Moderation - Global Movement of Moderates [PDF]

Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience

Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience





Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience

Contents Foreword by Khalek Awang, Chief Executive Officer, Global Movement of Moderates Foundation

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Introduction on Global Moderation Roundtable (GMR)

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Transcript of GMR: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika held in Kuala Lumpur on 2 July 2012

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Transcript of GMR: Regional Peace and Stability through Moderation held in Jakarta on 12 February 2013

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Coexistence in the Perspective of the Islamic Law – Dealing with non-Muslims as a Model, Professor Ahmed Reda Al-Rashidi, Nahdlatul Ulama Higher Institute for Islamic Studies, Jakarta

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Membumikan Toleransi, Meredam Redikalisme: Pergulatan Kultural Nahdlatul Ulama Jawa Barat dalam Membumikan Nilai-nilai Moderasi Islam di Indonesia, Dr H. Sulasman M. Hum, State Islamic University of Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

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Nahdlatul Ulama and Religious Tolerance In Indonesia, Gugun Gumilar, President of Indonesia Association Students in United States

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Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience



Foreword by Khalek Awang

Chief Executive Officer, Global Movement of Moderates Foundation As part of its efforts in disseminating the concept of moderation, the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF) has undertaken a number of initiatives. One of these is the Global Moderation Roundtable which is a vital platform for the exploration of the many facets of moderation in multiple contexts. The priority at this moment is to engage as many parties as possible, both state and non-state actors, in exploring the practical applications of moderation. Indonesia, being the largest Muslim country in Southeast Asia with its diverse traditions and religions, is expected to be an important contributor to this process. With many embedded similarities in religion, language and cultural heritage that date back to time immemorial between Malaysia and Indonesia, there will be many common issues that both countries can work on. The official motto of Indonesia which translates into “Unity in Diversity” marks the



Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience

starting point of GMMF’s engagement with Indonesia’s two leading civil society organizations which are Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. The Global Moderation Roundtable series between Malaysia and Indonesia and the two prominent organizations will be an ongoing process. The discussions and exchange of views on the practical application of the philosophy of moderation which focuses on “justice, equilibrium and excellence” would be beneficial to both parties in resolving conflicts and differences, be it domestic or between the two neighboring countries. Hopefully, the publication of papers presented by our fellow scholars, intellectuals as well as by civil society leaders from both Malaysia and Indonesia will give the general public an insight into the meaning of moderation. This will, in time create a wider understanding of the concept and its practical applications, and lead the world towards global peace.

Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience



Introduction on Global Moderation Roundtable (GMR) The Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF) has initiated the Global Moderation Roundtable (GMR) where key stakeholders from all around the world are invited for a productive and free exchange of ideas on the concept of moderation and its practices. Since 2012, two GMR forums have been organized with Indonesian stakeholders. The first was themed Bhinneka Tunggal Ika which means Unity in Diversity. It was held in Kuala Lumpur on 2 July 2012. It showcased the successes that Indonesia has attained and the moderation strategies it used in managing the interests and wellbeing of its diverse population. The distinguished speakers from Indonesia included Drs H As’ad Said Ali, Vice Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama, Professor Dr Hamka Haq, Chairman of Baitul Muslimin Indonesia and Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin, President of Muhammadiyah. Officiated by the Malaysian Deputy Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, the second edition of GMR themed Regional Peace and Stability through Moderation was held in Jakarta on 12 February 2013. Being one of the most culturally diverse regions in the world, Southeast Asia has never experienced any devastating clash of civilizations. Instead, the diverse civilizations here had enjoyed peaceful co-existence guided



Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience

by the principles of moderation. The regional stability has enabled Southeast Asia to sustain steady economic growth. According to the International Monetary Fund, Southeast Asia enjoys a growth rate twice that of the developed world. The Roundtable provided the platform for sharing both the Malaysian and Indonesian experience of moderation, peaceful co-existence, and their experience in dealing with ethnic and religious diversity. The outcomes of the deliberations are being disseminated to various regional and international organizations. GMMF claims no exclusive ownership of the idea of moderation other than the strategic thrust on joint cooperation with like-minded governments and NGOs in the pursuit of moderation and global peace.

Moderation:

The Indonesian Experience



Transcript of GMR: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika held in Kuala Lumpur on 2 July 2012 Drs H As’ad Said Ali Vice Chairman of Nahdlatul Ulama The concepts of unity and moderation were well implemented throughout the history of Indonesia. The Dutch Empire defeated the Indonesia Empire resulting in the separation of authority between those islands within the Kingdom of Majapahit and regional sultanate powers. Indonesia’s unity was shaped by social and cultural factors over time. The concept of unity began in the 15th century. The Ulamas contributed to the development of Bahasa Indonesia which became the lingua franca of the Malay Archipelago. Islam was then preached in written Jawi and Bahasa Indonesia, conveying a message of unity under the umbrella of common religion practice and language. Regional trading had also strengthened relationships among the Indonesian islands. The 20th century marked the rise of social and political organizations such as the socialist party and nationalistic parties which adopted western ideologies like communism and democracy. The establishment of Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama led to the uprising of the Ulamas in 1916 in pursuit of national independence. In the Muktamar



Moderation:

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Congress in Banjarmasin in 1936, a consensus was reached that Indonesia shall be an Islamic country as the majority practised Islam. The Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama and various Islamic organizations formed the Majlis A’laa (Supreme Islamic Council of Indonesia) to further press for the nation’s independence. In 1945, the Islamic organizations have agreed on the adoption of Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika as the foundation of the formation of the new republic. The Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, translated as ‘Unity in Diversity’ was adopted to be a part of the national ideology. Derived from an old Javanese poem written by Mpu Tantular during the Majapahit era, the poem promotes tolerance as a basis for unity among Buddhists and Hindus while respecting the rights of god worshipping, and at the same time welcoming and respecting the influence of other religions such as Islam in the archipelago. The formation of Indonesia was faced with three questions; whether it should be a kingdom or a republic; secular or aristocracy, centralism or federalism. With consensus from the nine founding fathers of the country, it was agreed that Indonesia shall be created as a democratic republic state. It was to be a united state, with autonomy given to all states as guaranteed in the Constitution. In terms of theocracy, the ideology of pluralism is embraced by the majority Muslims, and as well as respecting the rights of the minority. It was further expressed that the adoption of Bhinneka Tunggal Ika and Pancasila is parallel with the Madinah Charter, and the arkān-al-Islām, the five principles for Muslims. Nahdlatul Ulama strongly advocated the omission of the line “obligation

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The Indonesian Experience



for Muslims to carry out the Syari’ah law” in the Pancasila principles to accommodate the sentiment of the Christians, thereby upholding the concept of plurality. Besides that, the Nahdlatul UIlama recognizes Indonesia as a nation state which is ideologically different from the western understanding of a nation state concept. To Nahdlatul Ulama, the priority is to appreciate the traditional values as quoted: “to be Muslims is a voluntary action, not to be forced by the government”. Furthermore, the principles of justice, equality and welfare state are also applied in the system. Nahdlatul Ulama believes that it is the obligation of the government and states to provide enough food, shelter, and jobs to the society regardless of race and religion. These values had become the foundation of the Pancasila. Thank you.

Professor Dr Hamka Haq Chairman of Baitul Muslimin Indonesia It is an honor for me to have the chance to share my knowledge and experience with you in this discussion on the Indonesian state ideology, Pancasila, which is also symbolized by the term “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika”. I am very confident that this strategic forum can be an effective force to achieve a new peaceful and harmonious world. Any talk on diversity in Indonesia could not be separated from the role of Muslims. The religious life in Indonesia is very conducive and tolerant; in line with the universality of Islamic teachings itself that focus on peace and harmony. As a

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universal teaching, Islam can integrate with local conditions in each nation and country, especially in the case of Indonesia. Islam accepts the ideas of humanity as the philosophy of modern civilization and the culture of mankind. Indonesia is a country with multiple ethnic groups with multiple cultures, languages and religions, and the society is very communal, paternalistic, with high solidarity. Thus, the identity of Indonesia can be summed up by two characteristics, namely plurality and nationality. The Indonesian ancestors initially embraced polytheism and animism before monotheistic religions came to this country. At first, missionaries of Hinduism and Buddhism came to the archipelago and managed to build the Srivijaya and Majapahit kingdom. Then the preachers of Islam came and by way of peaceful trade and preaching, most of the later generations of this nation eventually embraced Islam. Later some of them embraced Christianity after Christian missionaries came with the Portuguese and Dutch trade missions while others still adhere to the old polytheistic beliefs. All religions and beliefs can live together in harmony and peace in the country which is named ‘Indonesia Raya’. Islam then became assimilated into the Indonesia native culture. Arab traders who came to the northern part of Sumatra, Java and then spread to other islands found a local tradition different from the Arab tradition. Arab merchants and Islamic preachers eventually assimilated into the society through marriage. Their assimilation strengthened the relationship between Islam and the local traditions, including costumes and equipment of worship, mosque (mushalla), how

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to mark the five times of prayer and so on. Traditional dress in the form of sarung and peci, were maintained without being replaced by Arab robes and turban. Robes were regarded as ceremonial garments in the palace especially for the princes who pursued the study of Islam. The design of mosques and mushalla buildings were not like in those in the Middle East which are generally marked by a large dome. The Indonesian mosque is typically an imitation model of the pendopo (pavilion) in Java. In fact, sometimes the remnants of Hindu and Buddhist buildings are still preserved as a part of the mosque. Because of the physical condition of scattered settlements, bordered by mountains and rivers, the azan was not effective enough in calling the people to worship. The local culture of kentongan (made of bamboo) inspired the creation of bedug (any drum), beaten to mark the coming of congregational prayer time. Various forms of traditional ceremony were converted to the Islamic tradition in Indonesia. The traditional harvest feast which is a form of gratitude to the god of water, soil and wind was not eliminated, but was converted to an Islamic ceremony of thanksgiving (syukuran) to God Almighty and prayers to Allah SWT. This is the beginning of the tradition of salvation (selamatan) that is found in almost all Muslim communities in the archipelago. Other traditions concerning births, marriages and deaths were also Islamized without discarding the old traditional forms. All the examples mentioned above explained that Islam came to Indonesia in a very moderate and friendly manner, absorbing the local culture, which were given Islamic values.

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In Java, the local tradition of puppet (wayang) was the most effective media in the process of Islamization of no less than 90% of Java people. As a symbol of Islamization, the celebrations “syahadatain” was held which until now has always been organized around the palace of Yogyakarta Sultanate, usually called the Sekaten event (from the syahadatain). Sekaten later became a unique part of Prophet Muhammad’s birthday celebrations in Indonesia. In a more modern form, Eid al-Fitr celebrations on completion of the Ramadhan fasting are marked by mutual visits to neighbours and friends. This eventually led to the emergence of a new tradition called Halal bi Halal. The tradition of mass forgiveness is held in mosques or other places to signify solidarity and mutual cooperation among Muslims. Islamic tolerance towards local culture mentioned above is in line with the inter-ethnic assimilation process. For example, in Moluccas, the Pela Gandong tradition which means having a sense of brotherly kinship even though Moluccas has a multi-religious society. Pela means finished (the final, ultimate) while Gandong means brotherhood; then Pela Gandong means the ultimate form of brotherhood and fraternity. There will be no higher and more noble brotherhood than Pela Gandong. So through Pela Gandong, family members of different religions can live in peace and harmony. Similarly, in Toraja South Sulawesi, in one family there could be adherents of different religions living together in peace and harmony, thanks to the Tongkonan tradition. The Tongkonan tradition (joint consultation and deliberation)

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means a full sense of brotherhood, regardless of the different religions. Tongkonan tradition has always been maintained as a noble culture in Toraja till today. Meanwhile, in the Java community, we have a Gotong Royong culture, which means helping each other. This term has become Indonesian and has been used as an everyday language throughout Indonesia. In the Javanese tradition, more specifically is mangan ora mangan asal ngumpul (meal or without meal is not problem, because the important thing is togetherness in their life). The philosophy of “ngumpul” makes “eating” or “meal” a brotherhood adhesive; because in religion, the mind and heart can be different, but everyone can come together for a meal at a party or wedding. By tradition ngumpul, a Javanese family and their relatives during Eid or Christmas gather harmoniously at the residence of parents, grandparents or the elders. Similarly, in Batak, north of Sumatra, family harmony is reinforced by a system of kinship clans. The clans relationship for them is bound by the kitchen philosophy (eating or meal) namely, Dalihan Na Tolu (three-stone stove). This philosophy is taken from the tradition of cooking on the stove of threestones called dalihan that means living together in harmony. The tradition of Dalihan Na Tolu has become a reference for the social system of the Batak society so that kinship should not be affected due to religious differences. When they embraced Islam or Christianity, inter-faith relations among them must be adapted to Dalihan Na Tolu. It is quite common for Muslims to be friendly with Christians within the same clan because both are adherents to the Dalihan Na Tolu tradition.

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This form of interaction is typical of the relationship between Islam and other religions in Indonesia which may not be found in other countries or societies. Indonesian nationalism is marked by the unity of Indonesia as a nation with diverse religions, ethnicities and cultures. This definition has become the basic principle for the formation of the nation-state of the Republic of Indonesia (RI) based on the Pancasila ideology. The Pancasila ideology emphasizes similarities in values and social practices that existed in our social culture since time immemorial. Throughout history, these common social values and practices have evolved and have been institutionalized as part of daily life in ancient Indonesian society. Social values and practices in religious life are formulated as the first principle of Pancasila, namely “Belief in God Almighty”. The second principle is humanism, formally referred to as “a just and civilized humanity”, a central theme in every religion and culture of the people of Indonesia. The third principle is related to “the unity of Indonesia”, a fusion of the modern idea of nationalism and nation-state, and the old idea of “unity in diversity” (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika). The fourth principle is a combination of the modern idea of representative democracy and the old ways of making decision and conducting work in most of Indonesian society - “musyawarah” (deliberative) and “gotong royong” (work together). And the fifth principle of Pancasila is “social justice for all Indonesian people”. This principle emphasizes the right of the people of Indonesia irrespective of religion, ethnicity and culture, to be able to meet the minimum standard of

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living, and at the same time, the state is obliged to provide social services for all (quoted from a speech by the former President Megawati, during her visit to China in 2010). Acceptance of Pancasila as the state ideology, without imposing Islam on others is a manifestation of the attitude of moderate Muslims in the Republic of Indonesia. And the presence of Islam in Indonesia has played an important role in accelerating the sense of national unity, for Islam tolerates the existence of religious and cultural diversity. One important aspect of nationalism in Indonesia is “plurality”, as in the well known phrase: Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Unity in Diversity). In terms of ethnic and faith plurality, not less important to note is the role of the largest Islamic organization, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) which is an advocate for all minorities under the prominent leader KH Abdurrahman Wahid, well known as Gus Dur, the former President of RI. When he was the President, Gus Dur made a policy of restoring the rights of Kong Huchu peoples to perform freely their cultural beliefs and rituals. Since then, the followers of Kong Huchu could freely celebrate various aspects of the Chinese tradition such as the lion dance (barongsai) as cultural event for the community. Based on the above humanism principles some of the Islamic schools in Indonesia established by Muhammadiyah, for example in West Timor, Maluku and Papua, have many students who are non-Muslims. They are welcomed without having to convert to Islam. In the book, “ChristianMuhammadiyah’, written by Abdul Mu’ti and Riza Ul Haq, they explained the positive development of Muhammadiyah schools managed in non-Muslim majority areas, namely Ende,

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Flores (NTT), Serui (Papua), and Putussibau (West Kalimantan). SMA (The high school) of Muhammadiyah, as the first Islamic school in the area, received positive response and strong support from Archbishop (emeritus) Ende, Bishop Donatus Djagom. Acceptance of non-Muslim students at an Islamic school is certainly an amazing form of moderation and tolerance among the people of Indonesia. Currently the number of non-Muslim students in each class is about 70%, and it is important to note that the Muhammadiyah schools provide Christian education through a Christian teacher. For Christian students, by learning at that school, their knowledge about Islam became enriched and it is important thing to be a moderate and tolerant priest or pastor. It is amazing for an Islamic school in Indonesia to educate future leaders of the Christian (Catholic) faith. In fact, according to Theophilus Bela, Secretary General of the Committee of Religion for Peace and Chairman of the Jakarta Christian Communication Forum, some Muhammadiyah high school graduates later continued their education at the Seminary to become Catholic priests and nuns. Besides this, a number of Islamic universities in Indonesia have collaborated with some non-Muslim universities in Europe and America, especially in science and technology courses. For your information, when the author of this paper was Dean of the Faculty of Ushuluddin (Theology) of IAIN (now UIN) Alauddin Makassar, 1999-2001, the university had received non-Muslim students in cooperation with the College of Theology Makassar. Some of them became priests or pastors of the Church. Now, when IAIN upgraded its status

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to be a University it continued to accept non-Muslim students especially in science and technology. In 1999 there were religious conflicts in Ambon Maluku. However, in principle, the conflict was not because of hostility between religious communities, but was due to political rivalry and jealousy between the natives and the newcomers in Maluku. It was also endorsed by certain groups in Jakarta to deflect the goals of reform, for its own goals, with a claim for the sake of Islam. As a result, minorities in these areas perform acts of resistance, leading to ethnic and religious riots in Ambon Maluku and in Poso Central Sulawesi. To prevent the spread of violence, the author together with Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President of Indonesia, established the Inter-faith Forum (FAUB - Forum Antar Umat Beragama) based in Makassar in March 1999 at the office of Indonesian Council of Churches (PGI - Persekutuan Gereja-Gereja di Indonesia) South and Southeast Sulawesi. This Forum stemmed the violence in Maluku and Central Sulawesi, and prevented it from spreading to other regions. The forum also raised funds to help restore the religious life in Maluku and Poso. In the long-term, the Forum is to guide inter-faith harmony from Sulawesi up to national level. One of the interesting activities is visits to different houses of worship and centers of activities and, more importantly, is the holding of joint celebrations of religious holidays. For example, a ceremonial celebration of Christmas combined with Halal bi Halal after Eid al-Fitr, to strengthen inter-faith brotherhood. The highlight of the 2003 Forum was the meeting of religious leaders from all provinces at the national level in Makassar. Recognizing the

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benefits of the Forum, Jusuf Kalla, former Vice President of RI, recommended the establishment of a national level forum, the Inter-faith Cooperation Forum (FKUB - Forum Kerjasama Umat Beragama). This new forum was established and funded by the government, and it continued the mission of harmony initiated by the FAUB forum that existed before. More recently, a number of FKUB activists conducted a study tour to gain a convergent understanding of religious life in foreign countries, especially in Europe. I was with them and we attended the Open House held by Pope Benedict in the Vatican on June 20, 2012, and a dialogue with Mr. Khaled, assistant to the Pope who served Muslim countries. The dialogue was on the assessment by international institutions, that the religious life in Indonesia is not tolerant and not moderate. The Assistant to the Pope concluded that the important thing is what really we are, not what others say about us. It is clear that religious life in Indonesia in general have reflected a life of moderation and tolerance in a plural society. That is the meaning of unity in diversity (Bhinneka Tunggal Ika), which is the hallmark of the Indonesian nation. All religions and cultures in Indonesia encourage everyone to respect the diverse ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. Recently we heard of the anarchy or terrorist attacks against minorities carried out by a small group of people who claimed to be implementing the orders of Islam. This is a deviation from the principle of unity in diversity and their behaviour is clearly against Islamic teachings. I do hope this simple paper will contribute to our journey to

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be a society of moderation and harmony which is our dream of a civilized world. Finally, let me express my warm greetings and the greetings of the people of Indonesia to all of you. May God bless you and bless us all over the world. Thank you.

Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin President of Muhammadiyah Much has been said by my two colleagues from Nahdlatul Ulama and Baitul Muslimin. Maybe not all of you realised that the newly revived organization, the Baitul Muslimin, the House of Muslims is closely affiliated to the great and prominent political party in Indonesia, Parti Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan which was former President Suharto and Megawati Sukarno Puteri’s party. This organization accommodates Muslims, especially those Muslims who are not taken care by well-established Islamic organizations like Muhammadiyah. This group of Muslims, known as neglected Muslims or nominal Muslims are mostly from the ‘Abangan’ category. It is a moderate way of providing support and maintaining inclusivity. For example, in the Indonesian context, Muslims who joined the Islamic organization only accounted for 50% of the 100 million Muslim population in Indonesia. At the same time, the 207 million Muslim population in the Malay Archipelago should also be included. Indonesian Islam, to some extent, is similar to Islam in Malaysia. The practice of Islam in both countries is quite

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different from the Islam in the Middle East. Firstly, the fertile soil of the archipelago for spirituality has allowed Islam to flourish. This spirituality was entrenched in the life and culture of the region through the great religions like Hinduism and Buddhism before the peaceful arrival of Islam. Secondly, the geographical distance from the cradle of Islam has allowed the two countries in the Malay Archipelago the freedom and liberty to assimilate Islam into a culture that emphasizes harmony, tolerance and peace which also happened to be the most important ingredients of Islam. On the eve of independence, we have successfully institutionalised these values into the framework of our nation state by stressing our nation’s foundation - ‘Pancasila’, Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, 1945 constitution and Kesatuan Republik Indonesia - dubbed as the Four Pillars of nationhood. Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika in particular, are significant contributions of the Muslims in building a unity state for all. The nine founding fathers of Indonesia on 22 June 1945, had agreed that the Jakarta Charter to be the foundation of the new state. The Charter is similar to the Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika concepts, except for the first principle that states, ‘ketuhanan dengan kewajiban menjalankan Shi’a Islam dengan pemeluknya’, or belief in Almighty God with the obligation for its Muslim adherents to carry out the Islamic law/Syari’ah. On 18th August, there was a debate where the Christian leaders, especially those from the eastern part of Indonesia objected the Jakarta Charter, particularly on the first principle. With the wisdom of Muslim leaders, leaders like the

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then Muhammadiyah chairman, Ki Bagus Hadikusuma, who agreed to omit the first principle and replaced it with the present principle, Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa, or Belief in the one and only God. This portrayed the wisdom of Indonesian’s founding fathers and the moderateness of Islam in Indonesia. On the role of Muhammadiyah, we believe that moderation, harmony, and also our commitment to the nation are part of Islamic teachings. This is therefore not a de facto orientation. We have been trying to justify that Pancasila and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika are Islamic. In my recent speech at the NPR assembly on the 1st of June, which coincidentally was the birth-date of Pancasila, I was trying to justify that a Pancasila state cannot be perceived as different from ‘Darul Islam’. The old and classic Islamic political thought differentiates between ‘Darul Islam’ and ‘Darul Harb’ and ‘Darul Kufr’, the state of Islam and the state of infidels. The Pancasila state is a ‘Darul Ahdi’, state of open consensus, which all Muslims are obliged to fulfil consensus and commitment. Pancasila is also a state of ‘Darul Syahadah’, where people from all walks of life in Indonesia are free to compete with each other to build this country. That is why from the very beginning, Muhammadiyah has maintained the balance or equilibrium between ‘Tajrid’ in the field of theology of ‘Aqidah’ and ‘Ibadah Mahdhah’. In this sense, we adhere to the original teachings of Prophet Muhammad just as in the ‘Tajrid’. That is why Indonesian Islam has been recognized by established Islamic organizations. When I was the Vice President of the National Ulama Council we used to organise forums on Islammiyah in

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Indonesia, bringing together more than 60 Islamic organizations nationwide which have branches in at least two thirds of all provinces. There are also many local Islamic organizations with provincial outlook. That is why we have full confidence in the Movement in pluralist Indonesian society. I think the plurality and pluralistic tendency of Indonesia is quite unique, unlike India or United States which are continental, as we have various religions and 500 ethnic groups spread out in the 17,000 islands, of which 50% are inhabited. In such a large country with so many islands, transportation and communication are the main problems. Islam has served as a unifying force in this multicultural country. I quote from one expert from the United States who could not imagine Indonesia without Islam; “Indonesia would not have the stability and the degree of tolerance it is enjoying now. Therefore, Islam is indeed the unifying force.” Let me move to another issue. What are the challenges of the future? I think all of us face the same challenge like the tendency towards radicalisation. Fortunately, radical groups in Indonesia are the minority among the predominant mainstream Islam. The radicalisation of Islam is the product of globalisation when the Ummah Muslims started to learn about other sects of Islam, especially from the outside, so to say, that all radical groups are imported. These are also the product of the reform era, which offered freedom, the most significant ingredient of democracy. Prior to the 1999 general election, there were about 200 Islamic parties, but only 22 have been revived. But as for Muslims who had no ability to run political parties, they shifted their

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establishment to Malaysia like the Liga Muslim Indonesia. And we have many groups and movements that showed solidarity to Palestine. Because of democratisation in Indonesia, we enjoyed democracy in its liberal form. We have many elections, from the presidential level to the district level. From my observation, we have yet to become an adequate cultural base for democracy, and therefore this is where the role of religion comes in. Islamic organizations in Indonesia have been playing an important role to support democratisation of the country, while at the same time they have to face the challenge of radical Islam. But radicalisation has to be put in a broad framework. I stressed that I don’t support any kind of violence because it is against and contradicts the very teachings of Islam. We witnessed a kind of state and capital violence in this era of free market economy. Both state and capital violence were marked by physical violence led by a group of people in the name of religion. Lastly, we have been working together in improving the situation in Indonesia. There comes a question on how to consolidate the power of Islam and the Muslims. I believe Nahdlatul Ulama also has a foundation of friendship in all Islamic organizations. For Muhammadiyah, I have also organized Islamic organizations to work together and solve the problems of the community, to be problem solvers. But we would also like to start engaging other religious communities based on our belief that religious plurality is Sunnahtullah. Unfortunately, not many Muslim intellectuals in Indonesia

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believe or preach religious pluralism, which is not good for Islam. But in our view there are many names of other religions mentioned in the holy Quran. And therefore, we need to work together, and that is why we have intense dialogues and cooperation among groups. I was the chairman of the Indonesian Religious Council; we combined all representatives from six religious councils. Through this special vehicle, we discussed how to solve conflicts that have religious nuances, and sometimes conflicts that are based on non-religious factors that are social, economic, and political in nature. Our concern now is how to promote mainstream ideas of tolerance, dialogue, cooperation, unity and diversity by enlightening others through our activities. We have a weekly TV programme in Indonesia called ‘Damai Indonesia’ which is a form of preaching. But we also bring it down to earth like including these values in the education curriculum. In Muhammadiyah for example, we included human rights, tolerance, peaceful co-existence based on Islamic principles in our textbooks in our schools. We hope by doing this, we will be able to develop an ethical and multicultural democracy in the archipelago. This kind of democracy will be the instrument for social welfare and equality for the nation. Thank you very much.

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Question and Answer Session moderated by Associate Professor Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid Member of the Board of Trustees, GMMF Distinguished Professor Tan Sri Dr Kamal Hassan Thank you for the very useful introduction to pluralism and moderation in Indonesia. I would like to focus on two issues: The discourse of moderation narrative has become the dominant narrative now, given the circumstances of 9/11. However, there are many perceptions and definitions on moderation, and even the idea of comparing ‘Pancasila’ to the Madinah Charter is quite interesting. How do we maintain the authenticity and the indigenous dynamics behind the discourse on the moderation narrative with the presence of Western powers, which also have similar agenda of promoting their idea of moderation? Secondly, I would like to touch on the issue of pluralism. We celebrate cultural and religious pluralism. We are also aware of the concerns of Muslim scholars that there might be a problem with the terminology of pluralism. The word pluralism is used in many ways, and religious pluralism is understood by some people to mean the acceptance of the existence of all religions and respecting all religions; the other understanding is that all religions are basically the same, and that is no need to emphasize the uniqueness of each religion because even

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the word ‘Islam’, according to some scholars, would embrace other religions as well. In the Malaysian context, that would be very controversial indeed. Pluralism lends itself to different interpretations, whereas the definition of plurality is clear – that we accept, respect, and endorse plurality, and this founded in Islamic theology and Quran teachings. How do we maintain, from the Malaysian point of view, in emphasising plurality rather than pluralism?

Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin I think we are quite aware the problems on moderation, as appeared in the International Conference on Global Movement of Moderates (ICGMM) in January 2012. I was talking about moderation in my own understanding of Wasatiyyah, the very nature of Islam when the Muslims are Ummah Wasatan (the people of the middle path); we pray five times a day, recite al-fatihah, and pray to God to show us Sirratulmustaqeem (the straight path) also known as the middle path. In my understanding, both liberal Islam and radical Islam are the stance of extremists, not of the middle path. Based on the ideology and theology of al-wassatiyah and Ummah Wasatan, we preserve the authenticity with adjustments made accordingly to the current context. Religion has become like a free market, a free trade area; it is a free religion area. Therefore, Muslims should compete with each other, and

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not restrict themselves to respective struggles such as Darul Islam and Darul Harb, but to realise that Indonesia is Darul Syahadah. The Holy Quran emphasizes that Muslims should be shuhadah al-nass (be a witness of culture). Of course in this regard, the problem of authenticity is also questionable. The notion of authenticity is subject to our respective interpretations. But for sure, it is appropriate for Muslims to lead the Global Movement of Moderates, because Islam is deenrahmahwassalamah (religion of grace and peace) and also deen Syahadah (declaration of faith) which encourages Muslims to compete with each other. I agreed that we should differentiate between religious plurality and pluralism. What I have learnt in Sociology, the term ‘-ism’ is a generic term of ideology and theology. Religious plurality, in my opinion is sunnahtullah, laws of God and nature, because God have created human beings into diverse ethnicity, race, and even religion. But we have to stride into religious plurality, and not to ‘similiarise’ religions, as they have fundamental differences, including between the Abrahamic religion, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, especially at the level of theology and the concept of God. Hence, these differences should not be ‘similiarised’. We should maintain the religious plurality in line with the teachings of Islam; lakum di nukumwaleeadeen (To you be your religion, and to me my religion - Surah Al-Kaafiroon, verse 6). But at the same time, we should not also differentiate our similarities. That is a kind of meeting of the mind, the meeting point between all religions based on humanity.

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The moderation concept of al-wassatiyah, Muhammadiyah has not hesitated to work together with Christians; and even now, there is a project supported by Muhammadiyah, Nahdlatul Ulama, and the Bishop Conference to explore the best practices for provinces in terms of dialogue in order to bring and revitalise local wisdom at the national level. I disagree with my colleagues, the Muslim intellectuals who said that religious plurality means that Islam is the same as other religions, and that they worshipped the same God, who is known by different names in different languages, such as the Allah and Yahweh. This is a very dangerous conclusion to say that truth in religion is relative, and we are not subscribing to that understanding. Religious plurality means that we are different, but we also have commonalities and can work together. Quoting Lakum di nukumwaleeadeen that we may live together in peaceful co-existence as human beings and citizens of our respective countries.

Drs H As’ad Said Ali We realised that the danger of the current context is caused by globalisation. Globalisation has enabled the assimilation of Western values into the Indonesian cultural system, such as the notion of freedom of religion etc. For Nahdlatul Ulama, it is important that globalisation should be viewed properly, through consensus. Freedom of religion is to respect each other and at the same time each perform their own Ibadah,

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and not to blame others. In this sense, consensus is to maintain stability as preached in the teachings of Islam. We would prefer civilized interaction through dialogue rather than conflict and violence.

Professor Dr Hamka Haq On the question on how to maintain the authenticity of the concept of moderation, there are a few suggestions that I would like to propose. We should insert the concept of ‘Pancasila’ and ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika’ into the curriculum of all levels of education in order to maintain the ideology. Secondly, we should also improve the role of political parties, non-government organizations and other related organizations. We should also educate the younger generation to make ‘Pancasila’ and ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika’ the point of reference in their daily lives and activities. On the issue of pluralism, from the internal Islamic point of view, pluralism is the mutual understanding and the right of all religions to live and grow in Indonesia despite individual claims to be the only true teaching. All religions have true humanity values, which can be implemented in the nascent lives of Indonesians.

