Idea Transcript
'NATIONALISM'
AND THE COLONIAL SITUATION
IN ALGERIA UNDER FRENCH RULE 1830-1962
by JOHN HUMPHREY
THESIS SÜBMITTED FOR THE DEGREE OF D. PHIL.
Department
of Politics
University
of York April
1976
ABSTRACT 'NATIONALISM' AND THE COLONIALSITUATION IN ALGERIAUNDERFRENCHRULE1830-1962
The thesis seeks to situate the 1954-62 Algerian war within an intelligible framework. interpretations theoretical It outlines two different One, shared by orthodox liberal Western political of Third World Nationalism. scientists and even some Marxists, suggests that nationalism arose from the disintegration Europeanof 'traditional' society and the rise of ' modernity'; its midwives, and novel created towns were its cradle, 'Westernize'd'elites language and organization its birthmarks. However, social anthropolitical pological insights into segmentary dynamics, together with Marxist analysis of colonialism, of the dialectics suggest that 'nationalist' manifestations features of every, and special variables must instead be related to built-in 'Nationalism" in each colonial situation. then evaporates as an analytical category describing a single, consistent pattern of behaviour at all levels of a total 'nation'. The Key aspects of the Algerian colonial situation are pinpointed. indigenous political 'game' was an intricate, mobile pattern of segmentary groupings allied and opposed in competition for economic and 'saintly' dynastic hegemonies and the resources, complicated by the claims of 'central' wider moslem community. The colonial administration superimposed its own socio-economic norms and structures upon this, yet had neither the resources by its 'holding position', nor the will to do so thoroughly; characterized deliberate 'underadministration', both sought and tried to prevent revolutionary impact. helped moslem society to survive the experience, This contradiction
The as did a wide variety of defensive, evasive and adaptive strategies. resultant bifurcation at the heart of the colonial situation deepened as native groups "retood the initiative'. The FLN exploited this context rather than created a new one. Its strength came from the combined solidaraties segmentary of 'traditional' by long communities - entrenched in inaccessible armed resistance, marked regions social banditry and clandestine self-government - rather than from a small 'evolved' urban elite. It was not ä closely-co-ordinated, seasoned or ideologically-disciplined vanguard party; it merely helped to make this a
future possibility.
CONTENTS page CHAPTER ONE I. II. III. IV.
Nationalism Orthodox Interpretations of Third World Nationalism Basic Assumptions In Orthodox Theories of Nationalism Critique of Orthodox Methodology
CHAPTER TWO
I. II. III.
THE ORTHODOXINTERPRETATION OF NATIONALISM
The Colonial The Dynamics 'Nationalism'
AN ALTERNATIVE (NON-ORTHODOX) INTERPRETATION OF NATIONALISM Situation Of The Colonial In The Colonial
Situation Situation
1 1 5 18 44
73 73 86 161
ALGERIAN SOCIETY BEFORE FRENCH OCCUPATION 212 I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII.
The Framework Of Interpretation Segmentation Lineage And Nomenclature Non-Agnatic Alliances Contingency And Diffusion Of Power Sacredness Marginality The Turkish Regime
CHAPTER FOUR
I. II. III. IV. V.
Conquest Military Government The Origins Of Civil The Commune De Plein The Commune Mixte
CHAPTER FIVE I. II. III. IV.
THE ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTUREOF ALGERIA UNDER FRENCH RULE
Government Exercice
'UNDERADMINISTRATION' IN COLONIAL ALGERIA
Survival Of Withdrawn Structures Adaptation Of Structures Renewed Dynamism of Islam The F. L. N. And The 1954-62 Struggle
Cc*CLVSIoN 81BLtorR. AP) /
333
347 365 411 411 415 463 484
REACTIONS TO THE COLONIAL SITUATION AND
THE ROLE OF THE F. L. N. I. II. III. IV.
317
317
The Concept Of Underadministration The Assessment Of Algerian Colonial Administration The Military Assault On Underadministration, 1054-62 Underadministration And The Colonial Situation
CHAPTERSIX
212 218 227 231 237 246 260 267
506 506 526 538 581 678 68ý-
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
This during
time
which
locations
thesis
has taken
I have passed
and personal
finished
at
Department
is
all
has been tried remained
to
unmet,
throughout.
encouraging
debt
generosity
as a source
assistance.
I count
ideas,
of
myself
balance
it
has been in
too numerous
extremely
to
have
and
understanding
guidance
patience
to recall
has been equalled
practical
and
the
His
of gratitude.
he has remained inspiration
This
its
Dr T. V. Sathyamurthy,
as deadlines yet
jobs,
to my Supervisor
entirely
limits,
That
change.
at York University,
the
stubbornly
the process,
In
up an overwhelming
different
several
considerable
due almost
of Politics
whom I have built
through
vicissitudes.
have undergone
perspective
to complete,
what now seems an eternity
only
by his
and administrative
to have made his
fortunate
friendship. I also
to
wish
to the various
gratitude
The resources
of
I am grateful
for
the
Library,
The Centre
sur les
des Hautes
Fondation Recherches
Etudes
Nationale sur
In addition The Social original
course
help
and African
l'Afrique
et
Politique
I would
like
l'Asie
work possible.
disposal, at my
(London),
Studies
of Algiers),
(Paris), Moderne
(Paris),
The
(Paris),
and the
Centre
(Aix-en-Provence).
study
Council, at York,
for
and
The British
to thank:
Research
of post-graduate
more formal
(University
de Droit
Internationales
Relations
Mediterraneenne
Science
and guidance:
The Faculte
de Science
l'Afrique
were placed
of Oriental
sur
to record
have made this
that
libraries
courteous
The New York Public
Centre
opportunity
institutions
The School
d'Etudes
this
following
their
Museum (London),
take
financing
my
The de
The York University forbearance
in and,
for
its
initial
the
circumstances
finally,
Higher
Degrees
indicated
the Department
encouragement
and help.
Committee
for
their
above,
of Politics
at York University
CHAPTER ONE
THE ORTHODOXINTERPRETATION OF NATIONALISM
NATIONALISM
I. i.
ii. iii.
Concept
Third
is ii. iii. III. i. ii. iii.
v. vi.
ix. x.
IV.
i. ii. iii. iv.
Anthropology
3
ORTHODOXINTERPRETATIONS OF THIRD WORLDNATIONALISM
5
The Work of Coleman
5
Liberal
Western
Marxism
and Nationalism
Political
Science
9 13
BASIC ASSUMPTIONS IN ORTHODOXTHEORIES OF NATIONALISM
18
The Theory
18
of Change
The Disintegration of
of the
Traditional
19
the Modern
The Importance
21
of Towns
24
The Role of the
Elite
26
The Role of the
Proletariat
31
Culture
32
Inspiration
viii.
2
and Social.
The New Political
vii.
1
Nationalism
Science
The Rise
iv.
Nationalism
of
World
Political
II.
NfIs
The
1
The Passivity
of Nationalism of Traditional
from
Outside
and Rural
37 Areas
39
The Past
41
CRITIQUE OF ORTHODOXMETHODOLOGY
44
Mechanistic
44
Ethnocentric
46
Non-Specific
(Comparative)
Tautological
1-0ChapterOne
52 54
57
NATIONALISM
-I.
-i. . to
of Nationalism
The Concept is
Nationalism
describe
a notoriously a kind
either
without
Presumably,
the
such an ideology.
definition, firmly
the
since embedded in
Indeed,
into
nation
the
in
belief
As a description has also
label
may cover
the
more or less
to
otherý, spheres Clearly,
it one.
secondary
- cultural, is
of
not
Beyond
understanding.
concept
defined
nationalism
for
depth
a miscellany
with
of
Minogue's of
beliefs,
kinds
context. organization
or explicit
appropriate or it
only
it
but
images,
much a
very
becomes
conclusion
of
for
may be extended
or economic.
concept, analysis,
'nationalism'
term
Alternatively,
religious,
irreducible
One sympathizes is
only
sphere,
example,
a primary, a certain
the
to particular
a specific
'political'
a
already
one which
may be considered
Nationalism
judgement.
of nationality.
negation
any formal
lacking
activities
clearly
in
lies
may seek to bring
it
may refer
goals
specified
of ideals.
articulation
to
It
feature
concrete
'nation'
mode of behaviour,
of a coherent
pursuing
man's
towards
far
or foster
cherish
another
been used in many ways.
organization the
is
nation
to
1
a basic
nationalist's
may be 'projective'; than
rather
existence
is
of this
of the
realm
or any particular
nation'
get us very
shape or content
subjective
the nation
One man's
exists.
actual
does not
of
'a bargain". as cheap
'the
of
form
any particular
presents
supreme value
itself
can assert
or values,
organization
ideology
Yet this
to
loyalty
may be used
behaviour.
of
"Nationalism
out,
points
economic
in
belief
a form
or
It
concept.
catch-all
ideology,
demanding
No other
beliefs.
religious
of
same time
or society,
government
of
Halpern
As an ideology, at the
vague
an obstacle
that and
"the
assumptions
L
quite
to academic
unsuited it
define
he is
definitions
adopting
These problems of the
World
Third
top
from
the
political
the
values
The fact
elite
in,
as it
upon the
social
Naturally,
play if
the
and in
groups,
the
the
nationhood,
the light
the
or from
were,
political
real
becomes
given,
are
of what changes looking
inhibits
those
of obstacles: in
terms
marked way.
bottom
the
at
upwards
-
of indigenous in
phenomena figure
latter
these
role
this or from
outwards,
If
in
proceeds
in
things
the
which
externally-defined
must
sense,
is
and strengthened. that
the
er considýations,
educated
outside projected
a quite
starting-point,
then
inside
the
term
is
and intellectuals
politicians,
the
trails
of nationalism
in
of nationality
culture. they
at all,
from
immediately
and inevitably
concept
our viewpoint
materialize.
from
we use the
The analytical
eyes of local
be implanted
at
and discussion
be changed or abolished
these
looked
outside.
and political
analysis
we structure is
to make this
the
If
discussion
was used to
in Europe,
originated
itself.
is
Anachronism
phenomena and preoccupations,
The problems
process
through
'nationalism'
context,
'nation-to-be',
necessary
possible
into
imported
is
term
World.
