Local History Author(s): Pierre Goubert Source: Daedalus, Vol. 100, No. 1, Historical Studies Today (Winter, 1971), pp. 113-127 Published by: The MIT Press on behalf of American Academy of Arts & Sciences Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20023993 . Accessed: 30/04/2015 04:15 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp
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PIERRE
GOUBERT
Local History
or a few concerns a call local history that which village a a small or middle-sized or town (a large harbor villages, capital or a area not is the than local greater beyond scope), geographical an Italian the common provincial unit (such as an English county, a German Land, sl French bailiwick or contado, pays). Local his was which with zeal, and even carefulness, tory, practiced long ago was later in the nineteenth and the first despised pride, (especially
We
shall
centuries ) by the supporters of general history. the of this century, middle local history has risen again But, and acquired new meaning; that only indeed, some even maintain local history can be true and sound. For a long period?at least until the time when ideas circulated men to move faster (in the eighteenth and when century) began the and revolution the of ( frequently quickly during railways in the was most nineteenth of the parish Europeans century)?the setting in the country or the small town and the district?that surrounding in a day's walk, the stretch of land covered is, roughly speaking, or in a to ten miles, from ten kilometers about two or ride, day's in this three times more. The same laws (local custom) prevailed as well as the same cultural habits of (methods place, cultivating for mead the soil, quality of crops, shapes of tools, date of opening ows and woods), the same social and economic habits (date of half of the twentieth since
and quarterly and yearly hiring servants, date of weekly markets same same the the and administra rules, fairs), seignorial judicial never went tive area, and the same religious beliefs. Most people the boundaries their of their children remained districts; beyond a a a a a were and market there; notary, priest, seigneur, judge, within easily:
reach.
The
prospective
cultured lawyers
moved about part of the population in would take some of their degrees 113
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D
DALUS
to diocesan semi the future priests went universities, neighboring not naries when travel far away they existed, nobles, when they did to their parents' or their suzerains' castles of a war, went because or sometimes situated outside the bailiwick, outside the province of course. But all of itself. There were also vagrants and beggars, towns and them felt they were first of all citizens of their native and Picardy, and Burgundy, from Amiens provinces?from Dijon from Nimes and Languedoc, from Aix and Provence, from Saint were French, Brieuc and Brittany?and secondly they though they as the themselves always acknowledged king's faithful and obedient stratum and subjects. Only small segments of society?the highest the lowest?could have felt no association with a region particular or and captains, as well as the gangs of place. The great financiers were not purposely adrift from their along highways, beggars the police questioned the homes; all of them knew (especially when came what and from. diocese, ) province, parish they beggars In such a confined activities of the small life, the intellectual on ancient with dealt either meditations texts, minority especially Roman and Greek, or with the history of the region, the region being as the land of the understood family. When they tried to produce histories?as histories were written before Voltaire's Essai sur les and the famous exploits of the Moeurs?antiquities, particularities, or were city province By the end of the sixteenth cen emphasized. were histories?which lists of noble fami tury, provincial merely and cathedral of histories lies, castles, fiefs, abbeys, chapters?or were enumerations towns and cities?which of charters, privileges, famous people, and gossip about the writer's native town?were in institutions the the Later, ( the strongest provinces commonplace. the because of their and Estates, parlements), corporate feelings, as a way of protecting their interests, published their histories. to research Monks dedicated the Benedictines ( for example, ) often to a corpus of documents decided and gather publish regarding their own provinces; and such work was frequently carefully done.1 or administrative These contained acts, the generally legislative concern feudal and other evidences charters, documents, founding the noble the and abbots had who families, great ing pious priests, been sometimes influential. They were apologies, nearly hagiog even raphies. But they cannot be dismissed, today. They often re fer to the text of lost documents and give the only extant version of them. The nineteenth century, at least in France, was the golden age 114
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Local History and enlarging upon the example given Following cen in the second half of the eighteenth academies by provincial or called "societies" themselves learned that tury, many "scholarly" were on the scene, existing some (and occasionally so) appeared were times for only a few years. Their members elements typical of
local history.
