L 'O'! 'J11' l [PDF]

patax. 'open', gamar. 'finish'------ nif'a1 - Intransitive verb pattern: (8]. -- --i) Passive reflex of kal: e.g., nifta

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Idea Transcript


L 'O'! 'J11' l

Ruth

1.

In traduction There have

A.

Tel

Aviv

a

number

been

I.....



Form and Function: Middles, and Impersonals in Modern

Passives,



IS LS I 'n-q

Hebrew*

Berman

University

of

recent

studies

on

imperson­

al passives in relation to personals and to other types of impersonal constructions (for instance, Comrie 1977, Keenan

to

appear,

1978,

Kirsner

Perlmutter

&

1976,

Postal

Langacker

1977).

[1]

per is to structions

investigate three in Modern Hebtew,

related and to

tinctions

between

terms

them

in

&

Munro

The

1975,

purpose

Olshtain

of

this

types of agentless characterize the

(1)

of

structural

pa­ con­ dis­

factors

conditioning their formation and (ii) of pragmatic factors affecting when they are used and/or how they are interpret­ ed. It seems that detailed examination tions in a given language might suggest correlates between the existence of als and middle voice, on the one lack of resorting to the use of language does have a productive passive-formation.

of such construc­ certain typological

well-developed imperson­ hand, and a concommitant passives even where a structural mechanism for

The three Hebrew constructions in question are illus­ trated in (1) and (2) below: The first two constructions ­ passives of in

and

middles

-

share

constituents, differing the fact that the passive

specified.

The

third,

the

same

surface

SV{X)

ordering

formally in verb morphology and alone may have a overt agent

impersonal

construction

takes

the

form V(X), and differs from both the passive and the middle in

must (1)

the be

morphological in

Type

the

I:

of

the verb,

AGENTLESS

PERSONAL

putax

be

angliya

the-idea

was-developed

in

England

II:

MIDDLE

hara'eyon

the-idea Type

VOICE

hitpateax

developed

III:

3RD

PERSON

(REFLEXIVE)

be

angliya

in

England

PLURAL

INTRANSITIVES

(ACTIVE)

IMPERSONALS

pitxu

et

hara'eyon

be

angliya

developed(PL)

OM

the-idea

in

England

Type

ney two

I:

which moreover

PASSIVES

hara'eyon Type

(2 )

pattern

plural.

[2]

PASSIVE

cvatim teams

ye'urgenu will-be-organized

bekarov soon

BBrke!y Linguistics Society 5. 1979

"--------------



2

Type

II:

ney

..

MIDDLE

cvatim

yit1argenu

two teams beka rov

will-get-(themselves)-organized

soon

Type

III:

IMPERSONAL

ye I arg enu

(they)-will-organize The

three

a1 ternates

"ney

cvatim

bekarov

two

teams

soon

in

(I)

and

cally equivalent, in the sense postional content and having the of

the

will all

three

expressions to

In

sives of

the

superficially

extent

the

ble

which

Type

is

I

event

action

in

semanti­

same pro­ And none

they ,

can

the

Yet,

above

or

question:

"agentless".

function

what

do

as

imply

traditional

here,

we

is

not

of

being

the

topic

interest,

of

the

is,

will

they

try

to

respect

or are

show,

to

the

agency_

role

"the

perpetrated

that

differently with or

manifested:

from

(2)

specifies overtly who

perpetrate

such

are

of expressing the same truth value.

of

the

identity (and)

is

agentless

of as

sentence"

the far

(R.

pas­

performer as

\

possi­

Lakoff

1971:

159), and "the personal passives ••• foreground the NP which is their subject" (Keenan Ms. 61). In Hebrew, as in English (though

by

no

means

cally can specify 'at-the hands-of = laka

'by

(means

---- In the

all

languages),

agency - e.g., by scientists'

of)

Type

such

the-department'.