Third
the
behind
process
down.
process
in
term
connotations
The political the
are
European
certain
certain the
the
since
describe
must
it.
to
stick
term
of several
which
precisely
compounded when the
process
political
invited,
indicate
then and -
the
Whoever does employ
World Nationalism
Third
-ii.
purposesN least
or at
closely,
2
within
widely
employed
in the
Third
in as far
as they
their
own societies,
by 'nationalist'
World
may represent with
itself,
parties,
does not
affect
a partly-European-
special
economic
and social
to
3
In-a
interests. an 'outside' a 'centralizing' top
but
perspective
is
certainly
data
structuring logical,
but
everyday
reality.
Third
This
to
often
represent the
from
questions
But by pre-
of the
true
4
of the
the
with
in
evidence
slants
of perspective.
touch
of
from
picture
consistent
a 'dialectic
proves
the
the
concepts
surfaces' and
more profound
of
science
political
understanding he claims,
to
distinctly
"the
technique
of
European Africa.
concept
of in
several
its
from
which
and African
form Political
and
in
5
political Such
from
the
African
Coleman pushes
former
set
of
institution
of
the tends
nationalism
more
is
terminology
content".
This
Scientists
who take
in
the
not
modern to
statement
the
the sphere
claims
conceptual is
culture,
accepted
developments
nationalism)"
Anthropologists
the
Anthropologists.
Social
to
Third
the
"generally
reference
specific
in
nationalism
Scientists
nationality,
that
suggesting the
of
concept
segmentarism).
present-day
creation Western
nation,
chief,
by
because the
with
used by Social
analyse of
the
AnthroEology
of Coleman who distinguishes
view
lineage, Science
of
Political
elaborated
language
used
use
(i. e. state,
world
Political
and Social
distinguishes
(e. g. tribe,
the
choice
no more than
too
Science
certainly
explanatory
towards
the
and out
all
some respects,
political
first
This
a fairly
construct
confirm
over-mechanistic,
context
Western
still
The chosen perspective
we may produce
Political
is
(defines)
than
rather
World.
-iii.
World
to
vantage-point.
such a way as seemingly
In
they
tradition sees
- one which
possible
such an 'external'
the
'inside'
that
within
an 'inside'
may represent
3
down.
It
partial
view,
they
sense,
of
tools, for
useful
the
anachronistic, nation-state,
be directed, well
a projected
is
illustrates 'nation-to-be'
4
as their
Coleman's
in
community' forces
of disintegration
future
(the
or the
'essential'
the
actual
in
'essential'
for
Political
into
the
The term
Social
prefer,
out the
linked
of
the
used,
superficiality
Thus, Third
out
to talk
It
World first
'nationalism'.
is
it
past;
it
in
has no part
of injecting a key role
plays
likely
any
with items
by not
for
layers
discussion the
on the
example, of the
interaction.
aimed
tempering
considerable agenda
differences
over
the
this
is
localized
the
contributions IS
useful..
the
precise
ness
if
such a clash Anthropologists They
colonial
situation'.
chiefly
to point
Political meaning,
Political Social
as
interpretation
word at all.
conventional
of
the
the
the
over
Social
to 6
of social at
Consistent
because
employing
an intensely
to be given
'nationalism'
of rivalry
'reactions
specific
by Balandier
for
time
have to manufacture
of discord,
simply about
form
'.
and anachronism
complex in
We
the points
instead,
with
the
in
utility
task
the
inside),
may survive
has no future
Scientists
the
take
rarely
disagreement
version.
(the
present
performs
such lips.
and Political
term nationalism.
word is
to
comes awkwardly
their
Where the
it
have little
Anthropologists
reality
to bring
manifest
The projected
may be residual
because thus
the
The past
past!
and of destroying
Anthropologists
of the
we wish
shattering
actual
there
Nationalism
present,
Social
same social
meaning
the
concrete
but
from
Scientists.
a concept.
of the
terminology,
terminal
modernity".
by implication
present.
By contrast,
between
the
over
and thus
Anthropological
future
characterizes in takes priacy over
present
present,
the
that
post-feudal (sic)
has emerged
words'idhich
thus
outside)
Social the
"a post-tribal,
starting-point;
analytical
Science and intimately
Science
of
Anthropology, of
such
concepts
the one as
5
ORTHODOXINTERPRETATIONS OF THIRD WORLDNATIONALISM
II.
Various of
social
into
in
process
Political
the
'dynamic'
and
are a number of
and many inconsistencies.
positions,
A preliminary
through systematic
manner, its
clarify
The school
implicit
with
is
so it logic
Though acknowledging of past
argues
that
According
and present
together
only
certain
three
under
the
last
groups
Traditionalist
the
within
and subsequent
personnel
or institutions. mahdistic,
in
is
and to
order
an intricate Coleman
and aspirations, its
various
strands. been
frequently
of nationalism:
and modernist
are nationalist
traditionalist He considers
movements.
indeed, -
movements proper
only
category.
movements
conquest,
"nativistic,
heading
an explicit
account
nationalism
and isolate
movements,
of these
World
phenomena have too
general
in
shot
usually
procedures.?
discontents
unravel distinct
syncretistic the
Third
social
we must try-to to him,
movements,
and definitional that
expounded
on his
to dwell
useful
is
he represents
than
rather
in
can be found
viewpoint
orthodox
of thought
assumptions
internal
jumble
of the
statement
work of Coleman.
that
There
of nationalism.
'orthodox'
the
be called
might
post-war Anthropologists.
Social
with
other
grouped
with
associated
analyses
The Work of Coleman
-i.
lumped
These can be usefully
and the they
in
word nationalism
one; ' mainly
Scientists,
interpretations
intermediate
the
- the
sake of labelling,
to the
World.
the Third
two main traditions
American For
have been given
senses
revolts
'primary
include against
They also or messianic
the
include
resistance' implantation 'nativism',
to of
colonial colonial
by which
mass movements - usually
he means
of a magico-
6
religious
character
tensions
by the
produced
inequality
of alien
Coleman's
Syncretism comprises
a positive
is
comes from
upon pre-colonial of
control.
it
contains
those
a Westernized
However,
it
is
"an element
aspects
of the
Only
certain
old
which
Coleman subdivides groups,
Nationalism
proper by the
activated and national
proper, is
Western
ideas
African
and external
member state
of democracy,
nation-states
and political
African
grouping....
equality or within
and local what
is
the
progress, aspires
interest
the or
autonomy manifestly
elite,
which
welfare
state
to
create
an internal
trappings b)
movements.
a)
either
possessing
and all
society....
economic
or trans-territorial
and which
of international
social
three;
by the Westernized
and led
sovereignty
and 'rational'.
'positive'
considered
and pan-African
"Organized
it
which
as 'nationalism
to be regarded
movements into
modernist
self-determination,
modern independent apparatus
proper
is
indeed
desirable".
some respects are
pedals
to recapture
the"new,
with
compatible
draws
as nativism;
"an urge
namely
of Modernism
elements
nationalism
are
and in
Only nationalism
proper'.
'negative'
as wholly
but
elite,
on traditional
and presses
of rationality",
as inevitable
recognizes
not
are
he argues,
of such tendencies,
or semi-Westernized
of loyalty,
sources
they
It from nationalism proper. foCMa{. On of and-ffi e kinship associations separatism,
The leadership
associations.
in
to him.
alternative
distinguished
also
'negative'
are
European;
the
refuse
for
outlets
or socio-economic
and Nativism
Resistance
such phenomena as religious
and tribal usually
frustration,
confusions,
rule".
construct
or emotional
are psychological
They do no more than
view.
to
unable
- which
of a recognized
to achieve within a plural
state
absolute
a broader society".
Eur-
is
7
Thus Coleman associates (the
by education the
a 'westernized' of Western
terms
the
of seeking those It
difficult elite,
and 'rational'
are
of Western
political
be cast
Western
paying
in It
with.
'comprehensible'
is
offer
journals,
are
forms, for
example.
Coleman regards
them as the
only
between
what is
'political'
and what is
excluded
forms
political colonial character.
consequences, administration
in -
truly
but -
colonial
they
are
and syncretism, they
themselves
"Each of the movements, " he argues,
and come the
constituted
"is
and
duesare
but
proper',
consequential'.
situation
The have
undoubtedly
pose problems
for
of a political in
this
He distinguishes
activities.
