LAW AND PEACE TREATY MANIPULATIONS BY DUTCH COLONISERS ON NATIVE INDONESIANS: ASTUDY ON MOCHTAR LUBIS'S SELECTED WORKS Rahimah Haii A. Hamid
[email protected]
Nik Haslinda Nik Hussain
(o'
[email protected]
School of Humanities, Universiti Sains Malavsia.
Abstract The Dutch colonisation of Indonesia from 1814 until independence on 27th December 1949 has been described by historians and writers alike as a long, dark period of bitter strife and suffering for the Indonesian people. Mochtar Lubis, a famous Indonesian journalist and novelist reenacts the suffering of his people at the hands of the colonisers in his creative works, focusing especially on the latter's deceitful manipulation of the law to negate peace treaties signed between the Dutch authorities and local indigenous leaders. Such duplicity was undertaken chiefly to benefit the usurpers whilst oppressing the Indonesian people. Among the treaties signed which the Dutch used to hoodwink the locals were the Renville Agreement and the Linggardjati Agreement. Mochtar Lubis immortalises their treachery in his works such as Jalan Tak Ada Ujung (Road with No End), Tidak Ada Esok (No Tomorrow), Maut dan Cinta (Love and Death) and Kuli Kontrak (Contract Coolies). This article will read Mochtar Lubis' literary works as a form of post-colonial discourse that foregrounds the tension between coloniser and the colonised even as it dismantles Dutch hegemony represented by the bias of enacted laws and one-sided treaties Keywords: post-colonial, coloniser; natives; bias law; manipulate; deceitful.
Abstrak
Penjajahan Belanda ke atas Indonesia (Hindia-Belanda) yang
49
MALAY LITERATURE
dicatatkan dalam sejarah sebagai bermula pada tahun 1814 sehinggalah kedaulatannya diperakui oleh Belanda pada 27 Disember 1949 telah digambarkan oleh ramai penulis sejarah dan kesusasteraan sebagai suatu tempoh yang begitu pahit, memedihkan dan getir bagi masyarakat Indonesia. Lantaran itu, Mochtar Lubis, iaitu salah seorang pengarang dan wartawan ternama Indonesia telah melukiskan kembali kisah getir penjajahan Belanda itu di dalam karya-karya kreatifnya. Salah satu perkara yang menjadi perhatiannya adalah cara penjajah Belanda memutarbelitkan undangundangnya dan melanggar perjanjian-perjanjian damai yang telah ditandatangani oleh pihak berkuasanya dengan pemerintah peribumi Indonesia. Penipuan undang-undang dan pelanggaran perjanjian damai yang ditandatangani itu ternyata bertujuan menguntungkan pihak penjajah dan menganiayai masyarakat peribumi yang dijajah. Antara perjanjian tersebut adalah Perjanjian Renville dan Perjanjian Linggarjati dan kisah penipuan undang-undang dan pelanggaran perjanjian damai ini telah dirakamkan Mochtar Lubis di dalam karyakaryanya seperti Jalan Tak Ada Ujung, Tidak Ada Esok, Maut dan Cinta dan Kuli Kontrak. Tulisan ini bertujuan membaca kembali karya-karya Mochtar Lubis itu melalui wacana pascakolonial sebagai suatu kaedah untuk melihat ketegangan hubungan penjajah dengan masyarakat peribumi yang dijajah, serta meruntuhkan hegemoni penjajah Belanda dengan mendedahkan kepincangan undangundang dan perjanjian damai yang mereka sendiri cipta dan kenakan ke atas peribumi tanah jajahannya itu. Kata kunci: pascakolonial, penjajah, peribumi, ketidakadilan undangundang, memanipulasikan, penipuan.
Introduction
The Dutch colonisation of Indonesia has been often described as an agonising period due to the brutality and cruelty faced by native Indonesians. The harshness of the Dutch was keenly felt in politics because the colonisers had the power to manipulate their administrative position to ensure that they could maintain their dominance. As proof, F.W. Stapel in his book Geschiedenis van Nederlands In die 1 mentioned that history was written to show the greatness of the vac and not to present the fierce opposition from the Indonesian. To him, the vac had full power to overthrow the Indonesian government in a short F.W. Stapel, Geschiedenis van Nederlands In die , J.H. Meunlenhoff, Amsterdam, 1943.) According to Stapel, in 1941, the Aceh princess signed an agreement with the VOC and was given numerous business benefits in Tiku, Pariaman, Padang and Indrapura in West Sumatra. The rights and profits of the Trade Association were augmented by the 1649 agreement which ended Aceh's influence on its colonies in West Sumatra.