of bourgeois notaries, priests, spinsters, rentiers, society: magistrates, a few teachers, minor and thousands of papers nobility. Among issued in France from the middle hundreds of volumes of the a a tenth is nineteenth century, perhaps worth glancing through, worth This social science hundredth "petit bourgeois" keeping.2 from serious sociological and would analysis. profit psychological The weakness works partly ex of many of these pseudohistorical historians of the early plains the contempt with which professional twentieth local century history?a jumble of chance regarded assertions. usurped glories, proofless genealogies, Professional disdained such local history historians also be cause of their own see as to of what chose conception they "gen was eral" history. General history political, military, diplomatic, a and ecclesiastical. the state involved administrative, Studying war a of of the statesmen; study studying permitted study military feats of generals; involved the publica studying foreign relations a tion of ambassadors' memoirs; studying religion led to recounting of the achievements and bishops, of popes generally holy and administrative from the records of (written pious; studying history as offices located in Paris) was represented a the being history of A whole the of historians of retrospective psychoanalysis people. the nineteenth reveal that many of the century would probably more or less identi historians who chose to write about monarchy fied themselves with the monarch, that the historian of a particular was himself minister sometimes the country. imagined he governing An elementary Freudian could explain many of the interpretation curious histories that were published. at local were made Yet, the first serious attempts history by historians and intellectuals rank with who the best. They under stood that a thesis or interpretation, however to needs ingenious, be a as facts have well facts; space supported by precise precise as a time dimension. for fiscal Thus, S?bastien Vauban, pleading used the of the his reform, election, precise examples Vezelay native and he where had often been.3 Thus pays, Normandy, a the thesis of French Messance, demographer,4 rightly opposing so as famous advanced intellectuals depopulation brilliantly by 115
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DAEDALUS
as as and Voltaire, unqualified Montesquieu demographers a numerous in with of proved strictly regional analysis parishes the Lyonnais, and that French the Auvergne, Normandy Upper though
had risen markedly the end of the seventeenth between population with Alexis de Tocqueville, century and the end of the eighteenth. at the same time the his great design, which was to understand dying Ancien
and the French the provincial used Revolution, R?gime in Tours, and illustrated with actual ex offices, particularly But can of the states of Languedoc.5 amples the accomplishments a historical form depend upon the work of men of genius? was more common Feillet's and more com Alphonse technique an in historian of the misery used. Feillet, often-neglected monly was a at the time of the Fronde,6 France of contemporary III. He believed that the French did not suffi people Napol?on record
the misdoings of "legitimate" Bourbon monarchies. ciently know to do with To support his rather simple thesis, having the misery of the French and after the Fronde, Feillet used before, during, num in and essays published memoirs, letters, monographs, large one could a French bers in the nineteenth century: always find was or malnutrition, the of where village dying plague somebody or where in every soldiers' violence had created massive disorder 1640 and 1660. A careful reading of the same docu between a historian who wished to prove the opposite would by to It is have been prove certainly quite possible equally compelling. or that it was miserable that France was flourishing during Louis XIII's reign: one needs only to choose one's evidence in carefully the sea of local histories. published never The Feillet method thought of founding (though Feillet a method; this was still a time when few laid claim to being con used. has in fact become cerned with methodology) very widely or is it be if brilliant, thesis, may paradoxical, Any unexpected, old studies selected chosen from examples scholarly supported by a game where the guilt becomes of different provinces. History others with materials of local history provide less amateurs they
month ments
find useful. in the last twenty years has a new kind of local history Only archives of a given The return to the unexploited become possible. was a into fashion by his back and given period brought region were not born in the and were studied torians who region generally new trend derived from not therefore filial This expressing piety. a concern to current and with historical dissatisfaction methods, 116
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Local History new kinds of historical of the preced questions. Historians were with the prob ing generation overwhelmingly preoccupied it would be lems of the upper classes. To use French examples, in lawmakers correct to say that the old school was interested and not in law enforcement, in those who and not in the governed in the in the memoirs of clergy and not in the faithful, governed, men of letters their countries and not in the realities of describing the country itself. The return to local from a new history proceeds interest in social history?that is, the history of a whole society, not who governed it down, or the few it, it, only ground happy judged it?the sometimes of of called men, orders, groups taught history as in lived together. This was history classes, ?tats, who keenly terested in the bodies and minds of the many as in the world-wide or as concerned with the his profound thoughts of the few; plans as wine the statutes of with and bread, oil, tory history of corporate a But and military rules. that undertakes all aspects of history num human life in all classes of men meets first a major obstacle: establish
bers.