'politically
not
to
officials,
paid
and conferences,
political
traditionalism the
within
embraced as 'nationalism
such manifestations
Acceptance
can understand
leaders,
documents
culture
opposition
as formally
is
'Positive'
political
of predictability
policy
of behaviour,
eyes.
but
sovereigns
elected
power,
programme
culture.
a prerequisite
a measure
with
Western
political
Such organizations
parties,
colonial
Coleman's
of the
sense
nation'.
in
any other) not
the narrow
such a modernization
Western
the
which
political
that
acceptance
sovereignty
framework..
membership,
Not only
with
(or
should
political
a 'modern
and 'rational'
indigenous
forms
cultural
structured
equated
"democracy, The same
by the
sovereignty
conclude
'positive'
of the
and rejection
to
are
in
are nationalists
era,
seek to build
not
ideas
to or
ideas expressed
with
self-determination".
of political
who subsequently
is
to terms
colonial
bourgeoisie,
have adapted
nationalism
driving
and national
abandonment
what makes the
should
state,
the
its
which,
groups (the
role
workers),
He links
culture;
social
economic
urban
style.
political
who, during
elite,
and/or
wage-earning life
the welfare
progress,
are
or the
middle-class,
adopted in
'intelligentsia')
those
with
nationalism
one way or another
the
8'
to the
a response disintegrating
forces
"only
but...
The implicit
and radical
circumstantial, 'positive'
the
key word;
of Western
to play
in
any part
When Coleman speaks
the
he means not
alteration", indigenous
'traditional'
'political',
is
transcending
'power
donated
such a programme,
and only
such bodies
about
its
realization,
Paradoxically,
Third
the
outcome; of
forces
His
definition
excludes
indigenous
(or
itself
these;
for
culture, 'irrational'
other it
and assertion
truly
are World
the
manifestations
non-Western) feeds
to be without
merely
Administration.
colonial
designed
clearly
as are
become
, nAColeman's
within
society
which
draw their
which
Nationalism
decay.
of alternative
reactions.
as the
to
nationalist.
sources.
upon their
or defence
and 'negative'
by the
nationalism to
external
"radical
and without
organization
structures
framework.
authority
colonial
of social
or
To be 'positive',
process.
of the
and refusal
administration
colonial
the
needs
But
it.
messianism,
administrative
structure'
so much the
forms
vague and
situation
a colonial
which
the basic
bring
in
colonial
to seek to replace
- is
more radical
as armed uprising,
political
to traditional
returning
Otherwise,
to
committment
acceptance
connotes
structure"
power
rudimentary
of the
it
culture.
seem to be such reactions
power structure)';
power structure"
as suggested,
"the
irrevocably
be wrong to over-emphasize
would
political
to alter
attempts
would
Only
it
is
it
that
"irrevocable -
here of the
alteration
- of modernity"...
of the
alteration
'political'
and perhaps is
framework
primarily
of
in
political
and radical
definition
a positive
'total'
is
nationalism
insecurity
the
- and consequently
to a positive
committed
rule,
of alien
challenge
of the
intrusion
or of the
Rejection political
writings,
they
operate.
strength
from
substitutes of Western values,
political are
9
Having goes on to its
delimited the
outline the rise
growth:
middle-class,
"detribalized, Africans"
and the
(finally) and
and
education
of
the
centralized
frustration
of
intellectuals
from
of a
growth
authorities,
operation
middle-class exclusion
the
Western
a sense
explain
full
among and professional in
participation
this
new
system.
activity, in
is
undoubtedly
terms that
essence
of
The problem
of a clear this
is
then
two are
Minogue
merely
out,
as the political is
example,
argues
reality
levels
elite
explain
begins
of social - elite
argument
of a proper
to
of political.
when he the
encapsulates
wholly
other
circular
reality.
nationalism
and a proper
nation
large
of
-
World
within "the
that:
nationalism
the
of a very with
terminology
of a more general
to orthodox
American
"Nationalism
.
of nationalism
political drive
8 would
of modernization". science. for
thought
Sometimes
"'Nation-Building".
process
and the
school
'modernization'.
of
commonest explanation
wing
central
Science
one representative
Third
englobed
The idea
one of
Political
Western
equate
points
and 'tries
But confusion
factors.
at various
emergence
one segment
reality.
Coleman is to
merely
on the
Liberal
seeking
not
isolates
nationalism',
of apparent
change and development
of distorted
-ii.
'elite
of social
one segment
depending
proper
set
It
neat.
be called
what might
implies
it
boundaries
by continuing
The analysis
the
he considers
which
traditional
of
Coleman
nationalism,
mobility,
eclipse
Western-educated, caused
social
but
the
them,
within
factors
and social
of new 'national'
institutions
constitutes
of a money economy and wage labour,
evangelization,
setting
of what
sociological
urbanization
Christian
it
idea
his
Rustow,
modernity
are
As
have 9 for today
10
two facets and that
of the nationalist
"
one facet".
linked
of
-a miscellany demonstrations,
boycotts
'political'
in
All
these
factors
Europe this the
Nationalism
are
is
of various
"Where nationalism
manifests
arises
of modernity. itself
in
of the
old,
indistinguishable
World
is
'gesellschaft'.
to 18th
Century,
undergoing
and
exactly
of industrialization,
sister
mass literacy,
as traditional
identification
sees nationalism
recognizably
12
the
since
Third
the
are
which
'gemeinschaft'
shift
also
constitutions',
are virtually
the
thus
It
to this
facets
disintegration
draft
individualization,
One prong
modernization.
that
that
and so forth. two prongs
shift
is
placard-bearing
culture.
from
it
but
parties,
manifestoes,
political
made this
believes
secularization',
There
evidence
with
the
already
of thought
mobility,
emergence
European
countries.
to be characteristic
are held
activities
words,
socio-
and the
organizational
campaigns,
of nationalism
attributes
same process.
social
other
of the
terms
has apparently
urbanization,
In
etc.
associated
school
electoral
to
terms,
mass political
above all,
(especially
European
'modernization'
And in which
linked
in response advanced
for
but
itself
strata
social
of
process
is
tradition,
with
as newspapers,
petitions,
is
this
drive
forms
systems:
consciousness
proletariat)
state'.
such things
of
also
the
political
political
to
by contact
with nation
those
with
'modern'
from
set
of a 'modern
strikes,
but
in motion
the
of new 'modern'
emergence
ideologically
identified
of national
according
and bourgeoisie, changes
building
the
with
middle-class
is
rise
revolution",
"hastening
aim at
parties
Nationalism,
sociologically
economic
the
and political
cultural,
political
of which
modernization
It
same social,
10
increased
society
of nationalism
resulting
from
the
with actual
Coleman exemplifies considerable and social
strength, mobilization
collapses.
this: it
is around
11
the
of the
symbols
new order,
weaken or destroy colonial
attachments
socio-political
other
awakening do not
Gellner's
This
supportive.
in
in
which
argument
definitional
nationalist
they
circle:
or perhaps is
broadly,
school nowhere
narrow
and explicit
So precise of thought
the
not
where they
exists,
nor
often
calls
transitional
and nationalism
complete,
'non-modern'
of clearly
cannot
which
aspects be defined
by a well-trodden
be can explained -
part
mutually
'proper';
of nationalism
cry
they
are
o-nationalist,
even anti-nationalist. in
while, with
one sense,
a specific
with
meaning.
driven
even can exist,
is to
must take its
World
It
recognized,
conclude in
the
that
Third
is
specific in
trend,
evolutionary
social
meaning,
being
Third
'westernized'
It
goals.
is
nationalism social
a world-wide
or even
and demanding is
but
what it
with
never
and restrictive
'modern'
so-called
have definite forms.
conditions
is
nations
contradictory
proto-nationalist,
when confronted
has an extremely among the
that
associated
sense,
is
issue
are not
non-nationalist, The difficulty
not
movement - aspects
sub-nationalist,
another
are
The appearance
pre-nationalist,
in
invents
The
these
about
"Nationalism
it
deals
modernization
to the modernization
relation
to bring
an example:
of thought
school
a specific
used very
is
13
of nation-states".
as an attempt
remark
or manifestly
are unattractive
a modern world
of the
straightforward.
within
they
to pre-
have been crushed
they
because
either
to
sufficient
14
exist".
situations,
of the nationalist
to self-consciousness:
of nations
The two prongs
never
in
sees nationalism
of modernity.
and loyalties
or because
as 'nations'
prong
on a scale
units,
and are beyond memory, unsuitable
have occurred
World
only It
strata.
must
organizational
fact, such
it
context,
that 'pure'
anyway.
the
orthodox
nationalism The price
12
of
insistence
on this to the
irrelevant
symptom of lost There
is
a tendency
former
contenting
the
latter
with
to
itself
with
serious
There
minor
nationalism
"nationalism ensure
several
are
identifies
is
what ought
to be.
nationalism,
of pure
or pre-requisites to understand
attempt
Theory",
to pure
obstacles
the
least
in
a necessary,
the past
future
they
16 with
will
what actually
are bound to
stress
mobilization
- may be inconsistent
But such -disputes
that
disagreement with
among a wide
over
spread
consideration
of
from
'nationalism'
synonyms like
the
Third
colonial
rule
has tended
'mobilization',
example
- such as
institutionalization. such as over
confusion issues.
ultimately,
nationalism
for
And others,
terminology
in-bred
The identification World
So much is
of scholars.
independence
'modernization'.
in
nationalism
formal
virtual
substantive
that
rule,
colonial
others
with
nationalism
no guarantee
feels
of nationalism
aspects
smack more of petty
Ashford
from 18
is
that to
condition though
that
which
argues
example,
there
17
diverge.
conflict.
certain
for
Coleman asserts
thesis
orthodox
sufficient
modernization,
not
Huntington19
modernization
from
far
the phase of independence
after
and modernization
of real
Pye,
modernization. but
this
to
modifications
development".
political
in
with
only
has been linked
of
with
15
exists.
of
One
and "Requisite
"Gap Theory"
attr. 1butes
specifying
describe.
up to
was set
listing
word becomes
the
that
of what is
confusion
to resort
without'any
nationalism,
at
is
it
facts
empirical
relevance
the
that
straitened
very
is
definition
this
is
solidly
so that
to most of
to be abandoned 'integration',
of established the
since
these
than
granting
areas, for
a miscellany
'development'
and
13
Marxism
-iii.
and-Nationalism of Marxist
Some components basic
assumptions
change in For
Third
the
direct
a
and tracts
neither
systematically
West - than
capitalist is
pre-capitalist
of
his
formations
in
for
example
ideas
perspective
than -
entrenched
this
in
to
isolation.