II

middle

expressions

[3]

voice

intransitives,

specification is much less vague: the verb morphology - both hitpateax

it is in (1)

in

hitpa'

with

(2)

ject

Type or

being

the of

II

the

be -

feasible,

for

a.

that

it

is

also

which

hara'eyon

attached some

kind

the

its

hitpateax

'teams [4]

is

of

by

"reflexive"

i tsel f

idea own

hacvatiml teams

The

dative

with

the

expression

is

"by" I

quite

instance: acmo

both

the

no

from

surface

in

developed' Type

me

the

Thus,

­

Ob­

contrast

developed

'the

pattern

will-get-organized',

hitpateax

the

verb

(nonoccurrent)

agent.

the-idea its

agent­

expressed within and y!!'argenu

I the-idea

hara'eyon

of

In

action

but

'the

b.

intransitive

y!"!1 argenu

can

passives

(3)

the

implication

examples,

cvatim

phrase

in

clear

typi­

in I of (1) bidey mad'anirn and of (2)   hamax­

teams

developed

of

itself,

on

its

own,

accord'

yit'argenu will-organize(INTRANS)

will

cases,

(go

the

subject NP marker le-

and)

object

get

themselves organized.'

pronominal

- feyon on the

lahemi to-them

must

agree

with

'idea' or cvatim 'teams'. pronoun object on (3b)

I

I

'-

3

'.

represents a productive type on intransitive verbs - e.g.,

'they

of intensifying hem haIxu lahem

reflexive bli lomar

form mila

went to-them without sayingwmeans something

like 'they went off, they upped and went themselves' or with a middle voice verb, hi hitpatxa  yafe metod 'she developed to-her very nicely' has the sense of 'she's gone

and

developea--(herself)

very nicely'.

This reflexivity of

sense is to be expected for Type II middles, for the action is predicated of a coreferential Object and Agent or Ex­ periencer together. This can explain why Hebrew uses the same verb pattern for middle-voice and for the small set of lexicalized reflexive-verbs referring to bodily activities

(e.g.,

hitraxec

hitgaleax

And

in

'wash

'shave

fact

equivalence

oneself', hitlabe 'dress oneself',

oneself')

as

discussed

many

languages

between

reflexives

tives, reflecting the close these categories (see Barber

show

an

and

in

Berman

to

appear.

overt morphological

middle-voice

intransi­

semantic correspondence 1975, Faltz 1977, and

between Garcia

1975). Type III expressions take the form of a Main Verb in 3rd Person Masculine Plural with its associated complements and

modifiers.

hence

are

struction 1973),

a

They kind

(the

and

"impersonal"

have

of

latter

they

no

surface

"verb-first"

term

is

due

constitute

constructions

SUbject

or

to

the

all,

and

"missing-persons"

at

con­

Hakulinen

&

prototypical

in Modern Hebrew.

Kartunnen instance

[5]

of

Examples

include: (4)

a.

pitxu et hara'eyon be angliya developed(PL) OM the-idea in England 'They developed the idea in England'

b.

ye'argenu

od

cvatim

will-organize(PL) more 'More teams are going to

c. bonim

am

are-building

'Theylre

there

building

A new roadls d.

Neuter,

new

new

roadl

built

there'

ba

bayit

hahu

kvar

¥anim

not(have)

lived

in

house

that

already

years

house

Elsewhere gender

road

a

shortly'

garim

Nobody's

the

being

xada

10

IThat

why

kVi

bekarov

teams soon be organized

main

hasn't

lived

(Berman

verb

of

(Masculine in

in

that

lived house

in progress),

such

here

fact);

been

why

in/ for

we try

constructions

being

years'

must

functionally

it must

be

Plural

-

to be

demonstrate Masculine

equivalent in

keeping

t the "gener ic" Sense of such proposi tions; and unspecified agent or agents must be construed as

this connection,

see

also

Kirsner

1976).

Below

we

why Human

in

to wi th

the (in

present

4

evidence ly

to

demonstrate

motivated

verb

-

which

in

Hebrew

surface subject in structions cannot to

their

Subject (6)

overt like

such a

on

as

despite the

in

other

with

some

zero subject

'people'

three

of

the

languages

overt,

as anaim 'people'

nominal;

these

form

semantical­ "impersonal"

agrees

with

the

number, gender, and person such con­ be analyzed as transformationally related

counterparts

show,

that

constraints

"

that

nor

is

cannot

is, it

it

though

or hem 'they'.