Professor Dr Joseph Chinyong Liow Thank you for inviting me to this distinguished roundtable. I would like to seek some clarification with regard to some of

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the issues raised. It seems almost a rule of thumb in the West that there is something inherently dangerous about religion. As far as modern liberalism is concerned, it is founded on the belief that religion is the main threat to political harmony, civil peace and freedom. The only way to secure civil peace hence, is to separate church and state. If you look at the literature on this issue, there are three general views on religion. Religion is uniquely absolutist; it makes claims on ultimate nature of reality and moral values. Religion is inherently divisive. Religious identities are based on a strong distinction between ‘us’ and ‘them’. Religion is also inherently non-rational and prone to violence because the beliefs lead followers to rage, passion, zeal and fanaticism. Of course, what is important to know is that these arguments essentially ignored the fact that seemingly secular ideologies can be just as absolutist, divisive, and non-rational as well, example – nationalism and capitalism. With regard to the definition of moderation and plurality, how do we establish the principle of agree to disagree in the practical sense? It will be a useful forum for speakers to deliberate on how this could be operationalized in the context of the Inter-faith Council. What do you do when discussions start to fall apart? We do not assume that religious communities are monolithic. Given the rise of intra community issues, how should we deal with these sorts of differences within the community; and certainly how to prevent entrepreneurs of conflict from taking advantage of such differences within the community as we have seen that happened before?

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Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin There were long debates about the relationship between the state and politics. Islam, in our understanding, separates religion and politics by reconciliation and reunification. In the case of Indonesia, the ‘Pancasila’ is neither a theoretic state, nor a secular state. These challenges are a loophole for us on how we relate it with the Islamic paradigm and understanding. In the debate on the national education system in Parliament, one article stipulated that religious education should be given to all students at all levels, from elementary school to higher education based on his or her religion by the teacher of the same religion. The proposal was strongly supported by the Muslims, but objected by the Christians. Prior to this, religious education in Catholic schools for example, is not necessarily given in accordance to the student’s religion. Objections also came from the local Parliaments of North Sulawesi and East Nusantara, which issued an ultimatum to the central government that the provinces would leave the Republic of Indonesia if they insisted on the proposal. For that, I have invited ten Muslim leaders and 30 Christian leaders to a dialogue. The chairman of Christian intellectual organization stated strongly that it would result in violence if the proposal went ahead. I then replied to the Chairman that if he insisted on his stance, would the state, in the hands of Christians, be able to solve the problems between the two religious communities? In our case, we have also to face the problem of radical Muslims. Our position as moderate Muslims

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is that there is a relationship, but not in a formalistic way. So we struggle to instil Islamic ethical and moral values as we pay more attention to the substance, rather than the forms of it. The organization is an instrument for the cause of Islam. But still, we need to engage in dialogue. The two biggest Islamic organizations, the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama, had engaged in conflicts in the past due to political factors rooted in the Suharto era. But now with the emergence of a new generation, cooperation at the grass-root level is positive despite disparities in practices. For instance, the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama disagreed over the date of Ramadhan or, and Syawal due to the differences in determining the rise of the moon; for Muhammadiyah, knowing is believing whereas for Nahdlatul Ulama, seeing is believing. In inter-faith dialogues we believe that instead of choosing to agree or disagree, it is more important that we agree to disagree. So we have started a new approach - theological dialogue, where Muslims and Christians would exchange their list of discontentment towards each other, and try to solve the issues raised. Up to this point, there are only two things which are difficult to solve, which is the spread of religion, and the building of houses of worship. We cannot give up the concept of Dakwah, which is the very centre of respective religious teachings, and even justified by the Holy Scriptures, to the free market of religion by the logic of freedom of religion, for otherwise conflicts and tensions will arise. And that is why we need to reconcile and solve the problems together. There are two possible ways: Let’s agree on the ethical

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code of conduct on the dissemination of religion and the building of houses of worship. Houses of worship are not merely sacred places, but also are institutions with social, economic, and political resonance; we cannot imagine if a mosque is built within a majority Christian community. In the last 20 years, the number of Churches built increased by 300%, whereas the number of mosques built only increased by 100%. This fact has proved that the tolerance between religious groups superseded personal interests. I do believe in the power of dialogue and we need to intensify it. But dialogue must be based on sincerity, openness, frankness, and the commitment to solve problems. Perhaps this new paradigm of inter-faith dialogue will bring us into a better future.

Drs H As’ad Said Ali We have communication forum for inter-faiths in all districts. We have Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah who gave symbolic support to the forum. Like every Christmas, we send our volunteers to help guard the church. This shows that we have religious harmony in Indonesia. Unfortunately, the ones who destroyed churches are the radical Muslims. We have an uncontrolled union of independent churches in inter-faith dialogue.

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Datuk Nik Mustapha Nik Hassan First and foremost, I would like to thank the organisers for inviting me, and I have enjoyed the discussion of the 3 panellists. They have enlightened me on what’s happening in Indonesia, particularly on the concept of ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika’. We have coined the term ‘moderation’, and in fact the government is looking into this seriously. We embarked on the project last year when the Prime Minister delivered the speech at the UN General Assembly on the need for a Global Movement of Moderates. We are trying to address issues of religious radicalism. But sometimes we overlooked the issue of material radicalism. Now the world is facing severe problems in Latin America and Europe. Anyone with common sense would identify that these problems are a threat to human society when poverty is on the rise and disparity is getting wider. Unemployment is also on the rise; the debt burden is a serious problem. In the spirit of moderation, we need to know how to manage the economy. If Europe could not solve its own problem, it will definitely affect the ASEAN region as well. As for the concept of ‘Bhinneka Tunggal Ika’, how does Indonesia address this issue? On the notion of welfare state, as presented by Dr Hamka Haq, are you implying that the government is the only sector playing the role and therefore side-lining the role and position of the private sector? Are we moving towards governmental dominance in all aspects? The secular ideology has introduced approaches such as communism, which we have seen that it cannot work because it is not consonant

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with human nature, and similarly the laissez-faire philosophy which believes in absolute freedom for the individual which would lead to greed - a self-centred approach to economic organizations that contribute to disunity and disharmony. Why the issue of material radicalism is not in the agenda of the Global Movement of Moderates?

Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin This is also our position and our opinion, and to some extent we have started implementing the role of religion and society, and the creation of civilization. The challenge for Muslims in globalization is that practicing a kind of struggle against aljihad. We have witnessed the rise of China, and as well as the rise of India. I’m quite impressed by the way China managed the problem while maintaining a free market economy and maintaining the role of the state and accommodating its morals and values. This is the time for Southeast Asia’s Muslims to perform the duties of Islam. We should all work together to meet the challenges of modernity and globalization. Therefore it is our struggle to explore ethical and moral values from Islam, and by doing so, we may solve the challenges from radical Islam. I think the tension and conflict in Indonesia is the clash between the two fundamentalists, and we would leave it to the government for law enforcement. Lastly, we need to strengthen the role of civil society organizations which should be preserved as a heritage of Indonesia.

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We are committed to the development of the nation, and we are quite aware of new developments. Even with democratisation in Indonesia, we have revitalised our ethics and ethos in order to be effective. By doing so, we need to cooperate with Muslim communities and other communities. In the decades to come, we may witness the new. For now, we from the civil society had contributed sincerely to the legislation and executive process in Indonesia. We are not political parties, but we give the freedom to our members to join political parties and to pursue their dreams. But nevertheless, they have to uphold the ethical and moral values.

Associate Professor Dr Hamidin Abd Hamid We do accept that, when we talk about moderation, it is important that we touch on the myths of religion. We have also identified that social, economic, and religious problems can lead to extremism. Perhaps the three speakers today can share the Indonesian experience in tackling the financial extremism which could have profound impact on the society in one way or another.

Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin Because of the capitalistic global economy, especially in the capital sector, the community did not have access to the banks. So we created microfinance institutions and

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micro-traders. We have also helped marginalised people through close support. Many efforts have been pursued in the eradication of poverty. Poverty and illiteracy have been the root cause of Islam radicalism and terrorism.

Dr Erol Aslan Cebeci I thank the organisers of the Roundtable, especially the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation for the opportunity that I am personally humbled and honoured to be invited to this Roundtable to listen to such distinguished speakers and the discussants also. I represent a Foundation - a social, political, and economic research foundation of Turkey. Prior to that, I have served 10 years in the Turkish Parliament with the ruling party. On behalf of the Turkish President Abdullah Gül, Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, and the Foreign Minister, Ahmet Davutoğlu, I convey their Salams and blessings to the organisers and the discussants of this programme. I am very happy to learn more about Muslims and Islamic organizations in Indonesia. It is my ignorance and the lack of knowledge that I did not have much detail about the Indonesian context. Because of the things that I have listened and learnt this morning, I am extremely impressed because the Muslim groups in Indonesia not only could get along with each other and cooperate (not a very commonly found commodity in Muslim countries) but they can also find ways to cooperate with non-Muslims in the country. This is an experience that has to be told more to other parts of the world such as the Middle

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East, Africa, and Turkey. I would like to ask some questions: 9/11 in my observation has changed the lives and the future of Muslims, not only of those in United States and Europe, but also those in Asia and Middle East, and in those countries with minority Muslims and in Muslim majority countries like Iraq and Afghanistan. The solution to 9/11 is the Alliance led by United States and supported by Europe, Russia, and China - in their mind it is the people who preached and executed 9/11. I definitely understand that the moderate Islam in the context of Indonesia, and the moderate Islam of the Americans are two different phenomena. But is there a chance for future generations to mix things up? How do we differentiate the moderate Islam practiced by our Indonesian brothers and sisters from the concept of moderates created by an artificial entity from a problem that they see as essential to them? In other social phenomena, the Setan is hidden in the details. As a nation state, you collect taxes from everybody. But as a government if you subsidise the education of the majority, which in this case, I collect taxes from everybody, but I spend on the Islamic education for the majority, because there will be a tremendous pressure if you spend tax money on minority religions. The majority would dispute. It is very difficult to convince the Muslims that I will collect tax money to sponsor the churches. If you say that religion is a private matter, and that all religions should be sponsored privately, then the majority would be upset (on the notion of lack of support from the government). When it comes to practice, it is not easy to apply the norms and concepts to daily life. The world in the current paradigm

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talks about human rights, rule of law, and democracy. These are the mottos. As for moderation, it should not be just to match with what they have, or to accommodate what they expect from us because that would be doing for the wrong reasons. It should be ours, and it should be local. It should solve our problems, written within the confines of our principles. I hope that this Roundtable will be the beginning.

Dr Shukree Langputeh What has been shared by the three panellists is exactly what we are doing in Southern Thailand. But when we go back to the rule of law, human rights, and constitutional democracy in the country, we are still the minority and we cannot do anything we want. And this is the problem of Thai students studying in Indonesia, Malaysia, and Middle East countries. When they went back to Thailand, they put away all their dreams and the knowledge they gathered from renowned professors. Personally, I was taught by Dr. Kamal Hassan when I was young. When I went back to Thailand, I chose to become a university lecturer rather than a politician, even though my great grandfather was the first Muslim Minister in Thailand. This is because it is very difficult to bring two things together; the idealistic view that we share with Muslims in Indonesia and Malaysia. I have ancestors who were from Java Indonesia and Kwang Tong China. At the same time I have a fatherin-law who is a Buddhist, my brother-in-law who is a Christian living together in the same country.

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I would like to learn more about how the Indonesian model could be more or less adapted by Muslim minority countries like Thailand, Cambodia, Vietnam, and Laos. As mentioned by Professor Dr Syamsuddin that in Indonesia you have two groups determining different dates for Hari Raya and Ramadhan, but the President of Muslim Committee in Laos had always called me for indications to determine the dates because they do not have the mechanism to do so. I would like to extend to the Global Movement of Moderates to think on how to extend this kind of discussion in Bangkok or in Cambodia. Although I do believe in the vision of ASEAN viz ‘One Vision, One Identity, One Community’, it is very difficult to make ten countries holding one vision, one identity and one community. But I’ve tried to explain to Thai Muslim communities in Southern Thailand and some parts of the northern side. When you talk about ASEAN, you would think about your own religion, which one vision means one ideology. One identity would mean one Ibadah, that you are praying directly to the Kiblah, and one Ummah. Now we are hunting for models of governance and models of financial management in the South to help us solve problems in Southern Thailand. We believe that the problem has many root causes. But religion is the final destination and final mechanism we believe is through education. We can’t afford to wait for the government to establish an Islamic University. As a result, we have grouped together graduates from different countries to have one Islamic university and work there. The role of the university is at least

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to show that Thailand is a democratic country in terms of education. We are famous in writing Jawi, and we believe that in the world today, Southern Thailand is the best place to do Masters and PhD on how we could preserve the Jawi script as compared to Malaysia, Indonesia and Brunei. How could you extend the concept of moderation? The current government understands the importance of the establishment of inter-religious council, which my rector is the President. It would be the first meeting of five religions from ten countries organized by Thailand which is a Buddhist country, and the prime minister would officiate the programme herself. Ultimately, we want Thai Muslim and other religious communities to learn more from the ten countries on how they live together.

Rev Dr Hermen Shastri Like everybody else, I am delighted to be here and I enjoyed all three presentations. My question is that if the distance from the cradle of Islam helped Indonesian Islam to be moderate (as mentioned by Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin), then what is happening with the impact of graduates from the cradle of Islam? Also, have the three groups that are here today engaged with the radical Islam groups in Indonesia? If yes, do you engage them separately or together, and how do you handle them?

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Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin The term ‘Indonesian Islam’ is not one that is accepted by Muslim leaders in the Middle East. In my opinion, the Indonesian Islam and Malaysian Islam are very much based on the cultural setting. Islam is one, but there are also many cultural manifestations as well. Due to the lack of strong influence of Arab Islam, we have the freedom to develop Islam to suit us culturally and demographically. As the former Malaysian Prime Minister Tun Abdullah Ahmad Badawi said, it is our task to develop Southeast Asian Islam, which would be the holder of world supremacy in the future. In support of the collaborative work in Southern Thailand, we have granted 150 scholarships to Thai students to study in 6 universities in Jawa, Indonesia, and most of the recipients did not take up Islamic studies. Instead they enrolled in courses like management, agriculture, and medicine. In the Mindanao crises, Muhammadiyah is included in the group of international counter group, where we have monthly meetings in Kuala Lumpur. Our commitment in conflict resolution and dialogue engagement showed that Islam is the religion of peace, progress, and modernity. Being moderate is not to accommodate expectations, but to add credibility to moderation. Moderate Muslims are true Muslims, and Islamic moderation is closely related to other characteristics of Islam such as peace and justice. The Global Movement of Moderates, in my opinion should not only work on how to be moderate in the sense of interaction with other groups, but

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also to work on how to perform the prophetic role of Islam as problem solver. Islam radicalism has an inferiority complex. When the Muslims cannot compete with the Christians in the economic and political arena, they started to find other ways to bring themselves up, which might lead them to the path of radicalism.

Drs H As’ad Said Ali We have given our young Ulamas to discuss the ideological and sociological point of view. From the Nahdlatul Ulama’s point of view, we hope that our young Ulamas are able to engage in dialogue with the radical Muslims. In terms of improving the lives of the society, we have launched many programmes such as the establishment of a kindergarten, and provided micro-financing to the masses. This would be a long process. The thinking of radicalism was derived from the western attitude like the liberal activists which encourage radicalism through an aggressive approach based on western mentality.

Dato’ Ku Jaafar Ku Shaari I’d like to recall that at the ICGMM, the Indonesian Foreign Minister Dr Marty Natalegawa was invited to talk about moderation. Not only that he supported the idea of moderation but he also mentioned that Malaysia should be

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an equal player in promoting the idea of Global Movement of Moderates. I was also delighted to hear the experience of cooperation among the religious groups in Indonesia, which I think can be emulated by others as well. Today, having listened to the three speakers from Indonesia, we have learnt a lot about the principles of Islam in the context of moderation. Professor Syamsuddin mentioned the concept of bekerjasama (working together), religious council and other similar manifestation of the concept of moderation. It is not easy for a big country like Indonesia to handle its huge population. In the context of Islam, there are already 207 million Muslims in Indonesia, and having more than 100 million Muslims joining over 100 Islamic organizations. Having listened to the Indonesian success stories, I would like to suggest the idea to promote moderation as a value system. In order to achieve that, comprehensive research work has to be done to accommodate the efforts of promoting the concept of moderation in all aspects. In this position, we can establish the Foundation as a database centre, and the next step is to identify the countries to promote moderation, I’m sure that our ASEAN values like gotong-royong and ‘open house’ concepts would form a good foundation in the promotion of moderation to the world.

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Datuk Seri Iqbal Rawther Good morning, I am here representing the Malaysian Institute of Management. Although this is a discussion of a very enlightened status, there are two observations that I would like to share with you. Firstly, on the manifestation of radicalism and extremism - is there any moderating influence on radicalism, whether it is in Indonesia or in Malaysia, or in any part of the world? We should also focus our attention to prevent further escalation or upgrading of the radicalism and those forms of tendencies. So we must be mindful of that. It appears that our focus of moderation is mainly centred on Islam and its manifestations. I think that this is an inherent weakness which we may have started. We should now look at the element of excessiveness or radicalism, or extremism; whether they are religiously bias, or secular bias, or materialism bias or cultural bias. We should be painting a global picture, and then start focusing mainly on each faith including extremism within Islam itself. I have seen three very dominant institutions from Indonesia here talking about equality, moderation, and good manners. I think this is the precedent that we would like to see being propagated elsewhere. From a historical perspective, Indonesia has the capacity to build that understanding. And there are documents and yet you have not succeeded in mitigating extremism. Therefore our focus is to look at ways to mitigate, if not eradicate, these forms of tendencies. If we don’t give attention to these, then I think we will be moving into a very narrow domain.

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Professor Dr M. Din Syamsuddin Although we may have not succeeded in mitigating extremism, but we cannot imagine what it would be like for Indonesia without the existence of civil society organizations like the Muhammadiyah and Nahdlatul Ulama. This is the success of the Islamic organizations to safeguard the majority of the society, not to follow the radical way. The agenda is to empower the moderates and how to meet the challenges of radical groups. It is my belief that religious fundamentalism has no future. The future is in the hands of the moderates. How can we pursue moderation in a concrete manner? The influence of moderation in Indonesia is to safeguard the majority. We should include the radicals into the dialogue of inter-faiths to avoid internal conflicts. We may strengthen the Global Movement of Moderates by strengthening networks and inviting the civil society to join in the promotion of moderation. We would also need to set up a self defence mechanism to formulate the strategy of culture. Ultimately, we should be committed to provide to the world an alternative civilization.

Datuk Dr William Stevenson Good morning, my name is William. I am from the Malaysian Institute of Defence and Security. I just want to make a point, which is probably apt for the theme of the day which is focused on religious extremism. I think that moderation should

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be a balanced approach, in all aspects; be it physically, mentally, and spiritually where everything is perceived and done in moderation, where other beliefs, values, culture, and religion are accepted with rationality to achieve peace and harmony. While we recognized that religious extremism can lead to conflict, we should also probably go beyond this field in the future.

Professor Dr Abdullahil Ahsan I am from the Department of Political Science of the International Islamic University Malaysia and would like to make a point that if you really focus on religious pluralism and dialogue among religions, then I think we are shifting the focus to something which is just between religion and inter-religion issues. The real issues we faced are totally overshadowed. Why don’t we move away from religious dialogue and religious pluralism to something fundamental which is human values? If those can be identified by the Foundation, and promoted and engaged different groups, not only Islamic groups but also other religious groups that could contribute to the Global Movement of Moderates. The focus should be on how everyone can contribute to what is good for human being, irrespective whether you are Christian, Hindu, or Muslim. And I think to me, that would be great to focus on issues of justice and equality, and see how everyone can contribute, and that I think it would be a good contribution from Malaysia to the world.

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Dr Erol Aslan Cebeci I may have some suggestions which might enlighten the Foundation on religious extremism. If you were to analyse the northern countries of Europe, these countries are known to be the most democratically advanced countries. The racist political parties of the far right are gaining 20-25% of the seats in Parliament in Sweden, Norway, and Finland. The radicalism and the need for moderation is not only a Muslim problem. And Israel’s approach of using a maximalist solution in everything that they faced is also deemed an extremist position and they need moderation. If only somehow we can include. We should make sure that everyone understands the radicalism is not a threat or a problem among Muslims. That direction can probably help in the promotion of moderation in the future.

Closing Remarks Tan Sri Razali Ismail Chairman of GMMF On behalf of the Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF), we are really impressed with the contributions that you have made today, both the discussants and the speakers. I am hugely impressed by the Indonesian party, particularly in the ability to make the distinction between a Muslim, and a nationalist, and you are not confused by one or the other. The Indonesian national ethos ensures that you would not

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have this kind of confusion, which perhaps we as Malaysians can learn from. Patriotism and nationalism is paramount. The priority is in determining the security and stability in Indonesia, and I thank you for your contribution. I agree that moderation cannot be judged as a principle of agreeing to disagree. That notion is very passive. But at the same time, the GMMF cannot be the one to bring about the political nirvana in the world. We are not that ambitious. We have to recognize what we can do with the government and the non-governmental sector, where both parties can collaborate on what can be enforced together. In the attempt of doing more than to agree to disagree, we would also need to recognize the huge intractable problems in the world. Capitalism takes us down the path where we try to make money. Therefore, we as GMMF have to operationalize a thesis that can deal with the problems raised. By doing so, we have to reach out to the mainstream. The success we achieved in ASEAN can serve as a format for peacekeeping and a model of moderation. With the support of the ASEAN people and its governments, we can go out and make a very strong compelling case. The West is vigilant and fearful of extremism. Our role, however, is not to help them to identify extremists. Nevertheless, we have to seek cooperation with the Western powers on issues of financial stability and ‘hegemonism’. And with your support, I think we can get the job done to a certain degree. Thank you.

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Transcript of GMR: Regional Peace and Stability through Moderation held in Jakarta on 12 February 2013 Profesor Dr H. Syafiq A. Mughni Rektor Universitas Muhammadiyah Sidoarjo Assalamualaikum Warahmatullah Wabarakatuh. Bapak dan Ibu sekalian yang saya hormati, khususnya dari Global Movement of Moderates Foundation (GMMF) yang saya cintai. Karena semua bisa saling faham menggunakan bahasa Indonesia dan bahasa Melayu, maka saya memilih keizinan untuk menggunakan bahasa Indonesia. Karena Pak Din tidak bisa hadir, maka saya mewakili kepimpinan pusat Muhammadiyah dan saya akan mencoba untuk menggambarkan pengalaman Muhammadiyah dalam mengembangkan moderasi. Muhammadiyah banyak dikatakan sebagai sebuah organisasi moderat, organisasi yang wassat, yang berada di tengah-tengah, atau bahagian dari wassatiyah. Ini bisa dilihat dalam konteks pemahaman Islam, bagaimana gerakan-gerakan Islam sekarang ini secara kontemporer memperlihatkan kecenderungan untuk bersikap ekstrim dan berfikir radikal sehingga menjadikan Muhammadiyah di tengah-tengah.

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Ini kembali dari sifat gerakan Muhammadiyah yang diletakkan oleh berdirinya 1912, atau seabad yang lalu, lebih sedikit. Dan di dalam masa-masa awal Muhammadiyah, kita bisa melihat beberapa mainstream pemikiran yang dikembangkan oleh Muhammadiyah, atau yang kemudian menjadi ‘trademark’ dari gerakan Muhammadiyah itu. Yang pertama adalah yang disebut sebagai ‘Islam yang berkemajuan’ atau ‘progresif Islam’. Kemajuan itu adalah memanfaatkan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi untuk mengamalkan ajaran Islam secara lebih sempurna. Tanpa memanfaatkan ilmu pengetahuan dan teknologi untuk melaksanakan ajaran Islam, maka tidak mungkin Islam itu secara otentik bisa dilaksanakan dalam kehidupan sehari-hari. Maka, ini dilihat di dalam cara menghitung dalam bulan Ramadhan menggunakan astronomi. Kemudian, pelbagai macam inovasi-inovasi dalam memfasilitasi ibadah secara sempurna. Itu merupakan contoh Muhammadiyah mengembangkan sebuah Islam dengan Islam berkemajuan. Ini bukan berbeda dengan Islam itu sendiri, tapi Islam yang ditegaskan dengan semangat kemajuan itu adalah Islam yang otentik dan Islam yang berdasarkan AlQur’an dan Sunnah. Yang kedua adalah pencerahan, enlightenment. Jadi Muhammadiyah di dalam pelbagai mazhab pertemuan di dalam rentetan-rentetan dakwah selalu berusaha untuk mencerahkan kehidupan ummah. Ini supaya ummah pemikirannya terbuka, mahu menggunakan akal fikiran, kemudian mahu mengembangkan maju, dan itu semua

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adalah sebahagian dari dakwah Muhammadiyah. Sekali lagi, itu adalah dalam Islam, Muhammadiyah disebut sebagai dakwah pencerahan, atau ‘al-tahlil’ dalam bahasa Arab. Kemudian yang ketiga adalah ‘tajdid’. Jadi, Muhammadiyah selalu berfikiran untuk terus menerus memajukan, memperbaharui kehidupan ummah ini, bukan dalam persoalan ibadah, bukan di dalam persoalan aqidah. Maka pembaharuan yang merupakan inovasi, modenisasi itu terdapat di dalam aspek-aspek muamalah duniawiyah. Maka dalam soal ibadah, Muhammadiyah menganut bahawa ajaran itu harus sesuai dengan contoh dari Nabi Muhammad, kemudian dalam aqidah, harus sesuai dengan ajaran AlQur’an dan Sunnah. Tetapi dalam soal muamalah, kita diberikan kebebasan untuk terus menerus mengembangkan kehidupan ini. Kemudian yang keempat adalah Muhammadiyah mempromosi ijtihad. Masing-masing warga Muhammadiyah didorong untuk berijtihad. Bukan dalam erti bahawa Muhammadiyah sekarang sudah berada pada posisi semua mampu berijtihad, tetapi ini merupakan sesuatu yang ideal. Sesuatu yang didorong supaya semakin hari kita tegas, semakin paham kita tentang Islam sehingga bisa melakukan ijtihad. Yang kelima adalah normal orientasi. Ertinya adalah Muhammadiyah tidak menganut satu mazhab pun dalam teologi mahupun di dalam fiqh. Muhammadiyah bisa bersetuju dengan pendapat dari salah satu daripada mazhabmazhab itu, bisa juga tidak bersepakat. Muhammadiyah tidak serta merta mengikut salah satu, jadi ada kebebasan untuk berijtihad, ada kebebasan untuk memilih mazhab

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mana paling cocok menurut ijtihad Muhammadiyah, sesuai dengan Al-Qur’an dan Sunnah. Semua perangkap pemikiran ini telah menjadi mainstream yang berkembang di dalam fikiran-fikiran Muhammadiyah sehingga mengarah ke arah moderasi. Jadi, fikiran Islam yang berkemajuan, kemudian pencerahan, kemudian mendorong tajdid, mendorong ijtihad, dan tidak mengikuti salah satu mazhab yang ada secara Islam, maka semuanya itu mendorong bahawa Muhammadiyah lebih terbuka, lebih berwawasan luas, dan tidak fanatik. Maka peluang menjadi moderat itu sangat besar. Perkembangan moderat itu subur dalam organisasi Muhammadiyah. Kemudian akhirnya adalah sosial komitmen. Muhammadiyah diawali dengan teologi ‘al-maun’ pertama yang dilakukan oleh pendiri Muhammadiyah adalah memberi sumbangan kepada yang fakir dan miskin. Dan karena itu, ‘charity’ yang terus menerus berkembang dalam Muhammadiyah ini menyebabkan empati yang Insyallah cukup besar untuk menolong sesama. Kemudian Muhammadiyah pun ada komitmen untuk mendidik dan membuat bangsa kita menjadi sihat. Di dalam Muhammadiyah, tidak ada jarak yang terlalu jauh antara ulama dan ummah, mungkin ada di dalam ilmu, tapi di dalam hak, masing-masing orang itu dihargai sehingga warga Muhammadiyah bisa memprotes, bisa berdebat fatwa dengan ulama di dalam Muhammadiyah itu sendiri. Hal yang sekalian adalah beberapa cara berfikir atau mindset yang dikembangkan dalam Muhammadiyah itu menjadikan

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Muhammadiyah sebagai organisasi yang terbuka. Kemudian hal yang sekalian, kita melihat tentang apa yang dilakukan oleh Muhammadiyah yang kurang lebih disambungkan bagaimana moderasi dari gerakan Muhammadiyah. Muhammadiyah mengembangkan demokrasi dalam manajemen organisasi. Jadi, prinsip-prinsip demokrasi yang berlaku di dalam sebuah organisasi, misalnya transparansi dan akuntabilitas terus menerus dikembangkan di dalam organisasi. Muhammadiyah juga telah mengembangkan sebuah tafsir tematik yang berkaitan dengan hubungan antara agama. Ini sangat menarik karena dokumen itu menyatakan kita tetap berprinsip Islam adalah agama yang benar, dan hubungan antara agama itu tidak terhalang karena perbedaan aqidah atau perbedaan agama itu. Kita harus tetap melakukan kerjasama dengan pelbagai macam penganut agama dalam kehidupan yang lebih harmonis. Kemudian Muhammadiyah juga mengembangkan apa yang disebut sebagai kultural dakwah. Dakwah yang dilakukan dengan cara-cara yang lebih berbudaya dengan memanfaatkan aset budaya bangsa kita - dakwah yang tidak politis, dakwah yang jauh dari radikalisme dan kekerasan. Ini dikembangkan oleh Muhammadiyah dan sudah menjadi keputusan untuk menjadi salah satu cara dakwah yang penting di dalam Muhammadiyah kontemporer. Kemudian, berikutnya adalah keterlibatan Muhammadiyah dalam ‘interfaith harmony forum’. Jadi, Muhammadiyah aktif di dalam forum-forum antara agama. Ini adalah

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‘government-sponsored institution’ yang tujuannya adalah untuk membangunkan kehidupan yang lebih harmonis di tempat kita, dan bagaimana melakukan pengawasan, pengawalan di dalam setiap konflik dan ketegangan yang muncul. Muhammadiyah juga aktif di dalam forum-forum internasional, seperti ‘World Peace Forum’ dan ‘International Interfaith Dialogue’. Ini merupakan contoh besar bahawa Muhammadiyah bersama lembaga-lembaga agama lain secara periodik mengadakan pertemuan-pertemuan yang bertujuan membangun kehidupan yang lebih aman, lebih damai dan lebih adil. Muhammadiyah juga aktif di dalam gerakan-gerakan ‘humanitarian action’. Ketika ada bencana alam atau bencana sosial, maka Muhammadiyah menjalin kerjasama dengan lembaga-lembaga lain dari pelbagai agama. Sikap membantu mangsa bencana ini membantu membentuk mindset kita bahawa kita harus menolong sesiapa pun tanpa memandang agama, menolong mereka di dalam kemalangan. Kemudian, menarik ini adalah sebuah buku yang ditulis Pak Mu’ti “Kristen Muhammadiyah”. Kenapa namanya Kristen Muhammadiyah? Karena Pak Mu’ti telah meneliti sekolah Muhammadiyah di pelbagai daerah, bahkan mayoritas dari siswa atau muridnya itu adalah bukan Muslim. Bahkan Universitas Muhammadiyah Kupang, Nusa Tenggara Timur yang karena lebih dari 65% mahasiswanya adalah beragama Kristen, maka UMK yang sebenarnya adalah Universitas Muhammadiyah Kupang

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disebut orang sebagai Universitas Muhammadiyah Kristen. Jadi ini menunjukkan bagaimana usaha dari gerakan Muhammadiyah untuk membangun dengan cara fikiran moderat, dan membangunkan cara moderasi yang kian berkembang di negara kita. Tentu ada tantangan yang dihadapi oleh Muhammadiyah. Yang pertama adalah literalisme - pemahaman harfiah yang semata-mata berdasarkan teks tanpa pemahaman metaforik. Tanpa pemahaman yang lebih luas ini menjadikan pemahaman agama kita sempit, dan kemudian tidak memberikan peluang untuk toleransi atau menghormati pendapat yang berbeda. Pandangan yang kedua adalah radikalisme, yang menjadi tantangan potensi masyarakat dan budaya sosial kita. Muhammadiyah sebagai sebuah organisasi reform tentu tidak melakukan perubahan secara radikal. Perubahan menurut Muhammadiyah merupakan perubahan yang bertahap, yang sistematis, membuat masyarakat kita semakin hari semakin baik. Kemudian tantangan selanjutnya adalah patologi sosial berupa korupsi, kemudian ketidakadilan sosial, yang itu menjadikan tempat yang subur bagi tumbuhnya radikalisme atau ekstremisme. Kemudian yang terakhir adalah keterlibatan Muhammadiyah dalam forum-forum internasional dengan dua prinisp iaitu ‘peace and success’. Ini dikembangkan di pelbagai forum internasional, maka Muhammadiyah sesungguhnya melihat ‘international injustice’ ini masih terus berkembang dan itu menyebabkan radikalisme atau ekstremisme.