too difficult to or intendants study thirty French to the hundreds of thousands ambassadors; twenty trying study of townsmen and millions in all aspects of their of countrymen lives presents difficulties. Historians concerned with insuperable such matters do not of the lack of documents but their of complain It
is not
number.
and given the any adequate Lacking sampling techniques, the archives, historians tried to limit their difficulties by rec their gaze to a particular restricting region whose geographic ords were well gathered one man work and could be analyzed by as as Lucien alone. did this for the Franche Febvre, 1911, ing early did the same ten years later for the Comt?; Gaston Roupnel Dijon region.7 These early works went unnoticed, probably because they were too In the French universities of that time strictly regional. such history was too (and even of the years following), thought soon had followers, limited. But these pioneers and they were soon of joined by others, so many others that a sort of overproduction a real threat at in least is France, regional history, today. were these regional Why important? They estab monographs lished certain limited in some instances, but none proofs, proofs theless; their statistics, compiled with a safety-margin, challenged some of the and approximations that "general" ideas, prejudices, had held sway in the absence of more precise investigation. A few examples may serve to suggest what has been achieved. state of
117
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DAEDALUS It had been common for a com long time ( and it is still too often to to the nobility the of the "sword" mon) oppose unconditionally a a to to the that is of "robe," say, nobility nobility hereditary to certain conferred nobility judicial important by appointment were The the sometimes functions. of French judges parlements on the as characterized The careful thesis of Jean Meyer bourgeois. in the Breton nobility that century8 proved eighteenth irrefutably in there was not a single bourgeois and very few former bourgeois the Parlement of Brittany, and that the difference between nobility of the sword and nobility The mem of the robe was nonexistent. were bers of the Breton Parlement the descendants of the oldest in that had dispensed their noble families Obvi justice province. not be true of other ously, what holds for Brittany may equally a the historian's task is to make as painstaking provinces; study of as has the membership of these other French provincial parlements been made in Brittany. take a very different the growth of example, in France the Marxists call (which feudal) system an edict was sometimes Louis XIV common; quite by how the last allodial tenures fared under that king. R. To
the seignorial to be seemed cited to show
in Boutruche, our has drawn region, study to the fact that some attention free lands and peasants completely on times survived the Middle In his book the Lower Ages.9 Abel Poitrineau docu shows, on the basis of notarial Auvergne, that tenures allodial sometimes of the ments, proportion approached in many 50 per cent rural communities of eighteenth-century This phenomenon will probably be found to have been Auvergne.10 common in other parts of the country as well in central, (mainly and southern The result of these many researches eastern, France). is the inescapable conclusion that a part of (but unanticipated) France during the Ancien R?gime the Middle (and, by definition, as well) not the did Ages undergo seignorial system. It was known that certain feudal customs such as mortmain had in remote parts of eastern France. Voltaire once survived spoke of in the the "serfs du Mont Jura"; the liber century eighteenth king ated the last serfs who lived on the lands of which he was seigneur. New researches by Abel Poitrineau and Pierre de sug Saint-Jacob were that of important groups gest peasants subject to mortmain to be found in central France; the study by R?gine Robin on north ern reveals (Auxois) many more of them. It is possible Burgundy that a fifth of the peasants of this small region lived under a system his
on allodial
tenure
in the Bordeaux
118
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Local History that was in fact a form of extenuated serfage.11 Other discoveries of the same nature may be expected for eastern France. This phe nomenon was neither known nor understood until minute studies on were at carried the village level and undertaken. level seignioral in this Our image of rural France has been substantially period altered by these new insights. Thus, for example, the penetration in the of Indian corn into Aquitaine (an old century eighteenth to repeat recently ) is that even Fernand assertion Braudel thought now dated to the seventeenth is based century. This knowledge on the research of young historians who took an interest in wholly the small corn markets of southeast France.12 The idea, often re rotation that the southern half of France used a biennial peated, was a corn in its fields the when blasted of system diary journeys an made by J. F. Henry de Richeprey, and officer of the agronomist was a is now known by king, published regional learned society.13 It that biennial rotation was not the rule; all types of rotations were in the west). used in the south (and an even greater variety The very different attitudes of the peasants with respect to the to the rate of tithe that by referring clergy have been explained was very low in Lower in a particular existed tithe The region. (3 per cent) and very high in the southeast (from 10 to Brittany 12.5 per cent).14 The clericalism of one region and the anticlerical ism of the other has roots that are more ancient than is sometimes to indicate what realized. One could go on endlessly the new re our per and to local have contributed searches, rural, altering must of It that be said the researches have ceptions Europe's past. not been on French those of French historians only working must mention be made of the renewal of materials; English, Belgian, as a result of the local studies undertaken and Dutch history by on Leicestershire, on the Herve pays, W. G. Hoskins Joseph Ruwet and B. Slicher van Bath on Overijssel.15 The