II impersonal"

As

(5)

be -cQreferential

neither

to

pronominalizes

pronominalizable

by

a

a

pronoun

and

any noun like

I they' 6 (5 )

anal(im

ke

a,

b. c.

d,



hem

mit'almim

that,

they're

ignoring

toe- root-of

the-problem

ks;,

me'ikar

omr 1m zot, haba'aya

me'ikar

haba I aya

0

k¥:e

anaKim

• ke

The

zot,

say

haba'aya

0

me'ikar

shows

omIlm

people me'ikar when

mit'alrnim

omrim

zot,

0

mit'almim

omrim

zot,

hem

mit'nlmim

haba'aya

contrast

that

0

between wellformed

even

such

a

(a)

"generic"

and

deviant

kind of noun

as

$f)

anam

'people' requires an overt pronominal anaphor, and cannot be taken to cover the same scope of sUbjecthood as the zero subject in (b). As a corollary, hem 'they' must be anaphor­

ic

to

anaim 'people'

such

as

politika'im

and

cannot

be

taken

plural verb - as below ill of

is him

im

a.

if

ke

the

c.

most

if as

likely

yedidav subject

(a)

'his of

a

friends') subjectless

example

the people who those who tell

in

situation),

thus:

meraxlim

alav,

hu

mitragez

gossip

about-him,

he

gets-mad

0

mesapr im

10

tell (PL)

him

im

0

meraxlim

hem

mesaprim

rneraxlim 0

mesapr im

Thus expressions like those in tences of (5) and (6) - with

=

alav,

'when

(6)

\

do the talking him about it

people

0

ke

or

implied

Similarly, the

im

ke •

(d).

the

ana¥im

when

b.

as

only well formed are not the same

(pragmatically (6 )

in

(or to some more clearly specified N

'politicians'

he's

told'

hu

mi tragez

hu

mi tragez

10 alav, 10

(4) above and in both main clause

the and

(b) sen­ embedded

zero subjects - are truly "impersonals" and they do not have any kind of deep subject hem associated with them; for hem 'they' is typically a personal, that is referring, pronoun,

I

,

5

'.

whereas sense

here

of

The

event

sonals,

by

underlying

has

subject

Munro

no

by

(1975:

the

passives

or

in

English

usage

in

fn.

a

5)

by

the

(as -

use

noted

for

the

property of

wide

including

III

in

sive

main

referential

of

in

unspecified",

verb

agent

this

range

both

latter

requiring

study

as

is an

proceeding

as

a

in

the

Type

as

an

on

gen­

the

kind

restricted

sub­

Biblical

which

constituent

has as

the sur­

than impera­ in which one

constructions

more

imper­

the

impersonal

comments

language

of

III of

given universe of typically translat­

overt

impersonals

well

too.

a

of

outside

sentences other true of Hebrew,

subjectless

active

impersonals, Before

of

"they"

Gesenius'

face grammatical subject in all tives. This is certainly not

finds

is

794).

of human beings entailed by a (6] Such sentences are quite

ject

peculiar

and

specified

then,

eral class discourse.

ed

"the

Langacker

(see

fn.

5),

labelled

Type

set

ps­

of

(7J to

a

consideration

of

the

functional

impact of the three constructions - Type I agentless pas­ sives, Type II middle voice, and Type III active impersonals we consider structural factors constraining the formation of one or other of these constructions. 2. Structural Constraints mation Although Hebrew has a mechanism

highly

Middle-Voice

productive

- as both

passives

and

Type

II

middles

A rough chart system of verb appear, fn. 2)

and

are

a

morphological pro­

on formal grounds. tions of the binyan part from Berman to

passives,

For­

ductive means for constructing middle-voice expressions indicated schematically in (7) below - it appears that I

constructing

and

relatively

Type

for

on Passive

severely

constrained

indicating the main func­ morphology (adapted in is given below:

(7) Main Functions of the Binyan Ver-patterns --

1.

---

kal

-

Basic,

nonderived

tive patax

1-:1

2.

nif'a1

-

-- --i) ii)

both

transi­

& intransitive, e.g., caxak 'open', gamar 'finish'------

'laugh',

Intransitive verb

Intransitive,

nirdam

'fall

pattern,

pattern:

middle

(8]

reflex

asleep',

'melt'

Ei' - Banonderived

verb

niftax

of hifil:

'be e.g.,

ni'aemain',

-- --

pattern,

typically

transitive: e.g., gibe 'finalize', piteax 'develop',

3b.

verb

Passive reflex of kal: e.g., opened', nigmar 'be-linished' names

3.