French
- the
the
liberal of his
methodological
under Indeed,
the we
Brumaire' communities
on colonized
same blunt
theorists
society
'Eighteenth
in his
jottings
Marx shares
orthodox
fates 21
or
rural
of pre-capitalist
analysis
peasantry
incidental
frequently,
World
and Third
respective
purposes
of the
between
were identical.
from his
for
The result,
Europe, their
observation.
features
differentiate
was
analysis
rather
distinctive
interest.
Western
tone.
and distorted and
of nationalism, framework
have
rigidity. of Marx's
features
ensures class
the
greatly
in
from his
our perception
example,
related
not
elaborations
Many other
for
intrinsic
extent,
as the
unimaginative
sharpen
for
more simply
Europe
To this
proper.
relief
his
is
20
of occasional
by direct
this
communities,
other
and social in
a miscellany
nourished
industrialization
capitalist
can glean
nor
though
'Eurocentric'
only
to echo
appear
on nationalism
symptomatic;
to assume that
he tended
science,
own work
is
into
communities
as a whole; impact
This
World
Marx did
caricature.
political
views,
developed,
throw
'nationalism'
fundamentally
of his
Third
- to
contrast
is
exists.
Where he discusses of
World
expression
articles
Marx's
them.
contradict
components
Western
of liberal
of
analysis
'nationalist'
of that
analytical
political
structure
and forces
Most Marxists
escape
approach,
phenomena. institutions
morass
greatly
Dialectical
and ideas
of production, the
however,
rather
materialism,
are
constantly
than
discussed
of endlessly-subclassified
l4"
for -
concepts
abstract ideological science
sinks.
nationalism
must usually
constitutes
(modern) a
differs
nation
in
a word,
contribution
nation'
integration',
into product of
of
this
such
Engels
state
of
in
has
of products:
more the
one national The process
This
laws, into
'national class
"can
the
are is
or but
the
midwife
minority,
Marx
the
scattered
with
of
and
property;
'nation-building'
and has of this
consequence loosely
connected
and systems
governments,
one nation,
come
only
means of production,
class-interest, of
away
The necessary
Independent,
become lumped together
23
centralized
national
specific
group
production,
of
the
nations
One social
means
the
of
'modernity',
and
doing
interests,
basis
Potekhin,
and more
a few hands.
centralization.
tariff".
22
distinctive
the
out
points
'bourgeoisie'.
population,
separate
abstract
to
system...
the
of
in
class
" argues
capitalist
"keeps
property
with
the
on the
those
resemble
science,
Marxism
revolution:
one code of laws, customs
stress
development".
population,
was political
taxation,
the
under
has agglomerated
provinces,
it
that
strikingly
political
"A nation,
concepts.
suggest,
concentrated
its
is
referring
capitalist
the
liberal
'development',
national
and
it
than or
existence
of
Marxism
of
of
a
has a fully-developed
it
'nation'
of this
ingredients
Rather
content
in
exchange
and a regular
As a corollary,
typical:
22
'modern
vision.
of labour
is
formula
of
of what
view
of population
any grouping
market".
a single
Though the the
nation.
division
class-structure.
of
Potekhin's
political
interpretation
the Marxist
from
liberal
which
the Marxist
fact,
be deduced
just
from
"a geographical
In
or
psychological
cultural,
change - into
of social
concomitants so frequently
the
example,
with
of
one government,
one frontier, is
thus
and one at
the
same
15
0 time for
a unifying 'unity'
Though this its
work, out
in
indigenous
not
development
to
in
of imperialism
needs
of European
ideologies: 'nationalist' ideology
not
indeed, with
cry
society
be seen as part
imperialist
enlightened interests, relationships
with
those
the
blandly
other
total
method social
in
Thus, treats
whereas the
community, opens for strata
of
capital
behaviour Class
to retain
elite'
'nationalist'
a smokescreen
provides
struggle.
liberal
'nationalist
examination which
are
must thus
close school
movement' its
representing
those divisive,
and
within
interests
or develop the
do
and the
colonizer
accumulation
class
the the
so too
But
'Nationalist'
But
threatens
diverge,
elite.
25
capitalism;
also
of the
the
likewise,
'local' but
it
has an
minority.
alien
of
a
quasi-capitalist
development'; the
is
new markets
bourgeoisie
foreign
colonized
which
'nationalist
the Marxist
search
of a local
anti-imperialist;
wedge of the
for
its
terminology
can be effected.
development
in
facilitates
of the
behind
Imperialism
with
with
It
imperialism.
Where interests
institutions.
and 'non-national'.
'national
'nation'
of a strategy
cause the
political
of
capital.
merely
a rallying
indigenous
growth
conflict
terminology is
the
'nation-builder'
the
the
in allying
of an indigenous
interests
indeed
project
has an interest
elite
building
At first,
fostering
of its
as part
but
entreprenci"al
minority.
of an alien
capitalism
exploit.
interest
elite,
at least,
capitalism
the
society,
own
spelled
are more clearly
context
In a colonized
'metropolitan'
of
and resources
24
colonial
initially
consists,
represents
the
of Lenin.
the
of Marx's
framework
the
one,
class.
exploitative
power of a small
can be drawn from
in
consequences
bourgeoisie
local
inference
the work
obvious
the
consolidates
and disruptive
divisive
and a fundamentally
force,
may, links of as an
long-term aspects
of its
exploitative,
16
Marxist context,
thought
as only
political
Marxist
- as one of of the
analysis
nationalist
stage
There
is
basic
assumptions
thus
seemingly
Marxists through either
a basic
for
ideas,
the Third
socialist
imperialism. of
(indeed
hostility
of attitudes reinforces which
stress
towards)
which those the
often
truly
to envisage
alternative urban
a politically-conscious
lever
kind
of Marxism political
institutions,
of the
'orthodox'
'feudalism'
to oppose
effective
from
'modernity'
those
against leads
to neglect
manifestations, and the
inculcation
of colonialists.
interpretation
of
are mutually
only
little
of
from a complex
supporting
differ
inevitability
are preconditions
stems
indigenous
of European
aspects
led
of temporarily
of this
exposition
of the role
overestimation
than
movements as the
Dogmatic
of nation-building,
inability
tactic
and a pragmatic
bourgeois-democratic
to run
determination
other
revolution
these
crudely,
and some of which
Eurocentric
traditions',
it
variants
or by a manager-State;
of position
radical
are
has first
and proletarianization kind
however,
'Stalinist'
to socialism stage
of socialism.
juncture,
To put
the
that
of nationalism
Eurocentric
are rationalizations
These include
working-class,
road
bourgeoisie
This
many of which
of
World
or quasi-capitalist
revolution.
At this
of supersession.
urbanization,
contradictory.
agents
by the way in which
that
by some form
school
But
of grace. suggests
at play
approach.
liberal
orthodox
by an entrepreneurial
and 'backward
in
'integration',
state
be superseded
difference
a capitalist
social
forces
Liberal
process.
'modernity',
as a final
socio-economic
the process
Industrialization,
revolutionary
phase -
completion,
of the
discuss
argue
this
must eventually
reinforced
of Marxism
treats
often
in a temporal
nationalism
one phase of an unfolding
science
'development'
to locate
helps
also
It
of nationalism
and 'urbanization',
and
17
which This the
approach Third
than
The Marxist
method,
this
school
social
27
in
the
Eurocentric
the
economic
its
of Marxist
combatted
of traditional in
the
of
richer
temporary
inspired -
and South
America
earlier
and experiences
imperialism
and/or
avoided
social
groupings.
generation
The view
with
communities
to withering
World
28
capitalism of the
has thus
theories
and
critique.
by the mobilization
of non-orthodox
the
has been
reality
and domestic
Marxism
whereby
development'
has been confronted
of Third
both
bypassed have -
of a 'national
of non-Western
on the
by and inspiring
school.
have been subjected
that
Building
century
evils,
26
and more flexible
indicates.
the
between
relationship
International.
exploitation
interpretations
suggesting
part
Asia,
the
Third
has proved
and class if
and the peasantry.
decades
this
logic
implications
be effectively
crucial
Africa,
circumstances
accumulated,
resources
Marxists
distortion
ideological
A wealth
however,
and rigid
phase are unavoidable different
for
of interpretation
other
revolutions
'tradition'
of
Second and indeed
and the
narrow
role
(stultified)
marked
World
of Lenin,
work
the positive
minimize
can communal
played
of nationalism.
a
:ö
BASIC ASSUMPTION IN 'ORTHODOX' THEORIES OF NATIONALISM
III.