careful practice of local history and the multiplication of on lead much further; may may specific regions monographs they serve to that once seemed destroy many of the general conceptions so in so many books, papers, and lec strong and were embodied tures. Thus, for example, the so-called "crisis" of the seventeenth and the so-called revolution" of the eighteenth century "agricultural are to certain in be reconsidered the century light of the material now being developed. A whole book would to out the be needed probably bring nuances to let alone of the the seventeenth of, destroy myth 119
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Daedalus
century "crisis," at least in France. The word "crisis" is itself unsuit a violent but brief the able; crise in French means phenomenon; use of the term in this sense seems to be In my own disappearing. I found no justification for the idea that there study of Beauvaisis, was a severe crisis in the to the Fronde except for period previous on these, the incidence of epidemics attendant and high mortality common as in the seventeenth well the (as sixteenth). century was the rising, prices were going up, though slowly, Population were incomes of landowners textile had and rising, production in the 1630's. It was reached new levels in Beauvais only in the to deteriorate. that conditions second half of the century seemed in other areas sug local studies subsequent In a thorough of the northern textile study showed Pierre Deyon with cities, particularly Amiens, impressive in that area; in statistics the character of industrial growth doing about the "blissful reign" of Louis so, he supported my comments XIII. After 1660, when Colbert was minister, textile activity came to life again; the industrial "crisis" was put off, and to the rightly, but sub last years of Louis XIV's reign.16 In his blunt, strange, It is interesting that other gested patterns.
discarded for rural Lower Provence stantial thesis, Ren? Baehrel been a crisis in the seventeenth the conception of there having in condi the idea of a general century: he advanced improvement a more difficult tions interrupted every thirty years.17 by period in his researches E. Le Roy Ladurie, focused on the neighboring till the the coming of a depression region of Provence, postponed new His Holland till the war?that 1680's. the is, years following use to his methodical of documents research, especially relating to him that the ecclesiastical lead conclusion the tithe, prosperity continued age, and reached a sort of climax, with during Colbert's in the years between 1660 and 1680. greater agricultural production was never as there were In southern France the Fronde important; no famines in the fifties and sixties, of the seven nearly the whole or teenth century?at 1690?was characterized least until 1680 by Michel his studies in the Morineau discovered expansion.18 through treasures Dutch record offices and libraries that the American more
into Europe in the second half of the seven lavishly so dear to in than did the sixteenth century, they century E. J. Hamilton and P. Chaunu.19 Thus, a series of local studies has of the oft-repeated thesis about the led to a serious questioning it in the If it came at crisis seventeenth occurred, century. general the very end of the century, at least in France. The subject, obvi poured teenth
120
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Local History new researches will is far from exhausted; bring perhaps ones. It is quite certain, however, revive will and old opinions serious provincial that without (written by profes monographs a revision of the and not by amateurs) sional historians general kind would not have been possible. suggested with Michel associated nonrevolution" The "agricultural us a even to in A time. closer Morineau involves careful period ously, new
tithes and agricultural of the accounts of ecclesiastical prop over several centuries to come to a allow Morineau striking are observable set of conclusions: in the same agricultural yields even nineteenth and the the Middle sixteenth, Ages, eighteenth, centuries where the same conditions of climate, political order, and some in decline, periods, outputs good farming prevail; where, reasons: war, bad climatic con there are always easily identifiable social unrest, a closing down of markets. The eighteenth ditions, combined favorable but the conditions, century fairly generally were not than had been; outputs they substantially higher they the best outputs of earlier times. A young his reproduced merely same methods in a torian of Sicily, Maurice Aymard, using the that the yields of good Sicilian corn quite different place, maintains as in Cicero's time. An fields are the same in the eighteenth century limit and of would appear to upper output unvarying agricultural can be observed have existed. No rapid growth the nine before teenth or the twentieth century. The that historians changes thought were were or they discovering changes of short duration, geographi are cal variances between different regions.20 Not all historians study erties
to accept the rather theses ready startling by propounded to to refute Morineau. discover other try They regional examples of the bad periods of the him; often, they are more comparisons with seventeenth best the The century periods of the eighteenth. to most cer idea of a technological limit appropriate has regions in a to be The rise mind. and fall maxi between tainly kept slight mum and a minimum (the one and the other being proper yield to different expresses what was true most of the regions ) probably to "take off" very late? time. The real agrarian revolution began in second half of the the nineteenth nearly everywhere century or even
later;
sometimes,
even
more
recently.