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Muhammadiyah ikut bersama-sama dengan lembagalembaga lain untuk berjuang menegakkan moderasi supaya cita-cita kita untuk membangun masyarakat yang harmonis, yang damai di atas dasar-dasar keadilan itu bisa terwujud dalam tata dunia baru sekarang ini. Mudah-mudahan bermanfaat. Wabillahi taufiq wal hidayat wassalamualaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh.

KH Masdar Farid Mas’udi Rais Syuriyah Pengurus Besar Nahdlatul Ulama Assalamualaikum warahmatullahi wabarakatuh, bismillah walhamdulillah wassolatuwassala, walhamdulillah, wa’ala alihi, wa ashabihi wamin tabi’, am’a ba’di. Yang berhormat Profesor Tan Sri Dr Kamal Hassan, Profesor Syafiq Mughni dan bapak Khalek Awang. Bicara tentang moderasi, saya kira ada dua hal. Ada moderasi yang dicapai dengan diam dan ada moderasi yang dicapai dengan aktif. Saya kira moderat yang pasif itu di kalangan umat Islam, di Indonesia terutamanya, cukup banyak. Tapi sebenarnya, apa yang dituturkan sebagai ‘ummatan wasatan’ saya kira harus moderat yang aktif. Moderasi sangat penting sekarang ketika gejala ekstremisme baik kanan mahupun kiri semakin menguat, dan kita harus semua tahu bahawa sesungguhnya yang Islam ideal adalah umat-umat yang wasatan.

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Akan tetapi, menjadi umat yang wasatan, umat yang penuh kesedaran, wassat bukan karena tidak berani memilih, tapi wassat karena pilihan itu yang menurut saya yang kita perlu perjuangkan sebab wassat secara pasif itu tidak ada gunanya, tapi wassat dengan pilihan yang sedar dan pengetahuan yang kukuh itu yang saya kira yang dimaksudkan dengan ummatan wasatan yang diharapkan oleh Al-Qur’an sendiri. Di dunia Islam saya kira kita semua tahu di situasi yang menggelisahkan. Kita umat Islam di Asia Tenggara mempunyai tradisi dan pemahaman Islam yang lebih kurang sama meskipun kita di dalam perubahan, misalnya kalau kita lihat Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, Thailand selatan dan juga Fillipina. Itu sebenarnya kalau kita rujuk di dalam acuan aqidah itu kurang lebih ‘Ashaari’ dan ‘Syafie’ sebagaimana kita tahu bahawa meskipun pada mulanya ketika dia di Iraq itu, beliau lebih rasional, ketika beliau berada di Mesir itu, beliau sedikit cenderung kepada ahlul hadith, dan ini tidak menghilangkan ciri tawassul dari ‘Syafie’ sendiri, karena tradisi pemahaman Islam di Indonesia misalnya dari kalangan pesantren sangat popular ungkapan dari Imam Syafie bahawa “pendapat kami benar, mungkin salah. Pendapat orang lain itu menurut saya salah, tapi mungkin benar”. Ini saya kira indikasi tidak ada yang ekstremisme melainkan diri kita sendiri. Memang kita harus percaya apa yang kita pegang itu benar, tapi kita tidak boleh pada masa yang sama kita memutlakkan kesalahan pada pihak lain, atau memutlakkan kebenaran bagi diri kita sendiri. Ini dari Imam Syafie, yang mana mazhabnya berkembang pesat di

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Asia Tenggara itu boleh menjadi acuan sikap moderasi dan tawassul kita. Begitu juga dari pemahaman aqidah yang ada dimensi tasawwuf yang berkembang, jadi kita ada prinsip aqidah ‘Ashaari’, fiqh itu ‘Syafie’ kemudian di dalam tassawuf itu dari Al-Ghazali. Dan saya kira tasawwuf ini juga ada elemen moderasi karena tasawwuf ini lebih melihat ke dalam diri daripada melihat orang lain dan menyalahkan orang lain, maka introspek merupakan elemen yang sangat penting dalam moderasi Islam. Memang kalau kita lihat pada sejarah masing-masing negeri di Asia Tenggara ada perbedaan. Inilah salah satu faktor mengapa walaupun mayoritas mutlak Indonesia adalah muslim tidak mempertahankan mati-matian gagasan negara Islam. Kalau Malaysia menerapkan konsep Negara Islam dan Islam sebagai agama Negara, saya kira sangat bisa dimaklumi karena pengaruh raja-raja atau kesultanan yang juga menganut prinsip-prinsip ahli Sunnah itu sangat kuat. Tapi Indonesia ini karena kemerdekaan Indonesia itu diperjuangkan bukan oleh para Raja Islam tapi oleh gerakan kemerdekaan yang umum disifatkan campuran baik dari latar belakang agama yang berbeda, suku yang berbeda dan juga pandangan politik dan ideologi yang berbeda sehingga pada akhirnya Indonesia, meskipun mayoritas muslim tidak memperjuangkan kemerdekaan negara dengan lagu Islam. Saya kira semua sepakat terutama umat Islam sendiri bahawa meskipun Indonesia bukan secara formal itu negara Islam, tapi kita boleh klaim Indonesia itu negara yang sangat islamik karena Pancasila saya kira begitu Islam. “Ketuhanan yang Maha Esa” - Pancasila yang pertama

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- memang ini bahasa Indonesia, tapi kalau dibahasakan dalam Islam itu juga dari ‘tauhid’, dan ‘tauhid’ itu begitu jelas sekali keislamannya. “Kemanusiaan yang Adil dan Beradab” - Pancasila yang kedua - juga bahasa Indonesia, tapi dalam bahasa Islam, ini juga ‘ukhuwah insaniyyah’, dan ‘ukhuwah insaniyyah’ ini adalah prinsip untuk membangun esteem kemasyarakatan termasuk kumpulan politik yang fundamental. Begitu juga “Persatuan Indonesia”, ‘ukhuwah wataniah’, kita menyebutnya dari seluruh elemen masyarakat yang berbeda suku bahasa dan agama. Itu menjadi satu ‘ummatan wahidah’, saya kira itu juga Islam. Dan yang keempat itu “Kerakyatan yang dipimpin oleh Hikmah Kebijaksanaan dalam Permusyawaratan dan Perwakilan”. Itu adalah juga ‘shura’ sebenarnya, dan ‘shura’ itu adalah sesuatu yang sangat islamik. Dan muamalatnya adalah untuk “Keadilan Sosial bagi Seluruh Rakyat Indonesia”. Ini juga islamik. Saya mencari konsep Islam dalam Negara itu apa? Saya berpendapat konsep Negara Islam itu yang paling penting - dua. Yang pertama, tujuannya mestilah keadilan, dan keadilan itu sesuatu prinsip yang tidak sektoral - prinsip yang sangat inklusif dan universal. Apakah orang itu suku seagama atau bukan, dia harus diperlakukan secara adil, jangan sampai sentimen kita berkelompok itu menjadikan kita tidak berbuat adil terhadap orang lain. Apakah sentimen agama, sentimen suku tidak boleh menghalang kita bertindak adil, dan keadilan saya kira juga jelas. Keadilan adalah perihal ‘hak’. Sebagai manusia, kita

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punyai hak yang sama. Sebagai rakyat, kita punya hak yang sama. Negara yang dapat menjaga seluruh hak manusia, rakyat yang tinggal di dalamnya, maka itu negara yang islamik meskipun zahirnya bukan Islam. Itu prinsip yang pertama berkaitan tujuan Negara dalam hal ‘al-adl’. Saya kira bapak-bapak juga sering mendengar bahawa di dalam hadith ada tujuh orang yang dilindungi Allah, yang pertama disebut ‘Imam al-adl’, pemimpin yang adil. Pemimpin yang adil inilah yang pertama-tama dilindungi Allah. Prinsip yang kedua adalah manhajnya – ‘shura bainahum’. Negara yang mengadopsi prinsip adil dan ‘shura bainahum’ adalah sudah islamik. Dan kebetulan keadilan itu diletakkan di dalam sila yang kelima. Tempat itu mungkin tidak cocok, sila keempat ‘shura bainahum’ itu persis dibawahnya. Jadi dari sudut konsepnya, Pancasila dari bahasa memang bukan bahasa Arab, memang itu bahasa Indonesia. Tapi dari sudut substansi, itu Islam, apatah lagi ditambah dengan tiga sila yang lain. Bagi konsep Indonesia itu tidak ada masalah bagi umat Islam karena yang difahami adalah essensinya dan bukan formalitas bahasanya, dan saya kira kita bisa memahami lebih essensi dan bukan sekadar kulit, mungkin karena tradisi Islam sufistik yang lebih lama berkembang di negara ini sehingga pesan pertama bukan dari formalitasnya tapi pesan essensi. Mungkin itu memudahkan Indonesia tidak terlalu sulit untuk menerima konsep Pancasila yang tidak menyebut negara Islam, tapi difahami dari negara yang secara konsep itu sungguh islamik. Ini menurut saya adalah modal yang sangat penting dan sangat pokok bagi kita umat Islam

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Indonesia untuk menerima moderasi. Di dalam tradisi kami di pesantren misalnya, negara itu adalah fenomena duniawi, di akhirat tidak ada negara. Negara itu dalam bahasa lain disebut penguasaan ‘alSultan’. Sultan itu di dalam hadith banyak disebut sebagai ‘payung Allah di muka bumi’. Sebagai ‘payung Allah di muka bumi’, Allah yang alRahman mengasihi semua makhluknya yang al-Rahim, tinggal akhirat buat orang yang beriman. Maka al-Rahman ini universal, orang itu beriman atau tidak, kalau dia jujur pasti sukses. Negara ini, fenomena duniawi, dunia itu tertakluk kepada sifat al-Rahman Allah. Oleh karena itu, negara itu sebagai expresi Allah yang al-Rahman harus universal apa pun agamanya. Saya kira ini mungkin difahami dengan lumayan baik di masyarakat kita walaupun umat Islam itu mayoritas tapi tetap menerima negara yang seperti kita punya, meskipun kebelakangan muncul percikan-percikan harus dirubah negara ini menjadi negara yang sangat formal, pemimpin Islam dan negaranya dipimpin khalifah, barangkali mulanya dari kekecewaan yang mengimpikan sesuatu yang berbeda. Terima kasih. Assalamualaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh.

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Profesor Tan Sri Dr Kamal Hassan Profesor Ulung, Universiti Islam Antarabangsa Malaysia Bapak pengerusi majlis, bapak-bapak dan ibu-ibu dari sahabat karib Malaysa - Indonesia, bapak-bapak dari Malaysia. Bismillah al-rahman al-rahim, alhamdulillahi rabbil alamin, wassolatuwassala wa’ala ashrafil ambiyaa wal mursalin, saidina muhammadin, wa’ala alihi wasahbihi ajmain. Subhana fil alamin wa ila a’lamtana inna anta a’lim wal haqim, walaa haula wala qouwata ila billa hil azeem. Assalamualaikum warramatuhu hiwabarakatu, izinkan saya menyampaikan pandangan saya dalam bahasa Melayu yang mirip keindonesiaan. Sudah lama tidak menggunakan loghat Indonesia, jadi ini peluang saya untuk mengasah kembali apa yang pernah saya lakukan semasa di Indonesia 40 tahun yang lalu. Saya akan menyampaikan pandangan saya ini secara peribadi, dan bukan pandangan wakil-wakil Malaysia yang terdiri dari pemerintah, senat, ahli parlimen, parti politk oposisi dan bapak-bapak yang lain. Saya mewakili diri saya sendiri untuk menyampaikan pandangan saya secara objektif dan saya fokus kepada Malaysia. Begitu sekali ini kerana sikap saya sebagai Muslim mungkin saya tidak akan berlaku adil dengan pandangan-pandangan bukan Muslim tentang Malaysia. Saya akan menyentuh tiga perkara. Yang pertama saya akan bincang tentang rukun moderasi atau keseimbangan di Malaysia. Yang kedua, moderasi sosio-politik dan sosial religius di Malaysia. Yang ketiga, tantangan-tantangan dari dalam

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dan dari luar Malaysia. Itulah tiga perkara yang saya akan sentuh, dan saya berharap teman-teman dari Malaysia akan turut sekali membantu pandangan-pandangan saya, dan juga melakukan koreksi ke atas sebarang kesilapan saya. Perkara pertama iaitu tentang rukun atau dalam istilah Melayunya tiang-tiang. Kita akan membicarakan tujuh tiang yang menampung kualiti dan budaya masyarakat Malaysia yang moderat. Yang pertama ialah budaya bangsa Melayu. Pada saya, budaya bangsa Melayu sangat akomodatif, sangat toleran dan menghargai perbezaan-perbezaan pandangan dan penyelesaian secara aman tanpa gunakan kekerasan. Dan budaya Melayu ini ditunjangi oleh nilai-nilai Islam dan juga sistem raja Melayu yang dinobatkan sebagai pelindung-pelindung keagamaan, dan budaya Melayu itu yang saya kira pilar yang pertama. Pilar kedua ialah perjuangan mendapat kemerdekaan dan sistem politik yang wujud darinya, iaitu untuk mencapai kemerdekaan dari Inggeris hingga bangsa terbesar dari Malaysia bersetuju untuk bekerjasama untuk mencapai kemerdekaan tanpa perjuangan berdarah itu menjadi suatu basis untuk kerjasama, seterusnya yang melahirkan ‘kontrak sosial’ yang begitu penting, yang dikeluarkan dalam perlembagaan, dalam konstitusi negara dan sistem politik yang dikembangkan iaitu sistem Inggeris – ‘Westminister system with government and loyal opposition’, dan juga mempunyai raja – ‘the king reigns but not rules’. Jadi, sistem itu diguna pakai di Malaysia – ‘parliamentary democracy and constitutional monarchy’. Itu juga merupakan basis untuk kelangsungan cara hidup moderat antara kaum

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sebab Malaysia dengan tiga kaum besar dan bangsa Melayu lebih kurang 60% Islam, orang Melayu dalam 51%. Ertinya perimbangan antara kaum itu begitu sensitif sekali. Andai kata tiada institusi yang dapat jaga perimbangan ini yang bisa membawa kepada krisis dan keadaan huru-hara yang pernah diandaikan oleh pemerhati-pemerhati dari barat bahawa Malaysia itu sesuatu keadaan sosio-politik yang menunggu kehancuran. Pilar yang ketiga ialah konstitusi atau perlembagaan yang meletakkan agama Islam sebagai agama rasmi federasi - Islam sahaja tetapi agama-agama lain dibenarkan untuk diamalkan dengan cara aman dan damai. Ertinya kedudukan Islam yang unggul tetap terjamin dan itu juga bagi saya merupakan sesuatu jaminan kelangsungan moderasi di Malaysia kerana agama lain mempunyai kebebasan untuk wujud dalam batas-batas yang telah ditentukan. Konstitusi ini juga merupakan sesuatu daya mengimbangi antara dua dorongan primordial di Malaysia. Yang pertama, dorongan ke arah negara yang berdiri di atas syariah Islam. Pengalaman di Indonesia jauh lebih awal dari Malaysia dengan Darul Islamnya dan segala macam. Di Malaysia tuntutan primordial Islam ini juga wujud di Malaysia atas nama mewujudkan Negara Islam. Di pihak yang lain juga wujud kelompok yang perjuangkan negara sekular total. Begitu yang punya keistimewaan bukan satu agama, malah semua agama dan bangsa diberi kesamarataan yang absolut. Maka Perlembagaan Malaysia itu meletakkan duduknya Islam itu tinggi dan tidak bisa dicabar atau ditantang oleh

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agama lain, tetapi kebebasan diberikan, malah pemerintah memberi biaya untuk pembinaan bukan sahaja masjid tetapi juga gereja, tempat-tempat ibadah orang Hindu dan segala macam. Dan semakin dekat dengan pilihanraya ini semakin banyak wangnya dicurah ke situ. Ini suatu hal yang sangat penting kerana kalau di Indonesia sudah selesai dengan Pancasilanya, kalau di Malaysia masih lagi ada semakin kuat perjuangan untuk mewujudkan negara Malaysia negara sekular begitu, sedangkan di pihak Islam ingin mengekalkan negara yang berteraskan Islam sebagai agama yang unggul meskipun tidak atas nama Negara Islam. Malah, pakar yang memperjuangkan Negara Islam juga menukar lagunya dari Negara Islam ke negara berkebajikan. Kemudian, pilar yang keempat ialah posisi Islam dan umat Islam. Umat Islam kebetulan itu boleh dikatakan satu bangsa Melayu dan ini memudahkan mengekalkan moderasi. Melayu yang berpegang pada dasarnya mazhab Sunnah Waljamaah tetapi tidak fanatik, tidak ekstrim dengan ahli Sunnah Waljamaahnya, malah dalam pembuatan fatwanya dan kita pernah ada mantan President Fatwa Malaysia, Datuk Dr Ismail Ibrahim, mengambil pandangan-pandangan yang baik dari mazhab lain. Tetapi adanya ahli Sunnah Waljamaah, diskursus ahli Sunnah Waljammah, wawasan ahli Sunnah Waljamaah juga menstabilkan keadaan di Malaysia. Cuma sekarang ini tantangan yang datang dari luar ialah dorongan mengembangkan sektor syiah di Malaysia. Tetapi kedudukan Islam itu tetap unggul dan ini ditunjangi lagi dengan wujudnya sembilan orang Raja yang

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berperlembagaan yang dianggap oleh Perlembagaan Malaysia sebagai pelindung agama (custodian of Islam) dan ketua agama. Jadi mereka bisa buat keputusan-keputusan untuk mengekalkan kestabilan sekiranya ada percubaanpercubaan untuk mengugat kestabilan, Raja bisa tampil untuk menyampaikan titah yang dijadikan hukum oleh negara dan ini juga menjamin moderasi di Malaysia. Dan yang kelima ialah kedudukan demografi yang majmuk itu dengan juga berlakunya urbanisasi sesudah beberapa tahun sehingga berlakunya rakyat pelbagai kaum bisa hidup secara damai sebelah menyebelah dan menikmati suatu ekonomi yang memberikan kemajuan dan juga kepuasan untuk semua kaum dan barangkali ini juga satu hal. Profesor Syamsul bisa menerangkan lebih detil bagaimana wujudnya suatu ‘middle class’, hasil daripada ‘nation building’, modernisasi dan urbanisasi. Perancangan ekonomi yang baru - ‘new economic policy’ - membawa kepada wujudnya satu ‘middle class’ yang juga merentasi bangsa yang akan menjamin moderasi itu. Dan juga ‘new economic policy’ yang wujud dari pemerintah akibat satu peristiwa yang ngeri pada 1969. Dasar Ekonomi Baru mewujudkan satu perubahan struktur sosial di mana umat Melayu, Cina dan India bisa hidup bersama merentasi bangsa. Kemudian yang keenam ialah kemajuan ekonomi yang dapat dinikmati oleh pribumi di samping bangsa India dan Cina yang menguasai ekonomi sejak 50-an lagi yang mempunyai kekuatan ekonomi, tetapi orang Melayu juga mendapat sebahagian daripada kuota ekonomi itu. Di situ tidak lebih

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lagi 30%, barangkali belum sampai 30% orang Melayu memegang kuota ekonomi yang biasanya dipegang oleh orang Cina yang memang kuat dalam perekonomian dan juga perniagaan. Tetapi ekonomi ini yang terus berkembang meskipun sekarang ini agak sedikit menurun juga menjamin kelestarian moderasi itu. Dan akhir sekali faktor atau pilar ketujuh, ini barangkali orang sains sosial tidak akan menyebut ini. Oleh kerana saya yang berlatarbelakangkan pengajian Islam menyatakan ‘taufiq dan rahmah daripada Allah’ merupakan tiang yang ketujuh, yang biasanya dalam analisa sosio-politik ini tidak dimasukkan kerana ini nggak bisa dibuktikan secara empiris. Tetapi saya sebagai seorang Muslim yakin bahawa tanpa taufiq dan hidayah, rahmah dari Allah, tidak mungkin Malaysia bisa kekal begitu kerana faktor-faktor pembicara itu lebih besar daripada faktor-faktor yang boleh mengekalkan kestabilan. Kemudian pergi kepada yang kedua - kelestarian sosio-politik. Moderasi ini saya kira bergantung banyak kepada kedudukan Islam, keupayaan golongan Kristian untuk menjaga batas-batas adab di dalam hidup kerana ada bukti-bukti bahawa mereka juga ingin mengembangkan pengaruh mereka di Malaysia. Bagaimana kita mengekalkan ‘middle class’, keadilan sosial, dan saya kira yang paling penting institusi keluarga Melayu, Cina, India dan lain-lain bisa mewujudkan suatu kehidupan kekeluargaan yang berdasarkan hormat-menghormati dan juga menghormati perbezaan agama dan bangsa dan segala macam. Institusi keluarga ini cukup penting.

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Saya cukup bimbang dengan masa depan, adakah institusi keluarga juga akan turut menjadi korban dunia. Akhir sekali ialah ‘challenges’ ataupun tantangan-tantangan. Kita mempunyai tantangan dari golongan radikal. Itu tidak menjadi masalah kalau di Malaysia. Mungkin di Selatan Thailand masih ada elemen-elemen itu. Kalau di Malaysia saya kira tidak ada. Ini juga taufiq daripada Allah. Ada desusdesus yang kecil begitu tapi saya tidak anggap ini mewakili satu trend. Tapi yang wujud sekarang ialah usaha golongan yang bukan Islam yang menuntut hak mereka yang agak melampaui batas-batas yang disediakan oleh konstitusi. Ini satu tantangan, dan ini muncul akibat perpecahan orang Melayu sendiri. Muncul akibat kecilnya jumlah orang Islam atau mayoritas tidak begitu besar, dan juga dukungan dari luar negara atas nama hak-hak asasi manusia. Atas nama pluralisme, liberalisme, atas nama demokrasi juga memberi dorongan kepada bukan Islam untuk menuntut hak mereka, dan sekiranya ini tidak diuruskan dengan baik, ini menjadi tantangan yang merosakkan moderasi. Itulah yang saya sampaikan. Saya ingin menyentuh yang eksternal bagaimana America dengan China, India dan ASEAN, ASEAN Community 2015 akan memberi impak kepada moderasi di Malaysia. Aqulikauli haza waastagfirullahi walakum, assalamulaikum warahmatullah hi wabarakatuh.

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YAB Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin Timbalan Perdana Menteri Malaysia Assalamulaikum Warahmatullah Wabarakatuh. Bismillahirahman alrahim, alhamdulillah rabbil aalamin, wassola tu wassala wa’ala ashrafil anbiyaa wal mursalin, waalaa alihi wasahbihi ajmain. Yang Berhormat Senator Tan Sri Abu Zahar Ujang, Yang Dipertua Dewan Negara yang dapat bersama-sama dengan kita, Dato’ Syed Munshe, Duta Malaysia ke Jakarta, Encik Khalek Awang, Ketua Pegawai Eksekutif Global Movement of Moderates Foundation, Yang Berhormat Bapak Profesor Dr Syafiq Mughni, wakil Kepimpinan Pusat Muhammadiyah, Yang Berhormat Bapak Masdar Farid, Rais Syuriyah Nahdlatul Ulama, sahabat-sahabat saya dari Malaysia yang ada di sini, rakan-rakan di Indonesia, tuan-tuan dan puan-puan yang saya hormati sekalian. Pertamanya, saya memanjatkan rasa syukur kepada Allah subhanahu wata’ala, kerana dengan izin dan limpah kurniaNya dapat bersama-sama di dalam ‘Global Moderation Roundtable’ di Jakarta ini yang dianjur bersama dengan kerjasama Muhammadiyah. Saya ingin mengucapkan terima kasih kerana ini sesi pertama saya hadir dalam satu inisiatif yang dilakukan oleh Global Movement of Moderates (GMM) yang diasaskan oleh Dato’ Seri Perdana Menteri tahun lalu. Tentulah pertemuan ini sangat bermakna di kota Jakarta yang sangat istimewa, dalam usaha kita menggembleng tenaga, usaha-usaha yang boleh kita lakukan bersama, khususnya di antara Malaysia dan Indonesia dalam

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mewujudkan keamanan dan kesejahteraan di peringkat rantau, selepas itu ke peringkat global, dan saya ingin mengucapkan terima kasih kepada GMM Foundation kerana telah mengambil inisiatif untuk mengadakan meja bulat. Saya dimaklum bahawa sebentar tadi baru selesai dibacarakan dengan panjang lebar oleh warga kita di Malaysia. Saya percaya perbincangan yang diadakan ini adalah amat bertepatan dengan usaha kedua-dua buah negara untuk mengekalkan keamanan dan kestabilan serantau. Ini juga selaras dengan konsep ataupun deklarasi ZOPFAN atau ‘Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality’ yang kita tahu adalah antara tonggak utama dasar hubungan luar negara-negara ASEAN, yang saya kira adalah masih relevan pada hari ini. Lebih-lebih lagi dalam usaha negara-negara ASEAN dalam merealisasikan Komuniti ASEAN menjelang tahun 2015, waktu Malaysia akan menjadi pengerusi. Ini untuk kita samasama berusaha mengekalkan keamanan dan kestabilan serantau yang kita percaya merupakan antara tonggak utama kejayaan kita untuk memacu kemajuan ekonomi dan sosial yang lebih pesat di kedua-dua buah negara dan di rantau ini. Selain itu sidang meja bulat ini juga dikatakan sejajar dengan hasrat Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri Malaysia Dato’ Seri Mohd Najib Tun Abdul Razak yang telah pun mengasaskan penubuhan GMM sebagai satu gerakan mempromosi prinsip dan amalan kesederhanaan di peringkat global. Dalam ucapan beliau di Perhimpunan Agung Bangsa-

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bangsa Bersatu beberapa tahun lalu, ini telah pun dijadikan teras ucapannya di situ. Gerakan Kesederhanaan Global ini yang melangkaui batas agama dan negara bagi kita adalah satu pandangan yang paling tepat mengekang ancaman ekstremisme di peringkat antarabangsa dan untuk mengekalkan keamanan sejagat. Sebagaimana yang disebut oleh Yang Amat Berhormat Perdana Menteri Malaysia semasa merasmikan Persidangan Antarabangsa Gerakan Kesederhanaan Global di Kuala Lumpur pada tahun yang lalu, beliau mengatakan garis yang sebenar bukanlah antara orang Islam dan bukan Islam, atau antara negara maju dan negara membangun, tetapi antara golongan moderat dan ekstremis. Teks saya ada juga dalam bahasa Inggeris walaupun saya mahu gunakan bahasa Indonesia. It’s written in both English and Bahasa. Southeast Asia is politically stable and economically vibrant despite being one of the most culturally diverse regions in the world. Southeast Asia has never experienced a ‘clash of civilizations’ but has enjoyed peaceful civilizational coexistence. Muslims, Christians, Hindus, Buddhists and people of other faiths have lived alongside each other for centuries and have learnt how to respect and accept each other as fellow citizens in democratic nations across Southeast Asia. Within this harmonious setting, Southeast Asia continues to enjoy peace and stability which in turn helps to sustain a steady economic growth in the region. Currently Southeast Asia’s growth rate is twice that of the developed world according to the International Monetary

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Fund. Despite the current global economic slowdown, Southeast Asia is expected to grow at a rate of about 4 to 9 percent until 2016. Of course, Malaysia recorded 5.3% growth last year. This year we are expecting something slightly better. Indonesia, as I was informed this morning, has a 6-7% growth. These are the current figures and I think it is a known fact that to sustain growth, political stability and peace are important preconditions for economic success. Malaysia is set to develop and become a high-income nation by 2020. This deadline was set by Tun Dr Mahathir when he was the Prime Minister. We have another 7 years to go. The per capita income of Malaysia now is USD 9,700 and is projected to rise to USD 15,000 in 7 years. Indonesia too has emerged as one of the most vibrant economies in the region. It is here that the potential for future growth resides which will ultimately benefit the region. I remember we had a session last year in Kuala Lumpur organized by ISIS where many ideas were mooted. One of the things I mentioned there was the combination of Malaysia and Indonesia as the axis of growth. Kombinasi Malaysia dan Indoesia kuat sekali, tapi ada pra-syarat untuk jadi begitu. Kalau kita dapat teruskan sesi sebegini sepanjang masa, maka bukan sesuatu yang mustahil. Terdapat sumber tenaga manusia yang ramai di Indonesia, Malaysia 27 juta, di sini lebih 200 juta. Jadi kombinasi sebegini seperti yang saya sebutkan kepada bapak Hatta, itu sudah hampir separuh dari warga ASEAN. Indonesia dengan pelbagai sumber yang kaya, apa lagi dengan jumlah manusianya, dengan sedikit kombinasi

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Malaysia, boleh menjadi kuasa paksi ekonomi dan penentu utama di rantau ini. Tetapi, mesti wujud satu kesatuan yang saya sebut sebagai ‘wahdatul fikr’, ‘wahdatul qalb’ iaitu penyatuan pemikiran dan hati serta hala tuju yang sama. Kalau kita dapat sepakati, itu bukan suatu yang mustahil. Hal itu boleh dikecapi dalam tempoh masa yang tidak terlalu panjang. Kejayaan ekonomi dan politik Malaysia dan Indonesia adalah bukti yang terbaik untuk menyangkal ramalan ‘clash of civilizations’. Saya tidak berapa suka gunakan istilah ini – ‘Huntington’s clash of civilizations’ – yang biasa digunakan dalam disertasi, akademi dan perbincangan. Semata-mata kerana Malaysia dan Indonesia adalah negara majoriti Islam dan dipimpin oleh pemimpin Islam, dan Islam telah menyatukan kedua-dua negara. Di Malaysia adalah termaktub dalam Perlembagaan, Islam sebagai agama persekutuan. Di sini walaupun Islam tidak dinyata dalam Pancasila, tapi ternyata Islam juga adalah asas kukuh pembinaan bangsa. People of all races not only enjoy the freedom to practise their religions, but also the freedom to exercise their political and economic rights as guaranteed by the Constitution. In Malaysia, even though Islam is the religion of the Federation, the Constitution guarantees the right of non Muslims to profess and practise their religions in peace and harmony. People from different religions conduct their religious obligations or celebrate religious festivals without tragic incidents. To further acknowledge the importance of religions in enriching the lives of the people, the government declares the days of celebration of various religions as public holidays.