This
section
examines
'Nation-Building'
orthodox and Marxist
The colonial involvement
"the
calls
mobilization',
"two
distinct
the
of the
new pattern
how clearcut
analogy
military
with
mobilized which
then
The same dual There
are
colonialism
its
place.
old
(1)
"In
process
this
homes and families,
social, and people He
of
stage
and commitments,. some relatively and commitment".
organization this
and decisive
the
into
persons
mobilized
old
and behaviour".
habits
settings,
'social
or broken,
eroded
of the process:
mobilization:
from their they
are
the
of
clusters
major
membership,
of group
secondly,
in
built
one of
as
process
of socialization
away from
induction
the
commitments
stages
to ashes;
reduced
processes.
of
"the
that
double-sided.
ashes and is
those
Alan what of
terms
change is
and is
both
new patterns
To emphasize
in
in
in
West and
the
with
contact
viewed
Social
from
speaks
example,
for
is
crumbles, rises
or breaking
(2)
stable
impact".
and psychological
uprooting and
fatal
and argues
become available points
economy,
a key role
for
Change ------
of --
or more generally
inevitably
plays
Deutsch,
to
Liberal
its
both
in
of the
strands
various
of nationalism,
world
irresistibly
future
Nationalism
o
the
the past
economic,
Theory ------
situation,
with
Moorehead Firstly
greater
theory
the
detail
variants.
The 'Phoenix' -----------
-i.
the
in
is,
fashion,
and mobilized
he draws
an
soldiers
are
into
army
the
29
serve". process
is
("a
double
two stages on Indian
society:
referred mission")
to
in Marx's in
"one destructive
the
work on India.
impact and the
of British other
regenerative
-
19
the
annihilation
(was)..
vision.. with
fresh This
of interpretation
of the West is
"whether
for
good or bad,
relatively
tendency contact may put
up resistance,
against
striking;
examination,
such boldness
of terminological
bets,
Halpern's
one ungainly
is
disintegrate
only
systems process.
(This
function,
with radical
- of the though
change is
usually
or linkages
altered
relevance
completed.
Its
inevitable
the
of
ist
33
spirit".
systems in
pattern
pre-modern
hedging
of society
of pre-modern
fact
systems
and effectiveness".
these
which
life-
a particular by the
Yet,
self-fulfilling.
ultimately
pre-modern
obscured
defenceless"
by considerable
and so maintained
The Inevitable Disintegration -ii. --- ---------------The first stage of the dialectic, has been virtually
"All
society
as "absolutely
such declarations example:
of
have come into
declarations
is, accompanied
each other,
The patterns
postpone
of these of Islam
Levy32
have shown a universal
of a ratiorl.
and so does the
elements with
infusion
rendering
as systems,
interacted
all
speaks
and "the
on close
aver
boldness
"modernization"
Marion
solvent.
more than
Can do little
of a
a traditional
such penetration,
Lerner
as that
whose participants
context
The ringing
day of destruction. is
covered
ineluctable.
writes
once developed,
societies,
but
social
is
process
confronted",
a universal
Faced with
the
and irresistible
"We are
one.
any social
them".
inevitability
"Marx's
it,
puts
and promptly
clean
that
suggests
with
modernized
to penetrate with
wiped
as shattering
on an earthenware
pot
being
slate
As Kiernan
of the material
31
writing".
The impact metal
Indian
3°
Asia".
laying
and the
society,
in
society
of the
type
Asiatic
old
of Western
foundations
the
of the
that
some -
continue
to
3
of the Traditional -- --- ----------many observers importance
are prepared
to nationalism
is
to
say,
stressed
by
20
Emerson, of
which
"Nationalism
is
the
toward
a new form
36
in
broken
37
taken". the
first
sufficient" he is
of the
"developing
yet
taken
1853 regarded fully
39
appearing".
entering
"dissolved"
small
of an Indian
tear.
40
liberal
for
two:
Yet
in
disarray
society forms
science in
quoting glass"
has broken
centred
of
phase one
down the
social
is
not
a Pakistani 41:
the verse
spinning had -
while
the-building
finality entitled
and
infrastructure.
one of Marx's pauses
entire yet
organism"
beyond a skimpy
occasionally
emphasizing
on cotton
technology;
progressed
disintegration
indeed,
shattered
"England
of English
effect
finished
as having
any symptoms of reconstitution
without
stereotype
political
moved to poetry,
Messiah
phase
village
of this
Halpern,
similarly
had hardly
nation
The tragedy Western
the
under
India
society
Traditional
"these -
and self-
on a national
social
he argues
hence,
place;
"reintegration
leg,
that
have been disrupted.
communities
second
West has
declares
definitive
of
everywhere the
which
venue,
"socially
has been won:
and
"The forces
visible:
a specific
a part
of kinship
ties
the path
along
naming
of which
custom has been almost
oake of
that:
and also
order,
and their already
to be moving
the
old
old
38
of Indian
framework
weaving
that
areas".
Marx in
change is
traditional
to replace
the
with
atomization
destroyed"35
of being
communities
the
to the
a response
of community
breach
without
clash
confident
has yet
without
too,
small-scale
not
scale",
loose, appears
world
Van Verys leg
of the
of social
stage
is
process
of traditional
This
and the
the
a product
West have been let
the
is
"Nationalism
are
disruption
custom".
ö.
a turn
society,
communities
is
that:
who argues
briefly of the "There
themes,
but
to shed a fatal is
impact, no
21 "Be it a pearl, cup, or a drinking a looking glass, Once broken it is broken forever. is better What is shattered given up as lost, For tears can mend it never... to these pieces, Fruitlessly you gather and cling And continue to pin your hopes in them; Remember, no messiah can patch them together". Nationalism it
finds
thus
no source
may eloquently,
but
future
there.
of
strength
traditional
society
which
do remain
survivals
whose turn
for
disintegration
of "the
parts
pre-modern
phenomenon which, customs,
presents
scientist
structure
proper
What exactly crucial
is,
question,
Thus,
argues
and is
not,
new form
however,
are
which
of which
is
phase of the
of this the
long
components,
but
"social
that
the
social 42
example".
structure
theory
is
proper"
of nationalism
of the Modern
phoenix
for
the
and Parsons.
economic,
Claims
the
situation,
development
by voluminous
is
process
of
that
this
toward
a
and post-colonial 'gesellschaft'
and cultural
footnotes
"turn
to the stage
the
to be
run
Western
to the
orthodox
The colonial
settings
submerged
Toennies
rare.
Rise
sociological,
psychological,
have in the
that
signs
answers.
of community".
situation,
are
according
part
and quaint
"there
and folkloristic
a universal
to the political
than
Fischer,
essential
colour'
handicrafts
tourist
will
be reformed
will
the
to
The Irresistible
The second
folk-dancing,
interest
to be lingering
'local
They provide
of
of
come, or to be not
will
civilizations
artistic
satisfactorily
-iii.
are
greater
of ancient
to their
reduced
Weber,
form
the
or sociologist.
preservation
never
in
Those manifestations
assumed either
are
system".
mourn the past;
momentarily
aspects,
in
its
analysis
work of Maine, has been completed
a
22
on development
The literature Pye,
dip.
for
ization,
social 43
pressures.
Parsons
to
points
market
economy,
Lipset
lays
and physical
psychic,
his
interdependence,
45 and democratic
rational-universalism,
his
Levy lays
functional 47
it
in
terms
mobility,
to modern life",
"exposure
of
political
dimensions
publications
of the
The more specifically are
in
Politics
of the
various
education are all
Science,
Social
The implications
of the
spread
Research of
in
increased
with
this
general spread
capacity,
heightened
participation,
Huntington
fixes
line.
of power,
as characteristics
on rationalization,
national
democratization,
mobilization/participation,
Parsons
the
stresses
consensus
weakening
existence over
States.
the United
formal
have written
culture in
differentiation,
of tradition, of political
and modernity.
rules,
50
integration, and institutionalization.
of an elective
procedural
on Comparative
the political
lists
48
'development'
bureaucracy,
communications,
Eisenstadt
income.
and high
Committee
Council
measures
to mass media,
of this
and changes in parties, and political 49 Numerous other individuals analyzed.
sympathy
franchise,
literacy,
industrialization,
urbanization,
discussed
exposure
specificity,
Deutsch
market.
exchange
and a capitalistic
centralization,
urbanization,
on specialization,
universalism,
rationalization,
association.
industrialism,
on capitalist
the
bureaucracy,
secularization,
stratification,
main emphasis 46 while and education,
wealth
participation; 44 mobility.
public
growth;
economic
social,
secular-rationalism;
and international
urbanization,
stresses
commercial-
secularization,
education,
restratification, Lerner
of modernization:
as characteristics
Western
unification,
national
lists
example,
lucky
a terminological
resembles
leadership, and voluntary
universal group
51
23
52
membership.