A now owes its
very lively branch of history?historical demography? to the narrowest type of local history. This development field was vegetating, with rumors and proofless theories as its staples, before historians and statisticians became in modest, interested neg 121
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d^edalus
and widespread documents: parish parish registers. Using from Gien the Loire and from several other River) (on registers to the link between economic crises Jean Meuvret places, pointed cen crises in northern France in the seventeenth and demographic to and the these crises of the of after middle the tury weakening An examination in of about Beauvaisis thirty parishes eighteenth. was the first a to make a serious attempt analysis of demographic Louis the whole Crulai Nor of (in region. Henry, using register use of such data; gave new impulse to the professional mandy), soon afterwards, he laid down the well-defined rules of method that are appropriate for such study. Recogni (now unquestioned) in France, tion of the value of parish documents ( at a time when, censuses were rare, not well known, and not easy to use) allowed studies to be made of fecundity, marriage, and infantile mortality, with a possibility attained. The grow of accuracy never previously soon demonstrated that neither France literature ing monographic or Beauvaisis, nor either Crulai but it allowed looked like Europe to raise a whole series of new questions: historians thus, for ex of birth about the control about nurs ample, beginning procedures, more The about of ille mobility ing practices, generally. problem so to and sexual intercourse prior with patterns marriage, gitimacy as between so and England, different and perhaps France typical of a kind of modern mentality,21 could not have been examined lected,
censuses the arrival of good methodical ( 1840 in France ). to all the for the such Only key problems parish registers provide an earlier even not such without could be them, period; problems tackled. before
studies has been con of local and regional historical is not explicable The reason for the success it must be seen how terms of the methods used. Rather, in simply for such study has come from the Annales much of the inspiration The
success
siderable
in France.
ideas and elitist school, severely critical of traditional to new social groups and felicit attention drew prejudices, provided ous and scholars in associations historians between interdisciplinary school. That
A re and demography. biology, sociology, psychology, and ideas, was of historical studies, with new methods generation a new that talent to had sufficient made generation by possible make itself heard. is it excess. As historical work in France All success brings with it tends to the carried out mainly within universities, reproduce economics,
122
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Local History the universities. of innovation Soon, a servile imitation a new tradition, or a violent contestation and negative which often ends in the thing originally reinforcing disputed. One can the birth of yet another novelty, which will foresee already owe much to contact between and his linguistics, psychoanalysis, as soon as to and tory22 (just agree psychoanalysts linguists study to and archives, and historians agree study linguistics psychoanaly and political, could also take reaction, sis). A brutal ideological French more. historians or back place, throwing fifty years In the most recent students period, large numbers of advanced and young historians devoted to parish themselves monographs. For a year ( for the certificate m?moires de ma?trises ) or for several years (for the thesis of the troisi?me cycle, a kind of Ph.D.), they analyzed, using the archives, different aspects of life in one or sev eral parishes, most cen in the century. That frequently eighteenth were left abundant archives, varied, and they were us tury they to read. The work of novices is about easy ually generally worth as much as their authors ( and the who them advised ) are professor worth. Most often, they was confirmed what known. simply already did contain certain new ideas and unex Some, however, provided on for the attitude toward information?thus, pected example, early birth control of the winegrowers of the Ile de France in the eight eenth century,23 or on the composition of communities in the villages of Brie ( to the east of Paris ) in the same new information century,24 has been provided. It had been that the communities of thought Brie were dominated one now rich farm sev finds that workers; by eral were dominated who manouvriers, by the poor, numerous united against the rich peasants the of the Intendant through help General of Paris. Many such parish are poor; monographs they de serve to be are excellent. forgotten; others Be that as it may, their multiplication approaches overproduc tion and presents at least three it is difficult First, disadvantages. to find them, read them, or make a so as the the more synthesis, are not of an them student advanced majority Second, published. or a is a to historian have sufficient fledgling unlikely competence to deal with the different elements to necessary good local analysis; faults