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More than this, it is the spirit of mutual respect and tolerance that is shared by all people irrespective of race and religion that allows religious harmony to flourish. We practically avoid any forms of clash of cultures and that makes peaceful coexistence possible. In peaceful co-existence of course there is moderation which is the basic principle in Islam that has been set by Allah in the Quran - “And thus we have made you a just community (middle nation) that you will be witnesses over the people and the Messenger will be a witness over you”, Surah al-Baqarah 143. Sebagai agama yang menegakkan keamanan dan keadilan, Islam menyeru umatnya supaya sentiasa berlaku adil dalam segala urusan dengan mengamalkan prinsip kesederhanaan atau wassatiyah yang boleh diertikan dengan adil, seimbang dan terbaik. Umat Islam akan dijadikan contoh lambang kebaikan negara. Dalam konteks ini, prinsip kesederhanaan yang bermakna menolak segala amalan yang melampau, keterlaluan dan ekstrem, bukan sahaja dalam ajaran agama, bahkan di dalam segenap aspek kehidupan kita. Dalam mengamalkan prinsip kesederhanaan, umat Islam akan menghayati nilai-nilai keadilan, kesaksamaan, hormat-menghormati antara satu sama lain yang merupakan asas utama keamanan dan keharmonian sejagat. Ini juga bermakna sebuah negara Islam haruslah berlaku adil dengan menolak permintaan melampau di dalam perhubungan dengan negara-negara lain. Untuk mengamalkan prinsip kesederhanaan ini, kita mestilah tampil ke hadapan memperjuangkan keamanan dan kemakmuran. Ini sejajar

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dengan sifat Islam sebagai agama rahmatan lil ‘alamin iaitu agama yang membawa rahmat ke seluruh alam. Kita akui masih terdapat konflik-konflik yang mengancam keamanan dan kemakmuran rantau, faktor yang menyebabkan berlakunya konflik bukanlah agama, tapi sebahagian besarnya adalah budaya ataupun ekonomi dan tentu sekali politik. Di atas semangat memperjuangkan keamanan dan kemakmuran, inilah Malaysia baru-baru ini bertindak sebagai orang tengah untuk membantu menyelesaikan konflik antara kerajaan Filipina dengan Barisan Pembebasan Islam Moro. Alhamdulillah, dengan persetujuan yang dicapai kedua-dua pihak, keamanan dan kestabilan dapat dikembalikan semula kepada masyarakat khususnya kepada masyarakat Islam di selatan Filipina. Sesungguhnya mengurus dan menyelesaikan konflik secara berterusan ataupun lebih penting lagi menidakkan konflik daripada tercetus adalah amat penting dalam usaha mengekalkan keamanan dan kestabilan serantau. Malaysia dan Indonesia sebagai negara Islam telah lama mengamalkan prinsip kesederhanaan, telah mengekalkan keharmonian dan keamanan masyarakat majmuk di negara masing-masing yang mempunyai kelebihan untuk mempelopori usaha mewujudkan kestabilan dan keamanan berkekalan di rantau ini. Oleh itu, kerajaaan dan rakyat kedua-dua negara wajar meneruskan kerjasama dalam mempromosi amalan kesederhanaan menerusi dialog, forum dan juga persidangan yang dianjurkan sama ada kerajaan pemerintah mahupun badan pertubuhan bukan kerajaan di kedua-dua negara.

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Perbincangan meja bulat pada hari ini yang saya lihat disertai oleh ramai tokoh intelektual, ahli politik, pegawai kerajaan, pemimpin pertubuhan Islam di Malaysia dan Indonesia, saya kira ialah platform yang terbaik untuk kita meletakkan kesederhanaan sebagai satu prinsip penting di dalam hubungan antara kedua-dua negara tetangga. Peranan mengekalkan keamanan, kestabilan dan hubungan antara kedua-dua negara ini terletak tidak saja di bahu pemerintah, tetapi juga digalas oleh individu dan masyarakat sivik, dan oleh sebab itu saya berharap agar menerusi perbincangan sebegini, kesefahaman dan kerjasama yang lebih mantap dapat dibentuk di peringkat negeri dan pemimpin pertubuhan bukan kerajaan di Malaysia dan Indoesia. Dari wujudnya persefahaman dan kerjasama di peringkat ini, maka saya percaya usaha kerajaan keduadua buah negara untuk mengekalkan hubungan yang harmonis dan mesra akan dapat dicapai Insyallah. Saya yakin dengan hubungan erat yang sedia terjamin antara kita dapat diteruskan pada masa yang akan datang. Kemudian, saya juga berharap GMM Foundation dan Muhammadiyah dapat meneruskan dialog mengenai kesederhanaan ini, dan bersama-sama memperkukuhkan kerjasama antara keduadua buah negara. Sekali lagi, saya mengucapkan tahniah kepada GMM Foundation dan Muhammadiyah yang telah menjalinkan kerjasama untuk mengadakan Global Moderation Roundtable pada hari ini. Saya ucapkan setinggi-tinggi penghargaan dan terima kasih kepada semua peserta dari Indonesia

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dan Malaysia yang telah pun mengambil bahagian dalam Roundtable ini. Terima kasih saya ucapkan, wal taufiq wal hidayah, assalamualaikum warahmatullah wabarakatuh.

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Coexistence in the Perspective of the Islamic Law – Dealing with non-Muslims as a Model, Professor Ahmed Reda Al-Rashidi, Nahdlatul Ulama Higher Institute for Islamic Studies, Jakarta

Summary In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful All praise be to Allah and all blessings and peace be upon the Messenger of Allah, his family, companions, and his followers. This research paper entitled “Coexistence in the Perspective of the Islamic Law – Dealing with non-Muslims as a Model” addresses a key issue: exposing the unfair claims made by malicious persons, who consistently strive to defame our great Islam in their writings branding it as a religion of violence and terrorism that neglects non-Muslims in Islamic states. In this paper the researcher unveils the bright face of the Islamic Shari’a that deals with non-Muslims. The paper is divided into the following parts:

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Introduction: Including reasons behind the subject and plan of the research. Part One: The Concept of Coexistence and Citizenship and How Islamic Jurisprudence Enjoins Muslims to abide by them. Section One: Definition of Coexistence and Citizenship. Section Two: Islam’s Tolerance and Zeal for Peaceful Coexistence. Section Three: Principles of Coexistence. Part Two: Dealing with non-Muslims in an Islamic Perspective. Section One: Aspects of Dealing with non-Muslims in Islam. Section Two: Contemporary Scholars’ Stance Regarding the Imposition of Jizya (a tax that early Islamic rulers collected from their non-Muslim subjects) on non-Muslims in the Modern Islamic States. Finally I ask Allah to help and guide us all to be true and forthright both in word and deed.

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In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful Introduction: Praise be to Allah, Lord of the Universe, prayer and peace upon our Prophet Mohammed and his family and companions. Allah, the Most High, sent Islam as a law and a way of life, and covered everything benefiting worshippers in the World and Hereafter. Consequently, His Shari’a gathered the interests of worshippers and put an end to sources of corruption as well. Indeed, it was a grace in full and a complete religion having the adequate answer and the best cure. Islam is known for its tolerance, justice and mercy and this is probably manifested in its dealings with followers and opponents as well. This is clear for everyone to see, but a group of people are bent on insulting Islam due to their grudge and enmity against it. They launched an unwise and wild campaign against Islam claiming that it is a religion of violence, murder, persecution and denial of freedom. This is a lie as Islam came down only to establish the principles of justice, equality, tolerance and humanity. This modest research tries to address this issue by presenting facts to negate the wild accusations made by these hate-mongers. It seeks to bring out facts that prove Islam’s tolerance and fair treatment of non-Muslims. Its unadulterated Shari’a and jurisprudence prove that Islam is the only religion that establishes the principles of peaceful coexistence.

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Part One: The Concept of Coexistence and Citizenship and How Islamic Jurisprudence Enjoins Muslims to abide by them Section One: Definition of Coexistence and Citizenship Al-Mu’jam Al-Wasiit defines ‘Aasha’, ‘Aisha’, ‘Eishah’ and ‘Maasha’ as ‘becoming alive’. ‘A’ashahu’ as ‘to give life to somebody’, it is said that Allah gave him a pleasant life. ‘Aayashah’: to live with him. ‘Ayyashahu’: to make him live. ‘Al-Taayosh’: to coexist and live together peacefully and peaceful coexistence is derived from it.1 ‘Peaceful coexistence’ can be regarded as being synonymous with ‘citizenship’ a term commonly used nowadays. Hence I find it would be pertinent to expound its meaning in Lisan al-Arab (The Arab Tongue). Al-watan is the home in which you live and the hometown and residence of the man. Its plural: Awtaan. A person ‘watana’ in a place means he/she took it as a residence and a dwelling in which he/she lives. ‘Awtana’: taken them as a place of living. ‘Mawaten of Mecca’: its positions and places. ‘Awtaan of Sheep and cattle’: their emplacements and places to which they resort. ‘Al Mitaan’: the place from which the horses are sent to the race, and ‘Al-Miateen’: squares. ‘Al-Mawten’: one of the war’s scenes, nation, each place in which the man live and congregation. ‘Awtanto’, ‘wattant’ and ‘estawtant’ the land: I took it as a nation and also ‘Al-

Al-Mu’jam Al-Wasiit, V. 2 – p 639 – a group of scholars, Publisher: Dar Al-Dawa: Tahqiq: Academy of the Arabic Language. 1

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Ettetan’. ‘Mawaaten’: every place in which the man resides for a certain matter. ‘Watanahu’ about something: he keeps it secret with him and says ‘Watantu’ a person about such thing, if yourselves desired to do. And ‘Tawteen’ the soul to do something, it is a preparation for them.2 ‘Al-Wataneyya’: attributing to the hometown so ‘AlWatan’: is the residence home. And the hometown is the place and town in which the man grew up in. ‘Watan’ of “residence” is the town and village of the traveler having no family without taking them as a permanent home. ‘Watan’ of “domicile” is the place the traveler intends to live in permanently.3 Section Two: Islam’s Tolerance and Zeal for Peaceful Coexistence Since its dawn Islam was built upon a foundation of simplicity. The Messenger (pbuh) once said: “Religion is a simple matter and anyone who complicates it cannot go very far.”4 This religion is inclusive of tolerance, ease and mercy which are consistent with its universality and immortality which make it suitable for all people of all times and places. So tolerance is consistent with the universality of Islam, and all textual passages of the Quran and Sunnah (Prophetic Traditions) affirm this fact through inviting people for being under one umbrella and for

See: Lisan al-Arab, Ibn Manzour (Watana) 13/451. See: definitions of Gerjani P. 327, and al-kulleyyat-al-Kafawi 5/42, 43. 4 Narrated by Bukhari, Belief Book, “Religion is Easy”, Hadith Number: 39. 2 3

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competing for the key standard of Islam which is “Piety”, Allah, the Exalted, says: “O mankind, indeed We have created you from male and female and made you peoples and tribes that you may know one another. Indeed, the most noble of you in the sight of Allah is the most righteous of you.”5 Islam came in a period of ignorance and degeneration which eroded human dignity and freedom, that is why Islam was curious to build a new system for mankind and to organize the relationship between the man and his Lord and others as well. Islam established complete principles and guidelines for all walks of life in one’s relationship with his Lord, gender and all creatures. Such principles and guidelines are in line with one’s natural disposition including ease, tolerance and flexibility which are of the intrinsic traits in Islam and relate to the origin of the faith with no restrictions to be applied. At the height of the strength of Muslims, tolerance was the religion’s motto and there are many aspects of this that will be indicated later on. The textual passages of the Holy Quran state that the dispute will remain with the survival of the man on this earth. The one who reads the Holy Quran knows that Islam is tolerant in one of the key issues of Islam which is “Monotheism”. The Quran addresses this issue in a simple way with no difficulties in understanding it and deduces the truths of the faith to be realized in a method full of ease and tolerance. Throughout the history of the Islamic state, in its strengths and weaknesses, non-Muslims resided in the state without

5

Soorah - Al-Hujurat – 13.

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being forced to discard their beliefs and accept Islam. The greatest rule in Islam is that “There shall be no compulsion in (acceptance of) a religion. Thus the People of the Book and others coexisted in the Islamic states without violating each other’s beliefs and religions.6 Islam is not built upon persecuting its opponents, confiscating their rights, forcing them into Islam, or depriving them of their wealth, dignity or life. The history of Islam is the brightest ever in this respect.7 It has been established by Muslim scholars that if somebody was forced into Islam, this would be rendered null and void. It is stated in Al-Mughni: “If one whom it is not permissible to compel is compelled to enter Islam, such as a dhimmi (nonMuslim living under Muslim rule) or a non-Muslim who has been granted security, he is not deemed to be a Muslim unless he shows signs of having become Muslim voluntarily.”8 Therefore, If he reverted to his religion once the compulsion has been removed, he would not be considered as an apostate, and hence it would be unlawful to kill him or force him to adopt Islam. Ibn Qudaamah reported, with scholarly consensus, that if a dhimmi or a non-Muslim who

See: Inadmissible Delusion of Real Issues, Saleh Ben Hemaid, Al-Manarh Liberary, Mecca, edition 1, 1412 AH, p.30. 7 See: Fanaticism and Tolerance between Christianity and Islam, Mohammed al-Ghazali, Dar Eltawzi’e, Cairo, edition 1, 1409 AH, p.6. 8 Al-Mughni, Ibn Qudaamah, Dar Hajr, Cairo, Tahqiq: Pro. Abdullah Al-Turki and Abdel-Fattah El-Hallout, 2, 1412, V. 12 - p.291. 6

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has been granted security complies with all covenants, it is not permitted for a Muslim to breach such covenants or to compel them to do things that they have not complied with.9 Islam is tolerant in allowing Muslims to give money for needy non-Muslims. Islam allows Muslims to give charity for non-Muslims and to exchange gifts with them. Islam also makes it lawful for Muslims to convey their condolences to non-Muslims and to visit them when they are sick. It is also lawful to congratulate them on occasions such as the birth of a child or a wedding; and to address them by their favourite names when meeting them.10 Islam’s tolerance manifests itself in a way deserving respect and admiration for the greatness of the Islamic humanitarianism, when we know that it calls for being friendly with non-Muslims who have been granted security. The veteran Islamic jurist Imam Al-Shaybaani (May God have mercy on him) says: “There is no harm if a Muslim maintains good relations with non-Muslims whether related to him or not, a fighter or dhimmi; for the hadith of Salama Ibn AlAkwaa reports: “I prayed the morning prayer with the Prophet (pbuh) who asked me, Can you grant me the daughter of Umm Qerfah? I said, yes, and granted her to him. Then, he (pbuh) sent her (a non-Muslim daughter) to his uncle Hozn

See: Ibid, V. 12, pp.291-292. For more details, See: Invitation for Non-Muslims to Islam, Abdullah Lehaidan. Homaidi Printing Press, Riyadh, edition 1, 1420AH, PP.148-178. 9

10

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Ibn Abi Wahb (a non-Muslim man). “And the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) sent five hundred dinars to Mecca though suffering from drought and ordered the money to be given to Abi Sufian Ibn Harb for distribution to the needy of Mecca.”11 Are there concessions and privileges granted to a foreigner under a system or law similar to that of Islam? It was not mere philosophy – it was down-to-earth application of it in a Muslim’s life i.e. maintaining ties and relationships with others – and it is an integral part of the faith. The failure to comply with12 or fulfill any covenant is considered treacherous and Allah does not condone the treachery. Can there be any coexistence and recognition of rights better than that of Islamic Shari’a?13 Section Three: Principles of Coexistence The first principle: Justice One of the greatest principles of coexistence is the justice accorded to non-Muslims which is considered to be proof of the one’s piety to be richly rewarded in the Hereafter. Allah, the Exalted, says: {O believers, be persistently firm in standing

See: Kitab Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, V. 1, p.69. See: The Principles of the International Relations in Islam: Umar Ahmed El-Ferjani, p.131, Tripoli, Dar Al-Jamahiriya for Publishing, Distributing and Advertising, 1393 AH, The International Relations in the Islamic Wars / p.87. 13 See: The Civil Society in the Prophethood Era. Its Characteristics and First Organizations: Akram Al-Umary, p.7, the Scientific Council, the Islamic University. 11 12

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for Allah, witnesses in justice, and do not let the hatred of a people prevent you from being just. Be just; that is nearer to righteousness. And fear Allah; indeed, Allah is acquainted with what you do}14 Any scholar of the history of Islam and Muslims will find that there is no other society in which rights and privileges are respected as in an Islamic state. At the height of its glorious rule the Islamic empire had room for non-Muslim scholars, writers, physicians and geniuses various arts and disciplines. How can this be true if not for the tolerance and non-violence found in Islam? Islamic rule calls for the maintenance of rights and privileges and justice for all citizens and aspires to give the best for the individual as well as for the nation as a whole both for the present and the future. Of course, this includes nonMuslims too, so the Islamic political system is based on the rule of law operating as a trusteeship.15 The concept of justice must be understood in the context of the Islamic Shari’a. Allah, the Exalted, says: “Verily, Allah commands that you render back the trusts to those to whom

Soorah - Al-Maa’idah – 8. See: Islam and Equality between Muslims and Non-Muslims: Abdel Moneim Ahmed Barakah, p.85, Shabab El-Jame’ah Institution, 1410 AH. Pillars and Guarantees of the Islamic Rule: Mohammed Mofti, p.110 – Shari’a and Islamic studies magazine, Kuwait, edition 12, 1409 AH. The Islamic Division of the World: Mohie El-Din Mohammed Qassem, p.99, the Higher Institute for the Islamic Thought, 1417 AH. 14 15

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they are due; and that when you judge between men, you judge with justice.”16 There is no doubt that the existence of the fair and independent judiciary17 is one of the greatest guarantees for a fair and independent trial.18 It calls for the application of equality and justice in the government’s justice system i.e. to hear out the non-Muslim party without anger or bias19 as stated in the Islamic judicial system guidelines. The second principle: The maintenance of rights and freedom Based on the foregoing, it is clear that the Islamic Shari’a adopted the principle of amicable human relation between Muslim and non-Muslim nations and established respect for freedom since fourteen centuries ago. The Islamic Shari’a also has not tightened its rules on non-Muslims or terrorized them. Hence there is no basis for the argument by the hate-mongers of the Islamic system that Islam was spread by the sword because Islam was spread by beautiful preaching, intellectual discourse, constructive dialogue and tolerance. The sword

Soorah – An-Nisaa – 58. See: The Judiciary and the Judge’s Character in the Islamic System: Mohammed El-Bakr, p.652, Dar El Zahraa For Arab Mass Media, 1408 AH. 18 See: Enlightening Rulers: Ibn Farhoun, V. 1, p.15; Very Helpful for Rulers: AL-Trabolsi, p.9. 19 See: Judiciary in Islam and the Judge’s Ethics: Jabr Mahmoud EL-Fodailat, p.119 – Amman, Dar Ammar, 1412 AH. 16 17

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was only used to defend its sacred and holy places from the enemies of Islam. There are two types of jihad in Islam. First: Jihad in which you repulse attacks to protect Muslim sacred places and homelands from being invaded or usurped. Second: Jihad in which you take the message of Islam to others as similar to al-Fatūhāt al-Islāmiyya (Islamic conquests) as during the times of Abu Bakr Al-Siddiq, Umar Ibn Al Khattab and the Orthodox Caliphs. All this affirm the fact that the Islamic rules and regulations concerning international relations and coexistence with nonMuslims had preceded the rules pertaining to international relations since fourteen centuries ago.20 One of the distinguishing aspects of safeguarding rights and ethics is the privileges and protection granted by Islamic Shari’a to foreigners under the Islamic state. The Muslim jurists hold that the security granted to foreigners shows that the Islamic state provided protection for those who had sought it.21 It has been defined by Maliki scholars that “the harbi must not be killed, enslaved, or stolen

See: The Rules of the International relations in the International Law and Islamic Shari’a: Ga’afar Abd El-Salam, p.315, El-Salam International Liberary, Cairo, 1401 AH 21 See: Islam and the International Relations: Mohammed ElSadek Afifi, p.317, Dar Al Raed Al Arabi, Beirut, 1406 AH 20

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in war while permanently living under the Islam’s Rule for period of time.”22 Islam has set the finest examples of the security granted to foreigners under Islamic rule. Imam Hafez Ibn kathir (May Allah have mercy on him) says in his commentary on the verse: {And if anyone of the Mushrikin seeks your protection then grant him protection so that he may hear the Word of Allah (the Qur’an) and then escort him to where he can be secure, that is because they are men who know not}23 In other words those who come from a land at war with Muslims to areas under Islamic rule as messengers, merchants, peace seekers or to pay the Jizyah and so forth, and request safe passage from Muslim leaders or their deputies, should be granted safe passage, as long as they remain in Muslim areas and until they return to their homeland.24 Imam Al-Qurtubi (May Allah have mercy on him): “The disbelievers have asked to meet the Messenger of Allah (pbuh) to talk about reconciliation and other matters of their life, there is scholarly consensus that if someone sought security to hear the Words of Allah and to get acquainted with the teachings of Islam, they must be granted in accordance with the verse which will remain to the Judgment Day. Jihad

See: El-Hattab, V. 3, p.360; El-Adawi Ali El-Khorashi’s Marginal’s Note – V. 3, p.141. 23 Soorah – At-Tawbah/6. 24 Tafsir Ibn Kathir, V. 2, p.127. 22

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in Islam was legitimized only to enable everyone in the world to hear Allah’s Words safely and freely.”25 The faqih scholar, Hasan Al-Basri and Mujahid, (May Allah have mercy on them) indicated that this verse is one of explicit clear verses to the Judgment Day.26 Through these Islamic texts and jurisprudential viewpoints, it is clear that those who have been granted security are able to protect themselves and their wealth under Islamic rule. They are treated as human beings as long as they maintain and understand Islamic ethics and behavior as well as international relations. In addition to the security granted to the foreigner under the Islamic shari’a, there is scholarly consensus that a person who has been granted security shall be considered as a dhimmi living in our homeland.27 Imam Al-Sarakhsi indicated in Kitab al-Mabsut: “As their wealth has become safe in accordance with security ruling, therefore they are not permitted to be taken, and their freedom of belief, movement and residence shall not be restricted. Under such security ruling, it is not lawful to imprison them and that such security shall be guaranteed as long as it remains valid.”28

25

p.211. 26

p.398. 27 28

Al-Jaam’e Le Ahkaam Al-Quran: Imam Al-Qurtubi, V. 5, See: Tafsir Al-Zamakhshari – V. 2 – p.29, Tafsir Al-Razi, V. 4, See: Kitab Al-Siyar Al-Kabir – V. 2 – p.226. See: Bada’i al-Sana’i: Al-Kassani - V. 7 – p.107.

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There is no doubt that such privileges available under Islamic Shari’a far exceed the international law. Based on these privileges, Muslim jurists have implied that it is not lawful for Muslims to extradite one who has been granted asylum to his country unknowingly and unwillingly even if he is in exchange for a Muslim captive.29 Part Two: Dealing with non-Muslims in the Islamic Jurisprudence Section One: Aspects of Dealing with non-Muslims in the Islamic Jurisprudence First: Marriage with Non-Muslims The Muslim jurists have unanimously permitted marriage to a non-Muslim People of the Book (Kitabia). Allah, the Exalted, says: {Made lawful to you this day are At-Tayyibat} All kinds of Halal (lawful) foods, which Allah has made lawful (meat of slaughtered eatable animals, milk products, fats, vegetables and fruits). The food (slaughtered cattle, eatable animals) of the People of the Book (Jews and Christians) is lawful to you and yours is lawful to them. (Lawful to you in marriage) are chaste women from the believers and chaste women from those who were given the Scriptures (Jews and Christians),30 the chaste women in the verse are: Those decent and chaste women: whom Muslims are encouraged to marry because it achieves friendliness and harmony between the spouses and promotes tranquility and reassurance. See: Sharhu Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, p3, p.300; The International Relations in Islamic Wars: Sheikh Ali Qera’ah, p.86, Dar Misr for Print. 30 Soorah - Al-Maa’idah/5. 29

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The companions, (May Allah be pleased with them) married from the People of the Book; Ottoman (May Allah be pleased with him) married Na’elah Bent Al-Frafsah Al-Kalbiah – a Christian woman who converted to Islam in his home. Hudaifah (May Allah be pleased with him) married a Jewish woman from the people of Al-Madaen. Jaber (May Allah be pleased with him) was asked about the legitimacy of marrying a Jewish or a Christian woman, he said that: we married them at the time of Kufah’s conquest at the era of Sa’ad Ibn Abi Waqqas. The reason behind the legitimacy of marriage with a non-Muslim Kitabiah, not Al-Mushrikah (idolatress) is that she believes in some of the basic principles adopted by Muslims including the Oneness of God and faith in the Messengers and the Last Day (its reckoning and punishment). So the existence of these aspects of harmony and bridge of communication often ensures a peaceful married life. She is encouraged to convert to Islam because she believes in the Prophets and Messengers as a whole. The wisdom behind the legitimacy of the Muslim male’s marriage with Jewish and Christian women, but not vice-versa, is that a Muslim man believes in all the Prophets and religions in its first proper origins. Thus, there is no danger of him interfering with his wife’s doctrine or faith. On the other hand since a non-Muslim does not believe in Islam, there would be a real risk that he would force his wife to follow his religion as woman by nature is vulnerable and impressionable, and her husband will rule over her. Thus, such a marriage would hurt her faith and doctrine. Concerning the marriage to Magian women: the majority

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of Muslim jurists say31: Magians are not from the People of the Book and the evidence for that is the previous verse {Let you (pagan Arabs) should say: ‘’The Book was sent down only to two sects before us}32 Based on the verse, the People of the Book are two sects and if the Magians are included, there will be three sects. Besides, the Magians do not believe in any of Allah’s Books sent down to His Prophets. The belief in their Zoroastrian Book that is false and forged, hence they are not considered People of the Book. Further evidence for this: Umar mentioned the Magians concerning the imposition of Jizya saying: “I don’t know how to deal with them”, then ‘Abd Ar-Rahman bin ‘Auf said, “I testify that I heard the Prophet (pbuh) saying: {Do with them as you do with the ahl al-kitab}33

Quran Judgments (Ahkaam al-Quran) for Al-Jassas 2/327 Bada’i al-Sana’i: 2/271 – Al-Mugni: 6/591. 32 Al-An’am/156 33 Nail Al-Awtar: 8/56, Sufyan narrated on account of Al-hassan Ibn Mohammed, saying “the Prophet - pbuh - sent a message to the Magians of Hajar inviting them for Islam, saying if you enter Islam, you will have the same rights and comply with the same obligations and the one who rejects this, he must pay Al-Jizyah, excluding eating from their slaughtered meat or marrying their women. 31

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As for Samaritans and Sabians: Samaritanism: a Jewish sect and Sabianism is a Christian sect. Abu-Hanifa and al-Hanabilah said: They are from the People of the Book, and it is lawful for a Muslim to marry their women, because Sabians believe in a Book, and read Zabur. Sabians do not worship planets or stars but they glorify them similar to Muslims who glorify Al-Ka’bah by coming to it. Though some of their beliefs go against the People of the Book but this does not prevent marriage ties as is the case between Jews and Christians. In fact Abu Yusuf and Mohammed [Abu Hanifa’s two top students] said: it is not permitted to marry them, because the Sabians are a group of people who worship planets and stars. As worshippers of planets are considered pagans it is not lawful for Muslims to marry them. It is said that there is in fact no disagreement in this respect but the disagreement manifests itself in the uncertainty and suspicion over its doctrine. Hence those who regard the Sabians as pagans who worship planets do not marry them, while those who regard them as believers in a Book consider marriage with them lawful. And that is the truth which is in line with shafi’i jurists who said: If the basic beliefs of the religions of the Jewish Samaritans and Christian Sabians contradict Islam, it is forbidden to marry them; otherwise there is no obstacle. If the Jewish Samaritans and Christian Sabians adopt Islamic principles, it is permissible to marry them. This was established by Al-Kadduori in AlKitab which is considered by Abu Hanifa as an authoritative source. It says, it is permissible for a Muslim to marry Sabian

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women provided they believe in a Prophet and a Book, but if they worship planets and do not believe in a Book, it is not permitted for Muslims to marry them.34 The ruling on marrying the son or daughter of a paganKitabi couple: since one of the non-Muslim woman’s parent is a kitabi (a Jewish or a Christian) while the other is a pagan, it is not lawful to marry her, since she is not a pure Kitabia and is born of parents, one of whom is declared to be unlawful to marry from, so it is not permitted to marry her, based on the rule, if there is a dispute between Al-halal (lawfulness) and Al-Haram (unlawfulness), al-Haram (the unlawfulness) shall prevail.35 Second: Meat slaughtered by non-Muslims As for the People of the Book, there is a consensus that meat slaughtered by them is lawful.36 Allah, the Exalted, says: {The food of the people of Scripture (Jews and Christians) means their slaughtered cattle and eatable animals is lawful to you and yours is lawful to them}37 The permissible thing is that what they believe lawful in their Shari’a as the Pork even if it has not been known whether they mentioned the Name

34 35

2/44.

