote that “they shelter venomous dragons, also, which if once provoked, spit out their poison (against travelers).” 106

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As stated earlier, it is our duty to separate the facts from fabled myth and credit those facts when appropriate. Here again, one finds some factual data regarding the care o f animals, in particular, elephants. The Indians cure the wounds o f the elephants which they catch, in the manner following: - they treat them in which, as good Old Homer tells us, Patroklos, treated the wound of Europylos, - they foment them with lukewarm water...they cure opthalmia* with cow’s milk, which is first used as a fomentation for the eye, and is then injected into it. The animals open their eyelids, and finding they can see better are delighted, and are sensible o f the benefit like human beings. The remedy for other distempers to which they are liable is black wine; and if this 107 portion fails to work a cure nothing else can save them. Provisions for the care o f animals are discussed at length in the following chapter. 2.12 Availability o f the Sovereign to his subjects It has been argued several times throughout this dissertation that contributions of the Mauryas were innovative in that they always made themselves available to their subjects at all times - not doing so risked dissatisfaction o f the populace and thus a risk o f revolt or worse, endangering the life o f the sovereign. Fragment xxvii reaffirmed the dedication o f the monarch to his subjects: The King leaves his palace not only in time of war, but also for the purpose of judging causes. He then remains in court for the whole day, without allowing the business to be interrupted, even though the hour arrives when he must attend to his person - that is, when he is to be rubbed with cylinders o f wood. He continues hearing cases while the friction, which is performed by four attendants, is still preceding.108 It is important to note that “judging causes” does not necessarily imply the sovereign taking over the role o f a magistrate; rather it should be viewed as contemplation over affairs o f the state. 2.13 State Administration

*

* Opthalmia is m ost comm only known as pink-eye.

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State administration and governance is epitomized by Kautilya and as such, we see affirmation o f these provisions as described by Megasthenes in Fragment xxxiv. The scope o f activity mentioned in the Indika cannot be overlooked as it corresponds directly with the mechanisms in place for state governance as well as reaffirms the public attitude during the Mauryan Empire. For instance, it was noted by Megasthenes that the populace in India during his stay seemed generally content. Indeed as noted, one can gather this to be true because stringent control o f the state in fact produced a protected society, thus Megasthenes’ further claim that crime was rare. The permanency o f the message is striking as five centuries later, Fa-Hsien and his companions would also note that, “the inhabitants are prosperous and happy.” 109 Megasthenes stated that governance o f the city involved six bodies, and the military required six varying departments or troop sections. This corresponds directly to the list o f twelve Superintendents’ (inclusive o f the military) in the Arthasastra. Furthermore, note that though military units throughout early India were comprised of four types (infantry, cavalry, chariot-divisions, and elephant-divisions), Kangle reaffirms Megasthenes claim: “the troops are said to be o f six kinds: maulabala, bhrtabala, srenibala, mitrabala, amitrabala andatavibala. ','>110 Other accounts o f public affairs also directly fall within the scope o f Kautilyan administration: .. .of the great officers of the state, some have charge o f the market, others o f the city, others o f the soldiers...persons have charge also o f the huntsmen, and are * The twelve su p e rin te n d en ts detailed in the Arthasastra include superintendent o f gold in the workshop, o f the magazine, o f the armoury, o f yam s, o f courtesans, o f cattle, o f horses, o f elephants, o f chariots, o f foot-soldiers, o f passports, and the city. ^ For explanation o f the six troop levels mentioned in the Arthasastra, see Kangle, colume 3, page 245.

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entrusted with the power o f rewarding or punishing ...they collect the taxes, and superintend the occupations connected with land, as those o f the woodcutters, the carpenters, the blacksmiths and the m iners...”111 M egasthenes’ accounts also provide an important glimpse into the role o f women in ancient India. It is clear from the Arthasastra that women were active participants in daily Mauryan life. W omen’s entitlement to property, the right o f widows to remarry, and their employment as spies, security guards, and charioteers was also recognized in the Arthasastra. One also finds similar descriptions in Megasthenes’ accounts. Referring to the king, Strabo recounted, “at his side stand two or three armed women. O f the women, some are in chariots, some on horses, and some even on elephants, and they are equipped with weapons o f every kind, as if they were going on a campaign.”112 Furthermore, Megasthenes’ sixth caste, comprised of overseers, had responsibility o f inspecting the city and the army and reporting back to the sovereign. Strabo pointed out that those in charge o f city governance “employ as their coadjutors the courtesans o f the city,” and “courtesans o f the camp” were employed by military overseers.” 113 Also partaking in the sovereign’s procession ceremony “crowds o f women surround him.” 114 Accounts in the Arthasastra clearly detail the security measures taken by the sovereign for his protection. Comparable to the contemporary measures in place for presidents and prime ministers, the monarch would retire in a different room or location every night. This was further confirmed by Strabo; “the king may not sleep during the daytime, and by night he is obliged to change his couch from time to time, with a view to defeat plots against his life” 115 The time lapse between the administration o f the first Mauryan Sovereign and the travels o f Fa-Hsien and Sung Yun produced a remarkable divergence o f state governance

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and attitude generally. One sentence is particularly noteworthy in this regard, as it suggests changes since the Kautilyan era. The Chinese pilgrims noted that “the King in the administration o f Justice inflicts no corporal punishment, but each culprit is fined in money according to the gravity o f his offence; and even in cases where the culprit has been guilty o f repeated attempts to excite rebellion, they restrict themselves to cutting off his right hand.” 116 This is important because here one sees that there has been a clear shift in the authority vested in the monarch. In other words, the monarch during the Kautilyan State would not take the role o f a judge. The Arthasastra made it very clear that the magistrate would be responsible for deciding whether the offence committed would merit a monetary or physical punishment. There was no tolerance in the Kautilyan State for anyone stirring up debate in the public - in fact - public gatherings were impermissible in the Kautilyan State (with the exception o f festivals). The spy state would immediately eliminate any such person or group o f conspirators via “silent punishment.” The notion o f repeat offenders as mentioned by the traveling pilgrims was nonexistent in the Kautilyan State. 2.14 Food, Drink, Clothing, and Entertainment Considering the level o f state control over the populace, it is difficult to imagine Mauryan society partaking in social or fun activities. However, it is precisely such rigidity which stresses the notion that there is a time for everything, social activities included. One finds consistent accounts o f the types o f food and drink consumed by Mauryan society. Rice as the main staple of food was confirmed by the Arthasastra as well as Megasthenes, who stated that, “their food is principally a rice pottage.” 117

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Furthermore, we also learn of meat in the Mauryan diet. Megasthenes’ description o f the diet of philosophers is at times confusing because it seems that Brachmanes, as referred to by Megasthenes, “abstain from animal food and sexual pleasures” while they complete their life of self-restraint “for seven-and-thirty years” In retirement supposedly, “they eat flesh...they marry as many wives as they please.” 118 Furthermore, Megasthenes clearly distinguished the group o f philosophers into Brachmanes and Sarmanes, the latter perhaps referring to Jains or Buddhists, and stated that they “subsist on trees and wild fruits.” 119 However, it must be pointed out that the notion o f Brahmins consuming meat is not alien to Hindu theology. The first chapter o f the seventh book o f Aitareya Brahmanam o f the Rigveda detailed “the distribution of the different parts o f the sacrificial animal among the priests.”

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Food establishments as well as the variety o f foods available were detailed in the Arthasastra. “There is the apupika, the purveyor o f bread, the audanika, who sells cooked rice, and the pakvamamsika running a non-vegetarian eating house.” 121 One also gets an idea o f the amazing variety o f foods and recipes at the disposal o f Mauryan society. First, basic classification o f foods follow as in “butter, oil, suet and marrow are fats...treacle, jaggery, unrefined sugar and granulated sugar constitute the group o f sugars...salt from the Indus land, sea-salt, bida salt, salt-petre, borax and salt from saline oil constitute the group o f salts” Furthermore, ...one of (the following, viz.,) sugar-cane jaggery, honey, treacle, the juice of jamba-fruit and the juice of panasa-fruit, infused with a decoration o f mesasmgi and long pepper, kept for one month, six months or a year, (and then) mixed with cidbhita, uruvaruka, sugar-cane stalk, mango fruit and myrobalan, or unmixed 122 (with these), constitute the group of fermented juices. *

*

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Besides juices and wines, one drink which was repeatedly mentioned preceding the Mauryas, throughout the Mauryan reign, and even after the Mauryan period, was that o f soma. Supposedly consumed by the Gods, it was also used in sacrificial rites. In fact, the third book o f the Aitareya Brahmanam o f the Eigveda pointed to the divine abstraction o f Soma. Kautilya’s description o f Mauryan clothing and jewelry was consistent with Megasthenes’ accounts as well as those of Fa-Hsien. Megasthenes wrote, “they love finery and ornament. Their robes are worked in gold, and ornamented with precious stones, and they wear also flowered garments made o f the finest m uslin... for they have a •

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high regard for beauty, and avail themselves o f every device to improve their looks.”

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Kautilya detailed the type o f cloths (see book two, chapter eleven, sections 97-115) and spoke o f tailors and tailored garments. Strabo pointed to Nearchos and stated that, “they wear shoes made of white leather, and these are elaborately trimmed, while the soles are variegated, and made o f great thickness, to make the wearer so much the taller.” 124 FaHsien pointed to the overall simplicity as well as opulence accorded to priests and their establishments: “besides this, there are priests, chambers elegantly finished and adorned, so that no words can adequately describe them.” 125 At several literary junctions, Fa-Hsien mentioned seven precious substances which inlay architecture and thrones and canopies - these seven included gold, silver, lapis lazuli, crystal, cornelian, coral, and ruby. Not surprisingly, various types of precious stones, the manufacture of such stones and dyes, as well as the use of perfumes and sandalwood in baths were discussed in the Arthasastra. Kautilya distinguished between a defective gem and an excellent piece - “hexagonal, square or round, of a flashing color,

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having a suitable form, clear, smooth, heavy, lustrous, with luster inside and imparting luster - these are the excellencies o f gem s...w ith a full colour and luster, with grains, with a hole in the bloom, broken, badly bored, (and) covered with scratches, - these are blemishes” 126 Furthermore, one also finds references to the mining o f diamonds in the Arthasastra. Dressing up, as well as consuming fine food and drink, without a night out on the town would be unacceptable for Kautilya. Not surprising, dramatic theatre, acrobatics, and dances included all o f Mauryan society. Kautilya wrote, “and (the teachers) should train the sons o f courtesans to be the chiefs o f those who live by the stage and also o f all types o f dancers.” 127 Various forms o f the arts like calligraphy, playing musical instruments, and mimes constituted further entertainment activities. 2.15 Conclusion This chapter has provided a preliminary look at ancient India as reflected in the literary works o f envoys and travelers to the subcontinent. Not surprisingly, many social, economic, political, and religious aspects o f the Mauryan epoch are strikingly similar to various practices in the subcontinent today. Next, we turn to a closer examination o f the Kautilyan State.

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End Notes 1. N.N. Bhattacharyya., Ancient Indian History and Civilization: Trends and Perspectives, 33. 2. R.S. Tripathi. History of Ancient India 3. Romila Thapar., History and beyond, .3 4. Ibid, p.4 5. Charles Morris., The Aryan Race: Its Origin and its Achievements, 32 6. Ibid, 32 7. R.A. Jairazbhoy. Foreign Influence in Ancient India, 12 8. Ibid 9. Ibid 10. Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, 30 1 1 .Ibid 12. Rudolph Von Jhering. The Evolution o f the Aryan, 1 13. Romila Thapar. Interpreting Early India, 400 14. N.N. Bhattacharya., Ancient Indian History and Civilization: Trends and Perspectives, 30-31 15. Sarah Pomeroy., et al. Ancient Greece, 87 16. R.S Sharma., Aspects o f Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, 97 17. Anthony Levi, Louis XIV, 65 18. Romila Thapar., Lineage to State, 25 19 Ibid, 18 20. Ibid, 31 21. N.N. Bhattacharya. Ancient Indian History and Civilization: Trends and Perspectives, 32 22. Anup Chandra Pandey., Governance in Ancient India, 15 23. Romila Thapar., Lineage to State, 35 24. Romila Thapar., Lineage to State, 24 25. N.N. Bhattacharyya., Ancient Indian History and Civilization: Trends and Perspectives, 33 26. Romila Thapar., Lineage to State, 26 27. Ibid, 64 28. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 373 29. N.N. Bhattacharyya. Ancient Indian History and Civilization: Trends and Perspectives, 33 30. Romila Thapar., 66 31 N.N. Bhattacharyya, Ancient Indian History and Civilization: Trends and Perspectives, 33 32. Ibid, 39 33. Romila Thapar. From Lineage to State, Cl 34. R.S Tripathi. History of Ancient India, 43 35. Ibid, 44 36. Ibid, 44 37. Adam Watson. The Evolution o f International Society: A comparative historical analysis, 140

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38. Ibid, 170 39. Romila Thapar, Lineage to State, 95 40. Ibid, 97 4 1 .Ibid, 97 42. R.S. Tripathi. History of Ancient India, 124 43. Kangle, Volume 3, 167 44. David Herlihy. Three Patterns o f Social Mobility in Medieval History, 623-647 4 5 .Ibid 46. R.A. Jairazbhoy. Foreign Influence in Ancient India, 28 47. G.N. Bongard-Levin, Ancient Indian Civilization, 75 48. R.A. Jairazbhoy. Foreign Influence in Ancient India, 28 49. Taya Zinkin. Caste Today, 1 50. Ibid 51. Ibid, p.3 52. Ibid, p. 5 5 3 .Ibid 54. Wilhelm Halfbass. India and Europe, 436 55. R.S. Sharma. Aspects o f Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient India, 38 56. Roger Boesche. The First Great Political Realist: Kautilya and his Arthasastra, 103 57. John W. McCmdle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 52-53 58. Ibid, 57 59. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 359 60. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 53 61. R.P Kangle, The Kautilya Arthasastra, 150 62. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 66 63. Samauel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 30 64. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 53 65. J.M. Bigwood, Ctesias, His Royal Patrons and Indian Swords, 138 66. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 29 67. Ibid, 190 68. Ibid, pp. 1-2 69. Ibid, 68 70. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Vol. 3, page 3 71. Ibid, Vol. 1, 10 72. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 69 73. John W. McCrindle 87 74. John W. McCrindle 87 75. John W. McCrindle, 85-86 76. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 70 77. Ibid, 216 78. Ibid, 32 79. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 55

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80. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 285 81. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Vol.3, page 186 82. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 68 83. Ibid, 38 84. Walter Eugene Clark, 306 85. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 102 86. Walter Eugene Clark, 306 87. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 65 88. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Volume 3, 69 89. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 67 90. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 63 91. Ibid, 64 92. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 210 93. R.P. Kangle 62-63 94. Walter Eugene Clark, 306 9 5 .Ibid 96. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 103 97. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 180 98. Ibid, 85 99. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 226 100. Schmitthenner 97 101. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 214215 102. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 26-27 103. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 42 104. Ibid, 87 105. Ibid, 56 106. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 18 107. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 94 108. Ibid, 71 109. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 54 110. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Vol.3, page 245 111. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 86 112. Ibid, 71 113.Ibid, 85 114. Ibid, 71 115. Ibid, 70 116. Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 55 117. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 68 118. Ibid, 99-100 119. Ibid, 102

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Martin Haug. The Aitareya Brahmanam o f the Rigveda, 301-302 R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Vol. 3, 161 R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Vol. I, 123 John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 69 Ibid, 225 Samuel Beal. Travels ofFa-H ian and Sung-Yun, Buddhist Pilgrims from China to India, 12 126. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 99 127. Ibid, 161 120. 121. 122. 123. 124. 125.

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Chapter III: The Framework of the Kautilyan State There is a long-standing controversy about the origin, evolution, and possible decline of the state. At the least, one may argue that characteristics associated with the modem state existed long before the Westphalia era and the evolution o f the international system thereafter. Kautilya detailed a comprehensive taxation scheme and military strategy for state governance. The Kautilyan State rested on a stringent bureaucratic process at the local, state, and central levels o f government to implement policies for effective state governance. 3.1 Elements o f the Kautilyan State According to Kautilya’s Saptanga Theory, the state has seven defining elements: the king, the minister, the country, the fortified city, the treasury, the army, and the ally.* Because all facets of state governance are affected by a state’s ability or inability to extract funds from the populace, analysis begins with the examination o f centralized taxation within the Kautilyan State. Taxation Taxes are the lifeline o f a state. Throughout history, taxes signaled the transfer of power from patrimonial mle over the populace to an authority over a defined territory. According to Schumpeter, .. .fiscal demands are the first sign o f the modem state. That is why ‘tax’ had so much to do with ‘State’ that the expression ‘tax state’ might almost be considered a pleonasm.1 Taxation was important both as a weapon and as a symbol in the stmggle to overcome the feudal order and to build states or nations in a modem sense.2

* In Sanskrit these are respectively, the svamin, amatya, janapada, durga, kosa, danda, and mitra

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The establishment of a comprehensive taxation strategy was evident throughout the Arthasastra. For Kautilya, a healthy treasury defined a healthy state. And a healthy treasury must be continuously replenished if it is to maintain the armed forces as well as provide other welfare provisions for the populace. The army indeed, is rooted in the treasury. In the absence o f a treasury, the army goes over to the enemy or kills the King. And the treasury, ensuring (the success of) all endeavors, is the means o f deeds o f piety and sensual pleasures... for the army is the means o f acquiring and protecting the treasury, the treasury that of the treasury and the army.25 Given the vast area o f the subcontinent (see Appendix II) under the Mauryan sovereign, maintaining a full treasury must have required complex taxation schemes. Before discussing them further however, it is important to discuss the controversy amongst historians over references to ownership o f land in the Arthasastra. This is relevant to taxation as leasing crown lands was the primary method o f building state revenue. On the one hand, the Arthasastra seems to support the idea that land was owned only by the state. Indeed, Kautilya wrote that “He should allot to tax-payers arable fields for life. Unarable lands should not be taken away from those who are making them arable.”3 On the other hand, Kautilya also stated that ...kinsmen, neighbors and creditors, in this order shall have the right to purchase landed property (on sale). After that, others who are outsiders (may bid for purchase). This appears to suggest the idea that acquired land (either conquered or found suitable for settlement) might have been sold to the highest bidder. Kautilya even advises owners on how to announce to the community, the sale of their property saying “at this price who is willing to purchase?”4 While this seems to encourage the sale of property to individuals, one might conclude that Kautilya would not compromise the security o f the state and allow the sale o f crown property to individuals. The practicality o f selling land to individuals does not seem

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likely. Had this been the case, a few well-to-do citizens in the higher vamas could have accumulated vast properties and endangered the stability of the sovereign and thus the state. Furthermore, we learn from the Arthasastra about Kautilya’s uneasiness toward oligarchs and a chapter was even written on how to dissolve oligarchies. While the preceding evidence may be interpreted for and against land ownership in the Kautilyan State, it seems clear that land grants were common as were exemptions. Kautilya wrote, He [referring to the department heads] should grant lands to Priests, chaplains and Brahmins learned in the Vedas (as) gifts to Brahmins, exempt from fines and taxes, with inheritance passing on to corresponding heirs, (and) to heads of departments, accountants and others, elephant-trainers, physicians, horsetrainers and couriers, (lands) without the right o f sale or mortgage.5 What is not certain is whether Brahmins owned the land. Land may have been leased to the Brahmins and then automatically passed on to subsequent heirs. “Gifts to Brahmins” may refer to the exemption from taxes and not necessarily to giving away land to the Brahmins. It is also not clear whether the other state administrators who are mentioned were exempt from taxes. Not allowing administrators to sell or mortgage the land does not tell us whether administrators could actually grant lands to successors. The argument that the subcontinent was too vast for the state to allow private ownership is not viable because the Kautilyan State was a well structured state with a bureaucracy at the local, state, and central levels o f government. Add to this Kautilya’s emphasis on spying and it becomes clear that the central government would have been able to govern crown lands as well as monitor the conditions regardless o f the area. Kautilya would have strongly advocated the leasing o f lands so that the state could tax that land, thus benefiting the treasury and the state.