of
establishes
are economics, demography, sociology, religion In mastered. the last analysis, there is subjects easily always the of a return to amateurism. even when the mono Third, danger an is the of isolated more raises graph good, description village law, not
institutions,
123
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d^edalus
the exact information provided have than it resolves: Does problems or such questions, To decide local, provincial, general significance? on one would need to have other neighboring monographs parishes as well. The and the demands are endless. questions of lies in a systematization The solution, obviously, monographic is assured this systematization In the domain, study. demographic in collaboration with de D?mographique Soci?t? the Historique by the Institut National des Hautes the Ecole Etudes, Pratique of universities; and a number the first d'Etudes D?mographiques, assure of the best monographs two institutions (or, fail publication a At at the r?sum? of them). least Aix-en-Provence, ing that, of toward social analysis students has been directed work of advanced in the of the rural communities century. At Caen, Pierre eighteenth At the effort for Normandy. follows the same systematized Chaunu sur les Civilisations de l'Europe Moderne de Centre de Recherches the work of his students has centered Paris, Roland Mousnier revolts of the seventeenth themes: around several century, gov Parisian the staff of the Ancien R?gime, ernmental society during same is to achieve collabora The difficulty good genuinely period.25 tive publications. to be undertaken, and many studies continue Large provincial on We are nearing studies expect Anjou, Upper Nor publication. of the region south Provence, Paris, Lorraine, Dauphin?, mandy, later.26 These others will follow somewhat and Gascogne; Toulouse, the validity of old of verifying studies are the only means major new or and of ideas and propositions, problems hy discovering new trend, in my view a is to examine one The one, good potheses. or two the in in one or two regions. Thus, for example, problems men on and death Lebrun work and teresting by Fran?ois original is centuries and eighteenth in Anjou the seventeenth during own have students Two of my best awaited with great impatience. riage France
mar on the problem of western in of metayage problem centuries. to the nineteenth Large pro
to concentrate
chosen
recently in
and
Champagne from the sixteenth
their efforts
the
on one important analyzed concentrating problem, or over a is the best more)?this (a century perhaps long period course to take for those who wish to remain faithful to the idea of
vincial
studies,
investigating I warmly English
local/provincial
thank
my
daughter
history. Annie
Gresle
for
her
gentle
assistance
language.
124
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in
the
Local History References
(1523-1603) wrote the Histoire du
1. For example, the lawyer Guy Coquille et duch?
pays
de Nivernais
Antoine
lawyer, comt?
et
renom
de
vincial
Loisel evesch?
comtes,
the
of
history
(1536-1617), et evesques,
wrote
Beauvaisis
(Paris:
et de
Beauvais
A.
Vefue
(Paris:
seventeenth
des
commune
pairrie,
villes,
pays,
et personnes A 1617).
S. Thiboust, is Histoire
century
another
1612);
L.'Angelier, M?moire
du
Berry
de pro et du
dioc?se de Bourges (1689). In the eighteenth century, the most famous provincial histories were: Claude Court?p?e and Edm? B?guillet, Descrip tion g?n?rale et particuli?re du duch? de Bourgogne, 7 vols. (Dijon, 1751 1767
), and Dom
doc),
those
historians by Benedictine Maurice and (Bretagne),
as Dom
such Dom
Vaissete
"Histoire
2. An
Vhistoire
de France, XVIe Les sources de Andr?, (Paris: A. Picard, 1913-1935), et locale." C Louis
provinciale
almost exhaustive Ren?
and
Lasteyrieet
toriques (Paris: 3.
de
the memoir Normandy,
4 vols. (Paris: si?cle, au Vhistoire de France vol.
esp.
of this literature is in Robert
nationale,
F. d'une dixme Vauban, (Paris: Projet royale on the see pp. election, 274-295; V?zelay see pp. 39-42 (and elsewhere).
Alean, for
sur la population des Recherches g?n?ralit?s . . . (Paris: de Rouen Messance, 1766); Durand, Lyon, . . . sur la cherches de la France 1788 ). (Lyon, population
5. Alexis
de Tocqueville, L'Ancien et en Des pays d'Etats pendice, last lines.