See: Al-Libab 3/7. Mughni Al-Mohtaj 3/18; Al-Mughni: 6/592; Al-Muhaddab:

Clarifying facts (Tabiin al-haqa’eq): 5/28; Bedayet AlMugtahed: 1/436; Al-Sharh al-Kabir: 2/99; Al-Montaqa Ala Mowatt’a 2/112; Mughni Al-Mohtaj 4/266 and hereinafter ; Al-Mughni 8/567 and hereinafter. 37 Soorah - Al-Maa’idah/5. 36

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of Allah or not, or if they slaughter for their churches and Eids even if they thought it forbidden as camels. Ibn Abbas said: “Jews and Christians’ slaughtered meats were lawful because they believed in Torah and the Gospel.”38 But Imam Malik said: their slaughtered meats that are unlawful for them are disapproved for us as camels and pure skins full of fat which are mentioned in the verse: Allah, the Exalted, says: {And those who are Jews, We forbade every (animal)39 with undivided hoof, and we forbade them the fat of the ox and the sheep except what adheres to their backs or their entrails or is mixed up with a bone}40 And they are permitted by the Muslim Scholars because the matters that are not mentioned in our Shari’a remain permissible. They are disapproved in the Maliki and Shafi’ school of thought as well as a narration reported by Ahmed who said the animals that have been slaughtered for churches and Eids are not permissible because this includes a glorification of their polytheistic belief as meat is intentionally slaughtered by the butcher as a sacrifice for other than Allah and on which Allah’s Name has not been mentioned while slaughtering. And this is a better argument. If it is known that the butcher mentioned a name other than Allah’s name, such as the name of Christ by a Christian

Narrated and declared authentic by Al-Hakim. Qatadah said in his commentary on “with undivided hoof”: camels, ostrich, duck and every animal with undivided hoof. 40 Al-An’am/146 38 39

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butcher or the name of Uzair by a Jewish butcher, the majority of Muslim scholars agree that it is forbidden. Allah, the Exalted, says: {And that on which Allah’s Name has not been mentioned while slaughtering}41 and {Eat not (O believers) of that (meat) on which Allah’s Name has not been pronounced (at the time of the slaughtering of the animal)}42 because that is greater reason for the ruling of the permissibility of their slaughter because the validity of their slaughter means that they slaughter the animals in line with its terms and provisions as Muslims do. Maliki scholars say this is properly disapproved based on the general meaning of the verse {The food (slaughtered cattle, eatable animals) of the people of Scripture (Jews and Christians) is lawful to you}43 because Allah knew that they would say about their slaughters something like that. While mentioning of Allah’s Name is not done for the sake of worshiping, there is no effect whether they mention the Name of Allah or not. The permissibility of eating from Kitabi’s slaughtered meat and marrying a non-Muslim Kitabia is relied on the following term according to Shaafa’is44: If this non-Muslim Kitabi is an Israelite: The more correct ruling is that it is lawful if he knew of his people’s convert (His first Fathers to be entered) to such

Al-Maa’idah/3 Soorah - Al-An’am/121. 43 Soorah - Al-Maa’idah/5. 44 Mughni Almohtaj: 3/187 and hereinafter. 41 42

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religion (i.e. Moses and Jesus’ religion, peace be upon them) before becoming forged and distorted due to their adherence to such religion when it was the true one. If Sabians are in line with the People of the Book concerning the main principles of their beliefs, their slaughters are permitted to be eaten. On the contrary, if they have not agreed and their religion is fluctuated within Magianism and Christianity or they believe in the influence of stars, their slaughters are forbidden to be eaten.45 Third: Scholars’ attitudes towards violence against NonMuslims It is one of the greatest plagues faced by the Muslim ummah today - the issue of violence, fanaticism and extremism which grips the minds of laymen and ignorant people of the ummah and championed by zealots on the wrong path. The inevitable consequence is constant feud between these zealots who divide themselves into factions. Their only goal is to compel, by whatever means, their rivals to accept their point of view. Some of them pass judgment and commit crimes, by blowing up other Muslims they regard as non-believers and thus create much distress all around. The excessive violence and extremism found among them, by Allah: It is blind discord which calls for thinking and deliberation of its roots in the life of contemporary Muslims. This is the most important factor in See: The Jurisprudential Laws: p.180; Bedayet Al-Mugtahed: 1/438; please see the subject of the Non-Muslim Agency: the NonMuslim in the Islamic Society, Dr. Youssef AL-Karadawi pp.5-70, Samahet El-Essm, Dr. Umar Ibn Abdel-Aziz, p.75. 45

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removing the disorder that burdens the ummah, weakens it and disperses its word. It must be known that the issue of violence and bloody conflicts in the life of human societies is not something new; nothing is expected to occur in the life of societies, civilizations and their pushing. However, the major changes and turning points often associated in minds with bloody events and conflicts, they are rooted beyond the limits of recorded history! The polytheists were exaggerating and extremists in their idolatrous evil beliefs. They falsified the truth when they know it, and contradicted the facts when they believed in illusions and misgivings. Thus we find people of whims approach a Jahili (before Islam) root: Either by denial or opposition, and if he survived these two abominable acts, he tends to injustice and ignorance: Injustice is in order to reach great haughtiness and unawareness of the truth of this religion. The gatherings of evil are injustice and ignorance and the gatherings of good deeds are knowledge and justice. When beholding the fanatics and extremists, in all times, you will find a common ground between them, they have specific characteristics, and you know them by a clear standard description. The unquestionable fact is that everything in the world has a destiny estimated by knowledge and wisdom of Allah: (And everything with Him is by due measure) {Surat Ar-Ra’d “The Thunder”} which means no excess or negligence in the creation of Allah, therefore, no excessiveness by advancement or retardation in Allah religion by dependence, as narrated that one of the Arab Nomads said to Hasan Al-Basri (may mercy and blessings of Allah be upon him): “O Aba Saeed,

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teach me a moderate religion, not excessive by advancement or retarded by dependence which means, moderate religion, not excessive by advancement or retarded by dependence.” Hasan replied: Well done O Arab Nomad, the best of dealings are the ones done in moderation.46 Imam Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyyah (may mercy of Allah be upon him) said: “There is no command ordered by Allah unless devil has two approaches regarding it: Either extremism or negligence and excessiveness or exaggeration, however, the religion of Allah is medial between keeping away from it and exaggerating it, like a valley between two mountains, guidance between two misleading acts and median between two obnoxious parties. While keeping away is an act of losing it, exaggerating is also an act of losing it too; first of them is because of his negligence and the other is because of excessiveness.47 It is suitable in this regard to mention the meaning of excessiveness, violence and their ruling. Scholars worked hard to put a definition to exaggeration in brief phrases, here are some definitions. Sheikh-ul-Islam ibn Taymiyyah (May mercy of Allah be upon him) said: “Exaggeration: Overstepping the limit, to

See: Taj Al-Arous min jawaher Al-Qamus, Dar El Fikr, Beirut, 1994 / 1414, Item: (Farata). Lisân al-Arab – Dar Sader. 47 madarej-salekeen, V. 2 / 517, Book of ala’zlah, by Abu Suleiman Khattabi Al Basti, part 1 / 97, edition 2, Al Matbaa Al Salafya in Cairo, (whatever command God gives, Satan trys to have it influence over it by making people exaggerate it or underestimate it and each of which is a success to him). 46

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increase praising or belittling what it is worth and so on.”48 Sheikh-ul-Islam ibn Taymiyyah (May mercy of Allah be upon him) said: “exaggerating something and insisting in it by overstepping its limit.”49 On the authority of Ibn Masud (May Allah bless him) who said: The Messenger of Allah (pbuh) said “They are losers; those who make religion strenuous.” He (the Holy Prophet) repeated this thrice.50 Imam Al-Nawawi said: ‘They are losers; those who make religion strenuous’ means those who are exhausting, exaggerating, overstepping the limits in their sayings or deeds.51 It is notable in this Hadith and the one before that they specified destruction as the consequences of extremism and violence. This includes destruction of religion and the world life, which is the greatest loss, and it is enough penalty.52 As for violence: it is harshness and solidity against leniency.53

Iqtida’ al-Sirat al-Mustaqim, V.1, p.328, 329. Fath al-Bari, V.13, P. 278 50 Narrated by Muslim, in his book, Sahih Muslim: The Book of Knowledge, chapter of “They Are Losers, Those Who Make Religion Strenuous”, V.4, p. 5055, Hadith No. 2670. 51 Sahih Muslim Sharh Nawawi, Book: Knowledge, Chapter: Prohibition of Following the Allegorical Verses In the Qur’an, Part 16, P. 22. 52 Islamic Awakening between Rejection and Extremism: Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradawi, p.26 53 Al-Nihayah li-Ibn al-Athir: Violence item. 48 49

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The approach of Islam based upon tolerance and leniency, not upon violence, harshness and rudeness. On the authority of Aisha (May Allah bless her) who said: “A group of Jews came to Allah’s Messenger and sought his audience and said: As-Sam-u-’Alaikum. A’isha said in response: As-Sam-u-’Alaikum (death be upon you) and curse, also, where upon Allah’s Messenger said: ‘A’isha, verily Allah likes kindness in every matter. She said: Did you bear what they said? There upon he said: Did you not hear that but I said (to them): Wa ‘Alaikum”54 It is known that the meaning of terrorism related to exaggeration and violence. The Islamic ruling of violence and terrorism is very clear, it is not permissible intellectually or legally to terrify and frighten civilians, cut off roads and frighten the wayfarer or threaten to do, whether Muslims or non-Muslims, secured or a contracted (dhimmi) by a covenant or security of the governor.55 Fourth: Scholars’ attitudes towards Diplomatic immunity Diplomacy is “arts and methods of cooperation and transaction between countries to regulate their different relationships i.e. political, commercial, cultural, military,

Narrated by Al Bukhari in Fath al-bari, Part 12, P. 280, Hadith No.: 6927 55 See The Holy Mecca issued by Islamic Fiqh Academy of Muslim World League in the Holy Mecca in its seventeenth session, which held in the Holy Mecca on 19-23/10/1424 AH corresponding to 1317/12/2003 AD, as mentioned in Muslim World League newspaper. 54

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scientific, to settle any crisis or weakness in these relationships, whether these countries are friends or not.”56 Since its beginning, Islam knew sort of these relationships with the tribes and communities that Islam was surrounded by.57 The diplomatic relationships in Islamic states have developed and improved in a brighter face thanks to the rules and disciplines adopted by the Prophet (pbuh) as well as the various aspects of protection and care provided for delegates and diplomats. The diplomatic relations between Islamic state and other states accompanied by significant civilization relations, which contributed to the progress of mankind in all aspects, including providing protection for delegates and diplomats. Arab people have recognized the sanctity of delegates and diplomats who are envoys of other states.58 When Islam came with its fair system and legislations, based on respect, equality and human dignity. The systems of Islamic state assured the security and peace of delegates, ambassadors and diplomats during their stay in the country until they return to their homeland safely. The Islamic state, since its establishment, has been known for paying its full attention to give delegates and ambassadors what is known in the new

See: Diplomacy In Islam, P. 17, studies: Ali Yossof Nor, AL Sharq, edition 10476, October 1991 AD. 57 See: Diplomatic Relationship Law: Abdul Aziz Mohammed Sarhan, P. 18, printing office of Ain Shams University, Cairo, 1974. 58 See: International Systems in Law and Share’a: Abdul Hamid Al Haj, P. 112, Islamic Studies Institute, Cairo, 1975 AD. 56

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contemporary terminology of the General International Law “personal immunity”.59 It is known in Islamic jurisprudence that the proof of safety provided for the delegate from his people or state to Islamic state is in force as soon as he entered the Islamic territories if he proved that he is a messenger from his people, then there is no need to establish the evidence, so, the scholars settled for the mark of holding a letter from the governor of his state. If he shows the letter, it is evident of his honest, and building on the evident shall be a must in this case, which we could not stand for its reality. In this case, no harm may be imposed upon him until his return to his state. The commands of fighting and reconciliation take effects through messengers. Therefore, safety shall be achieved to fulfill the purpose of sending them. It is mentioned in the book of “Al-Siyar Al-Kabir” of Mohammed Hassan Al Al-Shaybaani “if the governor finds a messenger, he shall ask about his name. if the messenger says I am the messenger of the king who sent me to the king of Arab people and this is his letter, and those livestock, luggage and servants are a present from him, he must be believed with no one can stop or harm him, or take his luggage, weapons, servants and money. As well as if Muslims captured a ship in sea, and one of the captures said: we are the messengers of the king, so no one may approach them.”60 The apparent meaning of the See: Security Authorities and Diplomatic Immunities: Fadi AlMaleh, p.685, Monchaat Al Maaref, Alexandria, 1981 AD. 60 See: Sharhu Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, Al-Sarakhsi, v. 2, PP. 471, 473, Institute of Manuscripts edition, the League of Arab States. 59

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jurisprudence text that messengers whether come from land or sea, they shall be safe and secured and no one may harm them. Fourth: Scholars’ attitudes towards the prohibition of killing delegates and diplomats The scholars (may mercy of Allah be upon them) tackled the concept of care and protection of messengers, so the clear cut proofs of prohibiting killing messengers, delegates and diplomats and protecting them from any harm has been proved even if they have different views in the negotiations, and if the envoy, delegates and diplomats who are coming to the land of Islamic state speak in words not consistent with the respect of Muslim beliefs, which may subject them to the penalty of killing, or the failure politic envoys in their mission, they still have the right of protection and immunity till they return to their homeland safely. Our Prophet (pbuh) is the best example in good treatment, protection and great care, when the messengers of Musaylimah al-Kadhab (Musaylimah the Liar) Ibn Al Nawaha and Ibn Athal came to the Prophet (pbuh), the Prophet asked them: “Do you attest that I am the messenger of Allah?” They replied: “We attest that Musaylimah is the messenger of Allah.” The Prophet (pbuh) replied: “I believe in Allah and his messenger. If I were a messenger’s killer, I would kill you.”61 This became the norm - not to kill messengers62 and the Muslim rulers followed the guidance of the Prophet (pbuh) for centuries to come. 61 62

Nail Al-Awtar: Shawkani, V. 8, p.29. See: Islam and International relationships, P.122

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Narrated by Abu Rafi’: The Quraysh sent me to the Apostle of Allah (pbuh), and when I saw the Apostle of Allah (pbuh), Islam was cast into my heart, so I said: Apostle of Allah, I swear by Allah, I shall never return to them. The Apostle of Allah (pbuh) replied: I do not break a covenant or imprison messengers, but return, and if you feel the same as you do just now, come back.63 Imam Shawkani said: This Hadith constitutes evidence that one must fulfill his obligations even for disbelievers. Any message should have a reply through the messenger, which is a covenant in itself. It was also to avoid any claim that the Prophet (pbuh) detained the messenger or that the messenger of Quriash converted to Islam to save his life.64 The humane approach of Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) in preserving the lives of messengers and diplomats was followed by the Muslim caliphs, sultans, kings, emirs and great rulers. Said bin Jubai said: “A man from the disbelievers came to Ali bin Abu Talib (May Allah show him His Mercy) and said: Oh Caliph of Muslim, if one of us attends to you to carry out a task, will he be killed?” Ali said: “No! Allah, the Almighty, said in the Qura’n: And if any one of the polytheists seeks your protection, then grant him protection so that he may hear the words of Allah. Then deliver him to his place of safety.”65

63

Narrated by Abi Dawud in his book, Sunan Abi Dawud, V. 3,

64

See: Nail Al Awatr, Ash Shawkani, V 8, p 30. Al Jame’ li Ahkam Al Qura’n, Qurtubi, V 8, p 139.

P.83. 65

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Ali bin Abu Talib deduced from this Quranic verse that it is not allowed to kill a non-believer who comes to a Muslim country requesting a favor. One of the tasks that push disbelievers to come to a Muslim country is to convey a message. The Hanafi, Shafi’i, Zaidi and Hanbali schools maintain that messengers should not be killed.66 Islam respects the legal status of other states’ messengers. All messengers of non-Muslim states are shown respect and given protection even if they break the international protocols of addressing the head of state. However, the messengers of Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) to non-Muslim countries used to be treated in a very bad way. For example, King of Persia cut and footed on the message of Prophet Mohamed (pbuh). Even the Prophet’s messenger hardly escaped death. Also, the Prophet’s messengers to the Emir of Ghasasinah were treated very badly. Likewise, the Romanian ruler of Baswara killed the Prophet’s messenger.67 On the contrary, Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) treated the messenger of Al Muqawqis, the King of Copts, as well as the messenger of Hercules with all deference. This decent treatment by Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) was a cause that some messengers converted to Islam, where the good treatment was an indication of tolerance, peace and

66

Al Sarkhasi, V 10, p 92; Al Mughni, V 8, p 400; Ikhtilaf Al Fuqahaa,

67

See: Zad Al Maad, V 1, p 30; Law of Diplomatic Relations, p

p 33. 19.

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protection shown by Islam, the religion of justice, mercy and respect of covenants and honor of humanity.68 Imam As-Sarkhasi said: “The messengers and envoys used to be safe in both the pre-Islamic era and after Islam. The reason is that the messages of wars and peacemaking were sent through messengers. So safety of the messengers was the only way to deliver the message.”69 Securing the messengers is firmly established in the Islamic Shairah. Sixth: Other Aspects of good treatment of non-Muslims in Islam The non-Muslims in the Islamic state are not neglected; they participate and interact with Muslim society. A nonMuslim may even be assigned a job related to Islam. Al-Kharqi says it is lawful for an unbeliever to be a Zakah collector, and said in Al-Mughni that there are two narrations from Ahmad concerning that, as Allah, the Exalted, says: {And those employed to collect (the funds)}70 and this is a general term which includes any employer in any capacity whatsoever, because what is taken as wages for his work, validly taken like other rents.71

See: Rulings of International Law in Islamic Shariah, p 200. See: Al Mabsout, As-Sarkhasi, V 10, p 92-93, Dar Al Ma’rifah, Beirut, edition 2. 70 Soorah – At-Tawbah/60. 71 See: Al-Mughni, Ibn Qudaamah, V. 3, p.107. 68 69

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However, Imam Al-Mawardi said that a dhimmi is permissible to assume an executive, not mandate ministry.72 Islam called non-Muslims as ahl al-dhimmah (dhimmis) and dealt with them on this basis because they have agreed to a contract by Allah. This term means the pledge, security, guarantee, right and contract73 which are basically attributed to Allah, the Most High and to the Messenger – pbuh. Ibn AlAthir said: They are called ahl al-dhimmah (dhimmis) because they have agreed to live under the guarantee and sponsorship of Muslims.74 The strength of this religion, the integrity of its rules and adversity of its approaches has created a fertile ground for dialogues, freedom and creativity in Muslim society.75 There are people who rely on certain verses of the Quran and Sunnah and insist that these be applied in the treatment of non-Muslims. They are mistaken in their understanding of the methodology and nature of Islam as it is obligatory to take the texts of the Qur’an and Sunnah as a whole; only then can one determine the treatment of others by Muslims. We cannot

See: Al-Ahkam al-Sultania (The Ordinances of Government), Dar El Kitab Al-Arabi, Beirut, edition 1, 1410AH, please see details of the scholars’ sayings in the issue of a dhimmi’s undertaking to the executive ministry in the book of Dhimmis and Public States in Islamic Jurisprudence, Nimr Al-Nimr, the Islamic Library, Amman, edition 1, 1409 AH, pp.197-214. 73 See: An-Nehayah fi gharib Al-hadith, Ibn Al-Athir, V. 2, p.168. 74 Ibid, V. 2, p.168. 75 See: The People of the Book in the Islamic Society, Hassan AlZain, Beirut, edition 1, 1402 AH, p.53. 72

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limit ourselves to Quranic verses that command Muslim to deal justly and kindly with others, as well as adhering to AlIhsan, justice, equity and fulfillment of the covenants. In this respect, the textual passages are absolute and applicable to everyone, while the textual passages of Ihsan deal with Ihsan (excellence) towards animals. It is narrated from the Prophet (peace be upon him) saying: “Allah has prescribed Al-Ihsan (excellence) in all things. So if you kill, then kill properly, and if you slaughter, then slaughter properly. Let one of you sharpen his blade and spare suffering to the animal he slaughters.”76 Allah, the Exalted, says {And do good Truly Allah loves AlMuhsinin (those who do good)}77 and {And speak good things to people}78 The Second Topic: The Contemporary Scholars’ Stance Concerning the Imposition of Jizya (a tax that early Islamic rulers demanded from their non-Muslim subjects) on nonMuslim Citizens under Modern Islamic States The First Issue: The Jizya Definition

Narrated by Muslim, Book of hunting and slaughters and what is eaten from the animal, Chapter of a Good Attitude even in slaughter and killing and sharpening of large knife, Hadith No.1955. 77 Soorah – Al-Baqarah/195. 78 Soorah – Al-Baqarah/83. 76

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First: From a linguistic perspective Persian-Arabized term comes from Persian words “Kazayt” or “Kazaid”.79 Jizya has two meanings in Arabic: The land’s revenue and what is taken from a dhimmi and its plural: Jizyas.80 Second: Scholars’ viewpoints on Jizya Defined by Imam Nawawi as: “Derived from “Jazaa” as a compensation for accommodating him (a dhimmi) in our state, and protecting his life, wealth and children,81 Jizya substitutes for the killing which is considered as a punishment for the blasphemy, and it is called “Jizya” despite bearing the

See: Persian - Arabic Dictionary, Abdel Moneim Mohammed, Dar Al-Kotob, Beirut, edition 1, 1402 AH, 1982 AD, p. 570, alma’jm alfarsi alkbir, Ibrahim Dessouki, Madbouly Library, Cairo, 1992 AD, V.3 / p. 2433, (Persian – Arabic Dictionary), Alob, Abdul Wahab, AlWaa’d, Library of Lebanon, the Egyptian International Publishing Company, Cairo, edition 1, 1996 AD, p. 343. 80 Al-Moheit Dictionary: Muassasat al-Risalah, Beirut, edition 6, 1419 AH, 1998, p.1270; Al-Mosbah Al-Moneir fi gharib al-sharhu alKabir for Al-Rafe’i, Dar Al-Qalam, Beirut, 138/1, item: Jizyas. 81 See: Tahzeeb al-Asmaa wa Allughat: Al-Nawawi, Scientific Book House, Beirut, V.3/p.51. 79

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same meaning of “Jazaa” because it is a compensation for the killing punishment.”82 The following are the views of contemporary scholars on this issue. First: Dr. Mustafa Al-Seba’ei Dr. Mustafa Al-Seba’ei views that non-Muslims living in the Islamic states are not obliged to pay Jizya. Dr. Mustafa bases his opinion on the fact that Jizya is imposed only on people in times of war. He says, “In the pre-Islamic era, Jizya was imposed on everyone whether there was war or not, irrespective of ethnicity, country or religion. But in Islam, Jizya is only imposed on the enemies of the ummah who are at war. So it should not be imposed on non-Muslim citizens who are not at war with the Islamic state. This ruling is clearly stated in verse relating to Jizya: {Fight those who believe not in Allah nor the last Day, nor hold that forbidden which hath been forbidden by Allah and His Messenger, nor acknowledge the Religion of Truth, from among the People of the Book, until they pay the Jizya with willing submission, and feel themselves subdue}83, so Radd al-Muhtar ala Ad-Durr al-Mukhtar (Ibn Abdin footnote), Dar Alam Al Kotob, Riyadh, a special edition, 1423 AH/2003, V. 6/ pp.316-317; for more contemporary definitions for Jizya, please see: Glossary of the Economic and Islamic Terms, Ali Ben Mohamed AlGomaa, Obeikan Library, Riyadh, edition 1, 1421 AH, 2000, p.204 and hereinafter. The Economic-Islamic Glossary, Al-Sharbassi, Dar El-Geel, with no edition number, 1401AH, 1981, p.90 and hereinafter. Mu’jam lughat al-Fiqahaa (Scholar’s Language Dictionary), Dar AlNafaes, Beirut, edition 1, 1405 AH, 1985, p.164. 83 Soorah - At-Tawbah/29. 82

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it makes Jizya as a purpose for fighting the People of the Book when we achieve victory over them. We are not permitted to fight all the People of the Book but permitted to fight those who fight us and pose a danger to the state. This is clearly stated in the following verse: {And fight in the Way of Allah those who fight you but transgress not the limits. Truly, Allah likes not the transgressors}84, so we have only been ordered to fight those who fight against us; Allah does not love Muslims who are aggressive towards those who do not oppose us. It is supported by the verse: {Allah forbids you not, with regard to those who fight you not for (your) Faith nor drive you out of your homes, from dealing kindly and justly with them: for Allah loves those who are just}85. There is no doubt that non-Muslims who live in the Islamic state together with the People of the Book, and share the sincerity and loyalty for the same state, they are not ordered to pay Jizya which is considered as a consequence of achieving victory in the fight.”86 Second: Dr. Abdel-Karim Zidan’s view Dr. Abdel-Karim Zidan holds that Jizya is not permissible to be taken from dhimmis living in Islamic states.87

Soorah - Al-Baqarah/19 Soorah - Al-Mumtahanah/8 86 The Islamic System in Peace and War, Al-Seba’ei, Dar Al Waraq, Riyadh, edition 2, 1998, 1419 AH, pp 57-59. 87 Ahkam al-Dhimmiyyan wa al-Mustamanin fi dar al-Islam, Dr. Abdel-karim Zidan, Al-Quds Library, Baghdad, Muassasat al-Risalah, Beirut, with no edition number, 1982 AD, 1420 AH, p.157. 84 85

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Dr. Abdel-Karim relies upon the reason behind the imposition of Jizya on dhimmis. Jizya, in Abdel-Karim’s view, is a compensation for or in lieu of defence and protection. But in the modern age dhimmis join Muslims in defending the Islamic state. Depending on their contributions in such defense, they exempt from the payment of Jizya which is not permitted to be taken or basically forbidden to be taken from them in this case. The standards of participation in defending the Islamic state are not relied upon the requirement of actual defense, but it is enough to prepare and get ready for such defense, and to fight the enemy.88 This ruling that Jizya is not imposed on dhimmis who defend the Islamic state is supported by some historical events which explicitly show that dhimmis who participated in defending the Islamic state were exempted from paying Jizya. First: The letter of Utbah Ibn-Farqad89 to the people of Azerbaijan which reads: “In the Name of Allah, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful, ‘This is what Utbah Ibn Farqad the agent of Umar Ibn Al-Khattaab has given the people of

Ibid, p.157. Utbah Ibn Farqad Ibn Yarbou’a Al-Salami from Bani Mazen, Abu Abdullah, one of the companions who witnessed the Battle of Khaybar and appointed by Umar Ibn Al-Khattab in Fotouh (Islamic conquests). See his biography in El-Issabah fi Tamyiiz Al-Sahabah, cared by Hassan Abdel-Mannan, International Ideas Home, Riyadh, 2004 AD, with no edition number, p.833, Biography No.:6028; Assad El-Ghabah fi Ma’refat Al-Sahabah, Tahqiq: Khalil Shiha, Dar Al Marefa, Beirut and Almoayyad House, Riyadh, edition 1, 1418 AH, 1997 AD, V. 3/p.202, Biography No.:3557. 88 89

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Azerbaijan - its plains, mountains, borders, routes and the people of its religions, that their souls, possessions, religions and laws will be protected in return for the tax of Tribute (Jizya), each according to his ability. But who ever among them is recruited to the army for a year, he will be exempted for that year.”90 Second: Reported by At-Tabari, when the King of “Bāb al Abwab”91, whose name was Shahr Baraz asked Suraaqah Ibn Amr92, the governor of these areas for exempting him and his people from paying Jizya in return for fighting against the enemies of the Muslims. Suraaqah agreed to the request saying “I agree to your proposal as long as you comply with your obligations and Jizya will be imposed only on those who do not participate in the fighting.” He agreed upon this idea

The History of Nations and Kings, Tabari, cared by: Abu Soheib Al-Kormi, International Ideas House, Amman, Riyadh, p.690, the year events (22), Azerbaijan’s Conquest. 91 As stated by Al-Hamawi in Kitāb mu’jam al-buldān (“Dictionary of Countries”), (Al-Bab) and called “Bāb al Abwab” is a city near of Azerbaijan. It is in the Republic of Dagestan, north of the Azerbaijani border, located on the Caspian Sea and also called as “Darband”.. See: Kitāb mu’jam al-buldān (“Dictionary of Countries”), Dar Ihyae Al Turath Al Araby, Beirut, 1399 AH, 1979 AD, V. 1/p.303; Encyclopedia of Islamic and Arab Cities, Dar El Fikr El Araby, Beirut, edition 1, 1993 AD, pp.423-424. 92 Suraaqah Ibn Amr, a companion, was a prince of conquests, who made the reconciliation between the people of Armenian, and died there. See his biography in: Al-Asabah, pp. 476-477, biography No. 3253, Asad Al-Ghabah, V. 2 / p 280, biography No. 1953. 90

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becoming a norm concerning those who fight against the enemy as well as those who do not have Jizya while having the ability to fight. As a consequence, they are exempted from paying Jizya. When Suraaqah wrote to Umar relating to him the details of his letter, Umar praised him and rewarded him for what he had done.93 Third: The letter of Soweed Ibn Moqrin94, one of Umar’s army leaders in Persia, to the king of Jarjan95 - it reads as follows: “This is Soweed Ibn Muqrin’s letter to Zarban Soul the son of Zarban and the people of Dahistan and the rest of people of Jarjan, that for you is security, and upon us is your protection in return for your payment of Tribute ..... And that whosoever’s assistance we require will be exempted from the tax in exchange for his efforts.”96 Fourth: When Jarajams97 did not fulfill their covenant, Abu Ubaidah Ibn Al-Jarrah came to Antakya and conquered it and

Tarikh al-Umam (the History of Nations), At-Tabari, p.690, the year events (22), Al-Bab Conquest. 94 Soweed Ibn Moqrin Ibn A’aez Al-Qarni, Al-No’aman Ibn Moqrin’s brother, also known as: Abi A’aez. It was reported that he lived in Kufa, See his biography in: El-Issabah, p.562, Biography No.:3927; Assad El-Ghabah, V. 2/p.406, Biography No.:2361. 95 Gorgan: an Iranian city located between Sharoud and Bandar Shah, formerly known as Tarabad. It lies approximately 300 km to the north east of Tehran. See: Encyclopedia of Arab Cities, p.262 and hereinafter. 96 Tarikh al-Umam (the History of Nations), p.689, the year events (22), Jarjan’s conquest. 97 Jarajams: the people of Al-Jorjomah city. 93

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appointed Habib Ibn Maslamah Al-Fihri as a governor.98 Habib conquered Al-Jorjomah city99 whose people refused to fight Muslims, and made alliance with Muslims on the mountain of Likam in return for exempting them and others living in their city from paying Jizya.100 Dr. Zidan’s view in relation to the previous incidents. Dr. Zidan gives his views on the previous historical events, the most prominent of which are the following. In the course of the above-mentioned historical events which occurred during the era of the honorable companions, I think they substantiate the stand that non-Muslim who fights for and defends the Islamic state are exempted from the payment of Jizya. Consequently, this became familiar with and applicable to those who helped Muslims in fighting the infidels. It has not been reported other than the above-mentioned and Umar Ibn Al-Khattab (Allah is pleased with him) rewarded

Habib Ibn Maslama Ibn Malik Al-Fihri, Abu Abdul-Rahman, a Companion, also known as: Habib Ar-Rum, Romans’ beloved man due to the large number of Jihad’s activities he carried out in their lands. See his biography in El-Issabah, p.251, Biography No.1735; Assad El-Ghabah, V. 1/p.424, Biography No.1065. 99 Al-Jorjomah: a town near to Antakya, whose people are known as Jarajams. Antakya is a Syrian town. See: Mu’jam al-buldân (“Dictionary of Countries”), v 2/p.123; Encyclopedia of Arab Cities, p.308 and hereinafter. 100 Fotouh Al-Boldan (Countries’ Conquests), Blazri, commented and explained by: Abdullah Al-Tabba’a and Umar Al-Tabba’a, Dar Al-nashr lil-jame’en, 1957 AD, 1377 AH, p.217. 98

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Suraaqah for what he had done, which proves that such norm was agreed upon in the era of the honorable companions.101 His opinion is followed by Pro. Youssef Al-Qaradawi who says: “However, Islam requires non-Muslims to contribute in defense expenditures and protection of the homeland through the so-called Islamic term, Jizya. In fact, Jizya is considered as a financial compensation for the military service imposed on Muslims.” He also says that this tax will be cancelled if nonMuslims who are under the dhimmah conditions participate with Muslims in defending the Islamic state against its enemies.102 His opinion is endorsed by Prof. Wahba Al-Zoheily who says: “Dhimmis currently living in Islamic states who perform military service by participating in wars against enemies or getting ready to do so, are exempted from paying Jizya.”103

Ahkam al-Dhimmiyyan, p.157. Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society, Dr. Qaradawi, Muassasat al-Risalah, Beirut, edition 4, 1405 AH, 1985 AD, p.33 and p.35. 103 Athar Al-Harb fi Al-Fiqh Al-Islami: Dirasah Muqaranah, Dr, Wahba Al-Zoheily, Dar El-Fikr, Damascus, edition 3, 1401 AH/1981 AD, p.699. Dr Zoheily attributed this opinion to Al-Hadawyia and Hanifis depending on kitab sobol assalam, written by Imam San’aani. While revising kitab sobol assalam, I found that Imam San’aani addresses the issue of asking help from the infidels and did not address the cancellation of Jizya. See, Al-Zoheily, Athar Al-Harb, p.699; Sobol Assalam Sharh Bolough Al-Moraam Men Addellat El-Ahkaam, Dar El-Fikr, Beirut, V. 4, p.49, Jihad Book, Hadith No.(15) “go back, I will ask help from an infield”. 101 102

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His opinion is also endorsed by Prof. Ali Al-Sawwa who commenting on Dr. Zidan’s viewpoint observes: “This is correct. Dhimmis are obliged to defend the Islamic states under the laws enacted. They are also committed to pay different financial taxes and Allah knows best.”104 This is also supported by Dr. Abdel-Aziz Kamel who says, “The participation in the defence is a replacement for Jizya and protection.”105 His view is endorsed by Dr. Fahmi Huwaidi: “... the Jizya issue is no longer relevant in the modern Islamic society. The main argument in favour of the Islamic ruling has gone out of the window since all citizens participate in defending and protecting the state.”106 He is also supported by Dr. Edward Ghali Al-Dahabi who in his book ‘Treatment of Non-Muslims in Islamic Society’ says, “There is general consensus among Muslim jurists that Jizya should be done away with. Given the current situation where all citizens – both Muslims and non-Muslims – together participate in defending their homeland, Jizya issue is no longer relevant Islam’s position on non-Muslims in the Muslim community, a research within the book: Treatment of the Non-Muslims in Islam, Ali Al-Sawwa, The Royal Academy for Islamic Civilization Research (Aal al-Bayt Institute), Amman, Jordan, 1989 AD, V.1, p. 189. 105 The Human Rights in Islam, Abdel-Aziz Kamel, a research within the book: Treatment of the Non-Muslims in Islam, The Royal Academy for Islamic Civilization Research (Aal al-Bayt Institute), Amman, Jordan, 1989 AD, v.1, pp.94-95. 106 Citizens, Not Dhimmis, Fahmi Huwaidi, Dar El Shorouk, Cairo, Beirut, edition 3, 1420 AH, 1999 AD, p.144. 104

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in modern Islamic society, as the main argument in its favour has gone out of the window.”107 Dr. Talib Abu Soufi also holds this opinion: “If sons of the People of the Book voluntarily participate in defending the Islamic state, they are exempted from paying Jizya.”108 Based on what has clearly been mentioned, Jizya is not imposed for maintaining human rights and the relationship between the Islamic state and others. Conclusion: At the conclusion of this research, I praise Allah the Almighty who guided me to complete it. I wish to reiterate the tolerance exhibited by our great faith, Islam, the eternal religion. This tolerance is manifested in all its aspects: legislation, ethics and dealings in Islam. This research has brought out evidence that Islam has specifically enacted legislation to deal with non-Muslims. This shows the magnificence and universality of this religion, and the principles it enjoins in dealing with nonMuslims. This research has also highlighted the following key points. 1. Simplicity and forgiveness constitute a great part of Islam. All standards related to this are established in the Holy Quran and Sunnah of the Prophet.