---

'al - Passive

irgen

reflex

'organize'

of verbs

in El'el:

e.g.,

gu­

ba 'was finalized', putax 'was developed'

6

4.

hitpa' el

- Intransitive verb pattern: [8) Intransitive, middle reflex of Eilel:

i)

hitgabe

'get

idevelop'

ii)

Reflexive:

hif'il

--

--

Reciprocal:

-

Transitive verb

i )

Causative

'make

of

hirdim

(behind) ,

hof'al

Passive

This

chart

in

hilbi

reflex

of

kal:

shows

that

sleep,

reflex

of

verbs

the

basis

hicxik

(someone) I

in

nif'al:

e.g.,

hTSTir- 'leave

-- --

(intransitive):

e.g.,

hexvir

ripe'

hif'il:

in

e.g.,

(by X)', "hi:irdam I be put

sleep' on

'correspond

e.g.,

'dress

verbs

to

hulba 'be dressed to

oneself',

(one another)'

'turn pale', hivil 'become

-

--

'wash

pattern:

'put

Inchoative

e.g.,

hitpateax

hitkatev

verbs

laugh',

Transitive

iii)

--

e.g.,

(with)', hitnaek 'kiss

ii)

5b.

hitraxec

hitlabe 'dress oneself'

iii) 5.

e.g.,

finalized',

of

transitive

verbs

in

(I) kal, (3) £l'el and (5) hif'il - passives can be formed in (2) nif'al and in (3b) 'al and (5b) huf' respeccive­ lYi while middle-voice intransitives can be formed in (2) nif'al and in (4) hitpa'el. Below we consider different kinds of constraints - syntactic, morphological, and lexical - on such formations. (a) Only Direct Object Passives: Hebrew allows only DO (Pa­ tient

to

or

Experiencer)

appear,

promised

Ms.

25-7.

help),

passives,

The

lack

in

of

Oblique passives

the

10

sense

passives

of

I

\

Keenan,

(John

was

(He'll be laughed at)

as well as Instrumental, Locative, etc. passives in He­ brew is due to a more general syntactic constraint in the language which disallows dangling or orphan tions (as discussed in Berman 1978, 124-238).

forms

like

gossiped'

yicaxek are

constrained without

because

any

examples

they

associated

typically used (b)

'will-be-laughed'

morphologically

instead

interpreand than are

in a due

cally brew

participial in general

sives

like

analogous ing woman

would NP.

of

or but

ruxal

entail

Type

expressions

III

'was­

syntactically prepositions

impersonals

like

the

are

English

above.

Present Tense Statals: rather (terms

feasible

preposi­ That is,

those

to at

hence

Present

used

kinetic or to Hasegawa

tense

passives

in

(8)

to

dynamically passive 1968), reflecting the

nature of present-tense (Berman 1978: 142-59).

English The around :00

tend

be

in a statal or adjectival

below are

verbs That

ambiguous

in

sense basi­

in is,

He­ pas­

a

way

room is swept (i)  the clean­ every morning - dynamic passive

I I

7

-

compared

statal

or

ambiguous (i)

(8 )

with

(ii)

so

perfective

constructions

pula!

pattern

a. hagiyot ??

be'adom

are-indicated

in-red

ha'orex

by

the

editor

.mesumano t

livdok

otan

so{it's)

easy

to-check

the

them

kol

hamo'amadim

more

kol

tal for (e)

the-candidates banose

to-deal

with-the-subject

detail

in

are

in

forms

-

terpart and

Berman

in

two

examples

the

same

159-68),

interpreted

indicate

type

these

as

and

Passive

Forms:

gerunds -

have

be

as

set

out

in

the

or

sta­

preferred

Nonfinite

no

chart

in

present-tense

verb

passive

purely passive patterns,

hof' al

(as

discussed

adjectival

III impersonals will of the verb. (10J

on Non-finite

the

(a)

of

1978:

typically

infinitives

(5b)

the

examples

- and again, Type the dynamic sense

Constraints

are-qualified

la f asok

further

passives

musmaxim

are-qualified the-candidates a1 ydey va'ada by (a) committee hamo'amadim rnusmaxim

question-marks as

­

pattern

all

well

now

similarly

in-red,

kal

huf'al

down

be'adom,

are-indicated

az

all ??

As

carpet

Examples of

Hebrew are:

ydey

mistakes

b.

in

the

[9]

a1

b. hag i yo t

a.

can 

mesumanot

mistakes

(ii)

we

passive.

coun­

(3b) in

'

(7).