Alphonse
Feillet,
XIV,
de
travaux his des g?n?rale Bibliographie savantes la France de les soci?t?s par publi?s 1944-1961).
4. Messance,
6.
8, chap.
Gandilhon,
arch?ologiques
Imprimerie
S?bastien
bibliography
general
such as: Henri
knowledge of this kind of study, see French bibliographies sources Les Hauser, A. Picard, 1906-1915); 8 vols. XVIIe si?cle,
(Langue a
For
Plancher.
au
La mis?re
et
R?gime
temps
de
et
de
d'Auvergne, Nouvelles
see
Languedoc,
la Fronde
in
examples
la R?volution; du
particulier
for
1933);
re
the
Ap the
especially
Saint
Vincent
de
Paul (Paris :Didier, 1862 ).
7. Lucien
Febvre,
Phillipe
II
et
la Franche-Comt?
(Paris,
re
to be
1911),
published shortly by the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes and the Maison des
Sciences
de
l'Homme.
Gaston
Roupnel,
La
ville
et
au
la campagne
XVIIe si?cle, ?tude sur les populations du pays dijonnais (1922), 2d ?d. (Paris: Colin, 1955, by the Ecole Pratique des Hautes Etudes, Section VI). 8.
La Jean Meyer, merie nationale,
9. Robert
noblesse
bretonne
au XVIIIe
2 vols.
si?cle,
(Paris:
Impri
1966). L'alleu
Boutruche,
en
Bordelais
et en Bazadais
au XVIIIe
du Xle
si?cle (Paris, 1947). 10. Abel
Poitrineau,
La
vie
rurale
en
Basse-Auvergne
au XVIIIe
si?cle,
1726
125
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D
DALUS 2 vols.
1789, 344. 11.
vie
La
Poitrineau,
universitaires
Presses
(Paris:
en
rurale
Basse
de France,
1965),
Pierre
Auvergne;
de
esp.
341
pp.
Les
Saint-Jacob,
paysans de la Bourgogne du Nord au dernier si?cle de l'Ancien R?gime pp.
20% des paroisses
et mat?rielle Civilisation Braudel, 126 (Indian corn, eighteenth 1967), century); Les paysans de Languedoc (Paris: Flammarion,
12.
Fernand
capitalisme, Emmanuel
des
Journal see
de
(Paris: Roy
the cases especially others. 168, and many
of
du
Sainte-Eulalie
Colin, Ladurie,
corn, p. 71 (Indian des vins des grains, prix de Presses universitaires ma?s
du
J. F. Henry Larzac,
de
in
Richeprey,
(Rodez,
1952);
of Compeyre,
140,
p.
la mer
dans
Archives historiques du Rouergue, XIX
H. Guilhamon, p.
en Haute-Guienne
voyages
I Le
1969),
Le and Genevi?ve Fr?che, 1637-1678); Georges et des ? Toulouse, 1486-1868 (Paris: l?gumes France, ("De 1967), esp. pp. 20-22 l'apparition in 1618 in 1639 curiale," certainly, perhaps). 13.
en 1789, fran?aise terre de mainmorte,
La soci?t? 38-40; Robin, R?gine est (Paris, 1970), p. 120: "L'Auxois sont mainmortables." du bailliage
(Paris, 1966), Semur-en-Auxois
? en Bretagne du XVle si?cle rurales classes See, Les et E. Bri?re, and some studies by my 1906), (Paris: V. Giard not For in Rennes, the south former students unfortunately published. Les paroisses du dioc?se book by Armand Sarramon, east, see the excellent sur l'histoire en 1786, in?dits in Collection de Documents de Comminges de la R?volution 1968). (Paris, Fran?aise ?conomique For
14.