Treatment of Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society: Edward Ghali, Gharib Library, Egypt, first edition, 1993 AD. 108 The Islamic -Christian Dialogue is a necessity for alleviating the Conflict, Talib Abu Soufi, an article in AlBayan Newspaper, Friday 19 Shawwal 1419 AH, 5 February 1999 AD, published on website: www. albayan.co.ae/albayan/1999/02/05/mnw/3.htm. 107

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2. Forgiveness in Islam is in conformity with its universality and pragmatism. No religion can hope to have much impact upon this world unless it shows a great deal of forgiveness and simplicity that harmonize with the nature of human beings of different cultures and living habits. 3. Prophet Mohamed (pbuh) was very tolerant and fair when dealing with non-Muslims. All his companions (May Allah show them His Mercy) followed his example and brought peace and justice to a world filled with injustice and tyranny. 4. The research proves that all those who have read the history of Islam without bias would testify that the history of humanity has never witnessed such a great tolerance and justice as shown by the Muslim states when dealing with non-Muslims. 5. Finally, all praise be to Allah, and peace and blessing of Allah be upon His Prophet Mohamed, his family, companions, and all those who follow his example. Sources and References 1. In Pursuit of the Straight Path by Contradicting the People of the Hellfire: Ahmad Ibn Abdel-Halim Ibn Taymiyyah Al-Harrani Abul Abbas, Publishing House: Matba`at AlSunnah Al-Mohammediyyah, Cairo, 1369, edition 2, Tahqiq: Mohammed Hamed Al-Feki. 2. Dhimmis and Public States in Islamic Jurisprudence, Nimr Al-Nimr, the Islamic Library, Amman, edition 1, 1409 AH. 3. The People of the Book in the Islamic Society, Hassan AlZain, Beirut, edition 1, 1402 AH. 4. Athar Al-Harb fi Al-Fiqh Al-Islami: Dirasah Muqaranah, Dr,

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Wahba Al-Zoheily, Dar El-Fikr, Damascus, edition 3, 1401 AH/1981 AD. Al-Ahkam al-Sultania (The Ordinances of Government), Dar El Kitab Al-Arabi, Beirut, edition 1, 1410 AH. Pillars and Guarantees of the Islamic Rule: Mohammed Mofti, Shari’a and Islamic studies magazine, Kuwait, edition 12, 1409 AH. Islam and the International Relations: Mohammed ElSadek Afifi, Dar Al Raed Al Arabi, Beirut, 1406 AH. Islam and Equality between Muslims and Non-Muslims: Abdel Moneim Ahmed Barakah, Shabab El-Jame’ah Institution, 1410 AH. The Principles of the International Relations in Islam: Umar Ahmed El-Ferjani, Tripoli, Dar Al-Jamahiriya for Publishing, Distributing and Advertising, 1393 AH. Bada’i al Sana’i fi Tartib al Shara’I, Alaa El Din Al-Kassani, Publisher: Dar El Kitab Al-Arabi, Beirut, 1982, edition 2. Bedayat Al-Mugtahid wa Nihayat Al-Muqtassid: Mohammed Ibn Ahmed Ibn Mohammed Ibn Rushd Al-Qurtubi Abul-Walid. Publishing House: Dar El-Fikr, Beirut. Taj Al-Arous Min Jawaher Al-Qamus, Dar El Fikr, Beirut, 1994 / 1414. The History of Nations and Kings, Tabari, cared by: Abu Soheib Al-Kormi, International Ideas House, Amman, Riyadh. Tabsirat Alhokkam Fe Usul Alaqdiyah Wa Manahej Alahkam, Burhanuddin Abi Al-wafa’a Ibrahim, the son of Imam Shams al-Din Abu Abdullah Mohammed Ibn Farhoun Al-y’amori, Publishing House: Scientific Book

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22. 23. 24.

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House, Lebanon, Beirut, 1422 AH, 2001 AD, Tahqiq: narrated and commented by Sheikh Gamal Mer’ashli. Tabiin al-haqa’eq Sahrh Kanz Al-Daqa’eq: Fakhruddin Othman Ibn Ali Al-Zayla’ei Al-Hanafi. Publishing House, Dar Al-kotob Al-Islami, Cairo. 1313 AH Definitions “At-Ta’arifat”: Ali Ibn Mohammed Ibn Ali AlJurjani, Publishing House: Dar El Kitab Al-Arabi, Beirut, 1405, edition 1, Tahqiq: Ibrahim El-Ibyary. Fanaticism and Tolerance between Christianity and Islam, Mohammed al-Ghazali, Dar Eltawzi’e, Cairo, edition 1, 1409 AH. Tafsir the Holy Quran: Ibn Kathir, Tiba Library, Medina, edition 1, 1410 AH. Al-Kashshaaf (“the Revealer”) ‘an Haqa’iq at-Tanzil, wa Oioun Al-Akawil fi wojouh At-Ta’wil: Abual-Qasim Mahmoud ibn Umar Al-Zamakhshari Al-Khawarizmi, Tahqiq: Abdul Razzaq Al-Mahdi, Dar Ihyae Al Turath Al Araby, Beirut. The Islamic Division of the World: Mohie El-Din Mohammed Qassem, the Higher Institute for the Islamic Thought, 1417 AH. (Talbis Mardoud fi qadayah Hayyah) Inadmissible Delusion of Real Issues, Saleh Ibn Hemaid, Al-Manarh Library, Mecca, edition 1, 1412 AH. Tahzeeb al-Asmaa and Allughat: Al-Nawawi, Scientific Book House, Beirut. Al-Jaam’e Le Ahkaam Al-Quran: Imam Al-Qurtubi. Hashiyat Al-Adawi Ali Al-Khurashi ala mukhtasar Sidi Khalil, Dar El Fikr For Printing, Beirut.

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25. The Human Rights in Islam, Abdel-Aziz Kamel, a research within the book: Treatment of the Non-Muslims in Islam, The Royal Academy for Islamic Civilization Research (Aal al-Bayt Institute), Amman, Jordan, 1989 AD. 26. The Islamic -Christian Dialogue is a necessity for Alleviating the Conflict, Talib Abu Soufi, an article in AlBayan Newspaper, Friday 19 Shawwal 1419 AH, 5 February 1999 AD, published on website: www.albayan.co.ae/ albayan/1999/02/05/mnw/3.htm. 27. Invitation for Non-Muslims to Islam, Abdullah Lehaidan. Homaidi Printing Press, Riyadh, edition 1, 1420 AH. 28. Diplomacy in Islam, studies: Ali Youssef Nour, Al- Sharq, edition 10476, October 1991 AD. 29. Tafsir Al-kabir aw Mafatih Al-ghayb: Fakhr Al-Din Mohammed Ibn Umar Al-Tamimi Al-Razi Al-Shafei, Publishing House: Scientific Book House, Beirut, 1421 AH, 2000 AD, edition 1. 30. Radd al-Muhtar ala Ad-Durr al-Mukhtar (Ibn Abdin footnote), Dar Alam Al Kotob, Riyadh, a special edition, 1423 AH /2003 AD. 31. Zad Alma’ad fi Hadi khair Ala’bad: Mohammed Ibn Abi Bakr Ayyub Al-Zare’i Abu Abdullah, Publishing House: Muassasat al-Rissalah, Al-Manar Islamic Library, Beirut, Kuwait, 1407 AH, 1986 AD, edition 14, Tahqiq: Shu’ayb Arna’oot - Abdel Kader Arna’oot. 32. Sobol Assalam Sharh Bolough Al-Moraam Men Addellat El-Ahkaam, Dar El-Fikr, Beirut, 33. Security Authorities and Diplomatic Immunities, Fadi AlMaleh, Monchaat Al Maaref, Alexandria, 1981 AD.

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34. The Judiciary and the Judge’s Character in the Islamic System: Mohammed El-Bakr, Dar El Zahraa For Arab Mass Media, 1408 AH. 35. Sunan Abi Dawud: Abu Dawud, Suleiman Ibn Al-Ash’ath, Scientific Book House, Beirut. 36. Sharhu Al-Siyar Al-Kabir, Al-Sarakhsi, Institute of Manuscripts edition, the League of Arab States. 37. Sahih Muslim Sharh Nawawi, Imam Nawawi, Dar Alhadith. 38. Islamic Awakening Between Rejection and Extremism: Dr. Yusuf al-Qaradawi 39. Sahih Al-Bukhari, Imam Al-Bukhari, Dar-us-Salam, Ryiadh, edition 1, 1417 AH. 40. Sahih Muslim: Muslim Ibn al-Hajjaj, Dar Ibn Hazm, Beirut, edition 1, 1418 AH. 41. The International Relations in Islamic Wars: Sheikh Ali Qera’ah, Dar Misr for Print. 42. Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society, Dr. Qaradawi, Muassasat al-Rissalah, Beirut, edition 4, 1405 AH, 1985 AD. 43. Fath al-Bari sharh Sahih al-Bukhari: Ibn Hajar al-Asqalani, Dar Al Marefa, Beirut. 44. Fotouh Al-Boldan (Countries’ Conquests), Blazri, commented and explained by: Abdullah Al-Tabba’a and Umar Al-Tabba’a, Dar Al-nashr lil-jame’en, 1957 AD, 1377 AH. 45. Persian Dictionary (Persian (farsi)- Arabic), Abdel-Moneim Mohammed, Dar El kitab Allubnani, Beirut, edition 1, 1402 AH, 1982 AD. 46. Al-Moheit Dictionary: Muassasat al-Rissalah, Beirut, edition

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47.

48. 49.

50. 51. 52.

53. 54. 55. 56.

57.

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6, 1419 AH, 1998 AD. Diplomatic Relationship Law: Abdul Aziz Mohammed Sarhan, printing office of Ain Shams University, Cairo, 1974. Judiciary in Islam and the Judge’s Ethics: Jabr Mahmoud EL-Fodailat, Amman, Dar Ammar, 1412 AH. The Rules of the International relations in the International Law and Islamic Shari’a: Ga’afar Abd El-Salam, El-Salam International Library, Cairo, 1401 AH. The Jurisprudential Laws: Mohammed Ibn Ahmed Ibn Jizy Al-Kalbi Al-Ghornati, with no publishing house. Book of ala’zlah, Abu Suleiman Khattabi Al Basti, edition 2, Al Matbaa Al Salafya in Cairo. Alkulliyat Mu’jam fi Al-Mustalaht wal Forouk Allughawiyah: Abul Bakaa Ayyub Ibn Moussa El-Husseini Al-Kafawi, Publishing House: Muassasat al-Rissalah, Beirut, 1419 AH, 1998 AD, Tahqiq: Adnan Darwish- Mohammed Al-Masri. Al-Libab fi Al-Gam’a bayn Al-Sunnah wa Al-Kitab, AlHanafi, with no publishing house. Lisan al-Arab – Ibn Manzour, Dar Sader. Al-Mabsut: Al-Sarakhsi, Dar Al Marefa, Beirut, edition 2. The Civil Society in the Prophethood Era. Its Characteristics and First Organizations: Akram Al-Umary, the Scientific Council, the Islamic University. Madarej-salekeen bayn Manazel Iyyak Na’abodu wa Iyyak Nasta’en: Mohammed Ibn Abi Bakr Ayyub Al-Zare’i Abu Abdullah, Publishing House: Dar El Kitab Al-Arabi, Beirut, 1393, 1973, edition 2, Tahqiq: Mohammed Hamed Al-Feki.

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58. Al-Mosbah Al-Moneir fi gharib al-sharhu al-Kabir, Al-Rafe’i, Dar Al-Qalam, Beirut. 59. Treatment of the Non-Muslims in the Islamic Society: Edward Ghali, Gharib Stationery, Egypt, edition 1, 1993 AD. 60. The Economic-Islamic Glossary, Al-Sharbassi, Dar El-Geel, with no edition number, 1401 AH, 1981 AD. 61. Kitāb mu’jam al-buldan (“Dictionary of Countries”), Dar Ihyae Al Turath, Beirut, 1399 AH, 1979 AD. 62. Persian Mu’jam: Al-Kabir Ibrahim El-Desouki, Madbouly Bookshop, Cairo, 1992 AD. 63. Glossary of the Economic and Islamic Terms, Ali Ibn Mohamed Al-Gomaa, Obeikan Library, Riyadh, edition 1, 1421 AH, 2000 AD. 64. Al-Mu’jam Al-Wasiit: Ibrahim Mustafa / Ahmed Zayyat / Hamed Abdel Kader / Mohammed Al-Najjar, Publishing House: Dar Al-Dawa: Tahqiq: Academy of the Arabic Language. 65. Al-Waa’d Persian-Arabic Dictionary, Abdel-Wahhab Alloub, Library of Lebanon, the Egyptian International Publishing Company, Cairo, edition 1, 1996 AD. 66. Mu’jam lughat al-Fiqahaa (Scholar’s Language Dictionary), Dar Al-Nafaes, Beirut, edition 1, 1405 AH, 1985. 67. Al-Mughni: Ibn Qudamah, Dar Hajr, Cairo, Tahqiq: Dr. Abdullah Al-Turki, Dr. Abdul Fattah Al-hellow, edition 2, 1412 H. 68. Mughnī al-muhtāj ilá ma’rifat ma’ānī alfāz al-Minhāj: Mohammed Al-Khatib Sherbini, Publisher: Dar Al Fikr – Beirut.

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69. al-Muntaqa al-Muwatta: Az Zarkani al-Maliki, e-Almasia. 70. Muhadhdhab fī fiqh al-imām al-Shāfi’ī: Ibrahim bin Ali bin Yusuf al-Shirazi Abu Ishaq, Publisher: Dar Al Fikr – Beirut. 71. Muwatinoun La Dhimmiyoun, Fahmi Howeidi, Dar ElShorouk, Cairo, Beirut, edition 3, 1420 H, 1999 G. 72. Encyclopedia of Arab and Islamic cities, Dar AL Fekr AL Arabi, Beirut, edition 1, 1993. 73. Status of non-Muslims in the Islamic state, a research within the book: Dealing with non-Muslims in Islam, Ali Alsoa, Royal Academy for Islamic Civilization Research, Al al-Bayt Foundation, Amman - Jordan, 1989. 74. al-Nuzum al-dawlīyah fī al-qānūn wa-al sharīah: Abdul Hamid al-Haj, the Institute of Islamic Studies, Cairo, 1975. 75. An-Nehayah fi gharib Al-hadith, Magd Al-Din Ibn Al-Athir, Dar Ansar Al-Sunnah, Lahore. 76. Nail Al-Awtar Men Ahadith Sayyed Al-Akhiar Sharh Montaqa Al-Akhbar: Mohammed Ibn Ali Ibn Mohammed Al-Shawkani, Publishing House: Dar El-Geel, Beirut, 1973.

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Membumikan Toleransi, Meredam Redikalisme: Pergulatan Kultural Nahdlatul Ulama Jawa Barat dalam Membumikan Nilai-nilai Moderasi Islam di Indonesia, Dr H. Sulasman M. Hum, State Islamic University of Sunan Gunung Djati Bandung

ABSTRAK Pengurus Wilayah (PW) Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) Propinsi Jawa Barat mengintensifkan kembali upaya toleransi (tasamuh) dan kerukunan umat beragama, melalui berbagai program dan kegiatan yang digulirkannya. Salah satu programnya adalah tadarus aswaja (Ahli Sunnah wa al-jama’ah) bagi para pengurus dan warga Nahdliyin. PW NU Jawa Barat juga aktif dalam melaksanakan kegiatan pendidikan dan pelatihan (diklat) aswaja yang diperuntukkan bagi generasi muda NU. Tadarus aswaja ini tidak hanya untuk konsolidasi internal, tetapi dimaksudkan pula sebagai upaya pemantapan aqidah dan paham keagamaan mereka yang nota bene bersumber

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dari paham ahl al-sunnah wa aljama’ah. Upaya NU ini pun dilakukan sebagai respon terhadap dinamika perubahan sosial yang cepat. Secara khusus, upayanya dimaksudkan sebagai respon terhadap upaya yang dilakukan oleh kaum radikalis. Kata Kunci: NU, Jawa Barat, Nahdliyin, Toleransi, Radikalisme PENDAHULUAN Secara institusional dan personal, salah satu elemen NU Jawa Barat, yakni Lembaga Bahts Basail (LBM) gencar memproduk wacana dan dipublikasikan dalam bentuk buku, diproyeksikan untuk mengcounter berbagai wacana yang diproduksi kalangan Islam garis keras yang berusaha menyingkirkan praktek keagamaan warga Nahdliyin yang selama ini dinilai sesat, bid’ah, khurafat, sinkretik, dan bertentangan dengan kemurnian syari’at Islam. Tidak ketinggalan pula, kalangan intelektual muda NU Jawa Barat mengambil peran aktif dalam melakukan kajian, dialog, dan diskusi, dalam forum ilmiah, halaqah-halaqah, dan lingkar diskusi terbatas (limited discussion), yang mengkritisi fenomena radikalisasi agama yang kian berkembang di Jawa Barat. Upaya NU ini pun dilakukan sebagai respon terhadap dinamika perubahan sosial yang cepat. Secara khusus, upayanya dimaksudkan sebagai respon terhadap upaya yang dilakukan oleh kaum radikalis, disebabkan mesjid, lembaga pendidikan, dan jama’ah pengajian kaum Nahdliyin dibajak oleh kalangan radikalis. Konsolidasi juga dilakukan sebagai

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respon terhadap surat keputusan PBNU yang menginstruksikan warganya agar bersikap kritis terhadap setiap kegiatan organisasi ataupun partai politik yang mengatasnamakan agama dan mengklaim diri mengembangkan sayap dakwah. Instruksi PBNU ini dibuat sebagai respon NU atas infiltrasi yang dilakukan kelompok garis keras yang mulai mereduksi ajaran dan jama’ah NU di berbagai tempat. Apabila dicermati, berbagai kegiatan kalangan Nahdliyin ini dimaksudkan untuk mengarusutamakan kembali sikap “moderat” organisasi maupun warganya. Hal ini dapat dimaknai sebagai bagian dari proses pergulatan (kontestasi) mereka, baik dalam memperjuangkan dan mempertahankan paham keagamaan Islam moderat, melindungi jama’ahnya dari serangan kalangan Islam radikal, ataupun counter atas gerakan infiltrasi keagamaan yang dilakukan Islam garis keras, yang dinilai potensial merusak tatanan formasi sosial Jawa Barat yang plural dan multikultural. Kalangan nahdhiyin yang moderat ini pun sadar sepenuhnya bahwa dalam ranah kehidupan publik yang sarat dengan keragaman dan perbedaan, maka setiap interaksi yang mereka lakukan akan melibatkan proses-proses pergulatan sosial yang bercorak negosiatif. Bagi kalangan NU Jawa Barat, berbagai fenomena Bom (Bunuh diri) di Mesjid al-Dzikro di kompleks Mapolresta Cirebon (pada tanggal 15 April 2011)1, yang kemudian disusul dengan

Pelaku bom ini dilakukan oleh Muhammad Syarif, aktivis pada beberapa ormas Islam, asal Cirebon. 1

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Bom Bunuh diri di depan Gereja Bethel Injil Sepenuh Keputon Solo (25 September 2011)2, serta menguatnya isu tentang rekrutmen kader-kader NII yang marak di kampus-kampus dan mesjid-mesjid, merupakan indikator dari menguatnya kembali gejala radikalisme Islam di Indonesia masa kini. Penilaian ini bukanlah asumsi belaka, karena fenomena serupa dapat dibaca dalam berbagai penelitian misalnya dalam “Benih-Benih Islam Radikal di Mesjid: Studi Kasus Jakarta dan Solo” (CSRC UIN Syarif Hidayatullah, Jakarta, 2010), laporan penelitian The Wahid Institute dalam Ilusi Negara Islam (2009), A.M. Hendroprioyono dalam Terorisme Fundamentalis Kristen, Yahudi, Islam (Jakarta: Kompas, 2009), serta buku dari Abdul Munir Mulkhan dan Bilveer Singh dalam Demokrasi di Bawah Bayangan Mimpi NII: Dilema Peran Politik Islam dalam Peradaban Modern (Jakarta: Kompas, 2011). Adalah menarik untuk dikaji mengenai pergulatan NU untuk mengarusutamakan Islam moderat dan upayanya meredam radikalisme di Jawa Barat. Karena, bagaimanapun kelompok Islam garis keras yang ada di Jawa Barat khususnya dan umumnya di Indonesia dan dunia, secara potensial dan aktual, mengancam tatanan pluralitas kehidupan sosial, tidak saja bagi umat Islam, melainkan juga umat beragama pada umumnya dan masyarakat bangsa. Penting dikemukakan bahwa setiap perbincangan mengenai per-

Pelaku bom bunuh diri ini dilakukan oleh Ahmad Yosepa alias Hayat, teman dari Muhammad Syarif; keduanya dari Cirebon (Kompas, 28 September 2011:1). 2

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gulatan (kontestasi) yang dilakukan suatu kelompok sosial, hampir dapat dipastikan, akan melibatkan berbagai proses sosial yang kompleks.3 Salah satu proses sosial yang penting diungkap adalah masalah pergulatan kultural kalangan Nahdliyin dalam berkontestasi dengan kalangan Islam radikal. Berdasarkan hal tersebut, maka masalah yang menjadi fokus tulisan ini adalah pergulatan kultural NU untuk mengarusutamakan nilai-nilai moderasi Islam dan meredam radikalisasi agama, serta upayanya mengawal tatanan kehidupan sosial plural dan multikultural di Jawa Barat. METODOLOGI Setiap perbincangan mengenai multikulturalisme dan pluralisme, hampir dapat dipastikan, melibatkan diskusi tentang radikalisme. Meski banyak studi yang menempatkan keduanya secara berhadap-hadapan, vis a vis atau oposisi biner, keduanya terjalin dalam dialektika yang sulit dipisahkan; karena keduanya seperti dua sisi ekstrim yang paradoksal, bukan karena terdapat sejumlah kesamaan, tetapi karena perbedaan yang terdapat dalam kedua konsep tersebut. Perbincangan mengenai pluralisme itu sendiri telah

Dalam proses pergulatan (baca: Interaksi) tersebut tentu terjadi suatu model yang selama ini popular dalam kajian cultural studies, yakni kontestasi, resistensi, konvergensi, dan seterusnya. Lihat M. Nur. Khoiron, “Agama dan Kebudayaan: Menjelajahi Isu Multikulturalisme dan Hak-Hak Minoritas” dan Hikmat Budiman, Hak Minoritas: Dilema Multikulturalisme di Indonesia, Jakarta: Yayasan Interseksi dan TIFA, 2005, hlm. 50. 3

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menghasilkan pemaknaan yang beragam. Namun secara umum dapat ditarik mengandung pengertian sebagai paham keagamaan dalam kehidupan sosial yang empirik. Seorang yang menganut paham pluralisme dituntut untuk terlibat aktif dengan orang yang berbeda agama (the other religions) dalam menjaga aneka perbedaan dan keragaman agama dalam kehidupan sosial.4 Paham pluralisme tersebut dapat diidentifikasi lahir dari suatu cara pandang keagamaan yang bersifat inklusif, tidak tekstualis, dan dogmatis yang memisahkan dimensi teks dengan konteks. Pluralisme dengan corak pandangan keagamaan inklusif inilah yang dinilai telah melahirkan ekspresi keagamaan yang toleran, moderat, ramah, dan mencintai perdamaian dalam realitas kehidupan sosial yang sarat dengan keragaman dan perbedaan. Keragaman dan perbedaan dianggap bukan sebagai petaka yang perlu disingkirkan, melainkan sebagai sunnatulllah yang mutlak dikelola dengan baik untuk dapat melahirkan tatanan kehidupan sosial yang ramah dan toleran. Paham pluralisme keagamaan dan moderat semacam itulah yang selama ini diusung oleh kalangan nahdliyin. Dalam konteks ini, suatu organisasi, kelompok dan/atau seseorang umat beragama itu dapat dikatakan moderat, sudah barang tentu jika mereka menerima dan menghargai pandangan

Muhammad Ali, Teologi Pluralis-Multikultural: Menghargai Kemajemukan Menjalin Kebersamaan, Jakarta: Kompas, 2003, hlm. 4-10 4

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dan keyakinan yang berbeda sebagai fitrah, tidak mau memaksakan kebenaran yang diyakininya kepada orang lain, baik secara langsung atau melalui pemerintah, menolak caracara kekerasan atas nama agama dalam bentuk apa pun, menolak berbagai bentuk penghargaan untuk menganut pandangan dan keyakinan yang berbeda sebagai bentuk kebebasan beragama yang dijamin oleh konstitusi Negara, tidak memaksakan agama sebagai identitas ideologi Negara menggantikan Pancasila.5 Berbeda dengan pluralisme, radikalisme dikonsepsi sebagai paham yang menganut pemutlakan (absolutism) paham keagamaan, bersikap tidak toleran terhadap pandangan dan keyakinan berbeda, berperilaku atau menyetujui perilaku dan/atau mendorong orang lain atau pemerintah berperilaku memaksakan pandangannya sendiri kepada orang lain, memusuhi dan membenci orang lain yang berbeda pemahaman dan keyakinan orang lain.6 Dalam dimensi yang menyeluruh, setidaknya, terdapat tiga model kekerasan yang melekat pada diri kalangan Islam radikal, yakni kekerasan doktrinal, kekerasan kultural, dan kekerasan sosiologis. Pertama, kekerasan doktrinal berupa pemahaman literer tertutup atas teks-teks keagamaan sepihak

Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, Ekspansi Gerakan Islam Transnasional di Indonesia, Jakarta: The Wahid Institute, Maarif Institute, dan Gerakan Bhineka Tunggal Ika, 2009, hlm. 46-47 6 Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm. 45-46 5

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dan hanya menerima kebenaran sepihak versi kelompoknya. Kedua, kekerasan kultural atau kekerasan tradisi dan budaya merupakan kebenaran sepihak yang dijunjung tinggi membuat mereka tidak mampu memahami atau toleran terhadap kebenaran lain yang berbeda; misalnya, praktekpraktek keagamaan umat Islam yang semula diakomodasi kemudian divonis sesat, dan pelaksananya divonis musyrik, murtad, dan/atau kafir. Ketiga, kekerasan sosiologis, yakni aksi-aksi anarkis dan destruktif terhadap pihak-pihak lain yang dituduh musyrik, murtad, dan/atau kafir.7 Salah satu kata kunci utama untuk mengidentifikasi apakah kelompok umat itu dikategorikan sebagai kelompok Islam radikal terletak pada dimensi radikalisasi (baca: kekerasan) dan/atau militansi agama yang mereka lakukan. David Little mengidentifikasi empat tipe militansi agama sebagai berikut; 1) intoleransi dengan kekerasan (violent intolerance), tipe ini memakai kekerasan secara paksa (forcible action) sering melibatkan perwujudan suci atas makna keharusan dan emergensi publik serta mendefinisikan the other berhak hancur demi penegasan diri sebagai satusatunya yang berhak eksis dan lestari (kami versus mereka); 2) intoleransi beradab (civic intolerance), tipe kedua ini mengambil saluran politik yang sah, berorientasi kekuasaan (negara) karena Negara dianggap sebagai satu-satunya

Lebih lanjut dapat dibaca dalam Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm.88-89. 7

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institusi yang berhak menggunakan legitimate violence, melalui civic enforcement yang berkaitan dengan sistem politik dan hukum yang telah berjalan sebagai cara yang tepat untuk mewujudkan cita-cita mereka; 3) toleransi tanpa kekerasan (non-violent tolerance), tipe ini menggunakan komitmen keagamaan yang lebih halus yang memiliki implikasi yang sangat berbeda dalam memperlakukan the others; 4) toleransi beradab (civic tolerance), tipe terakhir ini mengambil jalan toleransi yang lebih tegas (enforced) melalui jalur negara, mengadopsi hukum-hukum yang sesuai dengan norma-norma toleransi dan non-diskriminasi, serta menegakkan hukum-hukum tersebut meskipun dengan cara legitimate violence.8 Dalam perspektif konstruktivisme, kedua pemahaman keagamaan tersebut merupakan sebuah konstruksi sosial yang tidak dapat dilepaskan dari pengaruh relasi kuasi di antara para subyek yang bermain (intersubjectivity). Menurut Peter L. Berger dan Thomas Luckman, realitas sosial itu dikonstruksi melalui proses eskternalisasi, obyektivikasi, dan internalisasi. Menurut mereka, konstruksi sosial tidak berlangsung dalam ruang hampa, namun sarat dengan kepentingan-kepentingan.9

Muhammad Ali, Teologi Pluralis-Multikultural, hlm. 120-121. Peter L. Berger, Langit Suci: Agama sebagai Realitias Sosial, Jakarta: LP3ES, 1991, hlm. 4-5; lihat pula Alex Sobur, Analisis teks Media: Suatu Pengantar Untuk Analisis Wacana, Analisis Semiotik, dan Analisis Framing, Bandung: Rosdakarya, 2002, hlm. 91. 8 9

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Secara metodologis, usaha untuk memahami konstruksi sosial atas fenomena pergulatan kultural NU dengan kalangan Islam radikal ini menggunakan metode kualitatif fenomenologis. Pada tataran teknis aplikatif, langkah-langkah untuk membongkar konstruksi sosial tersebut dilakukan pertama-tama dengan pengumpulan data lewat observasi, wawancara, dan dokumentasi. Observasi langsung digunakan untuk menangkap realitas kegiatan sosial-keagamaan yang dilakukan kalangan NU dan relevansinya dengan agenda pergulatan wawasan Islam moderat di lingkungan jama’ah NU maupun publik lebih luas. Wawancara digunakan untuk mengungkap pandangan atau pendapat informan dari kalangan elit NU dan akar rumput (jama’ah). Sedangkan dokumentasi digunakan dalam menggali data-data terkait, buku-buku, dan dokumen pribadi yang relevan dengan persoalan yang diangkat. Setelah itu, data dianalisis secara induktif dengan mengikuti pola Miles dan Huberman, dimulai dari pengumpulan data, reduksi data, display data, dan penarikan konklusi.

PEMBAHASAN Jawa Barat: Rumah Bagi Beragam Agama, Keyakinan, dan Kebudayaan Jawa Barat, sejatinya, merupakan sebuah kawasan cukup unik, luas, dan salah satu penyangga ibu kota Indonesia (Jakarta) dengan berbagai kompleksitasnya. Wilayah ini merupakan rumah bagi berbagai agama yang

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diakui Negara10 dan beberapa keyakinan lokal,11 etnis, dan budaya. Sekalipun secara etnis dan budaya, wilayah ini mempunyai etnis dan budaya dominan (dominant majority ethnics and culture), yakni etnis dan budaya Sunda (sebagai indigenous people), tetapi etnis dan budaya lainnya, seperti Jawa, Minang, Batak, Madura, dan Bali dapat hidup tenang dan mengembangkan diri secara kondusif. Dengan demikian, dapat dikatakan, struktur masyarakat Jawa Barat terdiri dari multietnik, multikultur, dan multilanguage. Bermula dari arus urbanisasi yang deras ke wilayah ini, multietnik pun berlangsung bermotif ekonomi. Pembukaan perkebunan oleh pemerintah Hindia Belanda dan industrialisasi pada masa Orde Baru diidentifikasi sebagai pemicu arus urbanisasi besar-besaran orang-orang di luar Jawa Barat. Dalam perkembangan berikutnya, proses-proses perubahan sosial di Jawa Barat telah membawa daerah ini menjadi kawasan urban yang paling dinamis dan terbuka dengan konfigurasi etnis yang kompleks dibanding daerah lainnya di Indonesia, kecuali Jakarta, dan termasuk wilayah pengembangan industri utama. Perlu dicatat bahwa

Islam, Katolik, Kristen, Hindu, Budha, dan Konghucu. Beberapa keyakinan lokal dimaksud adalah keyakinan Sunda Wiwitan, Paguyuban Adat Cara Karuhun Urang (PACKU; atau dikenal sebagai Madraisme atau ADS [Agama Djawa-Sunda], Aliran Perjalanan. 10 11

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keragaman etnik di Jawa Barat, dalam sejarahnya, tidak banyak memunculkan ketegangan sosial yang dipicu oleh sikap etnosentrisme. Barangkali, sikap dari etnik dan budaya Sunda yang egaliter, ramah, dan terbuka, sebagai etnis dan budaya dominan, mampu menjadi katalisator bagi proses integrasi etnik, sebagaimana diteliti oleh Bruner.12 Keragaman etnik dalam proses interaksinya telah mampu melahirkan sebuah konstruksi budaya popular dengan sebutan hybrid culture yang dicirikan oleh keterbukaan, ketegasan, keramahan, dan toleransi. Nilai-nilai inilah yang selama ini menjadi sistem - atau meminjam istilah Coser sebagai savety

Hasil penelitian Edward M. Bruner yang menggunakan konsep kebudayaan mayoritas dominan (dominant majority culture) dalam memahami pola relasi antar kelompok etnis di Bandung [dan Medan) berpandangan bahwa ada-tidaknya suatu kebudayaan mayoritas dominan menentukan bentuk hubungan antar kelompok di suatu wilayah. Di Bandung, sebagai Ibu Kota Jawa Barat, etnis dan budaya Sunda merupakan etnis dan budaya dominan, sehingga pendatang harus menyesuaikan diri dengan kebudayaan tersebut, namun hubungan etnis dan kebudayaan di wilayah Bandung ini lebih terbuka dan santai. Lihat Edward M. Bruner, “The Expression of Ethnicity in Indonesia”, dalam A. Cohen (ed.), Urban Ethnicity, London: Travistock, hlm.251-280. 12

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valve - yang menjamin koeksistensi dan kerjasama dalam kemajemukan sosial masyarakat Jawa Barat tersebut.13 Kalau pun dalam sejarahnya, di wilayah Jawa Barat pernah terjadi beberapa kasus ketegangan dalam skala masif, baik konflik vertikal dan horizontal, hal itu lebih dipicu oleh persoalan politik dan ekonomi. Kasus pemberontakan DI/TII Jawa Barat dibawah pimpinan Kartosuwiryo terhadap Pemerintah Pusat (Soekarno) lebih bermotif politik, dibanding etnik dan agama. Beberapa konflik bernuansa sosio-religius pun muncul di Jawa Barat seperti kekerasan terhadap jamaah Ahmadiyah di Parung dan Tasikmalaya, penyegelan GBK Yasmin di Bogor. Selain keragaman etnik dan budaya, daerah Jawa Barat diwarnai juga oleh keragaman agama dan keyakinan. Tidak saja agama-agama yang diakui Negara yang tumbuh berkembang di Jawa Barat, tetapi ragam aliran keagamaan dan keyakinan lokal juga mewarnai dinamika pluralitas masyarakat Jawa Barat.