50
RAHIMAH HAJI A HAMID AND NIK HASLINDA NIK HUSSAIN
period without meaningful resistance as in Aceh. By reading Stapel, we are given the impression that native Indonesian rebels were weak, cowardly, and easily surrendered to the voe. On the other hand, based on Mochtar Lubis's creative works, the colonisers' deception is made apparent through aspects of their administration and through the peace treaties that they prepared and signed. The documents were created to "establish" harmonious ties between the colonial administrators and the natives. Nevertheless, all laws and peace treaties introduced by the colonisers were actually cunning strategies to strengthen their political power and enable maltreatment of the natives. 2 The manner of administration created friction and strained the relationship between the Dutch and the Indonesians. The troubled relationship can be interpreted through the reading procedures suggested by Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin (1989:15) in approaching post-colonial literature. Therefore, it was deemed fitting that selected works of Mochtar Lubis featuring the manipulation of laws 3 and peace treaties be chosen to be read using this model. The reading lens shows that the source of friction between the colonisers and the natives was due to the collision of principles, beliefs and feelings between both parties. For example, the conflict was caused by the natives' dissatisfaction with the colonisers' conduct, treatment and actions towards the natives in their own homeland, while the colonisers were mainly concerned with the protests and the resurgence of Indonesian nationalists who sought to diminish their power. Both parties stood by different principles which brought about a strained, heated and conflicting relationship. The Dutch wanted to retain power; the Indonesians yearned for independence. Some of Mochtar Lubis's works, such as Jalan Tak Ada Ujung, Tidak Ada Esok, Maut dan Cinta and Kuli Kontrak, were seen to feature those types of relationship between the native Indonesians and the Dutch colonisers. Furthermore, the works also exposed the Dutch colonisers' manipulation of the laws and peace treaties that they made with native Indonesians. The Dutch deception - in the form of words, behavior and actions - was often scrutinised with suspicion. Mochtar Lubis's stories depict true incidents based on events that he witnessed and experienced. A. Teeuw (1978:200), for example, acknowledged that Mochtar Lubis's depictions of native protests against Dutch laws
2 Evidence of deceits by the Dutch colonialist through treaties can be found in the writings of H.J. de Graaf, Geschiedenis van Indonesia, Gravenhage, 1949 and P.J. Veth, Atchin en zinjne betrekkingen tot Nederland, Leiden, 1873. 3 J.E.Heeres, "Corpus Diplomaticum" Neerlando Indicum 1 (1596 -1650), Gravenhage 1907. The book presents a collection of agreements made by the VOC with governments in Indonesia and outside of Indonesia, as a reference to compare the validity of the facts. All agreements included in Corpus Diplomaticum were taken from the Darghregister that was maintained by the VOC in "Casteel Batavia."