Coleman takes and heightened
secularization, Weiner
of the
speaks
integration',
objective
government growth
of
lists
similar
'national
overlapping,
(and thus
rejoinders,
Through of thought
to test
the mists,
these
Many disputes,
these
of viewpoint,
for
that
of a money economy,
of
'secular'
developments. 'rational'
than
education It
is
and 'secular'
than
situations.
however,
rather
rather
volumes
developgent (contract
out to
adjustments
of homogeneity
inspires
clear,
turn
tradition
or minor
of concrete is
vague and
such phenomena as growth
norms
of new kinds
of apparently
quibbles
this
of (and thus
extremely
empirically).
A combination
it
categories
involves
modernity
of bureaucratic
of
amid this
and detailed
are
within
semantic
interpretations
of industry,
and Binder
them aspects
call
specific others
of terminology,
rival
encourage
impossible
schemes.
and imprecision clearcut
quite
about);
more than
classificatory
54
activity.
contradictory,
and counter-rejoinders
to be little
ends and means,
of direction
sense
sometimes
to generalize
general
spread
one's
Some of them are
difficult
with
55
easy to lose
analysis.
'political
of subjective
cooperative to
53
main criteria.
of governed
over
but prefers
criteria,
is of
spread
purposive
integration'.
It myriad
for
consensus
and
as one of
identification
versa,
capacity
as his
capacity,
he means consolidation
control,
and vice
equality
of development
process
by which
loyalty,
differentation,
status),
this of
school towns,
and adoption together
with
and mass media which
accompanied political
by the forms
adoption and norms -
24 for
Nationalism
ministers. deliberately
having
from
In this
a 'natural'
unit
Internal
free
press)
impediments in
land
in
the
(this
"the
thus
be actually
-iv.
annexed
The Importance
"Nationalism", first
instance
viewpoint forming
not
sense
far
true
(with
the Western
education
('a
fresh
world".
Entry
telegraph
class')
"decisive Private
g. into
the
shipping
property
'world
he
contact,
once fabulous
system'
country
56 )
of Towns to Emerson,
phenomenon".
to
57
"is
and in
essentially
According
to the
of Africans
encouraged
fill
left
break
void
by the
the
Marxist
"urbanization the
is
Mass Media
d.
structures
that
are:
enumerated
(especially
classes)
when....
Politics
or "Hindoostan",
via
regular
be
could
to be viable)
out
caste
and i.
distance
to
of Barratt-Brown, of associations
sap the
development
according
an urban
elite
and generate
and cultural
day is
social
would
factors
communications skills
and
India
India,
to be staked modern
material
on Comparative
(He assumes that
culture
"the
colonial
Among the
Council.
through
Western
in
Committee
by the
needs only
Agricultural
economic
argued,
implanted
by conquest
to progress",
h.
which
of such changes
a sign
of what he called
account
A new educated
e.
is
and which
Research
Industrialization
f.
Vhich drabs its
blushing
which
c.
factors,
society"
integration
and railway)
emergence of these
Marx's
Science
imposed
force
place.
without
Social
Unity
b.
taken respect,
underwritten
as that
existence,
of Western
foundations
a.
their
already
of the
the
and responsible
parties
on the margin
hovers
promotes
strength
political
parliaments,
elections,
example,
with
the
will
(a
25
Both schools
of thought
the development
a radical
about
from
other
with
the
towns,
In the
system
forms
is
of political
The degree
alone
characterize matrix
society
develop
two phases
the
complex
the modern,
industrial
both
- literacy
and Cnudde6l
agree
of the
in making
that
"the
economy.
Within
which
distinguish
growth".
urbanization
EUNIVERSrry
Secular-
chief
index
'social
other secular a regular for
and resources
59
rate
The new
of
phrase,
comes first,
of skills
attributes
and media
as the
to involve
appears
they
The
towns.
precedes
suggests
Urbanization
phases.
have developed
in Deutsch's
Lerner
of modernity.
of a participant
sequence
often
There
there.
regarded
of towns logically
The growth
in
develop
men
contact
literacy
the
towns;
most firmly
root
or,
into
most newspapers.
and organization
development,
of three
in
with
rub shoulders
influences.
to European
them
associative
of modernity.
have most radios,
is
fresh
of
come most closely
developed
traditional
and offer
and custom,
or grouping
world,
of urbanization
mobilization'.
evolution
in
what are
men from their
possibility
they
norms take
of socio-political
manifestations
for
manifestations
most highly
action
bureaucratic
rational
style
of kinship
towns
outside
Urban areas
highest.
life
the
and cultural
economic
are most open to the
is
change in
one tribe
men of
tribes.
education
towns play
They wrench
with
a new modern environment, In the
which
ties
from ascriptive
environment,
role
communities.
rural
predominantly
crucial
the
stress
parties..
of nationalism.
Towns bring
ties.
of the nationalist
and these have been the basis
tribalism
58 ,
this
Both Lipset60 the key variable
cities which urban the
next
and McCrone upon which
26 and hence the
education,
growth
and hence ultimate
of communications,
'development'ýdepend. Urban man becomes nationalist his
social
either
There
situation. in
positive,
political
that
expression,
is
in that
assertion
urban
movements in
rural
major
but
to it
capture is
in
the
to infection
susceptible
which
seek
and alienated
structure. that
the
Their
we must understand for
energy
parties,
mass political
that
the
pressure
they
among the
parties
political
newspapers
the
nationalist
and organize
towns
are published5and
are their
centres.
'Elite' orthodox
"The groups
strata.
however, ties
uprooted
to
according
of reason,
he is
support
strength.
held, in urban
social
that
In developing
era.
reasons,
new associative
provide
The Role of the Modernized --- ----- --- ---------Nationalism, to the according
'modern'
"are
politicians
and have their
meetings
kinds
of such assumptions
towns
populations,
founded
-v.
the
in
a compensatory
the oo lonial
from
push out
two major
are
or negative,
light
the
various
he has developed
and sees in nationalism It
man for
by the
view,
and classes
nationalist
germ",
is
born
which
among new,
have been most flnerson,
writes
those
by the
divorced from their who have been most sharply old worlds 62 theiripoC¬is impact of the new". There are two tendencies thought: of
either
negative
most
cut
nationalism
in
that
from
off
their
develops
develops
traditional
roots,
among
those
in--a
social
situation
The urban
style
Western
education,
or
prevailing
in
West.
industrial
work
the
nationalism
discipline,
the
in
among those
contact
ethos
of of
positive
in
with
the
West
most
akin
to
or
the
life, liberal
the
sectors that or
with
that
cash
economy,
professions,
27
These new social
modern sectors. two
groups
least:
at
new group
of
This
orthodox
Iverson
formulation
in
of the
wherever
found,
as well 65
and
the
the
organizer
bearer
which
elements
of Western
arguing
first
its
has derived
seems that
as the
in
tradition
so
are 64
modernity".
of the Marxist
it
'elite
be called
could
liberal
ferment
has been the
class
elite,
educated
middle-class
the mainstream
middle
when he
tradition
and
commercial of nationalism
of the
ideas
underlying
phenomenon". This
their
identification in
explained
terms
education
in
lumped together 'the
of the
either
are
elite
of their
'the
or
evolved',
or moderns'0
elite'.
The bourgeoisie, associated
as a social
in Marxist
Nationalism
is
of
economic
self-interest.
in
the
colonial
entrepreneurial productive
a fine
thought
with
example
of ideology
Third
resources
in
the
or
'capital'.
is
the rise
World
have typically
situation, role
class,
economy.
traditionally of nationalism. in
generated 'modern not
They do not Those in
liberal
pursuit
the
elites',
played
or
'middle-class'
each other,
with
confused
generally
as a class,
Indeed
such a term as 'the
within
interest
economic
frequently
is
nationalism
with
as individuals,
new ideas
and 'intelligentsia'
or
the
from the
educated
this
and
the world
"historically,
that
asserts
into
63
throughout
a creation is
class
typifies
and drive
And Kilson
middle
of the
reactions
can be subdivided
strata
model of nationalism
"nationalism
evidently
the labourers.
wage
nationalism'. that
mould the
to modern mass media - these
exposure
at
least
a truly
control
massive
professions
28
or administrative it
However, embryonic
are not
posts
is
there
modern means of production colonial
A rather
less
jobs,
productive
frustration,
which
Coleman's
and led
sparked
terms
benefited
most to
of
not
'development'
theories,
Without would
industrialization",
painful
Africans;
in but
This
is
has been
by those
who have
by those
short, been
living
of
standards
have
an overriding changes.
a leading
plays
only
to these
modernization.
with
World
generates
Western-educated
and material
colonialism;
Western
rule
most advanced,
and professional
from
full
to obtain
nationalism.
is
rather
denied
on
entry
equality".
The elite
of
through
the
in
a class
Failure
for
competition
68
terms
according
the
is
detribalized,
status
is
there
colonial
where it
so-called
improved
of
come closest full
by the
under
of of bureaucratic
or prdection
words,
itself
expresses
intellectuals
middle-class who in
society'
"Nationalism,
view:
economic accounts
The elite 67 'new class'.