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While debate continues amongst historians about the extent and status of “private” land ownership, it is possible that leasing crown lands was an important means o f building state revenue. Labor and commodities as well as monetary payment were also part o f taxation in the Kautilyan State. Kautilya made this clear at several points in the Arthasastra. For instance, when describing the responsibilities o f the superintendent o f the magazine, Kautilya referred to labor as a form o f taxation: “The Superintendent o f the Magazine should know about agricultural produce, revenue from the countryside, purchase, barter...labour in place o f taxes, income from other sources, return from expenditure and additional income.”6 In a later reference, Kautilya gave an example o f how the administrator must enter records and the types of entries to be recorded into the register: “ ...the Administrator should cause to be entered in the Register the number o f villages, classifying them as best, middling and lowest...grains, cattle, cash, forest produce, labour and produce in place of tax.”7 Kautilya further detailed what was taxable from the countryside so that his superintendents knew exactly what constituted revenue for the state. He told them, “the aggregate tax, the one-sixth share, provisions for the army, tribute, tax, the Tap’, the ‘side’, compensation for loss, presents, and income from stores constitute revenue from the countryside.”8 The “one-sixth share” in the sentence above refers to bhaga, which is to be understood as a share o f produce from private lands, usually one-sixth. The onesixth share is not fixed, as the tax fluctuated depending on the condition o f the countryside. In fact, it went as high as one-fourth or one-third from the most fertile land, “according to yield” on an average land. Not much was expected from un-arable land which, as Kautilya stated, was better suited for infrastructure.

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Regarding the principal sources o f state revenue, Kangle points out that “these follow different vocations from which they make a living and pay taxes to the state. These principal vocations were recognized as providing men with the means of livelihood, namely, krsi, agriculture, pasupalya, cattle-tending, and vanijya, trade.” Indeed, in book one Kautilya wrote that, “agriculture, cattle-rearing and trade, - these constitute economics, (which are) beneficial, as they yield grains, cattle, money, forest produce and labour. Through them, (the King) brings under his sway his own party as well as the party o f the enemies, by the (use o f the) treasury and the army.”9 Sources for state revenue were so comprehensive that anything that could be taxed was taxed. Kautilya mentions the term “fort” which included ...custom-duties, fines, standardization o f weights and measures, the CitySuperintendent, the mint master, the Superintendent o f passports, spirituous liquors, animal slaughter, yam, oil, ghee, sugars, the goldsmith, the marketestablishment, prostitutes, gambling, buildings, the group o f artisans and artists, the temple superintendent, and what is to be received at the gates and from outsiders-these constitute (the source o f income called) ‘fort’.*10 The following excerpts from chapter six o f the Arthasastra also help to convey the scope o f taxation, income, and expenditure within the Kautilyan State. This repeated theme throughout the Arthasastra suggests how seriously Kautilya treated the subject of state revenue. Here, Kautilya further defined the various forms o f income, accounting, and bookkeeping instructions for the Administrator: The Administrator should attend to the fort, the country, mines, irrigation works, forests, herds and trade routes (as the main sources of revenue).. . 11 The land route and the water-route constitute ‘trade-routes’. This is the corpus of income.12 Price, share, surcharge, monopoly tax, fixed tax, manufacturing charge and penalty constitute the heads o f income.13 Fort is not the name o f a tax. It refers to the various m eans o f taxation for the state.

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The following excerpts outlined the types o f revenue: The revenue estimate, accrued revenue, outstanding revenue, income and expenditure and balance (are items in accounting).14 The place, the sphere o f activity, laying down the corpus (of income), receipts, the total o f all (items of) revenue (and) the grand total, this is revenue estimate15 Deliveries into the treasury, what is taken by the King, and the expenses o f the city, (these as), paid in, what is carried forward from last year, what is released by a decree and what is ordered by word o f mouth, (these as) not to be remitted, this is accrued revenue.16 ...he (the superintendent) should hand over in writing the (revenue) estimate, accrued revenue, outstanding revenue, income and expenditure, balance, (the time for) attendancei 7(for audit), (sphere of) activity, customs and fixed rules, to all the departments. Kautilya envisioned long-term strategies which would keep the treasury filled and the state afloat. For instance, in book five, chapter two, section four, Kautilya wrote that the king “should provide one making a new settlement with grains, cattle, money & other things.” 18 Kautilya realized that establishing new settlements meant an increase in agricultural revenue as well as taxes to be levied on that settlement. Kautilya also set fixed taxes depending on one’s livelihood. In section seventeen, Kautilya wrote: Dealers in Gold, silver, diamonds, gems, pearls, corals, horses and elephants shall pay a tax o f fifty. Dealers in yam, cloth, copper, steel, bronze, perfumes, medicines and wines shall pay a tax of forty. Dealers in grains, liquids and metals and those carrying on trade with carts shall pay a tax o f thirty. Traders in glass and major artisans shall pay a tax o f twenty. Minor artisans and keepers of harlots shall pay a tax o f ten. Dealers in articles o f wood and bamboo, stoneware, earthenware, cooked food and green (vegetables), shall pay a tax o f five. Actors and prostitutes shall pay half their wage.19 Kautilya obviously had considerable business acumen. He realized that any merchant or tradesman might take advantage o f the state by evading payment o f taxes. Therefore, Kautilya said, “they [referring to administrators] shall recover a tax in cash

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from those skilled in work, and shall not overlook any offence o f theirs. For, these might sell (something) by representing it as not belonging to them.” There was also discussion o f penalties to be levied for tax offenses: ‘Among those (causes o f loss o f revenue), the fine is as much as the loss of money, increased by one-fold in each succeeding case according to the order (as stated above),’ say the followers o f Manu. ‘In all cases (the fine shall be) eight times (the loss),’ says the followers o f Parasara. ‘Ten times say the followers of Brhaspati. ‘Twenty times,’ say the followers o f Usanas. ‘The fine shall be) in 21 conformity with the offence,’ says Kautilya. Despite comprehensive taxation, “taxes were intended to be light and equitable. The King is advised not to put too great a burden on the people, nor to resort to unrighteous and covetous methods.”

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This sentiment was affirmed by Kautilya, who

wrote that, “the King should exempt from taxes a region laid waste by the army o f the enemy or by foresters, or afflicted by disease or famine.”23 Furthermore, Kautilya reached out directly to farmers when he said, “And he [referring to the King] should favor them with grains cattle and money. These they should pay back afterwards at their convenience.”24 Not only did such policies foster a better relationship between the king and the farmers but also ensured long-term replenishment o f the treasury. Since the Sudras constituted the vast majority o f agriculturalists, Kautilya was therefore looking out for the interests o f the Sudras as well as the long-term interests o f the state. Some scholars would argue that it was the land owners whose interests were being served, not the Sudras. Such passages convey Kautilya’s concern for the health o f the treasury. State officials were held accountable for discrepancies in the treasury. To make sure that the administrators were doing what they were supposed to do, Kautilya advised the sovereign:

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And, (he should have) the activity (of departments) watched by spies. For, the person in question (viz., the officer) if not conversant with the activity, customs, and fixed rules, causes loss o f revenue through ignorance, if unable to endure the trouble o f (energetic) activity, through laziness, if addicted to the pleasures o f the senses, sound and others, through remissness, if afraid o f an uproar (among subjects) or o f an unrighteous or harmful act, through fear, if inclines to show favor to those who have work with him, through love, if inclined to do them harm, through anger, because o f reliance on learning or wealth or the support o f a (royal) favourite, through arrogance, (and because o f (deceit in) introducing a difference in weight, measure, assessment or counting, (he causes loss) through greed.27 To prevent the treasury from being depleted, Kautilya instructed the administrator to remind the praja or the public o f its allegiance to the sovereign and o f each individual’s dharmic duty to pay taxes. This would be accomplished via public dramatizations where ...secret agents opposing one another, should carry on a disputation...(one of them should say) ‘this King is said to be endowed with all virtues and yet no virtue is to be seen in him, as he oppresses citizens and country people with fines and taxes.’ The other should contradict him as well as those who may commend his views there, (he should say) ‘people, overwhelmed by the law of the fishes made Manu, the son o f Vivasvat, their King. And they assigned onesixth o f the grains, one-tenth o f the commodities and money as his share. Maintained by that, kings bring about the well-being and security o f the subjects. Those who did not pay fines and taxes take on themselves the sins of those (kings) and (kings) who do not being about well-being and security (take on themselves the sins) o f the subjects. Therefore, even forest-dwellers offer a sixth part o f their gleaned grains, saying, “this is the share for him who protects us.28 Kautilya was occasionally compelled to contradict his benevolent attitude for the long-term security o f the state. Kautilya instructed the king to seek special financial help from the public during emergencies. In fact, Kautilya advised resorting to the use of deceptive measures as a means to replenish the treasury. Though Kautilya devoted an entire chapter to the replenishment o f the treasury during times o f the crown’s financial

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crises, for instance placing demands on farmers, traders, artisans, etc., the following sections illustrate the Kautilyan approach to the subject matter: .. .the Administrator, pointing to some work to be done, should ask citizens and country people for contributions. And secret agents should then first give large amounts. Referring to that, the King should ask the citizens and country people (for corresponding contributions...) 9 .. .he should ask money o f the rich according to their wealth, or according to 30 benefits (conferred on them), or whatever they may offer o f their own will The evolution o f taxation from a feudal to a monetary system transformed state development. This included detailed taxes on almost everything, from income taxes to land taxes, farming taxes to slaughter taxes, as well as poll taxes, sales taxes, and customs duties. To prevent concealed losses and misappropriation, the records and audit office had to keep exact figures, track all transactions, monitor the funds o f all departments, issue fines based on the severity o f mistakes, and then take the steps needed to recover revenue misappropriated by employees o f the state. Measures o f taxation adopted by Kautilya underscored the common theme, that revenue generates wealth, and wealth sustains and protects a state. Such careful provisions allowed for a centralized system o f taxation to take shape and gave birth to administrative offices and positions such as that o f the bhagadugha or tax collector in ancient India. Once states had accrued sufficient funds, there was an ever­ growing increase o f state expenditure devoted to strengthening the army. 3.2 Military & Expansion Aristotle observed: “[tjhose who have the command o f the arms in a country are masters o f the state, and have it in their power to make what revolutions they please.”

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The ancient world saw an almost simultaneous birth o f polities in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and the Indus Valley. These well planned and advanced centers o f urban development signaled a new era o f communal society. Unlike primitive societies, these societies were a well constituted and hierarchal social order. The general pattern o f development o f ancient societies was marked by initially loose and non-uniform governance through chiefdoms as well as common inter-tribal conflict. As detailed in chapter one, the gradual shift from clans and tribes to local and then eventual state kingship gave rise to warrior castes, for instance, the Ksatriya. Kings inevitably had to define the role o f warrior castes and their relationship with the sovereign. Monarchs would raise armies to conquer neighboring kingdoms and military successes would be viewed as divinely ordained. In fact, reference to dharma-yuddha or dharm-yudh in ancient Indian polity reflects this approach. As addressed in chapter one, India before the Mauryan ascendancy was invaded from the east and the west. Given the circumstances via which Chandragupta came to power and established India, one might have expected Kautilya to build an army using hired foreign troops. However, Kautilya preferred his own troops. Scholars point to Kautilya’s philosophy concerning the hiring of foreign men: “The king, possessed o f might, over-reaches the King possessed o f energy, by his might, by inviting another king superior to him (in energy), by hiring or purchasing heroic men.” However, for Kautilya, if state survival was contingent upon strengthening the armed forces by hiring paid foreigners, there was a need to proceed with great precaution. “The loyalty o f the troops is o f utmost importance and therefore it is recommended that they

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should be under constant surveillance o f spies...in secret service, besides under the watchful eye of senior army officers.” Kautilya added, Because o f their having the same feelings as the King and because o f constant enjoyment o f his regard (for them), hereditary troops are better than hired troops33 Being not restricted as to place and time and because o f having a common purpose, allied troops are better than alien troops34 Kautilya preferred the Ksatriyas for warfare but was strikingly open and revolutionary in incorporating the Sudras and the Vaisyas as part o f the army.* Regarding an all-inclusive army, Kautilya emphasized that there was strength in numbers. He made this clear when he wrote that: And bravery, firmness, cleverness and large numbers are (found) among the country people.40 However, a large military force also posed a significant threat for the monarch. The maintenance o f armed forces was contingent upon funds and insufficient funds would require the monarch to extract additional taxes for the upkeep o f the armed forces. This risked a revolt from the people. Under similar dangerous circumstances, a special standing force exclusively at the disposal o f the monarch was available to deal with the betrayal o f certain commanders who owed their allegiance to the monarch. Referring to treason, Kautilya advocated elimination of the subject: Among Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya and Sudra troops, each earlier one is better for equipping for war than each later one, on account of superiority o f spirit,’ say the teachers. N o,’ says Kautilya. By prostration, an enemy may win over *

Primitive societies allowed for local armies to comprise o f people across the social strata. Lack o f internal organization, a w eak hierarchal structure, and inadequate monetary resources fueled this trend. History offers m any examples. For instance, conscripts in Egypt were peasants and artisans who were led by nobles. This is also evident during the late-M iddle Ages. The creation o f the Table o f Ranks by Peter I o f Russia also comes to mind. “Entry and prom otions were based on merit, and officials had equal status: ‘whatever their birth, they became the equals o f the best and most ancient noble families, and enjoy the same dignity and advantages.’ Anyone reaching rank eight, if a commoner, was autom atically registered as a hereditary noble. All the nobility were required to serve and to see that their children were given appropriate education.” 37

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brahmana troops. A Ksatriya army, trained in the art o f weapons, is better, or a Vaisya or a Sudra, when possessed o f great strength38 But against those treasonable principal officers, who cause harm to the kingdom, (and) who, being favourites or being united, cannot be suppressed openly, he should employ ‘silent punishment,’ finding pleasure in (doing his) duty.39 While securing adequate military manpower is integral for the protection o f a state, without resources like armor, weaponry, and ammunition it is destined to fail. Kautilya realized the importance o f a well equipped armed force and in exhaustive detail laid out instructions for the training and development o f military personnel and equipment. Kautilya’s Arthasastra not only designated a position o f the “Superintendent o f Chariots,” but specified the size and types o f chariots. O f course, the use o f chariots in warfare was not an invention o f the Kautilyan State.* Regarding chariots, Kautilya wrote: The (duty o f the) Superintendent o f Chariots is explained by (that of) the Superintendent o f Horses. He should establish factories for (the manufacture of) chariots. ‘One with ten purusas (of height) and twelve (purusas) interior is (the biggest) chariot. Less than that by one (purusa) interior space successively up to six (purusas) interior space (are smaller ones); thus there are seven (sizes of) chariots.’42 He should cause to be made chariots, (such as) temple chariot, festive chariot, war chariot, travelling carriage, chariot for marching against an enemy’s city and chariot for training 43 He should be conversant with arrangements concerning...employment o f charioteers, chariot-attendants and chariot horses.. ,44 Kautilya advised as to the arrangement of battle-arrays, the distribution o f strong and weak troops, as well as the modes o f fighting of the infantry, the cavalry, the chariots, and the elephants. In fact, Kautilya referred to four battle-arrays: “danda-vyuha ‘staff array,’ bhoga-vyuha ‘serpent array,’ mandala-vyuha ‘circular array,’ and asamhataVedic literature, H om er’s llliad, the epic battles o f the Kurus and the Pandavas in the Mahabharata, Assyrian warfare throughout the Middle East and the Shang Dynasty in China attest to extensive use o f chariots in warfare. In fact, “the IndoIranians were the first to develop the light, two wheeled, spoked horse-drawn chariot”41 The ratha as it was known in India w ould be called rota in Latin.