51
MALAY LITERATURE
and peace treaties were true representations of the natives' struggle against the Dutch, especially during the revolution period. Hence, this paper will compare some incidents of the colonisers' trickery in Mochtar Lubis's creative works with the actual incidents that occurred in Indonesia. The selected works will be read using post-colonial theory which will be directed towards the strained relationship between the colonisers and the natives. This area of study was deemed suitable because it indirectly showed how the colonisers manipulated the laws and peace treaties which they themselves legislated with the intention of destroying the life and rights of the natives. In addition, it can be shown that the natives' post-colonial reaction in protesting against the colonisers' actions directly created a fragmented, strained and heated situation between them. In discussing the natives' protests, Mochtar Lubis has highlighted in his works two different types of protests. The first type was subtle protest such as through dialogues, symbols, actions and printed media, while the second one was a radical and intense protest, up to the point of physical harm. The way Mochtar Lubis depicted the natives' protest against the colonisers was successful in showing the post-colonial predisposition of his creative works. Regarding the protests against the colonialist laws, the natives used various kinds of protest against them both before and after Indonesia gained her independence. Before independence, the natives rose to protest against the laws with the intention of gaining their independence from their colonisers. However, despite gaining independence, the natives still had to remonstrate against various laws imposed upon them. This was because the laws that were created and regulated by the Dutch contained strategies to permit colonisation with the intention to exploit, to impede independence and to re-colonise the life of the natives. The laws ·Introduced by the Dutch were legislated and regulated with the intention of re-colonising Indonesian geopolitical space. Moreover, the colonisers' legislation enabled them to interfere with the natives' independence, imposing their desires on the natives and moulding the natives' state administration to fulfil their needs. Hence, it is clear that their intention was to regulate the laws in order to exploit the lives and rights of the natives. For this reason, the natives had to protest and fight for their independence and remove the colonisers. In his works, Mochtar Lubis showed the efforts made by the natives to reject and thwart these laws. The rejection of, and protests against, colonization by the natives was emphasised by Mochtar Lubis when recounting the high fighting spirit of the natives when they reacted to the colonisers' manipulative laws. The strained relationships featured by Mochtar Lubis in some
52
RAHIMAH HAJI A. HAMID AND NIK HASLINDA NIK HUSSAIN
of his works showed the natives' resistance, much in the character of post-colonial writing. In Kuli Kontrak for example, the natives were shown practising two methods of protest, namely aggressive and subtle, as reactions towards the manipulative Dutch laws. In the beginning, physical native protest arose because they were dissatisfied with the Dutch regulation that gave full authority to the Dutch opzichter to take any form of violent action against the contract coolies in their onderneming. This authority was taken as consent for one Dutch opzichter to act immorally towards his coolies' wives. The Dutch opzichter's cruel actions were based on the colonialist literature that they were God's chosen race: hence they could do anything to the colonised natives. Therefore, the Dutch opzichter in that particular onderneming sexually harassed the wives of three of his contract coolies (Kuli Kontrak, 1982: 10 - 11). When the angry coolies showed their rage by stabbing him, the unjust and inhumane Dutch laws were applied to them. The three men were arrested and whipped until they bled profusely before they were taken to court. The tragedy in Kuli Kontrak was in fact a real episode selected by Mochtar Lubis from the instances of cruelty and injustice that arose from the Dutch colonialist laws towards the native coolies in the Dutch orderneming. The cruelty of the Dutch in executing the punishment can be seen in the following excerpt: The contract coolies with hands tied behind them and bodies face downward on the bench, screamed with pain while being lashed by the prison officer. Blood spewed from both the bodies .... Not far from them a doctor stood on standby, checking the coolies at intervals. The doctor's nods meant the lashing could continue (Haifa Shahab, 1980:6).
The Dutch action of flogging the three coolies until they bled before they were judged in court clearly violated the European laws that were advocated by the colonisers themselves. Under European law, a person is innocent until proven guilty in a court of law. So in this case, the socalled civilised Dutch colonisers only practiced their law in court if the result was likely to be in their favour. Otherwise, they would take matters into their own hands by convicting their adversaries, just because they had the power to do so. The display of the Dutch colonisers' opportunistic attitude was read as a strategy to ridicule colonialist laws that were not based on justice and truth, but rather enacted to benefit the Dutch. Ironically, the laws of the court that they brushed aside were enacted by the Dutch themselves. In post-colonial discourse, the story can be read as a display of the colonisers' deceit about the exaggerated goodness, humanity and fairness
53
MALAY LITERATURE
of their laws which they brought from their homeland. Nonetheless, it is shown that the laws were clearly flawed as they could be manipulated in their favour. From another angle, this story was part of Mochtar Lubis's strategy and post-colonial voice to criticize the laws of the Dutch colonisers which he saw as barbaric. The powerful or strong will always win and can oppress the weak. Victory is for anyone who holds the power, and not for the innocent or not-guilty. Therefore, this short story is a form of satire, to be read as a post-colonial discourse to insinuate, ridicule and mock the Dutch colonisers, as the representative Europeans, who lived without regulations, morality or good conduct. The sarcasm aimed at the Europeans found its target in the Dutch who were supposedly great, smart, pure, noble and God's chosen race but were portrayed instead as uncultured and uncivilized. This was made apparent through the action of the Dutch opzichterwho failed to understand the principles of the culture of the colonised Eastern community when he repeatedly harassed the wives of the contract coolies. More cynical than that was when the Dutch opzichter, who came from a race which claimed to be great, pure and noble, was libidinous with the contract coolies' wives who were poor, unkempt and dirty. Thus, the greatness, smartness, purity and nobility which "characterise" the image of European was nothing more than an empty rhetoric. Likewise, a subtle protest against the Dutch laws appeared in the same short story when Demang, who failed to save the three contract coolies from being whipped, strongly forbade his children from working with the Dutch colonisers. Demang said: "When you grow up, don't ever be the state officers or state administrators! Understand? ... Since then whenever father has the chance he will repeat his warning that none of his children should follow his footsteps to become a state administrator. Every time he said that, he would look at me, and I understood what he meant (Kuli Kontrak, 1982:15).