'modern
into
other
what few
growth.
elite's
status.
of Djilas's
sense
acceptance
have
In
power.
this
by the
controlled
'nation-builder' to,
sense.
that
to seize
order
further
of the
seeks access
and professional
special
their
account
liberal
The elite
nationalism. not
in
in
(those
are
encourage
radical
figures
motivation
if
and to
power),
as does Kilson,
possible
turns
the Marxist
in
class
to argue, 66 to nationalism
still
class
a middle
but
the
driving
be impossible. argues easily
National
in nationalism,
role
does so as a means to force
"Nationalism
strength
secular
ideology,
of nationalist
Davis, " because
acquired
one end:
is
a sine
it
provides
motive
for
or prestige
qua non
people
making
becomes the
29
supreme goal;
industrialization
inconveniences,
sacrifices, in
be justified
"to
that.
the
degree
on the
elite's
inevitably
which
to
the
indigenous
Europe,
from
is
of this
intensely they
simultaneously and their the
to
elevate in
economic
system
He paints environment,
haunted
by European
education
life,
stress
own society
nationalist and
those
exalt
to
dedicated its
with its
almost
sole
and encapsulating
the
cut
by a vision
is
culture,
to have,
for
in being
entailed
years its
from
of the
to university". traditional
implanted
of modernity
country's
concerned
the medium of a modern
early
off
and experience their
it
nationalists,
are
wish
also
the
always
traditional
of their
through
from
of an elite
they
But they
diffused runs
As contemporary
and because
progress
is
are almost
self-rule;
dignity
and character-
'modernity',
to
"...
with
the
'elite',
"The elites
work.
the world.
that
a picture
their
and battling
the
with
he argues,
a modern culture
educational
This
group,
mission,
dedication
concerned
standing
sake of
modern,
merely
a heroic
historic
by its
group
nationalistic",
are not
in
colonizers
from
of nationalism
theme of Shils'
overriding
the
are
Nation-Build.
to
Identification ization
Its
environment.
preoccupation,
isolated
of
elements
is
elite
'ought',
with
them".
to overcome
of
ambition". 'is'
of
transformation
values
can
to industrialization
down of
The
society.
culled
the
values
collective
confusion
obstacles
a playing
reject
traditional
ideals
to
The costs,
means.
69
transcending
must be intense
commiTment leads
ideology
the
chief
of traditional
an interesting
that
nationalism
strong,
of
in
the
and loss
of this
terms
He goes on to add,
is
joys
future
in
them
of middle-class in
the
present.
70
30
The elite, the White
Man's
whom they
Analysis
by liberal
ionately only
major
with
masses,
upon this
political
colonial
It
Politics,
their
concerns.
Thus Lucian
not but
The jacket
been explained.
Burma's
examines
transitional
the that by
the
the studying
political
activities,
of
Burma
by
investigating
of
various
of
nationalism
seeks
to
work
nationalism and
the
status
the
among is
the
73
concerned of
the
in
a particular
the
Coleman,
reflected too
nationalist-minded
assumes
can be understood who the
traditionalists, with
basic
society
anthropologist,
mainly
"Mr.
is
the
lives
World
Third field
the
groups
personal
society".
"Unlike
elite:
key
Their
in
that
and Pye himself of
has
reality
simply
that
entire
reality
of that
dynamics
their
the
whole
the
of
of adaptation
of political
book proclaims
-
with
and politicians.
explore
process.....
in Western-
of modern Burma72
to
-
of the
coterminous
decided
political
whole
the
the
not
political
problems
culture",
orientations
experience
is
one sector
of his
if
are versed
discussion
essence
political
system and
consciously of
"I
modest:
they
administrators
in
that
key,
Western-style
psychocultural
that
merely
disproport-
language
literally,
Pye's
by modern-educated
has been charted,
toward
it;
of the
centres
as the
about
almost
on the
entirely
The book implies
attitudes
treated
have learned
frail
common.
They speak the political
ideology.
equally
is
transformation"71:
intractability
the
scientists
political
style
experienced
the
on to their
in
and how to manipulate
concentrates
for
in
have so little
elite.
they
power;
lies
problem
group.
organization
Pye
burden
Burden has been transferred
Their
shoulders!
"the
bears
above all,
the
student
attitudes, Western-
31 educated
Only here
elite...
feeling,
of nationalist key elements
in
they is
imply
the
in Turkish
element quiescent
not
course
of the
to the
of
describe.
The Transitionals, the
modern style,
are
passage,
large,
East". group
writ
75
In
with
other
as an advanced wider
until
-vi.
of
The Role
Wage-labourers with which
the are of
growth least the
of
natinnalism
new superimposed
these
media a
the
Their
future...
less
which
in
the
as a special class),
will This
Middle
than
grow ever is
a classic
history.
'Proletariat'
the
characteristic
normal
ways towards
regarded
society.
in They do
the
society
population
African
contemporary
in
as an exploitative
the whole
embraces
of the are
less
or wedge of the it
eventually
for
energy
are the
significantly
the problems
of traditional
(even
hand,
institutions.
traditional
is
active
other
do they
nor
of social
This already
currently
participate
modernizing
from
at best
"The Moderns,
on the
the modern elite
interests
segment
Whig Interpretation
moving
active.
modern nationalism.
or do much about
the passing
words,
separate
or other
new source is
politically
are the
and do not
think
and the
docile;
East:
of the mass media,
want to
events
towards
The Traditionals, society
output
is
elite
mass communication,
new communications
attend
urban
of the Middle
society.
segment
the
either
for
depth
74
hostile,
study
the
and ideas,
masses are politically
at worst
audience
the
only
into
glimpse
of inspiration
sources
rural)
a theme of Lerner's
a partial
motivation".
that
(mainly
the
are apathetic,
within
istic
the
nationalist
These works Conversely
can one get
other of
'modern "the native
Western
sector'
workers
commonly
in
society, society".
those and
76
linked
employments most
The role
characterof
industrial
32 is
wage-earners colon
tradition-bound".
farming,
It
attitudes. towns in
also
a search
leads
discipline
for
to
higher
new, more 'rational' a link
with
associative
modern political bureaucratic
affiliations, Mobilization
into
be compared in together
mixes
discipline within
its
effects
teaches
learned,
-vii.
certain
and aspects
institutions.
culture,
tends
of
to
political
'modern' life
provide
programmes.
temporarily,
may It
mobilization. rival
style
imposes
groups,
and provides
skills,
'traditional'
of
The New Political
Nationalism political
aspects
Unions
international
their
industrial
and perhaps
the
are
albeit
an environment can be
of life
can be safely
unlearned.
Culture be associated language,
with and
a specific set
of
no
dissolved;
slowly
and articulate
army,
with
isolated
formerly
on new units, which
colonial
causes
hereditary
Trade
with
organization,
the
etc)
develop.
nationalism,
ä via, the
vis
class,
clans,
ties
how work
landscape
working
European
to the
stresses
traditional
guilds,
to large
- emigration
of common interest
embryonic
(castes,
of labour,
divisions
and new
patterns,
particularly
fragmented
Among the
living
or even emigration
tradition
the
subsistence-
the money economy
mobility
income,
consciousness
exploiters;
such awareness.
new family physical
The Marxist
'metropolis'.
colonial
fosters
"isolated,
in
Participation
patterns,
new spending
creats
also
77
stratum
relevant'
masses,
rural
apathetic'
on
wage-labourers
also
'politically
this
contrasts
'politically
the
with
particularly
Deutsch
farms.
but
stressed,
political
kind
of
33
Nationalism indeed
attitudes,
of this
version
for
strives
a new way of thinking theory
is
provided
world
is
absent
to make a better
because Modern confidence from its
nothing,
lives
wants
Psychological
postpone
gratification,
or
personality'
is
political
only
context
'civil
is
simply
non-Western until
meant the
as:
(he)
cares
78
world".
a modern political
trust,
to
ability
talks
towards
consensus...
(and)
disposition
Western
what rules, the to
laws".
is
have
otherwise
persons, sense
of
accept 85
and
'civil
Often,
is
actions
that
legitimacy
this
to
lacking
in
calls
necessary
and
view,
societies' transform "the is
the
shift
at their
affirmative necessary
a nation-wide of
it
culture',
In Shils'
begun
membership the
Shils
'the-civic
system'84
nationalists
system',
'democratic
liberal
Society',
be considered
cannot
n
1 and its
'a political
of
countries
culture;
attitude
By a 'political
itself.
standard
a truly
that
foundations
'Participant
it
calls
modernizing
political
perso
for
required
Almond and Verba dub it
society',
the
this
about
such matters
can hope to build
Lerner
society'.
and
of Kismet,
role
of resignation...
on such psycho-cultural
system
this
all
fatalistic
absent
competence'.