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vyuha ‘loose array.’ The use of each is dependent on the terrain as well as the disposition of the enemy troops.”45 Chapter five Concerning War addressed the various scenarios of ground warfare. A few examples o f military planning follow: The commander-in-chief and the commandant should arrange the army in a battle-array, with chiefs assigned different positions, after detaching it out of sight (of the enemy).46 He should place as the centre a division o f three rows o f three chariot units, a flank and a wing o f the same size on either side. There are thus forty-five chariots in a chariot division, two hundred and twenty five horses, six hundred and twenty five soldiers as fighters in front and the same number as foot guards.47 This is the uniform array. It may increase in size by two chariot-units at a time up to twenty-one chariot units. Thus, the odd numbers become the ten bases of the uniform array. In case o f an uneven number in the wings, the flanks and the centre as compared to one another, there is uneven array. It may also increase in size by two chariotunits at a time up to twenty-one chariot-units. Thus the odd numbers become the ten bases o f the uneven army.49 (An unmixed) infantry array is-armoured soldiers in front, archers behind. Thus the unmixed (arrays)50 Foot-soldiers (should be) in the wings, horses on the flanks, elephants in the rear, chariots in front, or a reversal o f this (may be made) in accordance with enemy’s array...51 By placing weak troops at the ends, he becomes able to over-power (the enemy) with his vehemence. Placing the best troops in front he should place the next best at the ends, the third best in the rear, (and) weak troops in the centre.. .52 The scope o f Kautilyan warfare however would not have been confined to archers on horses and elephants or massive infantry and cavalry divisions. While scholars debate about the use o f seafaring vessels during the Kautilyan era, there are references within the Arthasastra which support the idea o f warfare on the high seas. Since evidence suggests the capacity o f ancient societies to navigate the waters for trade, it could therefore be

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assumed that ships and other seafaring vessels were used for warfare during Kautilya’s time. The following quote from Kautilya seems to support this idea. “As between those who fight in water and those who fight on land, the acquisition o f land from those who fight in water is preferable. For, those fighting in water are restricted as to the place and time (of fighting); fighters on land, however, can fight in all places and in all seasons.”53 Military forces during the fourth millennium BC were not, o f course, limited to ground warfare. Well before seafaring vessels were employed for combat, trading via extensive water routes was quite common. In fact, “in the last three decades it has become increasingly clear that an abundance o f imported artifacts discovered from Egypt to the Indus Valley and from central Asia to the Arabian Peninsula, attest to the existence o f a lively international trade that was already in place by 2500 BC.”54 For instance, the ancient Egyptians traveled up and down the great Nile and many o f the ancient cities, like Alexandria, had established active trading posts. It must be noted that maritime trade was contingent upon geography. Island-states along the Mediterranean as well as land masses like India and Africa flourished via trade. Archaeological research supports active trading between distant ancient empires. Archaeological finds of Roman coins as well as Egyptian artifacts in the Indus valley suggest active trading between these cultures dating from the mid-fourth millennium BC. Realizing the importance o f trade and shipping, Kautilya officially designated a position o f controller o f shipping and set forth the requirements o f such a position. It is interesting to note that Kautilya advocated rules and regulations we might find concerning shipping at major ports under the provisions of the present-day Office of Homeland Security: Kautilya was aware o f the enemy’s attempts to pass through from

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foreign territory and suggested that the controller should watch out for those who appeared to be hiding something or looked guilty. The following excerpts convey the intended message: The Controller of Shipping should look after activities concerning sea voyages and ferries at the mouths o f rivers, as well as ferries over natural lakes, artificial lakes and rivers.. ,55 The Controller of Shipping rhas observe the regulations in a port town as fixed /r by the Commander of Ports. He should cause to be arrested a person showing a changed appearance because o f fear, a person secretly carrying goods o f high value, letters, weapons or means o f fire...A t the frontiers, ferrymen should recover the duty, the escortcharges and the road cess, and should confiscate the goods o f one going out without a seal, also (those) o f a person crossing with a heavy load at an improper time and elsewhere than at a regular crossing.57 He should demand duty from ships sailing on sea when they come within the domain. He should destroy (boats) that cause harm, also those coming over from the enemy’s territory and those violating the regulations o f the port.58 The extent to which the navy was a prevalent institution in ancient India is further illustrated by M egasthenes’ Indika. Megasthenes wrote that “the body o f military affairs consisted of six divisions, with five members each” and o f importance here, as Megasthenes added, “one division is appointed to cooperate with the admiral o f the fleet...”59 This strongly suggests not only that maritime combat operations were a part o f the Mauryan military, but an integral part since the other divisions were to cooperate with the “admiral of the fleet.” Vedic texts, especially the Rigveda, also attest to the ancient maritime and naval operations in India. In fact, “the motto o f the Indian Navy itself has been taken from this source. The motto is

SH A N N O VARUNA,

the English translation o f which is Lord o f the

Seas (Varuna) be auspicious unto us.”60 Similarly, while the Imperial Navy o f the

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Romans and the Byzantine Navy were advanced in strategic naval operations, the ancient Greeks had perfected warships like the triremes. “By the fifth century BC, the triremes had established itself as an indispensable tool o f war. A long slender vessel, the trireme was about nine times as long as it was wide, about 120 feet by 15 feet, and was powered by 170 rowers.”61 Vedic literature offers detailed accounts o f similar ships powered by 100 rowers. Strategic warfare was further developed with the use o f iron. It ushered in a new age of combat. The heating, shaping, and tempering o f iron radically transformed weaponry. A point worth noting is that by this time, the idea o f a military force was permanently entrenched in society and the rise o f great monarchies throughout the archaic and classical periods would result in an ever-increasing ambition to conquer and expand, thus allocating a great deal o f resources towards the creation o f unprecedented military forces. Chandragupta Maurya’s armed forces were well documented by ancient Greek philosophers Megasthenes and Strabo, and by the Chinese philosopher Fa-Tsien. As generally believed amongst historians, Chandragupta’s army comprised o f “300,000600,000 infantry, 30,000 cavalry, and 9,000 elephants.”62 They detailed accounts o f the Mauryan military and its capabilities under the sovereign. The Asokan rock edicts also evidence the size of armies during the Mauryan era. In fact Asoka’s edict also recounted the 100,000 slain during his war with the Kalingas. More impressive than the accounts o f the size o f armies and navies in ancient India was the comprehensive Kautilyan strategy on warfare. Sovereigns throughout

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military history stressed the importance o f a quantitative military force while others focused primarily on strategic warfare. 3.3 Strategic Warfare A military force is good only if it employs effective strategy in warfare. The ancient world documents countless wars, the victors o f whom ascribed their win to strategy. Odysseus’ tactics during the Trojan War, Alexander’s campaign during the War at Hyphasis,* and the use of the chakra-vyuh' in the Mahabharata come to mind. Kautilyan warfare was remarkably ahead o f its time although some o f its features were similar to the epic war, Mahabharata. Well before Kautilya, ancient Indian political philosophy advanced two types of warfare, dharma-yuddha and kuta-yuddha] the former based on ethical principles and the latter on devious warfare. As Kautilya observed, “an arrow, discharged by an archer, may kill one person or may not kill (even one); but intellect operated by a wise man would kill even children in the womb.”63 It may be argued that while the Kaurvas and the Pandavas resorted to using both forms o f warfare, the entire epic was based on the principle of dharma-yuddha. An unethical act for the larger good was acceptable in ancient Indian polity. As Giri Deshingkar points out, in the Ramayana, “Lord Rama, the most perfect human being known, nevertheless kills Vali, a brother o f his ally, by deception. The Mahabharata advises resort to all kinds o f trickery in the service o f the weak but righteous side in a dispute over the Kingdom”

f\A

Nevertheless, their theme was always

that of good versus evil, nyaya versus anyaya, and the ultimate victory o f dharmavijaya.

*

The Hyphasis refers to the Beas River which runs through Punjab. ^ The battle-array employed by the Kauravas on the thirteenth day o f the Mahabharata war. The circular array, (thus the Chakra), comprised o f seven circular formations, every other strengthened with the best fighters. The victim o f the cakra-vyuh would be Abhim anyu, A rjuna’s son.

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Kautilya revolutionized military strategy by introducing and advancing three types o f warfare: open war, concealed war, and silent war. He also combined realism and ethics by considering warfare in a broader context o f diplomacy. Here, security o f the state was not solely based on the state’s treasury. Both Kautilya and Louis XIV understood the importance o f alliances and advocated their use; the former advanced the Mandala theory and the latter reintroduced Kautilya’s ideology o f “the enemy o f my enemy is my friend” some 1,800 years later. Mandala Theory is discussed at length in chapter three. With respect to the three modes o f warfare and three types o f conquerors, Kautilya wrote: “Open war is fighting at the place and time indicated; creating fright, sudden assault, striking when there is error or calamity, giving way and striking in one place, are types o f concealed warfare; that which concerns secret practices and instigations through secret agents is the mask o f silent war.”65 Kautilya added: There are three Kings who attack: the righteous conqueror, the greedy conqueror and the demoniacal conqueror. O f them, the righteous conqueror is satisfied with submission. He should submit to him, also when there is danger from others. The greedy conqueror is satisfied with the seizure o f lands and goods. He should yield money to him. The demoniacal conqueror (is satisfied only) with the seizure of land, goods, sons, wives and life. By yielding lands and goods to him, he should take counter-steps, remaining out of reach himself.66 Kautilya also addressed the treatment o f the conquered and the would-be conquered. Indeed, much like Machiavelli and Sun Tzu, Kautilya advocated humane treatment It was understood by Kautilya that the power to rule over one’s own or an acquired territory needed to be just and would only be successful if it were so. This was the ancient Indian ideology o f dharmic rule and justice or dharmarajya and nyaya respectively.

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Kautilya agreed that any type o f warfare was useless without sound governance. Kautilya expected the commander o f the armed forces to manage all military matters and strongly advised the king to take a proactive approach. He also suggested that the monarch personally inspect the maintenance o f the army. Kautilya advised: The Commandment of the Army, trained in the science o f all (kinds of) fights and weapons, (and) renowned for riding on elephants, horses or chariots, should be conversant with the same, (and) with the direction o f the work carried out by the four-fold troops67 Furthermore, ‘infantry, cavalry, chariots and elephants should carry out practice in their arts outside (the city) at sun-rise, except on juncture-days. The King should constantly attend to that, and should frequently inspect their arts’ /TO

While the monarch played an active role in the overall management o f the state, without officials who assist at the local, state, and national levels, the state ceases to exist. 3.4 State Bureaucracy and Governance “Rulership can be successfully carried out (only) with the help o f associates. One wheel alone does not turn (the chariot). Therefore, he should appoint ministers and listen to their opinion.”69 The comprehensiveness o f state governance and the offices through which the state governed during the Mauryan State is unparalleled when compared to its European counterparts during the late-Middle Ages and the early-modern period. Book two o f the Kautilya’s Arthasastra outlined the duties o f the various state department heads. The following offices and titles provide an invaluable glimpse into the overall comprehensive nature o f state governance in the Arthasastra: The setting up o f the Revenue by the Administrator; Records and Accounts and Audit Office; Misappropriation o f Revenue by Officers and its Recovery; Examination o f Precious Articles Received in the Treasury; The Superintendent o f Gold in the Workshop; The Royal Goldsmith in the Market highway; The Superintendent o f the Magazine; The Director o f Trade; The Director o f Forests; The Superintendent o f the Armoury; Standardization o f weights and measures; Measures o f space and time; The Collector o f customs; The Superintendent o f

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Yams; The Director of Agriculture; The Controller o f Spirituous Liquors; The Superintendent of Animal Slaughter; The Superintendent o f Courtesans; The Controller o f Shipping; The Superintendent o f Cattle; The Superintendent of Horses; The Superintendent o f Elephants; The Superintendent o f Chariots; The Superintendent of Foot Soldiers; The Commandant o f the Army; The Superintendent o f Passports; The Superintendent o f Pastures; The Administrator’s Activity; Activity o f Secret Agents; The City of Superintendent70 In fact, many of the aforementioned offices and titles existed in the form of specified occupations during the Vedic period as is documented by the Vajasaneyi Samhiti: “Taksan [carpenter], Prasnavivaka [judge], hastipa [commander o f the elephant division],

asvapa

[commander

o f the

calvary], prakarita

[distributor],

ksatta

[chamberlain], bhagadugha [collector o f taxes], vanapa [forest officer], davapa [officer of the forest fire brigade]”71 Additionally, “caste members V, VI and VII mentioned by Megasthenes referred to Mauryan civil service consisting of all high civil and military officers.”72 Perhaps the most significant civil service office throughout history has been that of the minister or chief advisor to the sovereign. Kautilya offered the following advice to the monarch over the appointment o f ministers, counselors, and chaplains: For, the affairs o f a King are (of three kinds, viz.,) directly perceived, unperceived and inferred. What is seen by (the king) him self is directly perceived. What is communicated by others is imperceived (by him). Forming an idea o f what has not been done from what is done in respect o f undertakings is inferred. But, because o f the simultaneity o f undertakings, their manifoldness and their having to be carried out in many different places, he should cause them to be carried out by ministers, unperceived (by him), so that there may be no loss o f place and time73 In fact, eighteen primary officers were high state functionaries under whom we see the appointment o f twenty-seven superintendents. Being appointed was relatively easy. Secret tests were administered to test the integrity of the prospective candidates.

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The four tests required by Kautilya are: piety, material gain, lust, and fear. Kautilya wrote: After appointing ministers to ordinary offices in consultation with the Councillors and the Chaplain, he should test their integrity by means o f secret tests.74 It is almost an understatement to say that Kautilya trusted no one. This was clearly reflected in Kautilya’s advice to the Mauryan monarch. It is also reflected in his use of spies. For instance, public gatherings were not allowed with the exception of religious activities or festivals. Kautilya wrote, “When he has set spies on the high officials, he should set spies on the country people.”75 Kautilya’s spy state encompassed every occupation. Officers and heads o f departments were particularly targeted by spies via manipulated real-life scenarios. Kautilya states: The administrator should station in the country (secret agents) appearing as holy ascetics, wandering monks, cart-drivers, wandering minstrels, jugglers, tramps, fortune-tellers, soothsayers, astrologers, physicians, lunatics, dumb persons, deaf persons, idiots, blind persons, traders, artisans, artists, actors, brothel-keepers, vintners, dealers in bread, dealers in cooked meat and dealers in cooked rice. They should find out the integrity or other-wise o f village officers and heads of departments76 The Kautilyan spy state was highly developed; in fact Kautilya specified the responsibility as well as the locale where each spy should be stationed: In fortified towns traders (should constitute) the spy establishments, on the outskirts o f fortified towns ascetics, farmers and apostate monks in the 77 countryside (and) herdsmen on the borders o f the country In order to discover espionage by enemies, he should station at frontiers principal officers, who are non-seducible, but are shown to be impelled by motives for action that are associated with seducible parties78 Even Megasthenes reported on the use o f spies in the Mauryan kingdom. In fact, it was included in his description o f the seven types o f castes, though it is agreed that the

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Greek Ambassador to the Mauryan Court alludes to the seven main categories of occupation in ancient India. Megasthenes counts spies as a sixth class. He wrote: They spy out what goes on in country and town, and report everything to the King where the people have a King, and to the magistrates where the people are self-governed, and it is against use and wont for these to give in a false report; but indeed no Indian is accused o f lying79 Why would Kautilya place so much emphasis on spying? Simply put, to find and weed out dissenters amongst the populace and conspirators against the monarch. Spying allowed for the monarch to keep his eyes and ears amongst the populace and to ascertain the mood o f his subjects. After all, as stated before, Kautilya and Machiavelli both strongly believed that discord amongst the people leads to rebellion and endangers the sovereign. “Containing ad-hoc public gatherings and assemblies was a means of controlling any possible dissension which may spread amongst the populace and perhaps take greater shape as to endanger the Sovereign.” As Romila Thapar states, the process o f state centralization meant that “open assemblies were further diffused.”80 Kautilya also took into account the fact that the activities and messages o f one spy was not enough proof for reporting illegal and suspicious activity. Such information had to be corroborated by others as well. And for those who would dare bring in false information, the end was near. Indeed, Kautilya insisted that: When there is agreement in the reports o f three (spies), credence (should be given). In case o f continuous mistakes on their part, ‘silent punishment’ is (the means of) their removal.81 Kautilya advised that the monarch should receive continuous updates from his ministers and spies. This may be attributed to Kautilya’s concern for assessing the mood of his subjects and thus acting accordingly.

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Arriving in the assembly hall, he should allow unrestricted entrance to those wishing to see him in connection with his affairs. For, a King difficult o f access is made to do the reverse o f what ought to be done and what ought not to be done, by those near him. In consequence o f that, he may have to face an insurrection o f the subjects or subjugation by the enemy. Therefore, he should look into the affairs o f temple deities, hermitages, heretics, Brahmins learned o f the Vedas, cattle and holy places, o f minors, the aged, the sick, the distressed and the helpless and o f women, in (this) order, or, in accordance with the importance o f the matter or its urgency82 In fact, this practice would be followed by Chandragupta’s grandson, Asoka the Great. “One o f Asoka’s inscriptions also notes that he gave free access day and night, just to report what was happening in the country.”83 The Kautilyan police state was almost total. There was no room for anything resembling the modem Bill o f Rights because individual liberties like freedom o f speech and privacy were absent in the Kautilyan State. O f the many instances listed in book four, chapter six on “Arrest on Suspicion,” the following conveys Kautilya’s mind-set: One moving stealthily in the shadow o f walls at an odd hour o f the night, one selling at an improper place and time goods that are changed in appearance, one secretly getting treatment for recently inflicted wounds, one whose stay and departure are unkown.84 Lack o f privacy and free speech were evident in the control mechanisms that were in place covering every aspect o f public and personal life. Perhaps worth noting in the last of the following three quotations is protection o f the Sudra caste: The wife who, (prohibited), indulges haughtily in the sport o f drink, shall pay a fine of three panas. In case she goes by day to a show by women or on a pleasure-trip with women, the fine (shall be) six panas, for going to a show by men or on a pleasure-trip with men, twelve panas. At night, (the fines shall be) double85 If a man and a woman, with sexual intercourse in view, indulge in gestures with limbs or indecent conversation o/in secret, twenty-four panas is the fine for the woman, double that for the man

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In case o f libel concerning character, among Brahmins, Kshatriyas, Vaisyas, Sudras and the lowest born, the fines are three panas increased by three panas successively (if it is) o f the earlier by the later, decreasing by two panas successively up to two panas if o f the later by the earlier, also in case o f vilification like; low Brahmin’ and so on87 While the protection of women and the lower classes in Mauryan society was revolutionary, so was Kautilya’s separation o f state power from religious activity. Though the Brahmins play a key role in the Kautilyan State, it was merely ceremonial. It was strikingly different from the role o f the Roman Catholic Church in the European state-making process. 3.5 Church and State The Roman Catholic Church as an independent institution has played a critical part in state development in Europe. In fact, the Vatican survives as a sovereign, papal state recognized by the international community. State formation in ancient India and Europe was cradled in religion - the former based on the principles o f Hindu dharmic duty and the latter in the image o f the Roman Catholic Church. The Mauryan State was religiously pluralistic. In fact, Kautilya advocated acceptance o f religious beliefs, even those practiced by the subjects of a conquered territory. Nevertheless, it is revolutionary that Kautilya did not include the church as part o f the Saptanga Theory. Kautilya’s exclusion o f religion and priesthood as a constituent element of the state was a departure from the traditional unitary relationship o f church-state relations in ancient Indian polity. The Dharamasutras as well as the Laws o f Manu dictated this ideology; the former stated “the King rules over all except Brahmins,” and the latter pointed to how a monarch must be absolutely obedient to the Brahmin priests. Furthermore, “all mention o f priests crowning kings is absent in Kautilya’s Arthasastra,”88

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Upon reflection, it is not all that surprising that Kautilya maintained a strictly ceremonial relationship with the priests. In fact, it was ingenious because if the Brahmins had exercised any real power within the affairs o f the state, they would have challenged or altogether prevented Kautilya’s cunning policies. Kautilya even utilized religion for the benefit o f the state. For instance, Kautilya advocated the use o f secret agents disguised as ascetics for inviting voluntary contribution o f funds through deception: “ ...agents appearing as holy men after showing danger from an evil spirit in a tree demanding the tax o f a human being, should ward it off for the citizens and the country people for m oney... those who do not believe, he should administer poison when they are sipping water or washing themselves and declare it to be a curse o f the divinity, or should cause a person condemned to death to be bitten.” 89