The excerpt showed that Demang, who was aware of the cruel Dutch laws, did not want his children to allow the Dutch to be their masters. Demang's prohibition reveals a post-colonial inclination because his children were symbols of Indonesia's future generation which he hoped could be groomed to reject Dutch rule. Even the innocent children were depicted as questioning the authority of the colonisers laws that "lashed a man with a whip" before he was judged in court (Kuli Kontrak, 1982: 12). Thus, the children's rejection strengthens the post-colonial mentality of gaining sovereignty of one's own homeland. The aggressive protests by the contract coolies against their Dutch opzichter and the retaliation by Demang's family against the implementation of the Dutch laws successfully show the strained 54
RAHIMAH HAJI A HAMID AND NIK HASLINDA NIK HUSSAIN
relationship between the natives and the colonisers. This strained relationship developed into prolonged anger, regret and hatred for the colonisers, especially when the Dutch opzichter, who was clearly guilty and cruel, was not brought to justice. Demang's wife emphasised that the opzichter was not brought to justice "because power is in Dutch hands! They will never be guilty" (Kontrak Kuli, 1982: 11). This reaction to the failure of the opzichter to be charged as a result of his cruelty can be interpreted as the natives belittling the unfair Dutch laws that brought out their brutality. Obviously, the colonisers manipulated the laws to destroy the lives of the natives. In truth, the story of Demang's warning to his children was a real depiction of what Mochtar Lubis's father had forewarned his own children - not to make the Dutch their employer or master (Haifa Shahab, 1980:7). Mochtar Lubis's works such as Jalan Tak Ada Ujung, Maut dan Cinta and Tak Ada Esok show the natives struggling against the colonisers in a more radical way. The three novels depict the revolution, which was a period when the natives couldn't contain their anger and rebelled against the colonisers' violation of the peace treaties. Moreover, the natives were infuriated because the Dutch refused to legitimise Indonesia's proclamation of independence on 17th August 1945. Following the re-entry of the Dutch into Java on 29th September 1945 with the claim that Indonesia was their legitimate colony, multiple treaties were enacted and imposed on the natives. This situation caused discontent among the natives which resulted in their uprising and ignited a bloody revolution which lasted for four years, from 1945 to 1949 (Ledge, 1981:1). The revolution really challenged the laws, the peace treaties and the political power of the Dutch, especially when the natives were seriously protesting. The clashes between the natives and the colonisers during the revolution illustrated a series of conflicts in their political relationship. Through post-colonial reading, the three works expose the Dutch attitude of deception, manipulation, and violation of the peace treaties that they signed with the natives. The Dutch acted in such a way because they imagined themselves as strong, powerful and able to dominate the lives of the native Indonesians and Indonesia's geographic territories, just as they had done before the Second World War. Unfortunately for them, the colonisers' plan got derailed because the locals' nationalist sentiments, sown earlier, now blossomed into a cry for freedom. Seen in this context, the novelist in the three novels charts the narrative of historical fact, which was about the natives' struggle against manipulative Dutch colonisers. In Jalan Tak Ada Ujung for example, Mochtar Lubis raised one important 55
MALAY LITERATURE
episode in the history of Indonesia, the Linggarjati Treaty.4 This was the first treaty signed between the natives and the Dutch colonisers during the revolutionary era. According to Rudolf Mrazek (1996: 589), the treaty was signed on 16th October 1946 between Prime Minister Sutan Sjahrir on behalf of Indonesia and Schermerhorn and van Mook on behalf of the Dutch. Mochtar Lubis was also present at the invitation of Sutan Sjahrir (Haifa Shahab, 1980:6). One of the intentions of the treaty was to reconcile the power struggle between the natives and the colonisers. However, the treaty was clearly manipulated by the Dutch as they continued to pose a military threat and launched attacks that caused restlessness among the natives. The wicked stance of the Dutch in lying and failing to abide by the signed treaty was illustrated in the following excerpt: "We've signed the treaty. And yet we were asked to be at war. When can we live peacefully?" Guru Isa can't answer this. What has been spoken by Tuan Hamidy were his own feelings. Feelings that have touched him deeply and passionately. When the Linggarjati treaty was signed in a glorious ceremony on March 25th, for a while, Guru Isa tasted freedom in the air (Jalan Tak Ada Ujung, 1971 :77).