M. Atho Mudzhar mengemukakan bahwa dalam masyarakat yang semakin plural dan multikultural, setiap elemen sosial memerlukan tampilan identitas dan eksistensinya masing-masing, yang boleh menjadi tampilan dan perkembangan satu akan mengganggu atau bahkan mengancam tampilan identitas dan eksistensi yang lain. Kesemuanya itu memerlukan suatu sistem yang dapat menjamin koeksistensi dan kerjasama dalam kemajemukan itu. Lihat M. Atho Mudhzar, “Tantangan Kontribusi Agama dalam Mewujudkan Multikulturalisme di Indonesia”, dalam Harmoni, Jurnal Multikultural dan Multireligius, vol.III, no.11, Juli-September 2004, hlm.11. 13

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Posisi agama Islam sendiri cukup istimewa di tengah kehidupan masyarakat Jawa Barat. Sebagaimana di wilayah lainnya, Islam menjadi agama mayoritas yang dianut oleh masyarakat Jawa Barat. Meskipun Islam menjadi agama mayoritas dan memosisikan diri sebagai mainstream tidak lantas menjadi mayoritas dominan yang menafikan keberadaan agama-agama lain. Keberadaan agamaagama selain Islam tidak dapat dipandang sebagai agama liyan (the others), atau sekedar diposisikan sebagai agama komplementer, pelengkap agama Islam. Selain agama memiliki eksistensinya masing-masing yang memiliki hal untuk dapat hidup dan berkembang serta dapat berdampingan secara setara dengan agama Islam. Kenyataannya, setiap agama dan aliran keagamaan di luar Islam dapat tumbuh subur. Semua itu tidak akan dapat terjadi tanpa adanya toleransi yang besar dari masyarakat Jawa Barat dalam menghadapi perbedaan.14 Pandangan Elit dan Warga Nahdliyin tentang Keberadaan dan Aktivitas Islam Radikal di Jawa Barat Siapa sebenarnya yang dikategorikan ke dalam kelompok Islam radikal itu? Betulkah di Jawa Barat terdapat kelompok Islam radikal? Jangan-jangan hal tersebut hanya sekedar wacana ilusi/fiksi belaka? Sederet pertanyaan ini mencuat

Ahmad Syafi’i Maarif, Islam dalam Bingkau Keindonesiaan dan Kemanusiaan, Sebuah Refleksi Sejarah, Bandung: Mizan bekerjasama dengan Ma’arif Institute, 2009, hlm. 46 14

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dalam berbagai diskusi dengan beberapa informan. Dalam kenyataannya, tidak semua informan memiliki informasi dan pandangan seragam tentang “Islam radikal” yang ada di Jawa Barat dan Indonesia. Dalam hal ini, pandangan sejumlah informan dapat diklasifikasikan menjadi dua kelompok, yakni yang tidak mengakui adanya kelompok Islam radikal dan kelompok yang menegaskan adanya kelompok radikal. Kelompok pertama adalah sebagai informan di kalangan elit NU dan warga Nahdliyin secara tegas mengatakan bahwa “Islam radikal” itu tidak ada, atau hanya “wacana fiktif” belaka yang dihembuskan segelintir kelompok “anti-Islam.” Bahkan di antara mereka menyebutkan bahwa terorisme dan Islam radikal hanya merupakan wacana stigmatisasi konspiratif dunia internasional sebagai respon kebangkitan dunia Islam, yang faktanya tidak ada. Bagi informan kelompok pertama ini, gerakan keagamaan yang dilakukan kaum salafi, Forum Pembela Islam (FPI), dan Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI) di Jawa Barat dapat dikatakan tidak keras atau masih dalam batas-batas kewajaran. Sikap keberagamaan dan aktivitas mereka dapat dikontraskan dengan kelompok teroris yang meledakkan Hotel J.W. Marriott dan Ritz Carlton, atau bom Bali. Dalam aksi demonstrasi, misalnya, HTI Jawa Barat tidak pernah melakukan aksi anarkis. Kelompok FPI Jawa Barat tidaklah terlalu terdengar gerakannya dan aktivitasnya. Sementara itu, kelompok salafi di Jawa Barat memang terdengar cukup keras dan militant dalam seruan dakwahnya, namun yang mereka serukan sebatas mengkritisi tradisi-tradisi lokal dalam praktek keberagamaan sebagian umat Islam

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yang dinilai mereka bid’ah dan khurafat.15 Semua fakta tersebut tidak cukup mengatakan bahwa di Jawa Barat terdapat Islam radikal. Kelompok kedua adalah sejumlah elit dan warga Nahdliyin yang menyatakan bahwa keberadaan kelompok Islam radikal di Jawa Barat bukanlah hanya “isapan jempol” atau fiksi belaka, melainkan riil adanya. Bagi informan yang berpandangan bahwa Jawa Barat merupakan wilayah persemaian Islam radikal yang siginifikan, seperti gerakan bawah tanah dari DI/TII baru, Jamaah Qur’ani (inkar sunnah), dan terorisme. Secara institusional, cara pandang dan gerakan keagamaan radikalisme Islam sebagiannya merupakan produk lokal Indonesia, yakni Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia (LDII), dan sebagiannya merupakan hasil relasi transnasional, yakni salafi, Hizbut Tahrir Indonesia (HTI), Majelis

Cara pandang ini sesungguhnya mengidentifikasikan dirinya sendiri (self identification) pada apa yang diklasifikasikan Ernest Gellner sebagai great tradition atau high tradition, yang memandang agama secara skripturalis, menurut aturan puritan, harfiah, dingin, dan antiekstase [Lihat Aswab Mahasin dalam “Masyarakat Madani dan Lawan-Lawannya: Sebuah Mukaddimah (Pengantar)” dari Ernest Gelner, Membangun Masyarakat Sipil Prasyarat Menuju Kebebasan, Bandung: Mizan, 1995, hlm. xi]. Sementara Talad Asad menyatakan bahwa pembagian tradisi rendah dan tradisi tinggi mengasumsikan adanya sebuah esensi, khususnya tradisi tinggi yang bersifat universal [Talad Asad, The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam, Washington: CCAS, Georgetown University, 1986, hlm. 21-22]. 15

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Mujahidin Indonesia (MMI), Jamaah Islamiyah (JI), dan Front Pembela Islam (FPI). Perbedaannya, LDII cenderung tertutup, radikal secara doktrinal, tidak radikal dalam tindakannya, serta tidak ofensif terhadap kelompok lain. Sedangkan salafi, HTI, FPI, JI, dan MMI dapat dikatakan radikal secara teologis dan praksis serta cenderung ofensif terhadap kelompok lain. Bagi kalangan ini gerakan radikalisme Islam tidak hanya sebatas ditunjukkan oleh aksi kekerasan dalam arti fisik sebagaimana diekspresikan oleh kalangan terorisme yang meledakkan bom Bali, Bom Mega Kuningan, aksi kekerasan terhadap jama’ah Ahmadiyah di Parung Bogor dan Tasikmalaya, serta sederetan aksi teror dan kekerasan lainnya. Keberadaan mereka pun dapat diperhatikan dari cara pandang keagamaan mereka yang cenderung dogmatik, rigid, dan tekstualis dalam memahami teks-teks keagamaan. Cara pandang demikian berdampak pada sikap dan perilaku keagamaan mereka yang eksklusif, mengidentifikasi paham keagamaan kelompoknya yang paling benar (truth claim), memandang perbedaan ekspresi keagamaan pada diri kelompok lain sebagai keliru, bid’ah, sinkretik, dan tidak otentik. Sebagai konsekuensinya, mereka juga memandang penting melakukan tindakan pelurusan pemahaman dan praktek keagamaan kelompok umat berbeda paham agama walaupun dengan kekerasan. Bahkan sebagian kelompok umat yang sementara ini diidentifikasi radikal di Jawa Barat seperti HTI, MMI, dan JI tidak sebatas berkepentingan meluruskan akidah umat yang dinilai menyimpang dari kemurnian ajaran Islam, melainkan tetap berusaha merubah tatanan kehidupan sosial-politik melalui

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sistem khilafah.16 Tidak sebatas itu, kelompok yang diidentifikasi Islam radikal itu juga memiliki imaginasi keagamaan dan berusaha merealisasikannya pada tataran realitas dengan beragam cara. Sebagai contoh, kelompok salafi memiliki imaginasi untuk melakukan gerakan pemurnian Islam (puritanisme), sebagaimana Islam Arab (baca: Arabisasi) dan menolak ritual lokal. Usaha untuk mewujudkan imaginasinya itu, kaum salafi Jawa Barat terlihat begitu getol (intensif) melakukan syi’ar agama melalui berbagai media seperti khutbah Jum’at, ceramah keagamaan melalui halaqahhalaqah (kelompok pengajian), serta ceramah melalui media massa dan televisi. Bagi kelompok informan kedua ini, semua karakteristik di atas menjadi bukti bahwa radikalisme Islam di Jawa Barat bukan hanya ilusi atau isapan jempol. Dengan demikian, Islam radikal tidak hanya dikaitkan dengan gerakan praksis mereka dalam bentuk tindakan anarkis, perusakan, pengusiran, penganiayaan, ataupun pembunuhan yang

Meskipun HTI Jawa Barat dalam aksi-aksi keagamaannya tidak menampilkan wajah yang sangar, garang, dan melakukan tindakan anarkis, namun mereka tetap memiliki imajinasi untuk dapat menegakkan syari’at Islam di dalam seluruh sektor kehidupan. Bagi mereka, khilafah merupakan sistem sosial-politik Islam yang tetap menjadi cita-cita yang mereka perjuangkan dalam kerangkan merubah tatanan sosial-politik yang sekarang ini didominasi oleh sistem perpolitikan model Barat yang dipandang sekularistik. Sistem perpolitikan sekuler ini dipandang mereka sebagai biang keladi bagi kerusakan tatanan sosial politik bangsa Indonesia. 16

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dilakukan seseorang/kelompok atas orang/kelompok lainnya, melainkan terkait erat pula dengan dimensi cara pandang dan/atau ideologi. Kalangan HTI, misalnya, sekalipun akhir-akhir ini mulai menampilkan wajah simpatiknya, namun tetap saja mereka memimpikan syari’at Islam dapat tegak di Indonesia, khususnya Jawa Barat, dan mereka berimajinasi di kemudian hari, syari’at Islam benar-benar dapat diterapkan dalam semua sektor kehidupan, sosial, ekonomi, politik. Pada misi seperti ini, HTI memiliki visi yang sama dengan beberapa partai Islam, khususnya PKS, sebagai saluran politik mereka untuk penegakan syari’at Islam dalam kehidupan bangsa dan Negara. Semua itu menjadi penanda bahwa semangat purifikasi, puritanisme, dan radikalisasi Islam tidak hanya saja hadir dalam bentuk pergulatan ide dan gagasan, tetapi telah mewujud dalam gerakan praksis. Mereka mencoba menghadirkan alternatif nyata bagi warna Islam Indonesia yang umumnya toleran, ramah, dan santun menjadi eksklusif, hegemonik, dan militan. Pada tingkat ideologis dan praksis, manifestasi gerakan radikal Islam telah memunculkan konflik manifest pada tingkat radikalisme sosial. Horace M. Kalen memerinci karakteristik radikalisme sosial dengan tiga kecenderungan umum. Pertama, radikalisme merupakan respon terhadap kondisi yang sedang berlangsung. Kedua, radikalisme tidak berhenti pada upaya penolakan, melainkan terus berupaya mengganti tatanan yang ada dengan suatu bentuk tatanan lain. Ketiga, kuatnya keyakinan kaum radikalis akan kebenaran program atau ideologi yang mereka bawa. Sikap ini pada saat yang

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sama dibarengi dengan penafian kebenaran sistem lain yang akan digantinya.17 Bagi kalangan elit dan warga Nahdliyin, kelompok radikal Islam tidak hanya ada di kalangan eksternal NU. Mereka juga mengidentifikasi sejumlah elit dan warga Nahdliyin yang memiliki cara pandang dan sikap keagamaan yang dapat dikatakan radikal. Dari kalangan NU sendiri, terdapat sejumlah anggotanya yang memiliki selera hampir sama dengan selera kalangan garis keras dalam menyikapi beberapa masalah sosial-keagamaan. Dalam isu-isu moralitas masyarakat, sebagian kader NU getol memperjuangkan Peraturan Daerah (Perda) Syari’ah. Wacana Jawa Barat dan sebagian Kota/ Kabupatennya bersifat religius merupakan salah satu wacana yang digulirkan oleh sebagian kader NU yang diperjuangkan melalui legislatif (DPRD TK I dan TK II), yang memimpikan Jawa Barat sebagai Propinsi yang religius, kota santri, dan benarbenar bersih dari berbagai hal yang selama ini dinilai sebagai perusak moral masyarakat. Bak gayung bersambut, wacana Jawa Barat religius yang disuarakan beberapa kader NU mendapatkan legitimasi dan dukungan dari kalangan kelompok garis keras, seperti HTI dan FPI, baik melalui dukungan parlementer maupun ekstraparlementer. Hanya saja bedanya, kalau kalangan

Horace M. Kallen, “Radicalism”, dalam Edwin R.A. Selingman, Encylopedia of the Social Sciences, vol. XIII-XIV, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1972, hlm. 51-54. Lihat pula dalam Bahtiar Effendi dan Hendro Prasetyo, Radikalisme Agama, Jakarta: PPIMIAIN, 1998, hlm. xvii-xviii 17

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radikalis dari warga NU sebatas mengimajinasikan formalisasi syari’at dalam bentuk Perda Syariah sebagai prasyarat bagi tatanan kehidupan sosial yang benar-benar religius, sementara organisasi-organisasi Islam garis keras transnasional seperti HTI, JI, dan MMI, mereka mengimajinasikan tegaknya khilafah Islamiyyah di seluruh dunia, dengan menempatkan Indonesia sebagai salah satu bagian di dalamnya.18 Aneka gerakan keagamaan yang dilakukan kalangan Islam garis keras tersebut dirasa mulai menggelisahkan sebagian warga Jawa Barat, khususnya kalangan Nahdliyin. Apa yang dilakukan kalangan salafi, misalnya, yang terus menerus melakukan pentakfiran (mengganggap “kafir”) bagi perilaku keberagamaan kalangan Nahdliyin dipandang tidak hanya tidak etis dalam konteks interaksi sosial sesama muslim, melainkan mulai mengaduk-aduk perasaan dan keyakinan warga Nahdliyin. Kalangan salafi, secara terbuka, menyerang berbagai tradisi keberagamaan kalangan Nahdliyin melalui mimbar khutbah, pengajian, ceramah di radio, dan penyebaran bulletin di kalangan warga Nahdliyin. Bahkan, intelektual salafi mulai masuk kampus menjadi tenaga pengajar yang dalam tugas akademiknya juga tidak alpa menyuarakan purifikasi Islam versi salafi. Model dakwah provokatif yang dilakukan kaum salafi semacam itulah yang potensial menciptakan ketegangan, memancing emosi warga, dan apabila dibiarkan akan dapat memicu konflik horizontal.

18

Abdurrahman Wahid (ed.) Ilusi Negara Islam…, hlm 78.

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Beberapa kasus pun muncul terkait persitegangan antara kalangan salafi dengan kalangan Nahdliyin. Sementara PKS, walaupun statusnya sebagai partai politik, namun gerakan yang dilakukan PKS tidak sebatas gerakan politik ansich, sebagaimana parpol-parpol lainnya. Sebagai parpol Islam, PKS memiliki misi politik keagamaan, dalam artian, di samping melakukan kontestansi untuk melakukan perebutan sumber daya di parlemen, PKS juga memiliki kepentingan memperjuangkan Islam lewat parlemen. Salah satu di antaranya adalah syari’at Islam. Sebagai parpol Islam, PKS butuh dukungan massa yang riil, untuk mewujudkan semua itu PKS membangun jaringan basis massanya melalui gerakan tarbiyah baik lewat kampus-kampus, mesjid-mesjid, halaqah-halaqah, kelompok pengajian yang sudah ada ini terbilang cukup efektif. Terbukti kader PKS yang direkrut dan dibina media tarbiyah ini dari tahun ke tahun mengalami peningkatan signifikan. Hal ini berdampak signifikan terhadap pemilihan legislatif dan gubernur, terbukti pada periode 20082013 dan 2013-2018, gubernur Jawa Barat berasal dari kader PKS, yakni H. A. Heryawan. Salah satu yang mengkhawatirkan bagi kalangan Nahdliyin adalah gerakan politik yang dibingkai melalui aktivitas keagamaan oleh PKS, seringkali, memunculkan ketegangan dan konflik laten dengan organisasi-organisasi Masyarakat Islam yang sudah ada, khususnya NU. Pasalnya adalah kader-kader PKS yang memiliki militansi dakwah Islam mulai mengambil alih aset keagamaan seperti mesjid, kelompok pengajian, lembaga pendidikan, dan lainnya yang selama ini dikelola oleh NU, dan ormas Islam lainnya.

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Pergulatan Kultural NU dalam Meredam Radikalisme dan Membumikan Toleransi Bagi kalangan Nahdliyin, potensi radikalisme agama di Jawa Barat pada masa kini dan masa yang akan datang dapat menjadi ancaman yang sangat serius. Betapa tidak, sekarang saja gerakan yang dilakukan kalangan Islam garis keras sudah mulai meresahkan tidak saja umat Islam, tetapi juga umat beragama lain. Sebagai kelompok minoritas dalam Islam, komunitas Islam garis keras justeru memiliki militansi yang sangat tinggi dalam memperjuangkan ideologi agamanya. Boleh jadi, para kader dan aktivis Islam radikal cukup sadar bahwa mereka tengah terlibat “perang ide-ide” untuk meyakinkan umat Islam bahwa ideologi mereka adalah satu-satunya interpretasi yang paling benar tentang Islam.19 Dihadapkan pada ekspansi gerakan Islam radikal yang melanda kawasan urban ini, NU Jawa Barat dalam kapasitasnya sebagai ormas Islam moderat merespon dan menyikapi tidak melalui jalan-jalan kekerasan, melainkan tetap dalam koridor cara penyikapan yang moderat. Berikut ini beberapa respon praksis yang dilakukan NU Jawa Barat dalam pergulatannya dengan kalangan Islam radikal di Jawa Barat, yakni 1) Memperkuat basis dan kritisisme terhadap dominasi, 2) Reaktualisasi Aswaja dan Revitalisasi Khazanah Lokal, 3) Reproduksi wacana moderasi Islam dan Pengarusutamaan Dialog Kebudayaan, 4) Kontekstualisasi

19

Abdurrahman Wahid (ed.) Ilusi Negara Islam…, hlm 43.

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Keagamaan dan Keberagamaan dalam konteks kebangsaan dan kemanusiaan. 1. Memperkuat Basis dan Kritisisme terhadap Dominasi NU berpandangan bahwa kelompok umat yang memiliki paham keagamaan berbeda apakah yang liberal ataupun yang radikal sekali pun, tidak dipandang sebagai the other yang harus dijauhi, dikucilkan, dibenci atau bahkan diperangi dengan cara-cara kekerasan. NU sangat sadar bahwa keragaman yang ada dalam kehidupan masyarakat itu merupakan sebuah keniscayaan, atau dalam bahasa al-Qur’an dikenal sebagai Sunnatullah yang tidak mungkin dinafikan.20 Terlebih secara konstitusional Negara Indonesia sendiri jelas-jelas menjamin keagamaan dan perbedaan yang ada dalam kehidupan masyarakat Indonesia melalui UUD 1945. Bagi NU Jawa Barat, kelompok umat yang melakukan demikian itu dianggap sebagai umat yang memiliki semangat berlebihan namun tidak ditunjang oleh pemahaman dan pengetahuan keagamaan yang memadai. Pada kenyataannya, tidak sedikit dari pengikut garis keras yang memiliki pandangan dominan literalis sebatas memahami Islam dari segi kulitnya dan tidak sampai menjangkau pemahaman pada tataran substantifnya. Pun sulit untuk disangkal adanya fakta bahwa di balik gerakan keagamaan Husein Muhammad, “Prolog Pluralisme Sebagai Keniscayaan Teologis”, dalam Abdul Moqsith Ghazali, Argumen Pluralisme Agama, Membangun Toleransi Berbasis al-Qur’an, Jakarta: KataKita, 2008, hlm. xvi. 20

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mereka yang sarat memakai simbol-simbol formal keagamaan berjalan sesuai dengan kepentingan ideologis dan politis mereka. Dalam situasi demikian, identitas dan simbolsimbol keagamaan menjadi bagian terpenting, bahkan lebih penting dari substansi pesan agama itu sendiri, untuk diperjuangkan. Mereka asyiq-masyuq dengan simbol-simbol bukan mengamalkan substansi ajaran Islam.21 Berbasis prinsip-prinsip moderatisme yang bersumber dari ajaran aswaja, yakni tasâmuh (toleransi), tawâsuth (moderat), tawâzun (adil), serta amar ma’rûf nahy munkar, NU Jabar terus berusaha mengarusutamakan dan mengedepankan pendekatan-pendekatan kultural dalam rangka membentengi jama’ahnya dan umat Islam secara umum dari pengaruh radikalisme agama. Usaha untuk membendung paham radikalisme Islam ini sekaligus diorientasikan pada pengawalan tatanan sosial keagamaan di Jawa Barat yang plural dan multikultural. Dengan demikian, NU berupaya untuk menciptakan check and balance, sehingga tidak melahirkan kekuatan mayoritas dominatif, atau minoritas radikalistik. Bagi NU, setiap elemen sosial yang beragam berhal hidup di Indonesia, khsusunya di Jawa Barat, sembari realitas ini seyogyanya juga menginspirasi semua elemen sosial agar dapat hidup bersama dalam satu rumah besar bernama Jawa Barat. Setiap kelompok sosial didorong untuk mengembangkan sikap toleransi, tidak egois, dan tidak menyalah-nyalahkan kelompok lain. Kalau mulai muncul

21

Abdurrahman Wahid (ed), Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm. 43

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benih-benih kekuatan dominatif dari mana pun sumbernya, tidak sebatas dari kalangan Islam radikal, mutlak untuk dikritisi.22 2. Reaktualisasi Aswaja dan Revitalisasi Khazanah Lokal Keberadaan Islam radikal dengan gerakannya yang kian ekspansif justeru melahirkan titik balik kesadaran NU Jabar untuk melakukan refleksi atas gerakan keagamaan yang dilakukannya selama ini, dan sekaligus berbagai hal utamanya politik praktis yang telah memalingkan dirinya dari pelaksanaan khidmat yang sebenarnya. NU Jawa Barat sekarang ini tampil lebih serius menyikapi gerakan radikalisme Islam dengan pertama-tama membentengi jama’ahnya dari pengaruh paham radikalisme yang disemaikan kalangan garis keras. Berbasis pada paham moderatisme aswaja yang dimilikinya, NU Jawa Barat serius melakukan redefinisi, revitaslisasi, dan kontekstualisasi paham keagamaannya tersebut, baik di kalangan PW NU dan berbagai wilayah Pengurus Cabang NU maupun jama’ahnya yang umumnya berpendidikan rendah, khususnya kalangan muda Nahdliyin. Proses reinterpretasi atas paham aswaja kemudian dibarengi dengan reproduksi wacana yang lebih kontekstual dan menginternalisasikannya ke dalam lingkungan jama’ah, umat Islam pada umumnya, dan umat beragama lain di Kawasan Jawa Barat.

Wawancara dengan Dudang Ghozali dan Tatang Astarudin, pengurus Lakpesdam PW NU Jawa Barat tanggal 23 Januari 2013. 22

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Sedangkan ikhtiar untuk membumikan (baca: internalisasi dan transformasi) paham moderatisme Islam yang digali dari nilai-nilai aswaja tersebut dilakukan dengan memanfaatkan berbagai media kultural seperti pesantren, madrasah, majelis taklim, dan berbagai lembaga pendidikan yang dimiliki, mulai dari tingkat dasar sampai tingkat pendidikan tinggi, serta media seni dan budaya lainnya. Beragam media lokal yang menjadi khazanah NU dan warisan leluhur didayagunakan pula untuk melakukan reinternalisasi paham moderatisme Islam di antara jama’ah pengajian, kelompok yasinan, tahlilan, diba’an, muslimatan, bahtsu masail, dan berbagai media lokal lainnya. Secara lebih sistematis, NU Jawa Barat melakukan pembekalan melalui diklat aswaja dan tadarus aswaja secara rutin setiap minggunya. Kegiatan ini terbukti cukup berhasil memberikan dampak konstruktif bagi proses internalisasi paham moderatisme Islam. Kegiatan diklat maupun tadarus mampu melahirkan rekonstruksi wacana tentang aswaja yang semakin kontekstual. Di kalangan muda, misalnya, lahir pemahaman tentang aswaja yang diposisikan bukan hanya sebatas identitas ideologis yang membutuhkan ketundukan dari para pengikutnya, tetapi juga menjadi manhaj dalam memahami Islam secara kontekstual dan pemberdayaan ummat. 3. Reproduksi wacana moderasi Islam dan Pengarusutamaan Dialog Kebudayaan Reproduksi wacana, baik lisan maupun tulisan, tidak ketinggalan dimanfaatkan oleh kalangan intelektual NU

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Jawa Barat sebagai media kultural untuk mendialogkan dan sekaligus mengcounter wacana dan praksis agama yang dilakukan oleh kalangan Islam radikal. Intelektual NU Jawa Barat juga sadar penuh bahwa dalam tatanan kehidupan yang plural dan multikultural di mana setiap elemen sosial memiliki kebebasan untuk mengartikulasikan identitas dan bahkan ideologinya tanpa ada satu pun elemen sosial, termasuk NU sebagai ormas mayoritas dapat memaksakan kehendaknya. Maka cara yang tepat dilakukan NU Jawa Barat untuk mengartikulasikan ide-ide moderatismenya tidak lain kecuali melalui produksi wacana. Bagi kalangan intelektual NU Jawa Barat, ruang publik (public sphere) merupakan arena kontestasi bagi beragam kelompok dengan aneka identitas dan kecenderungan ideologisnya masing-masing. Wacana (discourse) sendiri dipahami sebagai alat yang cukup efektif untuk mengasosiasikan kepentingan setiap kelompok sosial. Lembaga di bawah struktural PW NU Jawa Barat yang cukup aktif mereproduksi wacana antara lain adalah Lembaga Bahtsul Masail (LBM). Misalnya, LBM PW NU Jawa Barat menghasilkan beberapa karya untuk mengcounter radikalisme Islam, selain juga masalah-masalah keagamaan dan sosial lainnya. LBM PW NU Jawa Barat juga intensif mendiskusikan dan merespon sejumlah wacana yang mendiskreditkan berbagai tradisi dan perilaku keberagamaan kalangan Nahdliyin, seperti mengkaji dan merespon buku K.H. Mahrus Ali yang bertajuk Mantan Kyai NU menggugat Tahlil, yang mengkritik tradisi tahlilan di kalangan Nahdliyin. Apabila dicermati, apa yang dilakukan NU Jawa

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Barat, baik secara organisasional maupun personal, dalam memproduksi wacana moderasi Islam, dapat dikatakan cukup strategis sebagai siasat kultural untuk membumikan dan mendialogkan Islam yang inklusif dan moderat tanpa banyak melahirkan ketegangan fisik yang destruktif. Strategi ini sekaligus berperan menjadi filter dan counter wacana dalam membatasi ruang gerak kalangan Islam radikalis, maupun kelompok umat yang paham agamanya kontraproduktif dengan Islam pribumi. Strategi ini berperan dalam memunculkan alternatif atas kebuntuan pendekatan dialog langsung yang selama ini dilakukan NU Jawa Barat terhadap kalangan radikalis. Kalangan NU Jawa Barat seringkali mengambil inisiatif untuk menyelesaikan berbagai persoalan yang potensial melahirkan konflik dengan berbagai kalangan, khususnya terkait dengan radikalisme Islam. Mereka seringkali mengajak kalangan Islam radikal untuk mendialogkan dan mendiskusikan berbagai persoalan umat, serta mencari kesepahaman dan solusi damai dari persoalan-persoalan umat, termasuk persinggungan dan persitegangan dengan kalangan Islam radikal. Hanya saja, ajakan kalangan diskusi, dialog, dan musyawarah dari kalangan NU ini tidak selamanya mendapatkan sambutan baik atau direspon secara baik. Melalui produksi dan publikasi wacana, masing-masing umat dapat belajar mendengar dan memahami jalan pikiran dan paham keagamaan kelompok lain yang berbeda. Belajar mendengar dan memahami orang lain yang memiliki perbedaan, bagi kalangan NU Jawa Barat, merupakan modal

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sosial sangat berharga yang dapat menghantarkan interaksi sosial yang kondusif dan menciptakan kerukunan beragama dan berbangsa secara solid.23 4. Kontekstualisasi Keagamaan dan Keberagamaan dalam konteks kebangsaan dan kemanusiaan Satu hal yang penting untuk dikemukakan adalah bahwa reinterpretasi dalam internalisasi paham moderatisme Islam berbasis aswaja senantiasa ditempatkan dalam konteks keumatan, keindonesiaan, dan kemanusiaan. Bagi NU Jawa Barat, ketiga konteks tersebut merupakan pengikat bagi semua kelompok yang memiliki latar perbedaan, tidak saja ideologi ataupun paham keagamaan, melainkan juga etnik, budaya, dan bahkan pilihan politik. Pancasila dan UUD 1945 sebagai dasar dan falsafah Negara sudah final dan harus dijunjung tinggi oleh semua komponen bangsa, tanpa terkecuali. Bahkan dalam konteks membangun tatanan kehidupan bangsa dan tatanan umat manusia yang memiliki karakter sosial plural dan multikultural, maka konteks kemanusiaan dan kebangsaan niscaya ditempatkan pada posisi teratas dengan argumentasi kehadiran Islam di muka bumi sebagai rahmat li al-alamîn, yakni bagi seluruh alam, bukan hanya untuk umat Islam saja.