For protection from natural disasters, Kautilya urged his subjects to pray to the gods. It is interesting to note Kautilya’s divergent views regarding the power o f Brahmins and magicians in the prevention o f natural disasters and disease. It may be inferred from several passages in the Arthasastra that Kautilya admonished some o f the characteristics (sympathetic nature, piousness, etc.) one may associate with a Brahmin. Perhaps most striking was Kautilya’s suggestion about hermits, ascetics, and ‘divine calamities.’ Kautilya believed that sages had the power to control divine catastrophes through rituals. Kautilya’s reliance on the rituals o f holy men who could prevent divine catastrophes suggests a distinction between the capacity of Brahmins and magicians to counter “the divine” from “the natural.” Natural disasters were not a result o f divine intervention, though, ironically, Kautilya acknowledged “visitations from the gods are: fire, floods, disease, famine and epidemic”90 The following passages suggest the aforementioned thoughts:

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The calamity of disease, (magicians and others) should counteract with secret means, physicians with medicines or holy ascetics with pacificatory and expiatory rites.91 Therefore, experts in the practice o f magic, (and) holy ascetics, capable o f counteracting divine calamities, should live in the kingdom, honoured by the king.92 Hindrances to gain are: passion, anger, nervousness, pity, shyness, ignobleness, a sympathetic nature, regard for the other world, piousness, illiberality, abjectness, jealousy, contempt for what is in the hand, wickedness, lack o f trust, fear, failure to counter-act, inability toQ-5 endure cold, heat and rain, and fondness for auspicious days and constellations Kautilya made it clear in the Arthasastra that state power exceeded religious power, but he also alluded to the importance o f warriors, especially those who perished in a good fight and immediately end up in heaven, compared to the many rites and rituals Brahmins undertook to reach the same goal. It may be inferred from passages throughout the Arthasastra that while Brahmins played a significant ceremonial role, they did not play a significant role of state governance. Brave men, giving up their lives in good battles, reach in one moment even beyond those (worlds) which Brahmins, desirous o f heaven, reach by a large number o f sacrifices, by penance, and by many gifts to worthy persons94 The church/state relationship was strikingly different in the state-building processes throughout the Middle East and Europe. Much like the Holy Roman Empire, the preservation o f the Vedic social order was regarded as the sovereign’s duty. “That however does not mean that a theological state is thought of in this sastra. No organized theological body was there to intervene in affairs o f the state to safeguard religious interests or to enforce religious sanctions.”95 It is also interesting to note that while in Medieval Europe, the church served as the primary institution for social welfare, the Brahmins did not play an active role in social welfare. It was the king’s dharmic duty to

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ensure the well-being o f his subjects. This is evident by the Indian sovereign’s accessibility to his people at all times. 3.6 The State o f Welfare Though the modem use o f the term “welfare state” is associated with the comprehensive measure o f social insurance advanced by Lord Beveridge of Great Britain in 1948, the idea of the state playing a key role in the protection and promotion o f the economic and social well-being o f its citizens is a much older concept. Contrary to popular belief, there is much detailed literature to support this assertion. The groundwork for the welfare state was well established in the Arthasastra and in fact reached its peak in India during the reign o f Asoka Maurya, the third monarch o f the Mauryan state. In the context of this dissertation, the term welfare encompasses all provisions of care for the mass populace and is also inclusive o f items usually not acknowledged as elements o f welfare. These include the infrastructure o f towns, villages, and cities, as well as long-term welfare provisions such as preventative measures against possible calamities. The welfare state then is a bureaucratic process, nationally sanctioned, and funded with mechanisms designed to produce short-term and long-term benefits for the public. Such a state emerges when a society or its decision making groups become convinced that the welfare o f the individual (beyond such provisions as may be made to preserve order and provide for the common defense) is too important to be left to custom or to informal arrangements and private undertakings and is therefore a concern of government.96 Inoculating an entire populace against the threat o f a deadly disease and the collection o f unemployment and disability both fell within the scope o f welfare.

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There is no way to determine the exact origin o f public welfare as charity and almsgiving were early concepts. However, the establishment o f the Order o f the Knights Hospitaller in the eleventh century and the institution o f the Khalsa in Sikh Gurudom in the eighteenth century highlight the incorporation o f faith and the well-being o f the masses through the image o f saint-soldiers.* The private authority o f welfare as distinct from state sanctioned welfare has also been prevalent throughout the ages - the 1349 Ordinance o f Labourers forbade private relief as did the 1601 Elizabethan Poor Laws which formally sanctioned a poor relief rate. Indeed, with the exception o f the contemporary era, the welfare state with its accompanying welfare provisions has been a source o f both pride and redemption for one’s sins. The seven corporal acts o f mercy instituted by the Catholic Church which included feeding the hungry, giving drink to the thirsty, clothing the naked, visiting the sick, ransoming captives, lodging the homeless, and burying the dead “formed a regular part of the religious education o f the masses and were included in confessional manuals and catechisms, painted and sculpted in church interiors, posted on church doors, and expounded by preachers.”

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The impact o f such compassionate teaching no doubt

reflected mainstream life well outside the confines o f Europe.* Social protection and provision o f services was a trademark o f the Mauryan State. Kautilya recognized that only in the well-being o f its subjects can a state prosper. * The Knights Hospitaller o f the Order o f St. John provided care and hospice for Christian pilgrims. W hat makes the Order intriguing is its mix o f religious and military discipline. The Order was found in the eleventh century AD. Some seven centuries later, the last Sikh Master, Guru Gobind Singh established the Order o f the Khalsa. Here too, the concept o f a saint soldier is clear. The Khalsa is not m erely a physical identity for the Sikhs, it is also a responsibility to defend the defenseless, to provide justice and ensure equity. Furthermore, all this m ust be accomplished within the fram ework of humility. ^ For instance, Domostroi, the sixteenth century Russian advice manual for household administration reflected the teachings of the Church: “Bring the poor into your hom e, offer them food and drink, warm them with clothing, giving with love and a pure conscience...Invite the poor, the helpless, the impoverished, the suffering, the stranger to your house. A ccording to your m eans...give them alms accrued through your own righteous labors.”99

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Kautilya’s paternalistic attitude extended to all who had ailments and those who were incapacitated. ...in all cases, he should favor the stricken (subjects) like a father.102 And the king should maintain children, aged persons and persons in distress when these are helpless, as also the woman who has borne no child and the sons o f one who has (when these are helpless).103 And those women who do not stir out - those living separately, widows, crippled women or maidens, - who wish to earn their living, should be given work by sending his own female slaves to them with (a view to) support them.104

The Mauryan sovereign was able to provide and promote the welfare o f his subjects in part due to the immense control exercised by the state. As examined earlier, the Kautilyan State was a spy state and as such the needs o f the populace as well as those areas lacking in welfare protection were constantly in view and addressed. Because each city was governed by a city superintendent and at a more local level by a section officer, it is easy to see how the needs o f a populace were so well managed: The city-superintendent should look after the city in the manner of the Administrator. The section officer (should look after) a group o f ten families or twenty or forty families. He should find out the number o f individuals, men and women in that (group), according to caste, family-name and occupation, also their income and expenditure.105

This quote from Kautilya illustrated his ingenuity in maintaining an organized state. Section officers inquired about each family’s income and expenditure to determine each family’s living conditions. Furthermore, the use o f local and state officers provided for an extrem ely structured w elfare state. H asen feld alludes to H eclo , p oin tin g out the

importance o f civil servants in Medieval Europe. In Britain and Sweden for instance, “[adm inistrators are in a position to identify social conditions in need o f correction, to design new policy and to implement it.” 106 Furthermore, surveys o f the peasant

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population in the ninth and tenth centuries in Europe shed light on the status of households and welfare. Similar to Kautilya’s methodology, this allowed one to note the standard o f living o f each family by examining the number o f children and animals in each household. Furthermore, as the administrator in the Kautilyan State was in change o f ten or twenty or forty families, so too were the households in Farfa (central Italy) for instance headed by a Scario. * Furthermore, one finds a Kautilyan emphasis on welfare infrastructure reform. Kautilya gave due attention to the physical attributes o f cities and towns. In other words, the dwellings in cities and towns had to not only adhere to certain criteria for maximum benefit o f the people but at the very least had to provide resources within their reach. In this way, the state saved funds by addressing issues such as post settlement o f new lands. In fact, not incorporating location and infrastructure as elements o f welfare in the planning o f settlement o f new lands has historically proven unwise. ^ Though there is no doubt that Kautilyan welfare in part rested on the genuine belief that a sovereign must provide for his citizens, Kautilya also prescribed such actions because they benefited the state in the long run and helped to secure a healthy treasury. Kautilyan benevolence served as a means to an end. ...he should allot to tax-payers arable fields for life. Un-arable fields should not be taken away from those who are making them arable...and he should favor * “A Scario was an official or steward responsible for the administration o f the monastic estates.” As David Herlihy points out, “the Scario thus occupied a high social position.” 107 However, one must be careful not to place too m uch emphasis on surveys because definitions o f what constituted poor varied as did the criteria for being regarded as such in medieval Europe.

^ The writings o f Goro Dati, the fifteenth century historian in Florence describe: “ ...the city o f Florence is placed by nature in a rugged and sterile location which cannot give a livelihood to the inhabitants.. .therefore, they have departed from their territory to search through other lands, provinces and countries, where one or another has seen an opportunity to profit for a time, to make a fortune and to return to F lorence.. .”108

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them with grains, cattle and money. They should pay back afterwards at their convenience. And he should grant to them favors and exemptions which would cause an increase in the treasury...109 ...he should cause irrigation works to be built with natural water sources or water to be brought in from elsewhere. Or, to others who are building (these), he should render aid with land, road, trees and implements, and (also render aid) to (the building of) holy places and parks.110 *

Kautilya conveyed confidence in the countryside and the ability o f laborers and farmers to retain a healthy economy. Surprisingly however, Kautilya did not mention much about the importance o f education as an important element o f statecraft. One might assume that since Kautilya placed such great emphasis on welfare, educating the masses would be a priority. Education was a critical component o f the European enlightenment and the Kautilyan State in that it was reserved for the nobility and the Brahmins, respectively. Both periods lacked an external authority to initiate education beyond the scope of non­ secular personnel. This ensured a continuing divide between the religious elite and the common man, the haves and the have-nots. Because the Kautilyan State did not interfere with the Brahmins and vice-versa (with the exception o f rituals), there was no mechanism through which the Kautilyan State could address education reform. The Brahmins were, after all, the “learned teachers.” The flow o f knowledge was limited to the sovereign, his

♦ Likewise, “while rulers and m inisters” in Europe “did express their acceptance o f Enlightenm ent ideas,” their application “was in part for purely pragmatic reasons, at the root o f which was the eternal imperative to m axim ize the w ar making potential o f th e ir s u b je c ts .” 11 T h e p ro te c tio n o f a s ta t e ’s in te re s ts w a s n o d o u b t th e p rim a r y lo n g -te rm g o a l a n d it was contingent upon the state’s econom ic status, especially post calam itous circumstances. The various Statutes o f the Poor Laws in fourteenth century England attest to this reasoning - these Statutes were designed to boost the process o f economic recovery by first encouraging all men to work, therefore making it known that those capable o f work who chose not to work would be kicked out. In other words, if you cannot w ork to help the state, then you do not deserve to stay and drain the state o f its resources. Indeed Kautilya recognized that it was the laborers who were responsible for encouraging the economic prospects o f a state, thus o f the treasury and the army. “Agriculture, cattle-raiding and trade - these constitute economics (which are) beneficial, as they yield grains, cattle, money, forest produce and labour. Through them, the (king) brings under his sway his own party as well as the party o f the enemies, by the (use o f the) treasury and the army.” " 2

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cabinet o f ministers and a top-tier o f Ksatriyas and doubtfully Vaisyas. There was no way to educate the masses o f Sudras. Despite lack o f access to formal education for the lower classes, the idea o f being satisfied with life no matter how unfair or grave it was may be was well understood. It was an integral dharmic duty to be humble, respectful, and hospitable. Therefore, it is not surprising that this practice extended to foreign travelers. Fa-Hsien’s travels to the subcontinent in 400 AD attest to the hospitality bestowed upon him and his fellow pilgrims. Kautilya, however, advocated welfare provisions for the needs o f visiting foreigners and even reached out to the subjects o f a conquered territory. As Kautilya wrote: Officers in charge o f charitable lodging-houses should allow lodging to heretical travelers after informing (the section officer)...artisans and artists should lodge persons o f their own (profession) in their own places o f work, and traders 113 (should lodge) each other in their own places o f work.

And he should.. .order the release o f all prisoners and render help to the distressed, the helpless and the diseased.114

Like the work of confraternities in Europe, the scope o f Kautilya’s welfare state was broad. Strikingly similar to the welfare provisions in place for servicemen and women in the contemporary state, civil servants and their families were protected by the Kautilyan State in case o f death or injury. “O f those dying while on duty, the sons and wives shall receive the food and wages. And their minor children, old and sick person

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should be helped. And he should grant them money and do honour on occasions o f death, illness, and birth ceremonials.” 115 * As evident throughout the Arthasastra, Kautilya’s contingency planning for securing the long-term interests o f the state extended to protection from natural calamities and disasters. As Kautilya pointed out, “in the rainy season, villages situated near water should live away from the level o f the floods. And they should keep a collection of wooden planks, bamboos and boats. They should rescue a (person) being carried away (by the flood) by means o f gourds, skin-bags, canoes, tree-stems and rope braids.” 117 It is fascinating to see how controlled the Kautilyan State was time and again - any hesitation in doing one’s duty or right resulted in a fine. “For those who do not go to the rescue, the 1 i n

fine is twelve panas, except in the case o f those without canoes.” “Even during a famine, the King should make a store o f seeds and foodstuffs and show favour (to the subjects), or (institute) the building of forts or water-works with the grant of food, or share (his) provisions (with them), or entrust the country (to another king.”119 Such provisions o f welfare naturally extended to the battlefield. “Physicians, with surgical instruments, apparatus, medicines, oils and bandages, and women in charge of food and drink and capable o f filling men with enthusiasm, should be stationed in the rear.” 120 While the Speenhamland system (see Appendix III) was based on the number of children as well as the price o f commodities, the rationing o f food advanced by the

* This is also similar to Asa Briggs elements o f welfare in Great Britain in the mid-twentieth century; “a guarantee o f minimum standards, including a minimum income; social protection in the event o f insecurity, and the provision o f services at the best level possible.” 116

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Arthasastra, seems to have been based on caste. Kautilya stated that “one prastha o f ricegrains, 1/4 (of that) broth, a quantity o f salt 1/16 o f broth, (and) 1/4 part (of broth) butter or oil constitute one meal of an Arya male. 1/6 (of a prastha) broth, (and) half the quantity o f fat is for the lower classes. One quarter less for women. One half for children.”

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I disagree with Kangle who wrote that it was unlikely that the lower classes

received more fat. I think this was well thought out by Kautilya because he probably recognized the occupations held by the lower classes. Extra fat in the diet would no doubt keep the lower classes nourished for their arduous tasks as laborers and farmers and others in servile positions. Perhaps, this is also why one finds mention o f rice as well as meat in the Mauryan diet. The Mauryan welfare state focused on preventative measures to protect the populace. As discussed, the Kautilyan welfare state included establishing a sound infrastructure, food rationing during famine and other dire circumstances, education, and the dietary needs of the Mauryan populace. An equally important component of Kautilyan welfare in ancient India focused on the treatment of vagrants. It must be pointed out that history did not always reflect upon the poor beggars in this manner. The ancient world viewed ascetics, religious mendicants, and soothsayers with honor and respect. They were considered to possess divine powers and at times were sought to counsel kings to avoid calamities upon the kingdom. Their treatment in India was documented by the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hsien, who visited India in the fourth century AD. By this time it must be noted that Buddhism post-Asoka was prevalent in India even at this time. Speaking o f the 500 Sangharamas or residential monasteries, Fa-Hsien wrote that, “If any foreign ecclesiastic (Bikshu) arrive amongst them, they are all ready to

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entertain him for three days, after which they bid him seek for him self a resting place.” 122 This also suggests that the state provided for priests who bestowed honor and dignity on fellow visiting priests. As Fa-Hsien pointed out: ...all the resident priests have chambers, beds, coverlets, food, drink and clothes provided for them without stint or reserve. Thus it is in all places. The Priests...continually employ themselves in works o f benevolence...when a strange priest arrives amongst them, the senior bretheren go out to meet him, and conduct him on his way, carrying for him his clothes and alms dish. They then present him with water to wash his feet and cleanse them from mire, and they prepare an extraordinary repast. After a little pause when the stranger has rested, they ask him his age, according to which they allot him a chamber with proper materials, in every respect as the Law directs.123 Scholars contend that despite the comprehensive welfare provisions in place under Mauryan rule, slavery was commonplace in ancient India. The issue o f slavery in ancient India remains contentious amongst historians. Kautilya would contain the four varnas and maintain the labor force. In other words - while European social welfare included mechanisms to increase the workforce by trying to incorporate paupers and the lower classes to improve the economy, the Kautilyan system o f welfare would not alter the varnas for economic development. In fact, Kautilya wrote that “the King should not allow for the special duties o f the (different) beings to be transgressed (by them); for, ensuring adherence to (each one’s) special duty, he finds joy after death as well as in this life” Furthermore, “for people, among whom the bounds of the Aryan rule o f life are fixed, among whom the varnas and the stages o f life are securely established and who are guided by the three Vedas, prosper, do not perish.” 124 The treatment of slaves, paupers, and the lower classes was well covered in the Arthasastra as was a discussion regarding the various types of punishment. This raises important questions. Does the use of punishment promote welfare or benefit society? Can punishment deter crime and be considered a tool o f the welfare state?

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Kautilya was a strong advocate o f strict punishment and believed that it would deter others from making the same mistake. However, the idea o f the punishment fitting the crime cannot be applied to the Kautilyan State. The severity o f the punishment often did not seem to fit the type o f offense committed. Payment in most cases constituted redemption for crimes committed and punishment was not equitable. In other words, punishment was based on the vama system. Equal crimes committed by a Brahmin and a Sudra yielded strikingly different outcomes. Punishment without torture reflected less severe offenses. Punishment with torture was used for the most egregious offenses. Redemption was based on either accepting a punishment or the payment o f a hefty fine. Despite the fact that offenders were sentenced based on the vama hierarchy, there is ample evidence supporting the notion o f justice driven welfare in the Kautilyan State. This is made apparent by the fact that all punishments were decided by the magistrate and not the monarch. Kautilya made this point clear: After taking into full consideration the person and the offence, the motive, seriousness or lightness (of the offence), the consequences, the present (effects), and the place and time, the magistrate shall fix the highest, the lowest and the middle in the matter o f punishment remaining neutral between the King and the subjects.125 It seems clear that while Kautilya advocated a judicial review of crimes and offenses committed, the punishments seemed disparate and unevenly distributed along class lines. This brings one to ask that if the offenders were unfairly punished, how were the disabled treated within the Kautilyan State? Were the hearing and vision impaired accorded the same rights as the rest o f the populace? While historians have an unclear idea o f how the disabled were treated, ancient history provides some promising evidence. Sumerian proverbs from before 2500 BC

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mentioned deafness and muteness, which also appeared briefly in the Rig Veda and the Atharaveda, possibly from 1500 BC or earlier, and in the Avesta. These conditions were attributed to the existence o f evil and viewed as a reflection o f one’s deeds in a previous life. In fact, while inquiring about the welfare o f the disabled and the infirm from King Dhritarashtra,* Yudhishtira concluded in his message to the sovereign, “no doubt, sins must have been committed by you in your former lives.”