The date 25th March in the above excerpt refers to the year 1947 when the Komite Nasionallndonesia Pusat (KNIP) agreed to ratify the treaty. Following that, the natives were able to live peacefully albeit briefly because there was speculation that the Dutch would strike again. The speculation caused tension between the coloniser and the colonised. The natives were disturbed by the widely spread rumours that the Dutch would strike back with biggerforces to immobilise the natives' defences. The tension can be seen from the emotional weight felt by Hazil: That happened in June. Now it is July. While lying in bed watching Fatimah putting on her sarong, her brassiere wrapping her round, fair and firm chest, he knew days like this have neared their end. News that the Dutch will attack this month has grown. Only the date is not clear. Some said it will be on the 25th. The 15th has passed. Now the 25th will be the anticipation. (Jalan Tak Ada Ujung, 1971 :86).
4 Among the conditions stipulated in the Linggarjati Treaty was ceasefire and the recognition of Indonesia as a republic with absolute power over Java and Sumatra. In addition, the Dutch agreed to assist the natives in establishing a sovereign democratic federal government covering the Republic (Java and Sumatera), Borneo and the Eastern area, to be known as the Federation of Indonesia. However, all the conditions were violated by the Dutch because their true intention was to make Indonesia their colony. See detailed analysis of these treaties in Berhard Dahm, 1988: 166.
56
RAHIMAH HAJI A. HAMID AND NIK HASLINDA NIK HUSSAIN
News that the Dutch would attack at any time, that is from 15th July to 25th July 1947 as in the above excerpt, was one of the ways the Dutch used to breach the Linggarjati treaty. The intention was clear: to show their political supremacy, thus intimidating the natives, causing worry and confusion, and weakening the latter's spirit. The Dutch strategy was a success. It is recorded in the history of Indonesia that the Dutch attacked earlier than the anticipated date of 25th, that is on 20th July 1947. Hazil's apprehension was justified. The Dutch justified the attack with the reason that the natives had breached the rules of the signed treaty. However, the true reason for the attack was that it was ordered by the Dutch Government. Beel, the Dutch Prime Minister, ordered the Dutch army to strike with all its strength to crush the Republic of Indonesia. The day after receiving the order, with the support from the Dutch Air Force, attacks were launched from the Dutch harbours in Java and Sumatra to more remote areas (Rudolf Mrazek, 1996: 621). The attacks illustrated the manipulative behaviour of the Dutch colonisers who blatantly failed to observe the Linggarjati Treaty which was signed to end the dispute with the Indonesians. However, the treaty was in fact manipulated by the colonisers as a way to strengthen their political power in Indonesia. The fact that the Dutch were lying was proven by the words of the Dutch Naval Commander, Commander Helfrich, which were included in his letter to Lieutenant Commander Pinke in March 1947 from Den Haaq: While (General Spoor) over here, we've discussed with the administrators and he has assured positively to me that 'now clearly', that military action should take place .... We establish 't~e treaty' (Linggarjati Treaty) that is not an agreement ... I earnestly asked myself how long we have to continue playing this little game. (Rudolf Mrazek, 1996: 604).5
What Commander Helfrich has stated in the above excerpt regarding the treaty apparently reveals how the Linggarjati Treaty was just "a little game" for the colonisers. Hence, the weaving of historical stories in Ja/an Tak Ada Ujung can be read using a post-colonial lens as a strategy to chide the actions of the Dutch who were supposedly noble but in fact were deceptive. Thus, Hazil critiques the hypocrisy of the' Dutch colonisers who repeatedly manipulated the treaties: "The British army has all gone. The Dutch used Linggarjati only to deceive the international world. We must be ready quickly," Hazil slammed the table with his hand ... (Ja/an Tak Ada Ujung 1971: 77 - 78).