Hal ini sejalan dengan padangan sejumlah penulis dalam Abdurrahman Wahid, Ilusi Negara Islam, hlm 235. 23

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Apabila dicermati apa yang dilontarkan intelektual NU Jawa Barat ini selaras dengan pendapat dari Ahmad Syafi’i Ma’arif. Secara lebih luas, Syafi’i Ma’arif membeberkan beberapa argumentasi pentingnya mendahulukan aspek kemanusiaan dalam mentransformasikan misi Islam untuk pembangunan peradaban yang lebih manusiawi, yaitu: a. Misi Islam tidak lain merupakan rahmat li al-alamin. Dengan menjadikan kemanusiaan sebagai pintu masuk pertama, umat Islam didorong untuk berpikir modial (menyeluruh, mendunia), yakni seluruh umat manusia, siapa pun mereka, pada hakikatnya adalah saudara dan sahabat. Jika terjadi permusuhan, harus diselesaikan dalam bingkai kemanusiaan secara adil dan beradab; b. Dari posisi kemanusiaan selanjutnya diturunkan menjadi posisi kebangsaan, karena kita semua hidup dan bernafas dalam teritori Negara-bangsa (nation-state) Indonesia. Umat Islam secara keseluruhan tidak boleh mengurung diri dalam lorong sempit hanya dalam lingkungan keumatan dalam makna terbatas; c. Manusia tidak diciptakan dalam satu format sosiokultural, melainkan dalam lingkungan beragam umat dengan ciri khasnya masing-masing. Ciri khas ini adalah petanda bahwa Allah, Maha Pencipta, anti-keseragaman, sebab serba-seragam dapat membuat manusia menjadi miskin wawasan dan kaku dalam pergaulan; d. Dalam konteks perumusan identitas kepribadian bangsa di mana NU ditakdirkan menjadi sayap utama umat Islam Indonesia, maka elit dan jamaah NU wajib punya wawasan dan jangkauan pemikiran yang melampaui radius

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ke-NU-an. Mereka semua adalah bagian yang menyatu dalam ranah pergaulan, yakni kemanusiaan, kebangsaan, dan keumatan.24 Secara khusus dalam rangka menempatkan persoalan keagamaan dalam konteks keindonesiaan dan kemanusiaan, NU sendiri telah mengembangkan tri-solidaritas atau dalam bahasa agama dikenal dengan istilah ukhuwah Islamiyah (solidaritas sesama umat Islam), ukhuwah wathoniyah (solidaritas kebangsaan), dan ukhuwah basyariyah (solidaritas kemanusiaan). Tiga ukhuwah ini diharapkan mampu menjadi sistem nilai dan landasan etik yang turut berperan dalam mengembangkan tata pergaulan baik dalam konteks kehidupan beragama, kehidupan berbangsa, maupun kehidupan umat manusia secara global yang ramah serta toleran terhadap aneka rupa perbedaan dan keragaman, baik sosial, budaya, etnik, dan agama. PENUTUP Dinamika Islam di Indonesia, khususnya di Jawa Barat, pada masa sekarang dan ke depan akan terus melahirkan ekspresi dan sekaligus konfigurasi keagamaan yang sangat beragam. NU Jawa Barat, beserta Pusat dan PW lainnya, memang pada saat ini masih menjadi salah satu pilar penyangga, bersama Muhammadiyah dan ormas Islam Baca lebih lanjut Ahmad Syafi’i Maarif, Islam Dalam Bingkai Keindonesiaan dan Kemanusiaan: Sebuah Refleksi Sejarah, Bandung: Mizan bekerjasama dengan Ma’arif Institute, 2009, hlm. 199-202. 24

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moderat lainnya, bagi terpeliharanya formasi sosial bangsa yang menjunjung tinggi toleransi, pluralisme, dan multikultural. Namun, kondisi ini tidak lantas melahirkan teori bahwa tanpa kehadiran NU, Islam di Indonesia yang terkenal dengan wataknya yang ramah dan toleran akan tamat pula. Tetapi merosotnya peran NU, begitu pula Muhammadiyah dan ormas Islam moderat lainnya, dalam peningkatan kualitas kehidupan keagamaan, kebangsaan, dan kemanusiaan, telah menjadikan wajah umat Islam yang ramah dan toleran semakin tergerus dan tereduksi. Oleh karena itu, setiap usaha untuk membendung radikalisme melalui penguatan paham moderatisme Islam diorientasikan bukan semata-mata terjaganya umat dari masing-masing kelompok dari pengaruh Islam radikal, tetapi juga diarahkan untuk menekan kalangan Islam radikal sampai ke tingkat grass roots. Selebihnya, usaha pengarusutamaan Islam moderat diarahkan pula untuk penciptaan pola relasi sosial yang lebih imbang dan berkeadilan dalam tatanan kehidupan sosial yang plural dan multikultural. Pendekatan kultural, sebagaimana dilakukan kalangan NU, dan tentunya Muhammadiyah, tetap harus dikedepankan dalam mempengaruhi secara aktif kebijakan Negara. Bagi Negara sendiri, usaha untuk membangun tatanan kehidupan bangsa yang plural dan multikultural, diharapkan pula melalui kebijakan politik yang lebih berorientasi pada bukan penafsiran kelompok umat yang dinilai sebagai liyan (the others) melainkan dengan cara menjamin terlaksananya konstitusi yang mampu memberikan keadilan secara demokratis bagi semua pihak yang hidup dalam rumah besar

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bernama Indonesia. Hal ini menuntut konsekuensi bahwa kalangan Islam radikal untuk tidak memaksakan kebenaran ideologinya atas ideologi umat dan/atau bangsa. Daftar Pustaka Ali, Muhammad. 2003. Teologi Pluralis-Multikultural: Menghargai Kemajemukan Menjalin Kebersamaan. Jakarta: Kompas. Ali-Fauzi, Ihsan dkk (ed). 2007. Demi Toleransi, Demi Pluralisme. Jakarta: Paramadina. Asad, Talad. 1986. The Idea of an Anthropology of Islam. Washington: CCAS, Georgetown University. Berger, Peter L. 1991. Langit Suci: Agama sebagai Realitias Sosial, Jakarta: LP3ES. Bruner, Edward M. 1995. “The Expression of Ethnicity in Indonesia”. Dalam A. Cohen (ed.). 1995. Urban Ethnicity, London: Travistock. Effendi, Bahtiar dan Hendro Prasetyo. 1998. Radikalisme Agama. Jakarta: PPIM-IAIN. Kallen, Horace M. 1972. “Radicalism”. Dalam Edwin R.A. Selingman, Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences. 1972. vol. XIII-XIV, New York: The Macmillan Company. Khoiron, M. Nur. 2005. “Agama dan Kebudayaan: Menjelajahi Isu Multikulturalisme dan Hak-Hak Minoritas.” Dalam Hikmat Budiman, Hak Minoritas: Dilema Multikulturalisme di Indonesia. 2005. Jakarta: Yayasan Interseksi dan TIFA. Kompas, 28 September 2011 Maarif, Ahmad Syafi’i. 2009. Islam Dalam Bingkai Keindonesiaan dan Kemanusiaan: Sebuah Refleksi Sejarah,

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Bandung: Mizan bekerjasama dengan Ma’arif Institute. Mahasin, Aswab. 1995. “Masyarakat Madani dan LawanLawannya: Sebuah Mukaddimah (Pengantar)”. Dalam Ernest Gelner, Membangun Masyarakat Sipil Prasyarat Menuju Kebebasan. Bandung: Mizan. Mudhzar, M. Atho. 2004. “Tantangan Kontribusi Agama dalam Mewujudkan Multikulturalisme di Indonesia”. Dalam Harmoni, Jurnal Multikultural dan Multireligius, vol. III, no. 11, Juli-September 2004. Muhammad, Husein. 2008. “Prolog Pluralisme Sebagai Keniscayaan Teologis”. Dalam Abdul Moqsith Ghazali. 2008. Argumen Pluralisme Agama, Membangun Toleransi Berbasis al-Qur’an. Jakarta: KataKita Osman, Mohamed Fathi. 2006. Islam, Pluralisme, dan Toleransi Keagamaan. Jakarta: Paramadina. Sholeh, Badrus (ed). 2007. Budaya Damai Komunitas Pesantren. Jakarta: LP3ES, LSAF, dan The Asia Foundation. Singh, Bilveer Singh dan Abdul Munir Mulkhan. Jejaring Radikalisme Islam di Indonesia, Jejak Sang Pengantin Bom Bunuh Diri. Yogyakarta: Jogja Bangkit Publisher. Sobur, Alex. 2002. Analisis teks Media: Suatu Pengantar Untuk Analisis Wacana, Analisis Semiotik, dan Analisis Framing. Bandung: Rosdakarya, 2002, hlm. 91. Wahid, Abdurrahman (ed). 2009. Ilusi Negara Islam, Ekspansi Gerakan Islam Transnasional di Indonesia. Jakarta: The Wahid Institute, Maarif Institute, dan Gerakan Bhineka Tunggal Ika.

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Nahdlatul Ulama and Religious Tolerance in Indonesia, Gugun Gumilar, President of Indonesia Association Students in United States Introduction: NU absolutely has to actively think about the proper forms of relationship between Islam and the State in the future.1 Islam in Indonesia develops within the conditions defined by the NU tradition declaring it as the Ahlussunnah Wal Jama’ah group which is adopted by the majority of Muslims in Indonesia. KH. Hashim Ash’ari, Abdul Wahab Chasbullah and his colleagues are members of the Khalifat committee. Seniority is an important aspect in the relationship between scholars. In a meeting comprising NU leaders from Java and Madura in Surabaya (in the residence of Abdul Wahab Chasbullah) has set January 31, 1926 as the setting up date

Abdurrahman Wahid was the 4th President of the Republic of Indonesia who produced the paper on introduction NU Pancasila written by Einar Martahan Sitompul published by LKiS Yogyakarta in 2010. 1

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for NU as a religious organization (Jam’iyah diniyah).2 There are three prominent scholars who played a pivotal role in the establishment of Jam’iyah Nahdlatul Ulama (NU). They are Kiai Wahab Chasbullah (from Jombang, Surabaya), Kiai Hashim Ash’ari (Jombang) and Kiai Cholil (Bangkalan). Mujammil Qomar, author of “Liberal NU: From Traditionalism Ahlussunnah to Islamic Universalism”, describes the role of the three - Kiai Wahab as the originator of the idea, Kiai Hasyim as key holder, and Kiai Cholil as determinant of the establishment.3 Tolerance is not actually a very positive or idealistic concept: etymologically it comes from the action or practice of enduring or sustaining pain or hardship.4 Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) stressed that they are against terrorism and radicalism. NU believes that Islam teaches moderation and religious tolerance. NU is ready to maintain these principles, and even accepted groups that have committed acts of violence in the name of religion. NU has tasamuh or tolerance principle which is the basis of religious tolerance in Indonesia. The tasamuh or tolerance attitude respects differences including people who do not share the same life principle. It does not mean that by Einar Martahan Sitompul, NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai Satu-Satunya Asas. 1st edn.,(Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication, 2010),p.49-50 3 Article of Nahdliyah publication published by PCNU Pasuruan, 1st edn., 1-2 September and October 2016 4 Lyn Parker, Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education In Indonesia, (Australia; Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006) p.8 2

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tolerating these different beliefs that we believe in these same beliefs. The concept of tolerance that NU believes in refers to Taha: 44 “And speak to him with gentle speech that perhaps he may be reminded or fear (Allah). Religious tolerance is interpreted differently among Indonesian Muslim scholars, both sociologically and ethically.5 Sociologically, religious tolerance is a fact that we are different, diverse and pluralistic. It is a social reality, something that is necessary and cannot be denied anymore. The reality is we have embraced different religions. Every religion has its own rules of worship. However, this is no excuse for discord. NU has to maintain religious tolerance in Indonesia so that the country continues to be one unified entity. Religious tolerance is very important for economic success so that we can achieve the standard of living in Indonesia. As we know, Indonesia has so much diversity. Religious tolerance is mutual understanding and respect without any discrimination especially in religious matters. Then, is there any significance of NU’s role in promoting religious tolerance in Indonesia? Indonesia: Unity in Diversity With more than 300 ethnic groups and 700 living languages, Indonesia is one of the most culturally and linguistically diverse countries on earth.6 On the religious front,

Zainul Abas, article on the paper relationships between religion in Indonesia: challenge and the hope 1st edn, 2012 6 Lyn Parker, Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education In Indonesia, 2006 (Australia; Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006), p.2 5

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the situation seems much simpler: there are officially only six religions in Indonesia. According to the 2000 census, 86% of the population is Muslims, 6% Protestants, 3% Catholics, 2% Hindus, and a smaller percentage Buddhists (CIA). And as of 2006, Confucianism too has also been officially recognized as a religion. An estimated 20 million people practise animism and other types of traditional belief systems (Oslo Coalition 2008).7 The shock waves sent around the world by the September 2011 terrorist strikes were also felt strongly in Indonesia, as in other Muslim countries. But it was the bombing in Bali on 12 October 2002 that really shook the world’s largest Muslim country.8 In this generally pro-Western nation, both attacks were met with waves of sympathy and concern for the victims and their loved ones. However, though the September 11 attacks were awful, they seemed a long way off and had no connection at all with Indonesia. On the other hand, in the case of the Bali bombing, Indonesia has to face the horrible reality that global terrorism is also its problem, and that Indonesia now has to deal with it at home.9 Pancasila is the basic foundation of Indonesia and cannot be separated from the role of NU. Historically NU has a great contribution to the civic, religious and political life in Indonesia.

Ibid p.2 Greb Barton, Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorism and Radical Islamism in Indonesia, 1st edn., (Australia; University of New South Wales Press, 2005), 9 Ibid p.114 7 8

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Academically, it is often seen as both accommodating and opportunistic in its defense of Sukarno and in galvanizing nationalism, religion and communism (Nasakom), which other religious and social organizations misconceived as putting religion and communism under one building concept.10 However, NU has recognized Pancasila as the sole foundation for all religious and social organizations in Indonesia at the 27th Congress in Situbondo, East Java, 1984.11 Then, in the New Order era, NU once again played an important role in Pancasila. Apart from a wide range of symbols attributed to it, NU has colored the history of the Indonesian nation’s struggle since the beginning of independence until recent decades. It is important to recognize NU’s contribution to the conception of Pancasila, the 1945 Constitution and the Republic of Indonesia. NU has been responsible in getting Pancasila recognized as a civil religion in Indonesia. NU insists that religion has an important voice to offer in environmental discussions. Religions do help to form cultures, worldviews, and ethics and thus may assist in shaping solutions to environmental problems. NU observes that an interdisciplinary approach will be necessary for solving environmental problems. Thus, NU promotes the concept that religions in their most comprehensive and particularized forms, offer patterns

Einar Martahan Sitompul, NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai Satu-Satunya Asas. 1st edn.,(Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication, 2010) p. 67 11 Ibid p.164 10

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of cosmological connection that link humans to their habitat. NU believes that Pancasila and its five principles is civil religion. Belief in God Almighty is the overarching principle in civil religion. Just and civilized humanity, as well as precept social justice for all the people of Indonesia is the embodiment of the concept of brotherhood based on fairness and humanity. Likewise, democracy guided by consultation and representation is also an important principle in civil religion. Civil religion was originally conceptualized as a ‘social contract’ by a French intellectual, JJ Rousseau.12 It was an enlightenment agenda based on the grandeur of logic. The most important is the logic which involves people in the state system. People trust the elites to govern according to the wishes of the people. So the most important goal in the state system is the welfare of the people. Through the concept of the social contract, the actual position of the community as an important part of the country became a reality. With bargaining power, people are empowered.13 Furthermore, NU has been promoting religious diversity through dialogue. Firstly, transparency means willing to listen to all parties proportionately, fairly and equitably. Dialogue is not a place for a business or to win the case, nor is it a place to smuggle various hidden agenda of the unknown with the dialogue partner. Second, NU strongly encourages Muslims to maintain good relations with other religions. Tolerance is the Nur Syam, Article on NU, Pancasila and Civil Religion, (Surabaya: Sunan Ampel, 2012) 13 Ibid p. Article on NU, Pancasila and Civil Religion 12

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only way to show respect for other beliefs. Religious differences do not mean that there would be no common ground that can generate mutual understanding. The common ground lies in the social and the ethical issues. Third, NU is a socioreligious organization. NU has affirmed the Pancasila as the state idea and the 1945 Constitution as the foundation for the judiciary and the Republic of Indonesia as the structural foundation of the country. NU had taken on the responsibility as the guardian of the country. In brief, the emergence of the concept of moderate Islam is consistent with NU’s belief that Islam in Indonesia is rahmatan lil ‘alamin. This is, essentially an integral part of NU’s effort to become the nation’s life support based on Pancasila. NU within the Dialog of Tolerance Tolerance is derived from “Tolerare” (Latin), which means to bear or to endure.14 From a socio-political perspective, tolerance means “the attitude of one in allowing others to have different beliefs and accept this reality since he recognizes the freedom of everyone’s rights in their mind.15 In a pluralistic society consisting of various faiths and religions, tolerance is a requirement for peace and harmony. Tolerance may be in the form of restraining oneself and permitting (passive) Sonia Nieto, Affirming Diversity, The Sociopolitical Context of Multicultural Education, Longman, 2000; and Robert Jackson, “Religious Education’s Representation of ‘Religions’ and ‘Cultures’”, British Journal of Educational Studies, 43: 3 (September 1995), p.272289 15 Ibid p.272-289 14

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and appreciating adherents of other faiths, although not accepting the teachings of the other faiths; appreciating religious elements and the implementation of other religions - an attitude that may help in understanding one’s own faith. The bases of this tolerance are recognition of the basic rights of human beings, and an appreciation of the capacity to adhere to a faith. NU believes in fostering dialogue to bridge the differences and eliminate potential areas of conflict. Dialogue can be used in many ways and it can be a universal standard for resolving issues such as those relating to international morality or global ethics, namely human rights, freedom, democracy, justice and harmony. Through dialogue we can foster global peace. However, this universal standard is not an easy matter for NU, since it is a theoretical construct that may vary with the realities at the grassroots. Religiosity is positively correlated with cooperative attitudes involving members of the community and the ingroup, but not the out-groups.16 At the same time, religiosity is also positively correlated with religion-based and ethnic based discriminative trust.17 NU needs an appropriate approach and methodology, both inter- and intra-religion to prevent conflicts among religious groups.18 The concept Lyn Parker, Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education In Indonesia, 2006 (Australia; Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural Studies, 2006), p.5 17 Ibid p.5 18 Zainul Abas, article on the paper relationships between religion in Indonesia: challenge and the hope 1st edn, 2012, p.15 16

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of universal brotherhood imbued with the spirit of human rights and religious freedom is strongly recommended by NU. From the moral and ethical dimensions, NU accepts universal brotherhood, for example, Abdurrahman Wahid with selfcriticism and pluralism in action and thought, Alwi Shihab with the attitude of tolerance and pluralism and the need to understand the message of God; all are attempts at finding a solution for religious harmonious coexistence. Firstly, NU aims to contribute to the improvement of relations between societies and communities with complex and diverse cultural religious backgrounds. Secondly, NU promotes critical attitude, which is critical of the exclusive attitude but not to discredit others. In other words, dialogue is like a double-edged sword; side one leads to self or selfcriticism, and the other side to critical conversations that are external, i.e. to give each other as well as giving consideration to the opinions of others based on one’s own convictions. Religion can serve as a criticism - on the understanding and behavior of religious people themselves. Third, there is a willingness to understand the beliefs, rituals, and symbols of other religions in order to understand others properly. Each person must be willing to try to understand another, both at face value and at the deeper, more personal level. In order to understand other religions there are some requirements that should equip a person, namely 1) The nature of intellectual equipment, which can be realized through information search about the religion and beliefs of others, 2) Present sufficient emotional state. It is important to keep the existence of a sense of attachment, attention or even

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participation, and 3) The existence of willingness.19 In terms of willingness, it must be addressed and directed to constructive purposes.20 However, it is better to reach out to religious plurality on teaching concepts and teaching practices. So therefore, the people of each religion are well aware of this plurality. Thus, as noted earlier, religious knowledge will support the realization of religious harmony. Model religious life should be conceived and actualized by religious people. This is important for the creation of religious harmony, mutual understanding and respect between religious communities for a harmonious religious life. Thus, religion can help in the actualization of peace and harmony. Because of that, religion can be a strong adhesive for the realization of national integration. In order to eliminate misunderstandings that occur between faiths, alternative mechanisms, religious dialogue models as mentioned above, can be put forward as interfaith dialogue. Interreligious dialogue is expected to make religious life more inclusive and open. Dialogue is expected to bring believers to the concept of ‘unity in diversity’ and ‘to live together’ with the underlying patterns of thought theology plurality.21 Religious dialogue models offered include as proposed by Kimball (Faisal Ismail, 1999: 9-11):22

Marzuki, article on Interreligious conflict in Indonesia, 2012 (Yogyakarta), p.8 20 Ibid p.8 21 Faisal Ismail. Religions and national integration, 1999 (Yogyakarta), p. 9 22 Ibid p.10-11 19

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1. Parliamentary Dialogue. This dialogue is conducted with the involvement of religious leaders on the world stage. For example, the already established and functioning World’s Parliament of Religions and Conference on Religions and Peace, and the World Congress of Faiths. The goal is to develop cooperation and peace among religious communities in the world. 2. Institutional Dialogue. This dialogue is conducted involving religious organizations. The goal is to discuss and solve problems and develop communication among religious organizations. 3. Theological Dialogue. The purpose of this model is to discuss theological-philosophical issues. The dialogue is intended to provide an understanding of the theological concepts of each religion. Building understanding based on the desires of one particular religion is subjective. 4. Dialogue in Society (Dialogue in Community). Dialogue in the form of co-operation of plural religious communities in working and solving practical problems in their daily lives. 5. Spiritual Dialogue. A dialogue model with the aim of developing and deepening the spiritual life among the various religions. These models can be used to build a harmonious life among religious people. NU believes that through dialogue we could develop a model of religious understanding, not merely to assert a difference, but also to be a meeting point of similarities that exist between religions. Interfaith dialogue is expected to set a religious paradigm of ritual piety and individual piety to form social piety. In the development of

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religious life, the government not only guarantees each resident the freedom to profess religion and to worship according to each religion and beliefs, but also censures, fosters, develops, and provides guidance and direction so that religious life is more developed, vibrant, and in harmony with the goals of national development. Therefore, the pattern fostering religious harmony is directed at three forms23: 1) harmony between internal religious, 2) interreligious harmony, and 3) interreligious harmony religion.24 NU firmly believes in interreligious dialogue to communicate in order to develop mutual understanding with people from different religious background in Indonesia. In Indonesia during the New Order era, dialogue was promoted by the government partly as a tool to maintain “religious harmony”. In another words, stability and religious institutions were used to lend the regime some legitimacy. Indeed, it succeeded in calming those communities, and Indonesia was hailed as an example of religious harmony, albeit a domestic one. But when freedom of expression became available, the 1998 popular movement forced the President to step down. Abdurrahman Wahid, well-known as Gus Dur, is one of the greatest Muslim intellectuals in Indonesia. He was the fourth President of Indonesia and a past chairperson of Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), one of the largest independent Islamic

23 24

Ministry of Religious Affairs RI, 1980 (Jakarta), p. 45 Ibid p.45

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organizations in the world. Gus Dur served as chairperson from 1984-1999. With a large membership, NU became extremely powerful. Hence, Soeharto, the second President of Indonesia, attempted to limit its powers by offering some benefits and facilities to Gus Dur. It was not easy however, because Gus Dur was personally an opponent of the government. In this regard, he became one of the most powerful threats to Soeharto’s authority. Repeatedly Soeharto tried to remove Gus Dur from the top level of NU and replace him with a more cooperative person, but these attempts always failed. Gus Dur’s activities became more public. From 1991 to 1999, he served as head of Forum Demokrasi/Democracy Forum (Fordem), a group that aimed to criticize government policies. One of the problems that Gus Dur struggled with was the government’s unequal treatment of minorities in Indonesia. He became a defender of minority groups, particularly Indonesian Chinese, Christians, and other groups. Gus Dur was considered as an unusual Muslim because of his commitment to pluralism and tolerance.25 For instance, when he became president, he issued a policy about a new national holiday, “Hari Raya Imlek/Chinese New Year Day”, from the Chinese tradition. As a minority group in Indonesia, the Chinese were pleased with this policy.

Liddle, William, “My Name is Abdurrahman Wahid”, see http:// www.psweb.sbs.ohio-state.edu/faculty/rwliddle/papers/http:// www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Biography/BiographyWahidAbd.htm 25

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What Gus Dur had done inspired NU youths to start criticizing the government and its policies, demanding doors to be opened to others, including non-Muslims and the left wing. Besides learning the holy Qur’an, NU youths also explored social sciences, the theology of freedom, and socialist thought from Muslim intellectuals and postmodern authors. Ulil Abshar Abdalla, the former chairman of Liberal Islam Network (JIL), is an example of an NU-youth that was inspired to follow Gus Dur’s moderate, tolerant, and liberal way of thinking. In 1993, Gus Dur was honored with the Magsaysay Award from the Philippine government for his effort to build interreligious relationships in Indonesia. He was ranked twentyfourth in the 1996 Asiaweek listing of the fifty most powerful people in Asia, with his power measured on the basis of his chairmanship of the thirty-million-strong NU. He has been described in the following terms: “a known champion of religious tolerance and democratization, the most influential, enigmatic, fascinating and yet also vulnerable political player on the increasingly messy Indonesian political landscape.”26 Gus Dur’s commitment to the freedom of religion reflects from his notion that “reducing religious freedom is a crime.” The socio-cultural approach was used by Gus Dur in his

This is quoted from http://www.wisdom.psinet.net.au/~lani/ asia.html by Peter Ridell, 2001, Islam and the Malay-Indonesia World, University of Hawai’I Press, p.250-251 26

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efforts to introduce Islamic values to society.27 This approach gave priority to developing cultural means and insights and was complemented by efforts to develop a societal system suitable to these cultural insights. This approach stressed cultural activities in the context of developing institutions, which may support the gradual transformation of the social system through evolution. Using this approach might facilitate the entering of the “Islamic agenda” into the “national agenda” inclusively without formalizing Islam. By using this substantial approach, Gus Dur’s later idea on domesticating Islam as an effort to implement Islam’s universal values in Indonesia’s various cultures was proposed. In this context, he viewed Islamic culture as only one of the existing cultures in the nation. The Islamic culture was regarded as only complementary to Indonesia’s cultures as a whole. Based on this thought, the Islamic community is expected to have a national awareness and Indonesia should be developed based on this awareness. In short, NU within the dialogue fosters religious harmony in promoting the state of relations among religious communities based on tolerance, mutual understanding, mutual respect, respect for equality in the practice of their religion and cooperation in the life of society, nation and state in Indonesia.

Imron Hamzah, Choirul Anam, (eds.), Gus Dur Diadili Kiai-Kiai, (Surabaya: Jawa Pos, 1999), p. 21 27

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NU and Politic in Indonesia As a religious organization NU has responded to politics in Indonesia.28 Officially the involvement of NU in practical politics was from 1953 to 1973.29 However, it does not mean that NU’s political role was limited to that decade. In fact, when NU became an important part of Masyumi, NU still officially channel its political aspirations through the United Development Party (Partai Persatuan Pembangunan). It is also important for those periods. At the 27th Congress in 1984 Khittah (principal of NU) was officially backdated to 1926.30 It marked NU’s exit from PPP and again a socio-religious organization established in January 31, 1926. Included was the purpose of establishing NU’s movements and others. The Khittah conversation with NU was often associated with political affairs. Meanwhile, NU 1926 Khittah coverage was basically just to explain NU’s relationship with politics and also the basic things related to the worship of Allah and society. During the reform era, NU invited citizens to join the party with the guidance of the Party’s National Awakening (PKB) NU. All this simply means supporting NU’s struggle. The main thing is that NU is jami’iyah (organizational group), an independent,

Einar Martahan Sitompul, NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai Satu-Satunya Asas. 1st edn.,(Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication, 2010),p.77 29 Ibid p.117 30 Ibid p.172 28

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not part of other organizations such as political organizations and civil society organizations. However, in 2014, NU will be tested with only two parties with cadres of NU from PKB and PPP parties. The political influence Kiai (NU Scholars Chaplain) on the political changes in the traditional Javanese Islamic society is still recognized by many politicians, given the patterns of interactions and social norms that characterized rapport with the community that has put Kiai as strategic elites to influence the elements beneath. It is important to look beyond appearances and pay attention to ideas, behavior and the changing specifics of the social and political context.31 Therefore, various entities or interest groups will always fight kiai and place it as a partner in carrying out political work in both the local (micro scale) and national (macro scale) levels. As part of a deliberate political strategy and imaging tools or interests, roommates or scholars are grouped in such a way as to influence the public perceptions, emotions, feelings, awareness and opinion so that the public can be led to a preference for certain political choices and decisions (political seduction). In the approach to the scholars, the model of bullying is taboo for politicians, because the system interacts in a world that necessitates patron kiai to be a strong aspect

Greb Barton, Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorism and Radical Islamism in Indonesia, 1st edn., (Australia; University of New South Wales Press, 2005), p.116 31

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of politeness patterned top-down.32 However, kiai in political circles is expected to ferry the masses to vote for the parties or politicians of certain interest groups. Kiai also functioned as an interpreter of social political Islam from the grassroots where political changes are closely related to or influenced by political changes among scholars. The kiai politician generally still believes that politics is the media’s alternative struggle as a logical consequence of the view of Islam as a religious movement. Conclusion NU fosters religious harmony in promoting the state of relations among religious communities based on tolerance, mutual understanding, mutual respect, respect for equality in the practice of religion and cooperation in the life of society, nation and state in Indonesia. NU argues that religious tolerance can be implemented in a society where there is mutual respect. NU believes that Pancasila with its five principles is the real picture of a civil religion. To repeat, the concept of moderate Islam that NU believes as rahmatan lil ‘alamin, is essentially an integral part of NU’s effort to become the nation’s life support based on Pancasila. Religious tolerance is especially important here in Indonesia since it has

Benedict Anderson’s formulation of the Javanese idea of power and polity, which was originally published in 1972.52 In this article Anderson outlines the way in which traditional notions of power in Javanese culture are diametrically opposed to common Western conceptions. 32

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a variety of religions, ethnics, languages and cultures. In brief, NU is committed towards religious tolerance which leads to religious cooperation, and that cooperation in turn produces something good for the whole of society. This has become a powerful witness to the vital importance of religious conviction in Indonesia. Literature Abas, Zainul. (2011). The Paper Relationships between Religion in Indonesia: Challenge and the Hope. Jakarta: Depag Publication. Anderson, Benedict. (1972). Traditional Notions of Power in Javanese Culture are Diametrically Opposed to Common Western Conceptions. Jakarta: Gramedia Barton, Greb. (2005). Jemaah Islamiyah Terrorism and Radical Islamism in Indonesia, Australia: University of New South Wales Press Publication. Hamzah, Imron and Anam, Choirul. (1999). Gus Dur Diadili Kiai-Kiai. Surabaya: Jawa Pos Ismail, Faisal. (2012). Religions and National Integration. Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication. Jackson, Robert. (1995). “Religious Education’s Representation of ‘Religions’ and ‘Cultures’’’, Longman: British Journal of Educational Studies. Liddle, William. (2012). “My Name is Abdurrahman Wahid”, see http://www.psweb.sbs.ohio state.edu/faculty/rwliddle/ papers/http://www.rmaf.org.ph/Awardees/Biography/ BiographyWahidAbd.htm (accessed April 1st, 2013). Marzuki, (2012). Interreligious Conflict in Indonesia. Yogya-

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karta: LKiS Publication. Ministry of Religious Affairs RI. (2012). Dialog in Indonesia. Jakarta: Depag Publication. Nahdliyah. (2011). Article of Nahdliyah. Pasuruan: PCNU Pasuruan Publication. Nieto, Sonia. (2000). Affirming Diversity, The Sociopolitical Context of Multicultural Education, Longman: British Journal of Educational Studies. Parker, Lyn. (2006). Religious Tolerance and Inter-Faith Education in Indonesia. Australia: Asian Studies School of Social and Cultural Studies Publication. Peter, Ridell. (2001). Islam and the Malay-Indonesia World, Hawai: University of Hawai’I Press. http://www.wisdom.psinet. net.au/~lani/asia.html, (accessed April 2nd, 2013). Sitompul, Einar Martahan. (2010). NU and Pancasila: Sejarah dan Peranan NU dalam Perjuangan Umat Islam di Indonesia dalam rangka Penerimaan Pancasila sebagai SatuSatunya Asas. Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication. Syam, Nur. (2012). NU Pancasila and Civil Religion. Surabaya: Sunan Ampel Publication. Wahid, Abdurrahman. (2010). Introduction NU Pancasila. Yogyakarta: LKiS Publication.

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