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Provisions for the impaired were nevertheless existent in many ancient societies which tolerated such conditions. For instance, “the ceremony o f upanyana marked the start of a child’s formal education, and as such special provisions were taken into account whereby a deaf, mute or mentally impaired child could participate despite the disability. The Classical Indian dance Bharatanatayam as well as ...the very detailed rules for classical Indian theatre, formulated in the Natyasastra o f Bharatamuni give much detail for Hastabhinaya and Sarirabhinaya (hand and limb gestures), which in conjunction with facial expressions and bodily movement were intended to depict a wide range of emotions, thoughts and activities, by people o f various identifiable occupations, i classes and regional origins.” As discussed in the following chapter, Kautilya utilized ciphers as instruments for spying and outsmarting potential foes. There is evidence throughout the Arthasastra that hints at the widespread use o f sign language for covert activity. As Kautilya wrote, “assistants o f the establishments should carry out the transmission o f spied out news by means o f sign-alphabets.”130 The use o f signs and language was not limited to men women also utilized signs and alphabet codes to defeat the enemy. Well before the Kautilyan State, people with physical, mental, vision, and hearing disabilities were wellintegrated into mainstream society. Dhritrashtra was naturally blind and his wife Gandhari chose to live as a blind woman (with a silk cloth tied over her eyes) in the epic Mahabharata. Her decision to live blindfolded was a sign o f her devotion to husband.

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Leading figures in the Mahabharata illustrate an important message: that the responsibility o f a kingdom rests on the shoulders o f a blind king and a disciplined queen. Another notable example o f welfare for the disabled brings one to examine sixteenth century India under the Mughal Sultanate. The Sultanates of Balban in the latter part of the thirteenth century as well as o f Firoz Shah in the late fourteenth century would see to welfare provisions for the elderly. Sultan Jehangir throughout his reign would personally maintain the well-being o f the disabled and the infirm. As M. Miles states, “every Sunday a large number o f invalids, the lame, the maimed, and the blind, were collected under the Jharoka [audience window], and the Emperor Jehangir distributed large sums o f money among them with his own hand.”

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Throughout the reign o f the Maurya sovereigns, protection and welfare were extended even for the care of animals. Those who did not adhere to set guidelines were punished. Horses incapacitated for work by war, disease, or old age should receive food for maintenance...physicians for horses (should prescribe) remedies against decrease or increase in (the weight of) the body, and diet varying according to season. 132 The group o f attendants for the care o f elephants include the physician, the trainer, the rider, the driver, the guard, the decorator, the cook, the fodder-giver, the foot-chainer, the stall-guard and the night attendant. Physicians shall treat (elephants) afflicted by long journey, illness, work, rut or old age.133 Uncleanliness o f the stall, non-receipt o f fodder, making (elephants) sleep on bare ground, striking them at an improper place, mounting by another person, riding at an improper time, (or) on unsuitable land, heading down (to water) where there is no crossing, and a thicket o f trees are occasions for penalty. He should take that from their food and wages.134 The mistreatment o f animals in sports and entertainment was also punishable. Kautilya would not tolerate fighting among animals for entertainment purposes. “For one

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allowing homed or tusked animals to kill one another, the fine shall be that and as much again.”135 Guidelines for welfare in the Mauryan state were reflective o f Hindu philosophy. The doctrine o f Karm or Karam in Hinduism and Sikhism is prevalent in Indian society today. Here, one’s deeds in the present life help shape one’s destiny. Therefore, by serving others, one fulfills his or her dharmic duty. I have thus far outlined welfare provisions under the reign o f Chandragupta Maurya, though welfare in the Mauryan state was not confined to the founding sovereign. In fact, the welfare state reached its apex under the reign of the third Mauryan monarch, Asoka. 3 .7 Asokan Welfare “From the Volga to Japan his name is still honoured...more living men cherish his memory to-day than have ever heard the names o f Constantine or Charlemagne” 136 Such sentiments are abound in historic literature as Asoka, also known as Ashoka, is regarded by many as the most exemplary ruler o f the ancient world. The son o f Bindusura and Grandson o f Chandragupta, Asoka mled from 273 to 232 BC. Asoka's dominion was enormous. Inscriptions chiseled on rocks and stone pillars placed at strategic locations throughout his empire - such as in modem Afghanistan and Bangladesh - showed his command o f the armies and revealed his compassionate transformation to the Buddhist canon. Like his grandfather, Chandragupta, Asoka also established contacts with the Hellenistic world, “sending diplomatic and religious missions to the rulers o f Syria, Macedonia, and Epims, who learned about India's religious traditions, especially

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Buddhism.” 137 This is important because once again one sees diplomacy and international relations as constituting a continuous and integral part o f the Mauryan State. Diplomatic missions, however, primarily dealt with religious activity, much like the Holy Roman Empire used diplomacy to spread Christianity. After all, the founding sovereign o f the Mauryan State became a Jain Ascetic at the end o f his life and Asoka became perhaps the most ardent and dedicated pupil o f Buddhism. Greek and Aramaic inscriptions found in Kandahar in Afghanistan reveal Asoka’s desire to build ties with people outside o f India and to introduce Buddhism to the region. Early Buddhist stories assert that Asoka convened a Buddhist council at his capital, regularly undertook tours within his realm, and sent Buddhist missionary ambassadors to Sri Lanka. Similar to his grandfather Chandragupta Maurya, Asoka’s political structure was highly centralized, consisting o f a “hierarchical government with a large staff, which regulated tax collection, trade and commerce, industrial arts, mining, vital statistics, welfare of foreigners, maintenance o f public places including markets and temples, and prostitutes.”

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Asoka also maintained a large standing army and a well-developed

espionage system. “The empire was divided into provinces, districts, and villages governed by a host of centrally appointed local officials, who replicated the functions of the central administration.”139 Furthermore, as with Chandragupta, Asoka made it clear that he was always available to hear and address the grievances o f his populace. As Rock Edict VI stated, “ ...at all hours, when I am eating, or in the harem, or in the place of religious instructions, or in the parks, everywhere, Prativedakas [overseers] are posted

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with instructions to report on the affairs o f the people [important information] should.. .be reported to me in all places, at all hours” 140 (See Appendix IV for full text o f Edict VI). This is similar to Asoka’s counterparts in Europe who surveyed the circumstances of the state and accordingly instituted or modified existing provisions o f welfare. Asoka also delegated the responsibility o f the populace to local governors. As evident by Rock Pillar IV, Asoka had inscribed, The Rajukas [Provincial governors] have been placed by me over many hundred thousand lives. What is their (administration of) Law o f Justice has been made by me subject to their own authority, so that the Rajukas, assured, and without being afraid, may set about their tasks, distribute the goods and happiness o f the people o f the country, and also bestow favors. They shall acquaint themselves with what causes happiness and misery, and, with the help o f the pious, admonish the people o f the provinces that they may gain both here and hereafter.141 (For full text, see Appendix V). The role o f the Brahmins throughout Mauryan rule received secondary importance. Both Chandragupta as well as Asoka utilized the Brahmins for ceremonial purposes and consecration rites. The former did not allow the influence o f the Brahmins in state governance (thus their exclusion from the Saptanga elements o f the state) and the latter would perhaps most dramatically challenge the Brahmanical tradition via the adoption o f a new doctrine, thus challenging the authority of Brahmans.* It can be argued that the elaborate provisions for the welfare o f the people were intended to show an alternative to Hinduism. Naturally, this would have endangered the vama system. Therefore, it may be stated that while Kautilya functioned within the frames o f Hindu Dharma and separated church and state, Asoka would adopt Buddhist dharma and

A soka’s conversion to Buddhism may have jolted the predominantly Hindu populace and particularly Brahmanical authority and vam a hierarchy. There is no doubt however that A soka’s religiously pluralist state allowed for Buddhism, Jainism, and Hinduism to co-exist. A soka’s rock edicts attest to a religiously tolerant society. This is further evidenced by Fa-Hsien during his travels to India in the fourth century AD.

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become the sovereign, exalting and interpreting Buddhist doctrine for the state. This raises an interesting thought. According to Hindu dharmic law, all those bom within the hierarchy o f the vama system must be satisfied with their birth within that particular vam a and should live a good life. They should also note that their present status is a direct reflection o f their previous life. Therefore, one may say that social mobility in this context is non-existent (with curious exceptions in the Great epics Mahabharata and Ramayana as discussed earlier). However, because Buddhist tradition does not follow the vama system, can one speculate that given these circumstances (during Asoka’s reign), a Sudra might have been able to move up the social and economic ladder? Rock inscriptions, pillars, and edicts state that in the aftermath o f the carnage resulting from his campaign against the powerful kingdom of Kalinga (modem day State o f Orissa), Asoka renounced bloodshed and pursued a policy o f ahimsa, espousing a theory o f rule by righteousness. This sense o f community and social well-being for all people emerged from Asoka’s dedication to Buddhist dharma. His tolerance for different religious beliefs and languages reflects India's continuing pluralistic society: .. .in all places should reside people o f diverse sects. For they all desire restraint o f passions and purity o f heart. But men are of various inclinations and of various passions. They may thus perform the whole or a part (of their duties).142 ...those who are content in their respective faiths, should all be told that His Sacred Majesty does not value so much gift or external honour as there should be the growth o f the essential elements, and breadth, o f all sects143 (See Appendix VI). Such provisions are strikingly similar to those o f many notable figures throughout European history. Frederick the Great comes to mind. Frederick stated “that all religions must be tolerated, and the sole concern o f officials is to ensure that one denomination

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does not interfere with another.” 144 Asoka’s paternalistic attitude reflected that o f the founding sovereign as expressed in the Kalinga Rock Edict: “All men are my children. As, on behalf o f my own children, I desire that they may be provided with complete welfare and happiness both in this world and the next.” 145 It is remarkable that Asoka influenced welfare not only within India, but clearly influenced neighboring states. As Walter Eugene Clark translates Asoka’s edict:

This is the Chiefest conquest in the opinion of His Sacred majesty - the conquest by the law o f piety - and this, again, has been won by His Sacred Majesty both in his own dominions and in all he neighboring realms as far as six hundred leagues - where the Greek (Yona) King named Antiochos dwells, and north o f that Antiochos to where swell the four Kings severally named Ptolemy, Antiogonos, Magas, and Alexander (Egypt, Macedonia, Cyrene, Epirus); and in the south the realms of the Cholas and Pandyas with Ceylon likewise-and here too, in the King’s dominions, among the Yonas, and Kambojas, among the Nabhapantis o f Nabhaka, among the Bhojas and Pitinikas, among the Andhras and Pulindas-everywhere men follow His Sacred M ajesty’s instruction in the Law o f Piety. Even where the envoys o f His Sacred Majesty do not penetrate, there too men hearing His Sacred M ajesty’s ordinance based on the Law o f Piety and his instruction in that Law, practise and will practise that Law.146 This hands-on approach to address the impoverished was a trademark of Asokan welfare. However, it was also prevalent in the expressed sentiments and actions o f many o f Europe’s enlightened despots. To point out the striking similarities, here I briefly compare Asoka with Louis XIV. Both Asoka and Louis XIV invested much time and resources for the betterment of their respective populace and it may be stated, (though not to minimize their genuine compassion), they may have done so to enhance themselves. After all, the theatre o f monarchy was Louis’ forte and Asoka referred to him self as ‘piyadasi, beloved o f the Gods.’ Both nevertheless would take a personal interest in the well-being o f their subjects.

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Louis would, in 1656, establish “Hospital General for vagrants, vagabonds and beggars,” and at times “occasionally walking the streets” and would see to it that “the laws governing the disposal o f refuse, daily by Tumbril, were being observed.” 147 Similarly, “Asoka personally toured his domains, founding cities, aiding monks, ascetics, and the poor and elderly, planting shade trees along frequently traveled roads, and establishing hospitals for both men and animals.” 148 Such accounts o f vast welfare provisions were reaffirmed once again by Fa-Hsien: “The respective nobles and landowners o f this country have founded hospitals within the city, to which the poor o f all countries, the destitute, cripples, and the diseased, may repair (for shelter). They receive every kind o f requisite help gratuitously. Physicians inspect their diseases, and according to their cases order them food and drink, medicine or decoctions, every thing in fact that may contribute to their case. When cured they depart at their own convenience.” The brief description o f Mauryan welfare provides a remarkable picture of inadequacies o f social conditions and the work o f Mauryan sovereigns to address issues o f social welfare. In many ways, these resemble early European institutions like those o f the Knights Hospitaller, and various benevolent charities like the Order o f St. Lazarus and the Alexian Brothers.* It is important to remember that welfare was just one component o f Mauryan state governance. However, taking Asoka’s transformation into account, one should be skeptical o f the rigidity and control maintained by Asoka’s post-military campaigns

* The Military and Hospitaller O rder o f St. Lazarus is the oldest surviving confraternity. It was established in the eleventh century at the time o f the first crusade. The Order is based on an even older tradition o f brotherhood founded by Saint Basil in the fourth century. The Alexian Brothers, also known as the Congregation o f the Alexian Brothers, was established 700 years ago. They tend to the infirm and aged. It is one o f the m any com ponents o f the healing m inistry o f the Roman Catholic Church.

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against Kalinga.* Any sovereign who dissolves his army leaves the state vulnerable to external elements.

Conclusion The birth o f the state may be attributed to circumstances which brought about centralization and structure in a world otherwise lacking order. The gradual emergence o f social hierarchy would signal order in other parts o f the world and make the concept of the state a universal reality (see Appendix VII). The degree o f state development reflected a society’s cultural and religious homogeneity as well as its tolerance factor. For instance, in France, such assimilation o f the populace or lack thereof continues to reverberate throughout French society. For a list of possible outcomes post church-state warring period, see Appendix VIII. The state then may be defined as a body of governmental, public, and private institutions which constantly interact within a defined territory. The Mauryan State encompassed these defining elements. For instance, taxation and military are equally prevalent in the contemporary state system as they were throughout the Mauryan State. In fact, taxation and military remain the backbone o f the state. Such linkages between ancient polities like the Kautilyan State and its European counterparts point to the universal threads through which states emerged and continue to evolve. It is curious how scholars who reject the pre-Westphalian approach account for modem applications of social hierarchy and order without recognizing and according due credit to founding

* A soka’s campaigns in Kalinga (m odem day state o f Orissa) redirected A soka’s path from one o f violence to that o f dharma and dhamma. A soka’s remorse over the toll o f life and property inflicted by his forces in Kalinga is described in his thirteenth rock edict. A soka’s transformation hereafter would signal the decline o f the Mauryan State. Asoka sought to establish a welfare state like no other and prom oted equity and tolerance o f all faiths. He declared that the call o f war had become the call o f piety and all his policies hereafter reflected this transformation. Appeasement and non-violence weakened the M auryan State and left it vulnerable to invading armies from the east and west. It is believed that A soka’s sons at this point had already begun to govern independent o f their father and established themselves in the north-west. Asoka abdicated the throne around 232 BC and, in less than fifty years, the Mauryan State came to an end around 184 BC.

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institutions of the ancient world. For instance, rightfully credited to ancient Rome, without the Senatus or Senate, how would contemporary states balance legislative hierarchy in the government? Without the comprehensive military strategy and campaigns of Sargon I, Sun Tzu, and Alexander the Great, what examples would strategic warfare follow? Without the extensive use o f spies in the Kautilyan State, what form would intelligence agencies take? Without the Egyptian, Greek, and Venetian architecture, what shape would the contemporary world take? The world as we know is in repetitive rhythm and many deny this idea and perhaps arrogantly minimize the contributions o f ancient polities to the contemporary world.

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End Notes

1. Joseph A. Schumpeter. The economics and sociology o f capitalism, pp 99-140 2. Charles Tilly. The Formation o f National States in Western Europe, 244 3. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 56 4. Ibid, 219 5 . Ibid, 70 6. Ibid, 122 7. Ibid, 182 8. Ibid, 122 9. Ibid, 166 10. Ibid, 75 11. Ibid, 75-77 1 2 .Ibid 1 3 .Ibid 14. Ibid, 78 1 5 .Ibid 1 6 .Ibid 1 7 .Ibid, 81 18. Ibid, 297 19. Ibid, 298 20. Ibid 21. Ibid, 82 22. R.S. Tripathi. History o f Ancient India, 80 23. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 148 24. Ibid, 56 25. Ibid, 388-389 26. Ibid, 2 7 .Ibid, 82 28. Ibid, 28 29. Ibid, 298 30. Ibid, 299 31. Aristotle’s quotation accessed online 32. Richard A. Gabriel & Karen S. Metz, From Sumer to Rome: The Military Capabilities o f Ancient Armies, 2 33. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 406 34. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Vol. 3, 247 35. R.P. Kangle, The Kautilya Arthasastra, 412 36. Ibid 37. Anthony Upton, Europe: 1600-1789, 188 38. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 412 39. Ibid, 292 4 0 .Ibid 41. Alfred S. Bradford. With Arrow, Sword, and Spear: A history o f Warfare in the Ancient World, 14

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42. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 179-180 4 3 .Ibid 4 4 .Ibid 45. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Volume 3, 259 46. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, pp. 445-446 47. Kangle, 446 48. Ibid 4 9 .Ibid 50. Ibid, 447 51. Ibid 448 5 2 .Ibid 53. Ibid, 355 54. Alfredo Mederos. Weight Systems and Trade Networks in the Old World (2500-1000 BC) in Creating Economic Order. Record-Keeping, Standardization, and the Development o f Accounting in the Ancient Near East, 199 55. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra. pp. 162-163 5 6 .Ibid 5 7 .Ibid 58. Ibid 59. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 88 60. Captain Rajan Vir. Indian Maritime Painting. Accessed online 61. Sarah Pomeroy. Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History, 192 62. Alfred S. Bradford. With Arrow, Sword, and Spear: A history o f Warfare in the Ancient World, 125 63. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 453 64. Giri Deshingkar. Strategic Thinking in Ancient India and China:Kautilya and Sunzi, 3 65. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 342 66. Kangle, warfare? 67. Ibid, 180 68. Ibid, 304 69. Ibid, 14 70. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 155-189 71. Anup Chandra Pandey. Governance in Ancient India (From the Rgvedic Period to c. AD 650), 25 72. Ibid, 68 73. Marie Parsons, Ancient Egyptian Government. Accessed Online 74. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra 7 5 .Ibid 76. R.P Kangle. The K au tilya A rth asastra, 265 77. Ibid, 27 78. Ibid, 27 79. John W. McCrindle. Ancient India as described by Megasthenes and Arrian, 217 80. Romila Thapar. From Lineage to State, 59 81. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 26 82. Ibid, 47 83. Roger Boesche. The First Great Political Realis: Kautilya and his Arthasastra, 47

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84. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 269 85. Ibid, 203 86. Ibid, 203 87. Ibid, 247 88. Roger Boesche. The First Great Political Realist: Kautilya and his Arthasastra, 55 89. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 299 90. Ibid, 397 91. Ibid, 419 9 2 .Ibid 9 3 .Ibid 94. Ibid, 440 95. Ibid, volume 3, 96. Harry K. Girvetz. International Encyclopedia o f the Social Sciences, 512 97. Yeheskel Hasenfeld, Jane A. Rafferty and Mayer N. Zaid. The Welfare State, Citizenship, and Bureaucratic Encounters. Annual Review of Sociology, 98. Maureen M. Flynn. Charitable Ritual in Late Medieval and Early Modern Spain, 336 99. Daniel H. Kaiser. The Poor and Disabled in Early Eighteenth Century Russian Towns, 125 100. John H. Coatsworth. Welfare, 1-12 101. Deborah Mitchell. Income Transfers in Ten Welfare States, 102. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 265 103. Ibid, 57 104. Ibid, 147 105. R.P. Kangle, The Kautilya Arthasastra, 185 106. Yeheskel Hasenfeld, Jane A. Rafferty and Mayer N. Zaid, The Welfare State, Citizenship, and Bureaucratic Encounters. Annual Review o f Sociology, 392 107. David Herlihy. Three Patterns o f Social Mobility in Medieval History, 629 108. Ibid, 645 109. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 36 110. Ibid, 37 111. Anthony F. Upton. Europe: 1600-1789, 294 112. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 9 113. Ibid, 185 114. Ibid, 492 115.Ibid 116. Asa Briggs. The Welfare State in Historical Perspective 117. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 263 118. Ibid 119. Ibid 120. Ibid, 441 121. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 125-126 122. Fa-Hien. 26-27 123. Ibid, 56 124. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 9 125. Ibid, 283 126. Anthony F. Upton. Europe: 1600-1789, 307

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127. 128. 129. 130. 131. 132. 133. 134. 135. 136.