5 Taken from the original text of Rudolf Mrazek, 1996 which was written in Indonesian.
57
MALAY LITERATURE
Mochtar Lubis's own perception of the colonisers became darker in Maut dan Cinta, where he continued to list and repeat the malpractices of the Dutch. The natives were burdened with the enforcement of the treaty because it caused a huge loss of life and property. Society too was divided as the result of the treaty. Therefore, the novel became an arena to display the protest and frustration of the natives towards the Dutch as captured below, regarding the Linggarjati Treaty: "Good, none was happy accepting it. Linggarjati was a compromise that did not satisfy us ... If we're not careful, we will be divided by this Linggarjati (Maut dan Cinta, 1997:256).
Moreover, just like Jalan Tak Ada Ujung, Maut dan Cinta is also seen as mirroring historical facts. In fact, the story of the native protests against the Dutch deception of the Linggarjati Treaty is an extension of the stories documented in Jalan Tak Ada Ujung. The continuation can be seen based on the time period covered in Jalan Tak Ada Ujungwhich ran from September 1946 to September 1947, while the time period covered in Maut dan Cinta was from 1st November 1947 to 29th January 1948. Other than the Linggarjati Treaty, this novel also touched on the Renville Treaty.6 The treaty was introduced because the Dutch continued to violate the conditions stipulated in the treaty by which both parties had agreed to abide. Thus, in the treaty witnessed by representatives from the United States of America, Belgium and Australia, a boundary for the Dutch armed forces was created and named "The van Mook Border". The Dutch army was required to retreat from their occupied land to the stated border within three months (Dahm, 1988:6). Nevertheless, the Renville Treaty signed on 19th January 1948 was introduced by trickery. In Maut dan Cinta, Mochtar Lubis points out that the Renville Treaty was one of the Dutch strategies to take advantage of the natives' political weaknesses. At the time, the Cabinet of Amir Syariffudin " was in a state of disorder following the communist insurgency. In view of that, the Dutch began to show their political ruthlessness by deliberately violating the conditions stipulated in the Renville Treaty, in order to regain control of the Indonesian politics. The Dutch deceit caused more strain in their relationship with the natives. The first violation of the Renville Treaty by the Dutch was by van Mook who announced the establishment of a new state in East Sumatra (Dahm, 1988:6). Dutch interference and the communist uprising caused instability for the new government. The impact caused the city of Kota Madiun to fall into the hand of communists. As a result, Hatta's Cabinet (29th
6 The treaty was named Renville because the negotiation was made on board a Russian ship named the U.S.S. Renville.
58
RAHIMAH HAJI A. HAMID AND NIK HASl\NDA NIK HUSSAIN
January 1948 - 4th August 1949), which took over the administration after independence, had to struggle to counter the communist insurgency and the Dutch imposition (Musanef, 1983: 58). Based on historical fact as it is, Maut dan Cinta can be read as a post-colonial voice to criticise and to expose the lies and wickedness of the colonisers through the violation of the treaties. In the novel, the atrociousness of the Dutch is exposed through their massive attacks on Yogyakarta, when there was supposed to be a ceasefire. The attack, named the Second Militer Action or Polisionil Action was launched by the Dutch when the native administration was squeezed by the communist uprising. The Dutch took advantage of the Indonesian government's internal predicament to topple it and re-colonise Indonesia. This manipulation caused inconsiderable strain. Consequently, through the character of Ali Nurdin, the natives' dissatisfaction and desire to protest against the Dutch was voiced: "It is hard to contemplate", said Ali Nurdin, "because the Dutch will never surrender easily although with the existence of Linggarjati Treaty. We too were not satisfied with Linggarjati" (Maut dan Cinta, 1977:279).