Henri
Brittany, la R?volution
15. W.
G. Hoskins,
Press, 1950). sous de Herv?
pool: University au pays rurales van Bath, Een
16.
Pierre
Baehrel,
1789 18.
E.
(Paris:
Le
Roy et
D?mes
geschiedenis
la soci?t?
produit
la Basse-Provence
croissance,
S.E.V.P.E.N,
net
classes
B.
Slicher
het
platte
au
urbaine
chap
probl?mes,
and XIII, in XVIIe
rurale,
fin du XVIe
si?cle
1961).
Les
Ladurie,
esp.
(Liver
les
47-63.
( 1966), Une
1943). van
(Li?ge,
sur ?tude capitale provinciale, The Hague: Mouton, 1967), en France et ses manufacturi?re
production si?cle, no. 70-71
et
L'agriculture
R?gime
and
(Paris
La
17. Ren?
Joseph l'Ancien
Ruwet,
Amiens,
Deyon, si?cle
XVIIe
in Leicestershire
History
Agrarian
onder spanning: samenleving Van Gorcum, 1957). (Assen:
in Overijssel
land
in Leicestershire
Studies
Society ( 1949 ), and Essays in Leicestershire History
Archeological
paysans
agricole,"
de Languedoc; Annales: ?conomies,
and
en cours, "Enqu?tes civilisations, soci?t?s,
24 (1969), 826-832. 19. Michel prix
? Seville, de "D'Amsterdam Morineau, le miroir?" Annales: est-elle ?conomies,
l'histoire r?alit?s quelles soci?t?s, civilisations,
des 23
( 1968), 178-205 (see p. 196 for the figures for 1661-1700). 20.
On
the
agricultural
nonrevolution
see: M.
Morineau,
"Y a-t-il
eu une
126
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r?vo
Local History lution 299-326; XVIIIe
agricole Denis
en France
au XVIIIe
Richet, Annales:
"Croissance
si?cle," E. Le
759-787; R?volutions
Roy invisibles
92 Revue (1968), historique, en France au du XVe blocages 23 ?conomies, civilisations, (1968), soci?t?s, in note above 18; M. Morineau, Ladurie, quoted en France au XVIIIe et si?cle, d?mogra agriculture si?cle?" et
phie, to be published in Cahiers des Annales 21.
See my tion of
article "Historical forthcoming Modern French History:
Early
History,
Interdisciplinary 22.
Robin, cahiers
La
soci?t?
no.
fran?aise
( 1970 or 1971 ). and
Demography A Research
the Reinterpreta Journal
Review,"
of
1 ( 1970). en
1789,
"Le
229-343,
pp.
vocabulaire
des
de dol?ances."
23. Michel Tyvaert and Jean-Claude Giacchetti, Argenteuil, 1740-1790, ?tude de d?mographie historique, in Annales de d?mographie historique (1969), pp. 24.
40-61.
sur "Recherches Brassens, Maryvonne de ma?trise, m?moire Paris," unpublished
25. See Annales monographical ture
agraire
les
biens
Sorbonne,
a
communaux Paris,
l'Est
de
1970.
de d?mographie historique (1969), pp. 11-292 (twenty studies ) ;Michel Vovelle, "Etat pr?sent des ?tudes de struc
en Provence
? la fin de
l'Ancien
Provence
R?gime,"
historique,
no. 74 (1969), 450-484. Annales de Normandie and Cahiers des Annales de Normandie (studies directed by Pierre Chaunu). Publications of the Centre by La
de
Recherches
Roland
Mousnier;
r?volte
des
and
26.
To
be
lished
les Civilisations
and
recent
les r?voltes others,
Le
de
Moderne, l'Europe are Madeleine
publications normandes Conseil
du
de Roi
1639 de
directed Foisil,
(Paris, 1970), XII-a Louis la
(Paris, 1970 ).
on Anjou thesis soon, published in the coming south Paris years,
Normandy B. Bonnin, Gascogne
et
Nu-Pieds
Mousnier
Roland
R?volution
sur
the most
by
Fran?ois
Lebrun;
to be
pub
region by G.
by Jean Jacquart, Upper Lorraine Cabourdin, by G. Lemarchand, Dauphin? by Provence and R. Pillorget, Toulouse by G. Freche, by M. Vovelle Zink. by Anne
127
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