M. Miles. 2 M. Miles. M. Miles, 4 R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 25 Miles, myths paper R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, pp. 172-173 Ibid, pp. 178-179 Ibid, 179 Ibid, 289 Henry S. Albinski. The Place o f the Emperor Asoka in Ancient Indian Political Thought, 62 137. from powerpoint ,end note 26 138. from powerpoint, end note 24 139. from powerpoint, end note 25 140. Edict 6 141. Rock Pillar IV 142. Rock Edict VII 143. Rock Edict XII 144. Anthony F. Upton. 307 145. Henry S. Albinski. The Place o f the Emperor Asoka in Ancient Indian Political Thought, 68 146. Walter Eugene Clark, 308-309 147. Anthony Levi. Louis XIV, 170 148. Henry S. Albinski, pp. 68-69

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Chapter IV: Kautilyan Diplomacy Foreign policy reflects economic, military, and religious diplomatic activity. Ancient civilizations understood well these dimensions o f foreign policy and the importance o f communication. There were extensive trading routes, territorial expansion via diplomatic marriage alliances, declarations o f treaties, levels o f envoys, ambassadors, and even the issuance o f travel documents. Throughout ancient kingdoms, envoys delivered messages and ambassadors represented their respective kingdoms abroad. In fact, there was a hierarchy involved in the use o f envoys or intermediaries who often settled inter-tribal relations and secured peace. Kautilya describes “three levels o f envoys or dutas: the nisrstartha, the plenipotentiary, parimitartha, with limited powers of negotiating, and sasanahara, who was little more than a message bearer.” 1* The amatyasampad in the Arthasastra was similar to the procurator during the Middle Ages; both were entrusted with plena potestas or full powers o f negotiation. The intended message was delivered only after discussion and consensus by the Assembly. This was accomplished via deliberation by udvrtamantrah: “When consultation has led to a choice o f decision, the employment of the envoy (should follow)” In addition to rulers, all sorts o f authorities - commercial, ecclesiastical, provincial, and personal - sent and received representatives.”3 As Queller points out, “the names o f ambassador, orator, messenger were applied to every person charged with a

*

The capacity o f Diplomatists in Europe to engage in discourse w as contingent upon one’s hierarchy in the diplom atic field. The role o f the Presbeis and Autokratores highlights the distinction o f responsibility. While both envoys, the form er’s responsibility is broadened by the term aulokrator, which alleges exercise o f independent thought during discourse.

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temporary mission o f a public character having in view a peaceful settlement.”4. Attempting to remove the ambiguity of roles, Kautilya clarified: One endowed with the excellences o f a minister is the nisrstartha or the plenipotentiary. One lacking in a quarter o f the qualities is (the envoy) with a limited mission or parimitartha. One lacking in half the qualities is the bearer of a message or sasanahara5 Diplomatic relations between states, however, were contingent upon a state’s power. Diplomatic practice in the ancient world was practiced between recognized equals. One would not find an envoy o f a kingdom dealing with a kingdom o f lesser status, genealogically, materially, or with respect to the size o f acquired territory o f the kingdom, unless it was of interest to the Polis or state. “Greek history provides many examples o f strong states brow-beating others into submission; if the weak negotiator did not concede, he might be warned in advance that he would be savagely destroyed (as in the Classic example o f the Melians).”6 Naturally, diplomatic practice was based on reciprocity. Not only did it signify an “equal-ness” amongst two parties, but also the promise o f dialogue amongst two equal powers. It helped in building trust and eventually led to the formation o f alliances. In the ancient world, trust was established based on an exchange of gifts- “it symbolized what one would receive in return, the same protection, hospitality, and a gift o f at least the same worth”7 Indeed, Kautilya would advocate reciprocity between states only to secure the long-term interests o f the state. Kautilya advised, “[a]n ally looks to the securing o f his own interests in the event o f the growth of the enemy’s power.”8 Because Kautilya was a realist and instructed and implemented all policies benefiting the short and long-term interests o f the state, it is not surprising that Kautilya viewed diplomacy as a pawn for achieving global dominance. Kautilya understood well

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the types and conditions o f states and advocated appropriate measures for dealing with each one specifically. Kautilya advised, “ [w]hen in decline as compared to the enemy, he should make peace. When prospering, he should make war. (When he thinks) ‘The enemy is not able to do harm to me, nor I to him ,’ he should stay quiet.”9 “Staying quiet” was a part of Kautilyan strategy until the appropriate time required action. To ensure the long-term stability o f the state Kautilya propounded a six-fold policy called sadgunya. It detailed measures of foreign policy specific to each state’s respective power. “The conqueror should employ the six measures o f policy with due regard to his power. He should make peace with the equal and the stronger; he should make war with the weaker. For, giving to war with the stronger, he engages as it were in a fight on foot with an elephant. And (at war) with the equal, he brings about loss on both sides, like an unbaked jar struck by an unbaked jar. (at war) with the weaker, he attains absolute success, like a stone with an earthen vessel.” 10 “As between an enemy fit to be harassed and an enemy fit to be exterminated, acquisition o f land from an enemy fit to be exterminated is preferable.” 11 This is similar to Kautilya’s philosophy on making treaties. Kautilya sought to make treaties with like states and overpower weak ones. Kautilya wrote, “[wjhen they have become vitiated, he should violate the treaty.” 12 Once the aims o f the treaty were exhausted, Kautilya suggested its dissolution. Kautilya advised that a king obey a treaty only as long as it benefited him and the state. “Kautilya regarded all allies as future conquests when the time is ripe.” 13 Kautilya wrote, “That ally who remains common to the enemy (and himself), he should divide the rogue from the enemy, (and) when divided, exterminate him, thereafter (exterminate the enemy).” Kautilya did not trust anyone and this extended to his policy on allies. “That ally who might do harm or who, though

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capable, would not help in times o f trouble, he should certainly exterminate him, when trustingly, he comes within his reach.” 14 Kautilya’s aim was simple, global conquest via gradual elimination o f weaker states and temporary alliances with stronger states. In fact, Kautilya suggested the four ways in which the conqueror could achieve this goal: After thus conquering the enemy’s territory, the conqueror should seek to seize the middle king, after succeeding over him, the neutral king. This is the first method o f conquering the world.15 In the absence o f the middle and neutral kings, he should overcome the enemy constituents by superiority o f policy, then the other constituents. This is the second method.16 In the absence o f the circle he should overcome by squeezing from both sides the ally through the enemy or the enemy through the ally. This is the third method.17 He should first overcome a weak or a single neighboring prince; becoming doubly powerful through him a second prince; three times powerful, a third. This is the fourth method o f conquering the world.18 Kautilya understood that diplomacy reflected a state’s foreign policy which continuously adjusted to the shifting personal interests o f states. As such, envoys had to represent the interests of the sovereign (thus the state) at all costs. Because of the delicate nature o f their work, Kautilya set specific guidelines for envoys who might find themselves in possibly dangerous missions abroad. Realizing the risks and hypothetical scenarios which could confront the envoy, Kautilya advised valor: “He should enter the enemy’s residence with permission. And he should deliver the message as given to him, even when danger to his life is seen (in so doing).” 19 Kautilya added: He should notice graciousness in speech, expression and eyes o f the enemy, esteem o f the (envoy’s) words, inquiries about (his) wishes, keen interest in talk about the qualities (of the envoy’s master), offer a seat close by, respectful welcome, remembering (the envoy) on pleasant occasions, and putting trust in

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him, as the signs o f one pleased; the opposite of these as the signs o f one displeased. To such a one he should say, ‘Kings indeed have envoys as their mouthpieces, you no less than others. Therefore, envoys speak out as they are told even when weapons are raised (against them )...this is the duty o f an 20 envoy Kautilya also warned his envoys to not be vulnerable to seducible parties in a foreign land. “He should avoid women and drink. He should sleep alone. For, it is (often) seen that the intentions o f a person are revealed in sleep or intoxication.”21 Naturally, Kautilya advised his envoys to “win over the seducible in the enemy’s territories by means o f conciliation and gifts and those not seducible by means o f dissension and force, pointing out (to them) the defects o f the enemy.”

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“The instigation o f enemy officers to

desert their master and come over to one’s side (upajapa) is an important activity in this connection.”

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Indeed, Kautilya added, “when they have agreed with the words ‘so (we

shall do)’ and have become allied to him by the making o f terms, he should employ them according to their capacity in his own works with spies (to watch over them).”24 Because of the importance o f their work, envoys were granted certain immunities. While Kautilya did not mention diplomatic immunity for envoys in length, the practice of diplomatic immunity in the ancient world was attributed to divinity. 4.1 Diplomacy, Divinity and Immunity The concept of diplomacy as an instrument o f the divine was not confined to the development of diplomacy of the Greeks, Romans, and Egyptians - it was employed throughout ancient civilizations. For instance, the use o f divine emissaries was plentiful in both the Ramayana and Mahabharata. Krishna’s role prior to and during the battle of Kurukshetra was evident by his “revelation” on behalf o f the Almighty to secure peace. Furthermore, it must be noted that the nuncius as all other variations in the diplomatic

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field were protected in the host country. The role o f Hermes, the diplomatic messenger o f the Greek Gods is prevalent in Greek literature. It was understood that to harm a diplomatic representative o f the sovereign was in fact taking aim at the sovereign himself. Kautilya made clear that the rights o f envoys are inviolable when he wrote “[o]f them, [envoys], even the lowest bom are immune from killing; what to speak then of Brahmins.”25 The emergence of diplomatic privileges may also be attributed to the role of an ambassador acting as a legal counsel on treaties and pacts. Procurators, for example, were indeed the legal minds and thus represented the Sovereign in explaining the legalities o f treaties and pacts. This is similar to the role of the Kautilyan envoy whose duties included “securing the observance o f the terms o f a treaty.”26 In fact, M anu’s Code o f Laws also •

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stated that “He (the envoy) must be an expert in all treatises...”

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responsibilities o f an envoy, one can assume that envoys were granted special privileges. Because envoys were to be selected from illustrious families, one may assume a military family, they were most likely accorded all rights o f a Ksatriya. The Arthasastra briefly mentioned the remuneration for envoys. 4.2 Salary and Finances The compensation collected by envoys, attaches, and even ambassadors throughout early diplomatic history and in fact as late as the late nineteenth and early twentieth century in the United States, was poorly remunerated at best. “Modest stipends paid to ministers had usually to be supplemented from private means” in the United States and “newly appointed envoys had to seek out and rent suitable accommodation.”

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For instance, U.S Ambassador to Berlin, David Jayne Hill, first took up office “above a

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bookstore in Unter den Linden” for two years before suitable arrangements were made. “The Dutch, by contrast, continued to provide free accommodation for residents in the Netherlands until 1649.”29 The payment o f an envoy in ancient times as well as during the late middle-ages constituted a travel allowance; goods and services for his journey and back. In fact, ambassadors were required to keep a daily account o f expenditure. In addition, Kautilya advised the taking o f exhaustive steps towards preparedness for the envoy’s mission, directing that “[h]e should start after making proper arrangements for vehicles, draught-animals and retinue o f servants.”30 Furthermore, the salary o f the envoy was contingent upon the family and class status of the envoy as well as his training, which reflected his social status. Kautilya’s three levels o f envoys would in fact be entitled to different payments. The nisrstartha or the plenipotentiary was entitled to a higher rate than the lower two levels; “the parimitartha should be paid at the rate o f ten panas per yojana up to a distance o f ten yojanas and at twenty panas per yojana for a distance beyond ten and up to one hundred yojanas,”31 Differences in salaries o f envoys were prevalent in Europe as well - “the Venetians paid less as the sixteenth century advanced - and within services different posts were paid at different rates, in relation to their perceived importance.”32 While resident ambassadors were well-paid in Italy, financial constraints could risk the success of a mission. “No news could be obtained without either paying for it or providing some in return.”33 4.3 Covert Diplomacy The aim o f diplomatic practice in the ancient world was as much focused on acquiring information via spying as it was about promoting peace. O f course, during the

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Middle Ages, information could be retrieved by paying for it or by swapping information. Kautilya expected solid results from his appointed envoys and ministers. The following passages of the Arthasastra highlighted the expectations o f both, respectively: Sending communications, guarding the terms o f a treaty, (upholding his king’s majesty, acquisition o f allies, instigation, dividing (the enemy’s) friends, conveying secret agents and troops (into the enemy’s territory)...ascertainment of secret information, showing valour, (helping in) the escape o f hostages, and resort to secret practices, - these are the functions of the envoy.34 After securing an audience with a (king) endowed with qualities o f the self, he should give a test in the (political) science. For, he attains stability o f position by not contradicting (the science). Questioned about matters requiring intelligence, he should state what is associated with spiritual and material benefit in the present and in future (and) what is possible (of achievement), like an expert, without being afraid o f the assembly. Kautilya advanced the concept o f clandestine diplomacy. The similarities are strikingly similar to the work o f the intelligence agencies in the contemporary era. For instance, much like the United States Central Intelligence Agency, Kautilya established a home operations base, samstha as well as fluid base, samcara; the former whose work and physical location are permanent and the latter also translated “as ’the rover’ the members o f which move from place to place according as their services may be required.”36 Clandestine operations became a part of the diplomatic practice throughout sixteenth century Europe. The acquisition o f official information would o f course come from official sources and unofficial information would be gathered from, well, anyone that could be tapped for it, i.e., bankers, merchants, etc. “Breaking and entering, the use o f undercover agents and the manipulation o f political malcontents were all possible and in some areas common.37” Kautilya devoted an entire chapter to the appointment o f persons in secret service with two specific sections: the creation o f establishment of spies and the appointment of

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roving spies. The former category of spies was comprised of the kapatika, a pupil or an apprentice who observed, accounted, and reported to the sovereign or the minister his or her damaging information; the udasthita, an apostate monk, who himself lead a network o f intelligence agents disguised as monks; the grhapatikavyanjana, a farmer rehabilitated by the state, who had a network o f intelligence agents working under his authority; the vaidehakavyanjana, a merchant similarly trained, with a number o f intelligence agents under him; and the tapasvyanjana, a fake and deceptive ascetic, imposed on the gullible as a great seer and thus became the center o f an intelligence web. The tapasvyanjana’s network o f spies included the sattrin, the orphan especially trained by the state for this work. Also, the tiksana, the desperado or bravo, who was useful in secretly liquidating enemies o f the state and the rasada, the giver o f poison - both administered secret and silent punishment, upamsudanda and tusnimdanda, respectively. Last, there was the bhiksuki, a female Brahmin nun who spied in the houses o f high officers. She got access easily because it was well known that she was shown honor in the sovereign’s palace. Unorthodox nuns are also employed similarly. The following quotes in the Arthasastra highlight the aforementioned ideas and detail the comprehensive nature o f the Kautilyan spy state. The king should employ these with a credible disguise as regards country, dress, profession, language and birth, to spy, in conformity with their loyalty and capability... 'l O

While it w asn’t until the sixteenth century that Italy began using encoded dispatches, Kautilya advanced similar measures in the 4th century BCE: Assistants o f the establishments should carry out the transmission o f spied out news by means o f sign alphabets. And neither o f the establishments nor these (assistants) should know one another.39

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Kautilya’s creativity in obtaining information was remarkable. Kautilya directed his people to “get the secret information that is spied out conveyed outside by means of songs, recitations, writings, concealed in musical instruments or signs.”40 Equally striking was Kautilya instruction for the spy or “persons in the pay of both” and his measures to ensure their loyalty only to him. And spies...should live with enemies receiving wages from them, in order to find out secret information, without associating with one another. They are ‘persons in the ‘pay of both.’*41 And he should appoint persons in the ‘pay o f both’ after taking charge o f their sons and wives. And he should know such agents when they are employed by the enemies. And (he should ascertain) their loyalty through (spies of) their type. Furthermore, “in order to discover espionage by enemies, he should station at frontiers principal officers, who are non-seducible, but are shown to be impelled by motives for action that are associated with seducible parties.”42 Taking all this into account, Kautilya wrote, “he should sow spies among the enemy, the ally, the middle king, the neutral king, as well as among the eighteen high officers o f (each of) those (kings).”43 The relations between states in the ancient world, as we shall explain, are strikingly similar to diplomatic practices in the contemporary era. Having briefly examined thus far, the establishment o f envoys and ambassadors, our focus shifts to the larger context of the measures o f foreign policy propounded by Kautilya and its relevance in the present. The practice o f diplomacy was conducted between sovereign equals. 4.4 Sovereignty Sovereignty

has

long

been

considered

a

requirement

for

diplomatic

representation. It seems only logical that diplomatic practice would constitute diplomacy * Kautilya’s phrase ‘pay o f both’ in the contemporary world clearly refers to double agents. This idea was w ell advanced by Kautilya. One would continue to work for a “foreign nation” and provide enough intelligence about one’s own country to keep the enem y interested while collecting and disseminating intelligence for o n e’s own native country.