'l'hus

the equivalents-of English the  needs to be fixed or he

sighed

need an

to

be

with

given

impersonal

relief

an

type

on

his

active

article' being

formulation -

corresponding

to

very

'(they)

completed

often need

to

of fix

the pipe'. As a result of the lack of passive infini­ tive forms in the two exclusively passive verb-patterns - (3b) ' and (5b) hof'al by contrast with (2) nif'al in

the

ing

an

chart

in

infinitive

again

take

over.

sions

like

the

(7)

above

are Thus

affair

the

must

helped will take the Type (9)

a.

-

used,

when modal

the

active

expressions

tak­

impersonal

will

Hebrew equivalents

be

ended

or

IIr-impersonal

xayavim

lesayem

et

must(PL)

to-end

OM

haparaa the-affair

he

of

expres­

can't

form: --- -

be

8

b.

(d)

10

yexolim

lesayea

10

not

can(PL)

to-help

him

Lexical Gaps in passive Patterns: There is quite a large group of verbs with respect to which the paradigmatic is sup­ Active Eil / Passive I / Middle hitpa'el pletive in actual usage; in such cases the passive form, though

morphologically

placed

by

true

passive

take

an

(1 )

( i )

in

agent a.

regular,

the middle-voice some

cases

phrase)

PASSIVE

but

*

MIDDLE

PASSIVE

*

not

in

in

(10)

below

it

re­

as

a

can

all. kuba1 was-received

yadeynu) us)

hamixtav

hi tkabe1

the-letter

was-received

(by a.

(e.g.,

being

functions

the-letter

(a1 (i i)

avoided,

which

hamixtav (a1 (by

b.

is

form -

yadeynu) us)

hu

bUka

(a1

he

was-asked

(by

ydey

hamenahe1) the-boss)

lehitnacel to-apologize

b.

MIDDLE

hu

hitbake

(a1

he

was-asked

(by

ydey

hamenahe1) the-boss)

lehitnacel to-apologize For

reasons

which

are

as

yet

not

clear

to

suppletive paradigms admit of no passive all with certain verbs, as evidenced by the (b) examples below are wellformed agent

(11)

phrase

(i)

is

a. PASSIVE * hai' ur (a1

such

suyam

ydey

(by

b. MIDDLE

PASSIVE

*

was-ended hamore) the-teacher)

hai'ur

histayem

the-lesson

was-ended

*

hamore

al

ydey

by

a.

some

possible.

the-lesson

(ii)

us,

construction at the fact that just in case no

the-teacher

hamexonit

teku1ka1

the-car

wi11-be-broken

(a1

hace'irim)

im

titen

the-kids)

if

you-give

ydey

(by ota

it

(to

them)



9

b.

MIDDLE

hamexonit

titkalkel

the-car

wil1-break-down

*

(a1

ydey

(by

hace'irim)

im

titen

the-k ids)

if

you-give

ota

it These

are

of Type sives and

cases

where

(to

Type

I passives middles as in

II

them) middles

are

used

instead

functioning as dual-purpose pas­ (10b) or as middles alone as in

(11 b) • (e)

Gaps

in

patterns and

the System charted

regular

form

of

stive (12 )

the

set

(i i)

(4)

ACTIVE

Active/Middle

pattern

hitpa'el. pi'el:

alternations

in

Ellel

intran­

its

the

dan

sider

et

ha I inyan

Dan

arranged

OM

the-matter

pileI:

hamare

siyem

et

hai' ur

the-teacher

ended

OM

the-lesso

histader the-matter arranged-itself/ got-settled/worked-out

hitpa'el:

less

hal!ii' ur

histayem

the-lesson

ended

productive

alternation

pattern

taking

ACTIVE

hif'il:

is

but qui te manifested by

the

intransitive

haxom

hemis

et

the-heat

melted

OM

widespread the

transi­

nif'al

--

--

as

haxem I?

the-butter

MIDDLE

nif' al:

haxem1a

namesa

( baxom)

the-butter

mel ted

ACTIVE

h if' il :

himix

( in-the-heat)

hamore

the-teacher

continued

hai I ur

the-lesson

MIDDLE nif'al: hai'ur verbs

alternate

in

this

et

OM

v

nimsax

the-lesson

Numerous

and

Thus:

its middle-reflex, thus:

( i i )

verb­

productive

ACTIVE

hif'il

(i)

(3)

of

highly

ha I inyan

somewhat

(13)

system

one

hitpa'el:

Active/Middle tive

The

includes

MIDDLE

MIDDLE

A

of

Middles: (7)

transitive

reflex ( i)

of in

way

continued

in

Hebrew,

and

the

fact that each such pair has an associated passive form (in .E.'!'al for the verbs like those in (12), in huf' for verbs like those in (13») is evidence for the claim that Hebrew manifests a tripartite system of voice - ac­ tive, passive, and middle .. [11) However, this system breaks down with respect to verbs in pattern (1) on

10

chart cludes

(7) - the basic both transitive

sitive

(one-place

As

a

the dual

predicate)

result of

distribution

of

or unmarked kal pattern which in­ (two-place predicate) and intran­

both

verbs

verbs.

the

in

dual

the

transitive/intransitve

kal

pattern

function of the nif'aattern

passive

reflex

of

verbs

in

kal

and

the

(1)

(2)

-

along

middle

both

with

reflex

the

of

verbs in hit'il as shown in T7T - no special form exists as the middle counterpart of kal, and niflal may func­ tion as both the intransitive-middle and--Passive sense in

such

(14)

cases:

( i)

PASSIVE

nibar

hakad

nif'al:

was-broken

the-vase

(al

nif'al:

MIDDLE

( ii)

PASSIVE

toe-cat) nisbar,

the-vase

broke,

nif'al:

Ie

da'avoni

to

my-regret

hadelet

niftexa

the-door

wasopened

(al MIDDLE

haxatul)

ydey

(by hakad

ydey

;

haso'er) the-doorman)

(by hadelet the-door

nif'a!:

1

niftexa opened

pit'om suddenly Again,

Type

where

III

no

agent

is

impersonals

specified,

in

the

active

speakers

kal

can

use

in

such

pattern

cases, too, to yield, for instance, gamru et kol ha'oxel '(they) have-finished OM all the-food' in the sense of

'the food's all finished'

or

have-broken OM

the-vase'

The

constraints

charted (15 )

structural as

=

et

hakad

'(they)

noted

in

this

section

can

be

follows:

Constraint

I

Passives

a) b)

Only

c)

No

DO

d)

Lexical Gaps in Passives Gaps in Set of Middles

Pres.

Passives Tns. Passive

Statal

e)

avru

'the vase has broken'.

II

Middles

Passives

Impersonals

+

-

Nonfinite

III

+

-

+

-

+

(+ )

+

-

(+ )

where minuses indicate that a construction is formally una­ vailable, pluses indicate the construction used instead, and parentheses indicate that a construction may but need not be used

to

bridge

the

gap.

11

The the

picture

most

which

severely

emerges

is

constrained

that of

Type

the

I

passives

three

are

constructions;

Type II middles are somewhat constrained - as shown by (e), but they may take over the role of passives as in (d); while active

plural

impersonals

constraints

at

formed

intransitive

with

account

also

all

-

of

being

provides

Type

the

and

a

III

only

seem

ones

transitive

formal

to

manifest

which

can

verbs

explanation

of

freely

alike.

This

the

intuitive

feeling of Hebrew speakers that the passive is atypical of their language, somehow "not really despite

the

relatively

which exists for its by the findings of a

productive

formation. pilot study

Tel Aviv University [12] of year-old Israeli children, who the

passive

This the

avoidance was particularly seven subjects, and was to

respect tival

to

our

children

when

produce

point

used

are

children

used

for

those

showed

impersonals

avoid

the

the or

III)

only

mechanism

or

the

called

viewed

NP

the

as

Moreover,

passive

up of

for.

logical

adjec­

the

stra­

when

required

object

occurred

here:

younger

made

middle-voice

of

backed Ariel

the younger of throughout with

are

points

somewhat Hebrew",

l and one-half avoided using

clearly

[13]

the

command

while

quite

which

the

actives

(Type

passive;

which

with

to

evident in manifested

above).

in

better

used

was

avoiding

consistent

simple

it

8

consistently

passives

(b)

sentences

initially who

even

present-tense

(see

tegies

form

morphological

This intuition is conducted by Mira seven

no

be

(Type

II);

passive

constructions

fronting

strategies

two

oldest

to

children,

who made most frequent use of passive formation (including passives with agent-phrases), made relatively rare use of such methods

of

of

avoidance.

This ties in with another relevant structural property Hebrew, as a language for which the passive is relatively

not .'tAu,,,"I ,q o

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