For Ali Nurdin, the Dutch pledge to assist the natives with the establishment of the Indonesian Republic was just a lie. They would never surrender Indonesia to be ruled by the natives. Hence, in this novel the natives see the ceasefires proposed by the Dutch in the treaties as merely a period during which the colonisers could plan new strategies to destroy the natives. This was proven when the Dutch breached the ceasefire specified in the treaties because they were certain that the natives were unprepared to put up a fight. Thus, the signed treaties were merely a deception from the colonisers to achieve their political will. This showed a strain on the natives' and the colonisers' relationship. For some individuals, the effects of the conflict were very severe: Ali Nurdin, for example, lost his fiancee Nani due to the attack. Nani, who was a member of the Red Cross, died after being hit by bullets from a Dutch aeroplane. For that reason Ali Nurdin vowed to crush the Dutch colonisers, either by way of the print media or weaponry. Hence, as a last resort to teach a lesson to the Dutch for deliberately violating the peace treaties and sacrificing many lives, the natives took action by using the media. The newspapers, for example, were used to lobby for international support. These efforts paid off when the struggle of the Indonesians gained huge attention, support and sympathy from the international community. Intervention from the international community irked the Dutch, thus straining their relationship with the natives further. The Arab world, Egypt, the United States of America, Australia and France openly asserted their support and sympathy for the Indonesian uprising. In addition, profound sympathy was expressed by the British 59
MALAY LITERATURE
government and the newly independent government of India. The reactions from the international community towards the suffering of the Indonesians were mentioned in the following excerpt: "Don't you feel it's weird, Edi" said Ali Nurdin, "how numerous communities have joined our fight for independence. Tonight alone, the Chinese, the Americans and the French, even the Australian labour group support us since the proclamation. In fact, even some of the Dutch supported our fight for independence (Maut dan Cinta, 1977:248).
Mochtar Lubis picked the materials for his novel from the historical reaction of the Sutan Sjahrir Cabinet towards the defiance of the Dutch colonisers. Because the Dutch refused to endorse the proclamation of independence of Indonesia, and violated the peace treaties and launched military attacks on the natives, Sutan Sjahrir decided to seek support and sympathy from the international community. He used his relationship with other countries, especially India and Britain, to lessen the pressure of the Dutch eagerness to regain their power in Indonesia.? Sutan Sjahrir's efforts succeeded; the Dutch conceded defeat and gave their endorsement to Indonesia's independence. Again, this incident provides an insight into the post-colonial orientation of Mochtar's works. He showed that Indonesians had the ability to retaliate even though Indonesia was in a state of chaos due to violation of the treaties and continuous attacks by the Dutch and communists. Realising their defence was weak due to the lack of modern weapons, they turned to print media which they considered to be more effective in lobbying for international pressure against the Dutch. Other than print media, the natives also used radio communication to gain sympathy from the international community. Radio communication appeared to be the best and fastest method, with international support for the native Indonesian struggle coming much faster than expected. The use of radio communication by the natives was commented on by Ras Siregar (1978:18) as follows: " .... the radio signal, that produced the Sumbing-Bukit TinggiKotaraja-New Delhi relay, was the chunk that changed world opinion
7 The British and Indian governments agreed to condemn the Dutch actions as an act of returning the good deed of Sutan Sjahrir who donated 500,000 tons of rice to India. In relation to this, Rudolf Mrazek (1966, p. 592) stated that Sutan Sjahrir's good deed was successful in countering the Dutch viciousness and was successful in raising support and sympathy from the world community. As seen by the Indonesians the British were "seen as keen" on Sjahrir's rice dealings and requested that Indian goods be shipped to Java in return.
60
RAHIMAH HAJI A. HAMID AND NIK HASLINDA NIK HUSSAIN
to side the Indonesia, because here in New Delhi, the Indonesian independence aspirations were transmitted to the whole world."