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amongst sovereign states. However, this is not the case. In fact, the contemporary world engages in discourse with non-sovereign states and states in transition to sovereignty. The regions o f Palestine, Kashmir, and Taiwan come to mind. Other states hold ‘offices of representation’ in these regions instead o f embassies. In contrast, the international community recognizes certain regions like the Holy See as sovereign, though the region is without exclusive, independent territory. When such evidence throughout history points to a world devoid o f sovereignty, the question then arises as to how one defines sovereignty. No doubt this is as contentious a task as satisfying a definition for the term state. Robert Lansing adopted a richly metaphoric view o f sovereignty. Lansing wrote: The organization o f a political society without the operation o f sovereignty is as incomprehensible as a creation without a creator, as a thought without the mind from which it sprung. Sovereignty, like that energy which is called electricity and seems to be omnipresent in nature, permeated every political institution and every social organism, however crude and rudimentary, or however complex and highly developed they may be”44 Indeed, history presents sovereignty via a multifarious lens; by first examining sovereignty as reflecting the continuous will o f the divinely mandated monarch, thus the state; second, by the cohesiveness o f a populace for the defense o f the state and; finally via recognition o f one’s sovereignty by other sovereign entities as evident by the reciprocity o f diplomatic practice (see Appendix IX and X). The last two fit the notion of sovereignty in the contemporary world. Sovereignty may be viewed not solely on the basis of the divinely ordained ruler, but also as sovereignty collectively bestowed upon the ruler by the subjects as to symbolically separate the ruler from his populace. It may therefore be argued that the ruler himself has no sovereignty because it is vested in him by the people to rule over them.

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It is also true that sovereignty was religiously sanctified in society but it was not entirely based upon religious principles. When Louis XIV revoked the Edict of Nantes, the Huguenots were welcomed by a Prussia that was religiously plural in the same manner that the Mauryan Empire exhibited religious pluralism. The state welcomed the influx o f foreigners as they proved critical in boosting the state economy and treasury. This was evident during the reign o f the Great Elector and his great grandson, Fredrick the Great. Kautilya acknowledged the importance o f sovereignty as preservation o f the monarch, thus the state. The concept o f sovereignty, in fact, precedes the Arthasastra in ancient India. Book eight o f the Aitareya Brahmanam o f the Rigveda

stated the

following prayer to be read by a king before ascending the throne. Note the element of sovereignty: I ascend this throne, to be ruler, to be a great ruler, to be an universal ruler, to obtain all desire fulfilled, to be an independent and most distinguished ruler”45 Not only does this attest to the clear notion o f sovereignty, but upon ascending the throne, the king “obtains for himself the power not only of acquiring anything, but of keeping what he has acquired; his prosperity increases day to day, and he will rule supreme over all his subjects.”46 Much like the universal sovereignty of the Roman Catholic Church, one finds clear notions o f universal sovereignty in ancient India attributed by the terms, cakravarti, samrat, and sarva-bhauma - as Benoy Kumar Sarkar rightfully acknowledges, “Hindu political theory is identical with the dominus omnium, or lord o f universitatis quaedum in Bartolus’ terminology, the hwangti o f the Chinese. He is ‘the monarch o f all I survey.’”47

*

The Aitareya Brahmana is authored by two sages or rishis, M ahidasa and Shaunaka, respectively. The Brahmana comprises o f 40 chapters and covers various forms o f sacrifices as well as other ceremonial duties.

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Devoting an entire section to continuous sovereignty, the Mauryan minister also took measures to ensure that his populace never believed that the monarchial state lay in danger or was at risk due to a calamity which had befallen its sovereign. The Minister should take steps in case o f a calamity o f the King in the following manner: Even before there is fear o f the danger o f (the King’s) death...he should show, at a time when the appearance cannot be distinguished, a person appearing like the king to the subjects and to the subjects and to the envoys of allies and enemies.48 The point here was to continue the business o f the state as if nothing had happened or to transfer the crown to the heir prince and announce the calamity befallen the king. “Or, after gradually transferring the burden o f the Kingdom to the crown prince, he should announce the calamity o f the King. In this way the minister should secure continuous sovereignty, says Kautilya.”49 I disagree with Shalom Kassan’s assertion that sovereignty was not wholly constructed and organized in the ancient world. In fact, though sovereignty was permeable via international trade, it was dictated by strict guidelines in the ancient world. As indicated, Kautilya recognized the importance of territorial jurisdiction. With regard to internal sovereignty, in terms of local boundaries as well as external jurisdiction in terms o f trade, Kautilya explained that: ...a group of neighboring five villages or ten villages shall decide a dispute regarding boundaries between two villages, by means of boundary marks, immovable or artificial...or the King shall fix, according as it may be beneficial, the boundary, the extent o f the marks o f which is lost.50 The receivers o f duty, four or five in number, should record in writing (details about) traders who have arrived in a caravan, who they are, from what place, with how much merchandise, and where the identity-pass (was issued) or the stamping was made.51 For (goods) without the stamp the penalty is double the dues. For those with a 52 forged stamp, the fine is eight times the duty.

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He should send on to the Superintendent a caravan from a foreign land after making an investigation as to goods o f high and low value and giving them an identity-pass and stamp (on the goods).53 In foreign territory, however he should ascertain the price and the value o f the commodity (taken out) and the commodity (to be brought) in exchange and should calculate the profit after clearing expenses for duty, road-cess, escortcharges, picket- and ferry-dues, food and fodder and share.54 The concept o f sovereign and sovereignty and their political and philosophical nature is not given due attention here. However, the origin and evolution o f these terms and their use in the ancient world point to the challenge o f defining the condition o f being sovereign. In fact, even today, the terms sovereign and sovereignty beg the question - is the state really sovereign when it is tied within the complex web o f international treaties, conventions, and declarations all while prone to external sanctions? Its internal sovereignty is based upon the will o f the people, the degree o f independence to which it can act in relation to its populace. The state as an independent entity and the notion of privacy o f individuals tests the degree o f internal state jurisdiction as do conventions like the Geneva Convention test the external jurisdiction of a state amongst other recognized sovereign states. And, what about those who have been stripped o f their sovereignty what status do we assign to the indigenous peoples o f the world? Perhaps, sovereignty “is not a condition,” rather “it’s an ideal that is never reached.. ,”55 4.5 The Mandala Theory Kautilya’s six-fold foreign policy or Sadgunya (comprised of samdhi, vigraha, asana, yana, samsraya, and dvaidhibhava or conditional-treaty, hostility, non­ interference, intervention, seeking assistance, and dual policy, respectively) relates to the Mandala, itself a symbol of universal sovereignty, and dictates foreign policy accordingly. However, policy was not only set according to the layout of states but also

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through their territorial status. Territorial status implied size and perhaps, more importantly for Kautilya, capability. The Mandala theory, simply put, is realism drawn out amongst the “circle o f kings,” though envisioning Kautilya’s important point in circles makes it difficult to imagine. “Making the Kings separated by one (intervening territory) the felly and those immediately proximate the Spokes, the leader should stretch himself out as the hub in the circle o f constituents.”56 For the placement o f states in the Mandala, see Appendix XI. If a state was weaker than the enemy (ari), Kautilya stressed, one must work toward a conditional treaty. If, on the other hand, a state was stronger than the enemy, the state must advance towards the weaker state, if both states were equal, one must not challenge and keep quiet. After all, peace and activity for Kautilya “constitute the source o f acquisition and security.”57 The Kautilyan Mandala placed the ari directly next to the Vijigisu {the would-be aggressor) and next to him was the Vijigisu’s ally. “Encircling him [the King] on all sides, with territory immediately next to his is the constituent called the enemy. In the same manner, one with territory separated by one (other territory) is the constituent called the ally.”58 Therefore, as visually placed by chart I, states 1, 3, 5, and 7 would be natural allies at the front and the rear while states 2, 4, 6, and 8 would be natural enemies o f the would be aggressor. Should a king be in a weak position, then he must seek shelter from a neighboring king or take refuge in a fort. The dual policy is interesting because if an enemy can be defeated with the help o f an ally, then one must by all means advance against him and eventually even that ally: Depleted in power, he should seek shelter. In a work that can be achieved with the help o f an associate, he should resort to a dual policy.59

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The practicality o f the Mandala is self-evident as states not only strive to maximize their own interests, but also seek allies who share a common interest. It is reasonable to assume that Kautilya’s Mandala did not target specific external threats, though the principle of the Mandala was applicable during other historic periods o f inter­ state conflict involving a multitude o f states. The domino effect o f WWI triggered by the assassination o f Austrian Archduke Ferdinand comes to mind, (see Appendix XII). However, Kautilya continued to elaborate upon his realist vision - he stressed the use o f allies for personal gain and a policy o f advancement o f one’s self-interests thereafter. “That ally who remains common to the enemy (and himself), he should divide that rogue from the enemy (and) when divided, exterminate him, thereafter (exterminate) the enemy. ,,60 Furthermore, Kautilya emphasized taking no chances with an uncooperative ally. “That ally who might do harm, or who though capable, would not help in times o f trouble, he should exterminate him, when trustingly, he comes within his reach.”61 This brings two issues o f great importance to the forefront: first, that there was no true ally in the Mandala because the ultimate end is one’s benefit and; second that Kautilya did not regard diplomatic practice as a tool for promoting peace, but as a mechanism for securing one’s continuous sovereignty. It is clear that Kautilya constantly spoke o f envoys and their duties and treated hypothetical scenarios in an environment surrounded by the enemy. Nowhere did Kautilya use envoys in a situation concerning peace and security amongst allies or alliances. It must be emphasized, however, that no matter how ‘crooked’ Kautilya seems with his realist mentality, Kautilya was far from being a dictator. Throughout the

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Arthasastra he injected a sense o f hope and well-being. The practicality and timing o f Kautilya’s paternalistic attitude is at times striking. The section on foreign policy reverberated

with

this

theme:

“The

subjects

help

the

king

who

is justly

behaved...therefore, [a king] should march only against [an enemy] with disaffected subjects.”62 Kautilya recognized that to act unwisely brought about discontent amongst one’s subjects and in this lay danger for the Sovereign, “for, one attacking a righteous king is hated by his own people and by others, one attacking an unrighteous king is liked (by them).”63 Furthermore, Kautilya advised leniency on the treatment o f the conquered subjects o f one’s enemy: After gaining new territory, he should cover the enemy’s faults with his own virtue, his virtues with double virtues. He should carry out what is agreeable and beneficial to his subjects by doing his own duty as laid down, granting favours, giving exemptions, making gifts and showing honour.64 He should not use towards them insults, injuries, contemptuous words or reproaches. And after promising them safety, he should favour them like a father.65 Scholars nevertheless regard Kautilya’s benevolence as an act. Indeed, while Kautilya’s motive was the long-term interest o f the state, one cannot deny the Kautilyan emphasis on safeguarding the interests o f his subjects as well as those o f a conquered territory. It seems only logical that one who saves a people from a dictator not only gains support and popularity from his own subjects but also from those “freed” from the ravages o f the dictator. They not only place trust in him but, according to Kautilya, “place him under (his) obligations.’66 Kautilya’s foreign relations strategy was founded on extreme realism, which no doubt stemmed from his distrust of neighboring states, which he sought to control with allies - those adjoining the untrustworthy neighbors. Again, when the opportunity

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presented itself, Kautilya sought to further the interests o f the state by waiting for the right opportunity to weaken the ally via creating dissension or taking advantage when calamity befell the ally. Kautilya’s foreign policy throughout history has played out via countless scenarios. In fact, such policies were first employed within territories to dissolve local kingships and bring about a centralized structure, thus signaling the birth of the early state. Foreign policy and diplomatic practice within the contemporary state system reflect the solid foundation of the diplomatic field established over two millennia. Nevertheless, the collapse of diplomacy which produced not one, but two world wars within the first half o f the twentieth century highlights not only its inherent failure but also point to lack o f corrective diplomacy by the international community to ensure that it never happens again. When one examines warfare alongside the evolution o f diplomatic practice, it inevitably raises the question over diplomacy’s ability to deter war. Despite the noted fact that for Kautilya, diplomacy acted as a catalyst for war, diplomacy no doubt via its preferred bilateral and multilateral scope continues to diffuse global tensions. For a comparative look at Mauryan and European development o f diplomatic practice, see Appendix XIII. 4.6 Conclusion The Arthasastra provided a comprehensive approach to foreign policy and diplomacy. The Kautilyan mind-set left nothing and everything to one’s imagination. Still, scholars differentiate between ancient and modem foreign policy and diplomacy solely on the basis of the establishment o f permanent embassies and resident

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ambassadors. The diplomatic activities o f the Mauryan Court in ancient India and the relationship between the papacy and the Byzantine Emperor reject the claim for such a narrow-minded basis for continuity. Under the Greek Sovereign Seleucus Nicator I, Megasthenes not only represented Greece in the Court o f the Mauryan Sovereign, but also lived there for several years. Papal agents, known an apocrisiani, were permanent residents in Constantinople. So, how does one define continuity and permanency o f foreign policy and diplomatic practice especially when it must be understood that these elements remain fluid in the study o f international relations? For instance, war amongst states and anarchy within a state both affect the flow o f communication. In light o f such discord, states are bound to discontinue their representation abroad until peace is secured or a new government takes shape. During war, alliances form and further influence channels of communication. And then, there are failed states. There are states which collapse and some even cease to exist or splinter into new states. All these factors affect the continuity and permanency o f the concept o f diplomacy. Therefore, the concept o f diplomacy does not assure continuous diplomatic practice amongst states. It is well established that all facets o f modem foreign policy were practiced in ancient civilizations; it is the actual practice o f diplomacy and all o f its embodying principles which should satisfy the continuity and permanency model o f even the most ardent scholar. Perhaps, most importantly, it is critical to understand that foreign policy, diplomacy, and sovereignty within and outside the context of the state have been in practice for well over two millennia.

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End Notes 1. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Volume 3, 250 2. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 36 3. Keith Hamilton and Richard Langhome, The Practice o f Diplomacy: its evolution, theory and administration, 24 4. Doanld E. Quellar. The Office o f the Ambassador in the Middle Ages, 205 5. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 36 6. Anna Missiou-Ladi. Coercive Diplomacy in Greek Interstate Relations. The Classical Quarterly, New Series, Vol. 37, No. 2 (1987), 335-345 337 7. Sarah Pomeroy, at al., Ancient Greece: A Political, Social, and Cultural History, 60 8. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 389 9. Ibid, 321 10. Ibid, 327 11. Ibid, 354 12. Ibid, 367 13. Roger Boesche. The First Great Political Realist. Kautilya and his Arthasastra, 81 14. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 383 15. Ibid, 496 16. Ibid 1 7 .Ibid 1 8 .Ibid 19. Ibid, 37 20. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 37 21. R.P Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 37 22. Ibid, 32 23. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, Volume 3, 251 24. Ibid, 32 25. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 37 26. Ibid, 1.16 27. Patrick Olivelle. M anu’s Code o f Law: A Critical Edition and Translation o f the Manava-Dharmasastra, 157 28. Keith Hamilton and Richard Langhome. The Practice o f Diplomacy its evolution, theory and administration, 39 29. Ibid, 56 30. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 36 31. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra. Volume 3, 203 32. Keith Hamilton and Richard Langhome. The Practice o f Diplomacy its evolution, theory and administration, 57 33. Ibid, 57 34. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 39 35. Kangle, 306 36. Kangle, vol 3, 205

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37. Keith Hamilton Keith Hamilton and Richard Langhome. The Practice o f Diplomacy its evolution, theory and administration 61 38. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 24 39. Ibid, 25 40. Ibid, 51 41. Ibid, 26 42. Ibid, 27 43. Ibid, 26 44. Robert Lansing. Notes on Sovereignty in a State, 106 45. Martin Haug. The Aitareya Brahmanam o f the Rigveda, 346 4 6 .Ibid 47. Benoy Kumar Sarkar. Hindu Political Philosophy, 482-500 48. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, pp. 309-310 49. Ibid, 311 50. Ibid, 219-220 51. Ibid, 142 5 2 .Ibid 53. Ibid, 144 54. Ibid, 128 55. Yale H. Ferguson and Richard W. Mansbach. Remapping Global Politics: H istory’s Revenge and Future Shock, 115 56. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 320 57. Ibid, 317 58. Ibid, 318 59. Ibid, 327 60. Ibid, 383 6 1 .Ibid 62. Ibid, 334 6 3 .Ibid 64. Ibid, 491 65. Ibid, 374 66. Ibid, 383 67. Richard Langhome. Reflections on the significance o f the Congress o f Vienna, 318 68. Ibid, 317 69. Richard Elrod, The Concert o f Europe: A Fresh Look at an International System, 170 70. Hunter Miller. The Drafting o f the Covenant, 61-64 71 Michael Graham Fry, Erik Goldstein and Richard Langhome. Guide to International Relations and Diplomacy, 49

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Chapter V: Conclusion The goal o f this study was to address the development o f the state in Mauryan India. I summarize the findings o f this thesis below and address the need for further study. Over two thousand years ago, Kautilya recognized the need for a wide-ranging system o f taxation. Indeed, Kautilya’s common-sense economics reflected the view that a healthy state was contingent upon a healthy treasury that produced and sustained an army capable o f protecting the state. Kautilya also understood the importance o f the management of the treasury. He realized that any treasury poorly maintained was vulnerable to the misuse o f funds. Therefore, administrative privileges and exemptions were to be exercised via proper “control over employees...abundance of commodities” and a reduction in state granted exemptions.4 Kautilya would not tolerate any deflection o f state funds. All those responsible for violating trust were subject to punishment. Even state officers were not exempt from punishment for misappropriating state finances. State officers were expendable. This is precisely why Kautilya suggested that the monarch set up a recruitment policy to “establish (each) department with many heads and without permanency (of tenure of office).”5 Furthermore, order was maintained via the danda or rod. Kautilya understood that debts and deficits created a shortage o f funds and thus adversely affected provisions for the armed forces. The relevancy o f Kautilyan economic and taxation policy remains a fundamental aspect o f contemporary state governance. The progressive aspect o f Kautilyan thought can be further noted in Kautilya’s contingency planning measures. These measures constituted taxation policies affecting

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commodities, increased taxes on the basis o f household demographics, occupation, etc. As Kautilya noted, “even actors, singers and prostitutes are to pay half their income.”6 In many ways, Kautilya’s extreme measures to support a healthy treasury reflected a larger picture. Kautilya’s economic provisions mirrored a planned economy. Kautilya supported an economic development policy, one that would continue to safeguard the long-term interests of the state. According to Kautilya, this could only be achieved with a strictly regulated economy. This is why one finds mention of many state monopolies in the Kautilyan State. Despite occupation-based disparate taxation schemes during the Kautilyan State, the state’s primary duty was to serve the interests o f the populace. Advocating rights for women and the lower classes, as well as restricting Brahman authority, Kautilya stands alone as a pioneer of such important initiatives. Inclusion of the lower classes as part o f a unified military force as well as the employment o f women in various fields is unimaginable given the setting and scope o f the Arthasastra. The right o f women to inherit property and to remarry is remarkable when one considers the time frame during which these policies were written. Kautilya also extended benefits to women as part of his overall welfare provisions. The emphasis on welfare within the Kautilyan State was wide-ranging. His provisions included the establishment o f sound architectural infrastructure at apt locations, the planting of trees for shade along roads, and provisions for women, the infirm, and the elderly, etc. Kautilya also safeguarded the able, but disadvantaged. Kautilya stated that a widow who could not support herself because she had no son “shall use her property in the proximity o f elders, till the end o f her life. For a woman’s

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property is meant for calamities. After (her death), it shall go to the heirs.”6 Kautilyan welfare provisions safeguarded women’s rights during times o f financial hardship. Specifically regarding the payment o f debts, Kautilya wrote, “the husband however, shall be liable for the debt incurred by the wife, if he has gone abroad without providing for her.”7 Throughout the Arthasastra, Kautilya seemed to extend such policies. Kautilya understood that the success o f his vision for global conquest was contingent upon the monarch’s ability to act as a paternal figure for his subjects, while he simultaneously devised strategies to conquer and expand. Strategic warfare as outlined in the Arthasastra was well advanced for its time. Kautilya advanced warfare tactics that we know and, in the contemporary world, refer to as guerilla warfare. He also documented mechanisms to create dissent and cause rebellion within an enemy’s kingdom, making it further vulnerable for attack. Though brutal, Kutayuddha is prevalent in a realist contemporary world. Then, there is also the principled approach o f dharma-yuddha. It follows guidelines (a proper time and place for war) on the battlefield and Kautilya acknowledged that this was the preferred way. While justice-driven warfare was not unique to Kautilya, the Kautilyan approach is unique. Kautilya was aware that victory over enemy territory did not guarantee the acceptance of the “acquired” populace. Kautilya gave due importance to the protection of the conquered subjects. Benevolence not only quelled fear amongst the conquered, but also reduced the chances for revolt against the monarch. To win over the subjects o f a defeated state, Kautilya resorted to provisions of welfare and also presented them with gifts. However, if faced with a kingdom that was perhaps more powerful than one’s own, war replaced benevolence and became necessary for the survival o f the state. It also became paramount

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above all. The idea o f the ends justifying the means is existent in both the Kautilyan as well as the Machiavellian mind-set. Kautilya envisioned the world as a chess board. Through careful calculation, like in a chess game, Kautilya would make his move to eliminate the ari (enemy) and eventually even the mitra (the friend). His Mandala theory propounded the notion o f “the enemy o f my enemy is my friend” and its practicality has been witnessed in the varying shifts o f global power throughout the centuries. In fact, the relatively recent world wars o f the twentieth century attest to this balance o f powers construct. The contemporary realist approach to foreign policy was noted throughout the Arthasastra. Incredibly similar to many states in the contemporary world that deem treaties as constraints to sovereignty, Kautilya also rejected international treaties if they did not represent the interest of the state. However, he understood that treaties must be honored amongst equals, until a circumstance befalls and weakens the neighboring kingdoms. According to Kautilya, this was the opportune moment for attack. For Kautilya, victory in war was the result o f careful planning. Perhaps the most important tool for wartime success was the collection and dissemination o f information on the ari. Conducting domestic and overseas intelligence operations is not new. The use of spies to gather information was commonplace in the ancient world. What made the Kautilyan spy state so strikingly different from others was its complex level of organization. The Arthasastra detailed elaborate provisions for covert operations that employed women and even children. Kautilya emphasized the use o f disguises, dramatic schemes, and silent punishment. Before Kautilya, where do we find organized

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departments for domestic and roving spies? Covert operations abroad mirrored the extensive use o f spying within the Mauryan state. In fact, local and provincial police activity within the Kautilyan State indicated the widespread level o f organization and planning involved. Accurately reviewing and assessing any situation with precision was a trademark o f the Kautilyan State. Witness a crime scene and a body taken to be examined post-mortem to determine the offense, picture slaughter houses and the condition o f meat being inspected before making it to the marketplace - today these constitute the responsibilities o f a Coroner and inspectors o f the Food and Drug Administration as well as the Department o f Agriculture. Where else do such comprehensive details o f state governance exist? Indeed, Kautilya’s Arthasastra exhibits striking similarities to the institutions within the modem state. Its universal practicality is explained by Amartya Sen: Kautilya's writings are often cited as proof that freedom and tolerance were not valued in the Indian classical tradition. There are two aspects o f the impressively detailed account o f economics and politics to be found in Arthashastra that tend to suggest the view that there is no support here for a liberal democracy. First, Kautilya is a consequentialist o f quite a narrow kind. While the objectives of promoting the happiness o f the subjects and the order in the kingdom are strongly backed up by detailed policy advice, the king is seen as a benevolent autocrat, whose power, albeit to do good, is to be maximized through proper organization. Thus, Arthashastra presents ideas and suggestions on such practical subjects as famine prevention and administrative effectiveness that remain relevant even today—more than 2,000 years later—and at the same time it advises the king about how to get his way, if necessary through the violation o f the freedom o f his adversaries.8 Kautilya focused not only on state governance but also on the survivability o f the state. Kautilya-w7z seemed to indicate that the survival of the state was contingent upon its environment. As noted, an unhappy populace would create anarchy and thus signal the decline o f the state. On the other hand, a prosperous and happy populace would lead to

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stability and eventual advancement. The practicality o f this cyclical model is paramount to understanding the contemporary state system. Kautilya’s cyclical theory o f the state envisioned only a monarchial system o f governance. In other words, no matter the stability of the state, monarchial rule remained timeless. In this respect, the Kautilyan State diverges from ancient Western philosophical thought. In ancient Greece, philosophers regarded the state almost as an organism that, like everything else, would cease and perhaps take on a new shape. In other words, similar to Marxian thought, society reaches a point where its established structures limit its progress, whereupon revolutions increase and a new order takes shape. This is quite similar to Plato’s cyclical history whereby the Republic “follows timocracy, then oligarchy, democracy, and finally tyranny.”9 That everything has its beginning and end includes states as well, as Cicero points out, “for there is a remarkable rotation and, if I may say so, cycle o f changes in the life o f states. It is the business o f the philosopher to understand the order in which these changes occur.”10 According to Kautilya, the state does not dissolve, it merely goes through decline, stability, and advancement. This abstract nature is universal o f all states. Cyclicality does exist but there is never a point that it reaches “nothing” and starts over again. The environment in which a state functions however may well be argued as cyclical. This cyclicality comprises o f the four yugas in Hindu philosophy. Kali, the present yug, symbolizes an era o f sin. When it ceases, so shall all existence and the process shall begin anew with the order o f a righteous yuga or sat-yuga. Incredibly, the notion finds prevalence in the cosmic “Big Bang Theory.” Indeed, “that everything which has a beginning has also an end.” 11

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W hether we regard this element o f continuity as a transcultural legacy, or regard cultures and civilizations themselves as descended so to speak from previous ones, whether we want to understand our present international society or to change it, we need to recognize how much both the conscious rules and institutions, and also the practices and assumptions, which any international society adopts are inherited from the past.12 “The evidence of past systems also makes it clear that the pattern o f an international society, its social contract so to speak, is not drawn up afresh for each society. It is to a large extent inherited from previous societies; though its practices, and thus with a certain delay its legitimacies, continually alter.”

1T

Kautilya himself

acknowledged his predecessors as the originators o f timeless governance - refined and compiled as the Arthasastra. The Mauryan State exhibited continuity spanning all facets o f state governance. Every aspect o f modem governance, examined within and outside the scope o f the Saptanga theory, is accounted for in the Kautilya Arthasastra. What do the preceding examples tell us about Kautilya? That - Kautilya-niti is a science o f gain - it is timeless and its applicability is universal. 5.1 Comments and Further Study Most literature on International Relations does not give credence to the idea o f a continuous history o f the state and rejects notions o f nationalism from ancient times to the present. International theorists who support these claims regard all notions of continuity simply as mythical. While the critique o f ancient civilizations by international relations theorists is helpful in separating historical fact from myth, denial o f any historical connection between the modem state and nationalism from its historical antecedents is misguided.

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This study has addressed the assumptions that the state and notions o f nationalism are modem concepts and that these undermine the comprehensive nature o f ancient historical narrative and dismiss m an’s innate and individual attribution to an organized polity. The issue at hand is multifarious; that period o f ancient Indian history which comprised of a comprehensive and centralized bureaucratic system did develop into the Kautilyan State; that national identity and nationalism existed in ancient India; and the contemporary mindset of confined variables through which we have constructed the notion of “identity” in the political sense is misguided. Pre-Westphalian political thought did develop into the national identity o f modem times and although there are some distinctions from the past, the contemporary political system - the world system o f nation-states - is indicative o f these ancient representations. The real significance o f the historical question lies in understanding that the relationship between the past and present is a complex set o f transactions in which the past remains materially and politically relevant in the present. The thought of a lack o f a state in India, or on the other hand, the overpowering role o f caste society so deeply ingrained in both Indology and general understandings o f India, that one tends to be especially suspicious about descriptions o f totalizing political communities in pre-colonial India. Consider the ideology o f the caste system because, in many ways, the Hindu caste universalism was a compartmentalized social identity and its relevance remains materially and politically intact. The caste system was not mere social and religious identification, but as noted in this study, its structure dissolved during times o f war to defend the homeland as a unified force.

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Though many states pre-Westphalia were self-aware and even developed into emerging political identities, they lacked the recognition of themselves as part o f an overall system o f territorially sovereign nation-states. Today, states emphasize their unity, not primarily on the basis o f territorial conception, but from a sequence o f events of its initial development which places emphasis on specific identificatory characteristics like currency, language, race, religion, etc. An emerging nation-state was at the heart of Mauryan rule. Hinduism was the official state religion. In addition to caste, the universal application o f Brahmanic philosophy was itself the historical foundation o f the nation­ state in ancient India. The terms rastra and Arya-varta or homeland in ancient Hindu philosophy come to mind. Two prominent state languages, Prakrit and Brahmi, the influence o f caste, Brahmanic universalism, and a hierarchal system o f bureaucracy all point to the Kautilyan populace’s cultural and territorial self-attribution. Cultural distinction was prevalent during Kautilya’s time as Megasthenes pointed out. References to foreigners throughout the Arthasastra lend to the in-group, out-group hypothesis, the Kautilyan populace as pure and distinct from foreigners, separate and impure. Cultural identity may have been further influenced by the treatment o f foreigners. As mentioned in chapter four of the Arthasastra, there are references to passports for foreigners before they entered the country. The simple distinction o f those “o f the land” and those outside the land (or outsiders) further supports the claim for Kautilyan identity. Evidence also supports the idea that there was an arrogant pride amongst the ancient Indians as being better than others. Asoka’s Rock Edict XIII points out that the Yonas, also known as the Greeks, were different because they had no Buddhist priests or Samanas and Brahmanas amongst

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them. Indeed, such distinctions may have very well solidified territorial ones. Perhaps one of the most important pieces o f evidence supporting the notion o f nation-state was Kautilya’s balance o f construct theory or the theory o f the Mandala. No distinction between the self and other comes across so clearly as in Kautilya’s theory o f the Mandala - it automatically takes into account the cultural and territorial notion o f a nation. The idea o f a nation-state in ancient India should not be alarming considering the evidence presented herein. The implications o f what I have stated thus far raise a myriad o f thoughts and questions. Given the data which supports the notion o f a cultural and territorial nation in ancient India, further study is necessary to examine the role of patriotism in ancient India. A 2005 publication by Indologist and scholar o f Sanskrit studies Dr. Shiva Acharya presents the Vedic term rastra-bhakti to suggest patriotism in ancient Hindu philosophy. The implications o f Acharya’s study are profound as it further corroborates previous works suggesting parliaments, a democratic educational system, and voting in ancient India. 5.2 Final Thoughts The implications o f this study also extend to the modem states systems. Religion, especially the policy o f ahimsa, was the primary reason for the collapse o f the Mauryan state post-Asoka. This brings to question the implication o f religion on the functioning of the state. During the Mauryan period, it may be argued on the one hand that religion did not play any significant role during the Asokan period since Brahmanic universalism survived Buddhism and prevails throughout the subcontinent today. On the other hand, religion was one o f the primary causes o f conflict and eventual decline o f the Asokan state. This suggests that religious pluralism does not inhibit state function or lead to

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collapse. An obvious point to note here is that conflict is inevitable in a state with numerous religions, especially when the slightest notion o f one faith threatens another. This leads to presumptuous notions which may cause conflict. Such cases are common in the contemporary states system. Other implications o f this study point to the significance o f identity in the modem states system. What does the trend o f shared commonalities between the EU nations mean? Are states today evolving into pre-Westphalian communal identities? Although this study outlined a very brief historical record o f the evolution o f the term state, it pointed to the ambiguity o f the term. What remains for students of international relations and International Relations theorists is to revisit the overarching dilemma o f defining the state. Perhaps a new term, not a new definition, is necessary. Should the term polity replace the term state, one is left with defining polity and how does one further distinguish one polity from another? We end up back at the drawing board.

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End Notes 1. Jawaharlal Nehru. Constituent Assembly o f India. Accessed online. 2. Anonymous. The Economist. March 18, 2006, 72 3. Carla M. Sinopoli. On the edge o f empire: form and substance in the Satavahana dynasty. P. 155 4. R.P. Kangle. The Kautilya Arthasastra, 85 5. Ibid, 91 6. Ibid, 199 7. Ibid, 228 8. Amartya Sen. The New Republic, July 14, 1997 9. Plato. The Republic, 258 10. Marcus Tullius Cicero. On the Commonwealth, 134. 11. Plato. The Republic, 260 12. Adam Watson. The Evolution o f International Society, 318 1 3 .Ibid

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Appendix I

Possible Mixed Castes in Ancient India

Marriage Between

Brahmin

Kshatriya

Vaisya

Sudra

Brahmin

Brahmin

Brahmin

Ambastha

Nisada

Ksatriya

Suta

Ksatriya

Ksatriya

Ugra

Vaisya

Vaidehaka

Maghada

Vaisya

Sudra

Sudra

Candala

Ksatta

Ayogava

Sudra

Possible Mixed Sub-Castes in Ancient India

Nisada

Ugra

Ugra

Kukkuta

Ugra

Nisada

Nisada

Pulkasa

Marriage Between

Ambastha

Vaidehaka

Svapaka

Ambastha

Ambastha

Vaina

Vaidehaka

Kusilava

Vaidekha

Ksatta

Ksatta

Ksatta

Note: The data in the preceding charts is taken from Volume 3 o f R.P. Kangle’s Kautilya Arthasastra. The contents are arranged in a table to better illustrate the formation of mixed-castes and sub mixed castes.

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Appendix II The Subcontinent under Mauryan Rule

J*

^tnd'JS

f \ . £Ta> Via (T aksasila)

Gandhf ^KeK

a.. .

PLATEAU OF TIBET

'

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P u ru sap u ra y * T a x iU ljC ja k > ^ ila ) A r a c h o s i a .'1 *

A uh -MMnenid ‘'E m p i r e " " S M e t V a # to n } "G hagbara GREAT ■ Kurut/ - HIMALAYA C h e n a b ^ „ H a s tm ip u r ^ A h ic h h a tl:ra ''RANGE. -F i7Shy^p> .trl rr% * -rlndrapras+ ha* ' I ( ®a k M JrK a p ila \« tu OESERT i| PjiNNOF

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H -V -

Surasena*

A S ite s of Asokan rock and pillar ed icts _ _ Probable boundary o f A soka's Empire GREAT HIMALAYA B ra h m a p u tra

RANGERS----------Lauriya N anda n g a rh

l^LC.1 Vr^

M a th 'in ' *

•TCampa a t s a KausambT* " Kasi Rajaghha..'^ ,, . V----C edi K asT Anna'-. “f f l S . . . M agadha ^ lv * Avail! I ’'N a r m a d a , A, V id a r b h a s_B hoja D£CCAN

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Sea

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■af Benya!

B engal

A rabian

Sea

4 0 0 mi 2 0 0 4 0 0 bOOkm

Source: Encyclopedia Britannica Online (Left) India c. 500 BC and (right) Asoka's empire at its greatest extent, c. 250 BC

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Appendix III An example of the scales of relief

Income fo r

When a gallon lo a f cost

1 /-1 /1 1 /2

1/31/4 1/5 1/6

Single man

3/03/3 3/6 3/94/-

Husband and wife

4/65/- 5/2 5/65/105/116/3

Husband, wife and one child

6/- 6/5 6/10 7/3 7/8

Husband, wife and two children 7/6 8/0 8/6 9/- 9/6

4/- 4/3

7/10 8/3

9/9 10/3

All sums o f money are given in £.s.d. (pounds, shillings and pence), pre-decimal currency.

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Appendix IV R ock Edict VI

B eloved-of-the-G ods, King Piyadasi, speak s th u s :[13] In the past, state business w as not transacted nor were reports delivered to the king at all hours. But now I t j u i■ J « i have given this order, that at # i d / D 0 *v G J o - L

j

J

f j * b i j ITTW j 1*7 11 / y A * 5 T f mS ° n I (T I r fijX , I t T A

u X X-

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. < X l l J . P l f I* C y S t . ^ l l Y 6 * U J/ UW ? r

m l-a i >

u n u m

1

n v a

I f l t l H j b M £ Jj 5

H ill D*

i i C 0 - |L

to th e se affairs w herever I am. And w hatever I orally order in connection with donations or proclamations, or when urgent business presses itself on the Mahamatras, if disagreem ent then it must be reported to me

“ U i J t

f

f -L • III ( f n

any tim e' whether 1 am eating, in the wom en's quarters, the bed chambe|3 the chariot, the Pa lanquin, in the park or wherever, reporters are to be posted with instructions to report to m e the affairs of the pe 0 p|e so that j might a tten d

5 X -T A 6 I

t

A ^ 6 i l j r i* ft A 4 w

S e d ™ !5 a m 'n e v e r

content with exerting m yself or witb despatching business. Truly, I consider the welfare of a" t0 be my duty' and the root

SAX D.