Similar to Ja/an Tak Ada Ujung and Maut dan Cinta, Tak Ada Esok (1982) also depicted the opposition of native Indonesians towards Dutch infringement of the peace treaties. Moreover, the novel seems to be an extension of the time frame of the novels discussed earlier. If the time frame for Maut dan Cinta ended on 29th January 1948, the time frame for this novel began in early 1949 and ran to the end of the revolution on 27th December 1949. On this date the Dutch agreed to endorse Indonesia's independence which had been proclaimed by the natives on 17th August 1945. The novel reveals the natives who joined the underground movement to protest against Dutch infringement of the ceasefire as accorded by the linggarjati Treaty and the Renville Treaty. The natives reacted aggressively to condemn the Dutch who were deemed to have made false proclamations in both treaties. They also objected to the massive military attacks, Military Action I and Military Action II, launched by the Dutch. Hence, to bring to fruition their protests and to demolish the Dutch rhetoric and military attacks, most Indonesian youths decided to join the guerrilla movement. Among them were Hasan, Lieutenant Johan, Lieutenant Ahmad, Captain Sudiarjo and Private Ali. This movement further aggravated an existing strained relationship. Consequently, the native post-colonial voice was also instilled in the novel through the depiction of the Dutch deception in relation to the Renville Treaty and the Linggarjati Treaty which were enacted and imposed as a strategy to drag Indonesia into backwardness, destruction and prolonged revolution. Lieutenant Johan's words highlight the natives' anger: "Yes," said Johan. "Many times the Republic submitted to Dutch demands because we wanted to have a peaceful solution. Linggarjati and Renville. Both were the pillars of backwardness for the Republic. But still we accepted it. Only the Dutch were still unsatisfied" (Tidak Ada Esok, 1982:29).
The pinnacle of the natives' anger was demonstrated through guerrilla attacks launched to destroy the Dutch colonisers. Although the novel ends by not giving victory to the natives, the inclination towards being free from colonial rule is presented clearly here. Through many strategies that include treaty agreements, media warfare and finally guerrilla attacks, Indonesians were depicted as relentlessly trying to rid their homeland of colonisers. To reflect upon the works discussed in this article, it was found that laws and peace treaties enacted by the Dutch colonisers were merely to strengthen their political power or to regain
61
MALAY LITERATURE
their political power which had been returned to the natives. In order for them to achieve the above targets, the colonisers combined various deceitful schemes such as imposing forced laws, cheating, manipulating and infringing the peace treaties. Thus, the natives, who were oppressed by the unjust and deceptive laws, had to create defensive strategies, both subtly and aggressively. The natives' ability to put up a fight against the colonisers' unjust laws and peace treaties by using various modus operandi created a heated and strained relationship. Mochtar Lubis has been faithful in his portrayals of the struggles of Indonesians through the use of historical events which actually occurred during the colonial period. By weaving fact into fiction, he reveals a post-colonial mindset which rejected Dutch interference in Indonesia, and that Indonesians fought back bravely to regain their sovereignty.
References Ashcroft B., Griffiths G., and Tiffin H, 1989. The Empire Writes Back: Theory and Practice in Post-Colonial Literature. London: Routledge. Haifa Shahab, 1980. "Mochtar Lubis: Bertolak dari Derita Kuli Kontrak." In Mutiara, Year XIV, Number 215, Wednesday, 30th April. Mochtar Lubis, 1982. Kuli Kontrak. In Kuli Kontrak. Jakarta: Penerbit Sinar Harapan. Mochtar Lubis, 1982. Tidak Ada Esok. Jakarta: PT. Dunia Pustaka Jaya. Mochtar Lubis, 1977. Maut dan Cinta. Jakarta: Penerbit Pustaka Jaya. Mochtar Lubis, 1971. Jalan Tak Ada Ujung. Jakarta: Penerbit Pustaka Jaya Mrazek, Rudolf, 1996. Sjahrir: Politik dan Pengasingan di Indonesia. Editor Mochtar Lubis. Jakarta: Yayasan Obor. Ras Siregar, 1978. "Novel Reportase Mochtar Lubis". In Majalah Tempo, Year VII, Number 48, 28th January 1978. Teeuw, A., 1978. Sastera Baru Indonesia. Kuala Lumpur: Penerbit Universiti Malaya.
62