It
Crick
is
feasible
83
'subject
in
are
psyche,
and an idea of general welfare79; an 8o; 81; 'empathy' 'achievement orientation' 82; and and a sense of 'citizen competence'
personality'
'mobile
to the
the narcosis
include
is
such a world
changes
"The Modern impetus
Traditional
the
can do nothing
attitude
and these
from
An extreme
problems.
about
by Lerner:
obeisance
under
nothing,
culture,
'innovating
that
In
perspective.
the Traditional
a change of political
and requires
for
society,
government,
from
its
34
traditional
to modern political or pre-political
an a-political Riggs
describes
openly
'mobilization'
national
The rise political
This
the
is
contrasts
sharply
Western
of
World, pays
group
'evolved' for
87
its
political
are directed this
kind
language',
political
party
rooms,
the
whole
segment of
predilection
the
media,
of
political of
in
headquarters, mass
English
Despite
as political
as used
Third
take
implies
World
process. observers
other life),
education, in
the
of
balance
is
and
appearances, to
consider
The 'modern
law,
administration, committee
assemblies, words
in
regime,
forms
a reluctance
a very used
Morris-Jones for
modern
indigenous
at all.
courts
for by a
colonial in
the
issued
contrary
legislative (in
the
weigh
not
in
participation
at
which
interest
language
political
democratic
does
towards
Ehnerson
it.
for
calling
which
language.
a manifesto
1956,
Congolese.
at other
indigenous
untypical
Emerson
Europe
language to
directed
manifestations
of selective
and
and
clearly
Yet
own language.
other
the
individual,
language.
drawn
political
to
a change of
only
from
instinctively
attention
in
not
indigenous
attention
was
derived
and
86
a new political
'modern'
Indeed,
one.
'modernization'
of
to imply
also
inordinate
treated
'politicization'.
felt
are
Congolese
It
government.
process
traditional,
own
particular
the
to a political
language
the
their
and pay
example,
respect
but
scientists
manifestations
of
is
political with
political
culture
as one of
culture,
modern
is
whole
of nationalism
general
Third
the
as a change from
culture
studying
small to
attacks
and
interpret
the
the
"arguments
and
35
discussions
representations, decisions"
party
community in
groups
ministers
familiar
ýd",
fri
whole
Lerner
in
classes
the
authority
makes
policy
on a liberal
and
taxes
private basing of
democracy
of
from
religion
individual silence
characterized
"the
well-recognized whole
of
Indian
frightened
the
I
Take
our
state....
the"rejection
retreat
replies
country
before
asking
therefore
wipe
out
the
of what he calls
"I
the
illiteracy
evasion" 'unseemly'
matters
these and
sturdy
"dumb
question"
'Traditionals'
would
newly-
Separate
He contrasts or
government
and
make the
permanent.
the
a peaceful
Charter"
to
steps
"
the
like
he
political): Base
To follow
to
various
President,
were
would
try
would
After
justice....
U. N.
on the
understands.
(and
do....
cannot
it
they
social I
who sound
and who engage
press,
terms
do if
doctrine.
of
with
Western
too,
'spokesmen'
of
in
articulation
identification,
kind
to
standard. in
its
with
'modern'
according
living.
matters
opinions or
"a
to
were
in
as
my actions
cultural
established
the
would
enterprise
standard the
raise
and backbenchers,
assumptions.
responses
economic
the
such they
what
the
raise
the
colonial
adjust
policy,
Hence
elite',
would
foreign
associated
they
"between
conflicts
if
as
is
in
following
do things
coming to grips
ministers
if
language',,
particular
interviewees
to
to
as
interviewed
the
with
Turkish
"I
them
as an ideology
when
debate
They turn
servants"
civil
'modern-educated
intelligible in
than
and
story".
'modern
this
the
with
rather
between
treat
and
Nationalism of
and
deliberations
89
the
politics,
politics.
legislatures,
and between
terms
level,
restricted
88
living
with
this
at
and demonstrations,
90 .
which
36
The more the
language
Western
political
minded,
and authentic
vocabulary,
Nationalism this
narrow
These
Only in
sole
African
"The onset
party
academic
of Western
shell
like
attributes
and perhaps prove
the
apparent
'modern' given believes their
lack
political
their
role
this indigenous
in
of injecting
; after soil,
They appear
cards
the
similar
very
organizational tangible
and subscriptions,
These
living
in
and public
indigenous
may even be treated a future
extrapolating he magically
into
Indeed, of these
reality
as an advantage, Halpern
the present. parties
nationalist breathes
often
observer92
reality.
political in
meetings,
'concrete''assets
mind of the
the
buildings,
official
programmes,
of deep-rootedness parties
the
explain
mass political
congresses
implanted
than
scientist
to
organized,
They have recognizable,
offices.
of
and on fairly
norms,
born within
party
even publicity
statements
the growth
,
World.
elections,
to be more firmly
political
to
committees,
newspapers,
proper.
must be 'rationally'
help
in
organization.
politics
can we understand
paid
parties.
officials,
language
political
of
ascriptive
some are
constitutions,
cadres, elected pamphlets,
than
the Third
parent
of
nationalism,
Politics
attention
indeed
parties;
forms
Such assumptions
in
organizations
to Western
91
rather
procedures.
'modern'
are
with
only
of Mau Mau interrupted
Kenya".
in
based on voluntaristic
considerable
'modern' true
of
not
of such assumptions
politics
predictable
identified
with
also
vehicles
light
the
Rotberg's:
like
but
sense, the
are
is
the
of nationalism.
as voices
as action
they
the more he feels
from
derived
concepts
employs
of such replies
into
from
them the
power
37 to irrigate
that "as
he writes,
instruments
unknown in
organization being
"Political
soil.
move themselves
phase
to the
a challenge in
enshrined
to the
Emerson asserts the
ideas
that
the
of Asia,
weaken
Burke,
Mazzini,
the
their
"The
origin,
and
imitation
in
and
is
is Asia
of Western
of
every is
95
of
"The
reason
a powerful
American
Emerson, is
nationalism to
ideas
The
in
populations
them indeed,
that
Rousseau,
of
indep4: ience", to
formulate goes
of
certainly
assume
one.
lies
A common theme is
inspire
96
Thus,
education.
among subject
principles
figures
inspires
also
nationalism
of....
of Europe".
established
only
it
and unity;
subsequently
idea
outside
own dominance.
ideologies.
very
there
without
of indigenous
the West not
well-spring
great
colonized,
own nationalist
further:
of
and
"the
its
eventually
from
'products'
ideas
releases
by the
principles
and "Self-determination")
theory,
example
which
studied
example,
modernity
among the
and political West
that
"No taxation
raw manifestations
orthodox
of political
ideas
nationalist
a belief
from
stems
the name of political
of Nationalism
Inspiration
foundations
legal-constitutional
94
culture.
According the
than
93
order".
established
(for
tradition
'political'
more clearly
-viii.
power in
colonial
and so can
structure
movements'
"One man one vote",
representation",
political
social
of
They cease
society....
shown in the
interest
Western
the
old
beyond the
'nationalist
colonial
Islamic
to the
advantages",
They are a form
change.
traditional
and others
The considerable of
of social
related
organically
have peculiar
parties
the
strength
Western
mere of
element the
West,
38
it
which enabled studied to the
and a major
and copied,
This
from identifying
follows
Paradoxically,
language.
political
the
nationalism,
very
concept
fairly
typical
in his
was "born
of our
(French)
labour";
technical
and administrative
for
is
true
the
publications,
spread
universalist
ideas".
publications
could
community as the cord
is
linked
from which Western
is
it
ideas,
Kedourie stimulating phenomenon
beginning
become
behind with
largely
the cut
"Europe's
ideological
contagion "is
he argues, of
the latest
gift
the
role
in
Third
century". to
the
indispensable and and and these of the
section is
elite
seen
umbilical
or the masses, worlds
outside
'nation-to-be'.
a doctrine
nineteenth
the
elite's
the
with
He also
behaviour.
small
culture,
of the
stresses
is
education
This
but
off,
built
only
restricted
traditional
nationalism
rationalist
a very
the
for
Moroccan
our education
this
only
to come not
from abroad.
which
nationalism.
and the vision
nationalist of
that
behind
said
but
not
our egalitarian,
The fact
particularly
"Nationalism", the
not
France
enabled,, "through of
is
that
infrastructure
import,
force
coherent
'modern'
with
force
culture, remark
have touched
of little
driving
is
98
driving
nation',
political
but
nationhood,
'the
of
'national'
Plantey
according
of
existence
nationalism the
the
from within
was the
strength
97
nations".
view
to be
was a thing
of that
component
West itself,
of the
testimony
and integrated
so much of Asia,
to dominate
of
World
the
nationalism. in
invented 99
in
emphasizes
Since 100
world".
ideas
Europe
then,
"The
sweet
it
at has and
39
heady poison
of Western
in countries
whose entire
of the
colonial
Elites
style
is
totally
variant",
which
discover,
too,
religion,
can be manipulated
Belief Marxist
that
in
emotions
Europe more in However,
terms
by orthodox contagion
who calculate
of the
and social
economic
have themselves
scientists
political
to
Traditional Passivity of -ix. --------'Meanwhile, back in the bush', passivity
A somnolent
reigns.
active,
urban
"In
minority.
this
passive
place
where the
those
parts
of
the
the which
claim
'national'
paradox
central
which
of the past,
to national
culture
society
are
"the
rural
or at best 103
creed".
and
He erects "The one
found
is
characteristically
not
are most obviously
representative
although
as the
and tradition
of an
corollary
of nationalism:
these
distinctiveness... be taken
interpretation,
Elverson,
new currents,
the
of the
can probably
argues
to the nationalist
nationalists
heritage
logical
adherents
into
passivity
to the
102
is
general",
provoked.
ideological
according the
to
been considered
Society ------to this
outback
masses have been indifferent belatedly
Rural and --- -----
'debt'
the
often
World.
Third
the
among
evident
changes it
of the
as part
from Europe
carried
a new future.
less
is
of nationalism,
of Marxism
variants
ideas
must furnish
The elements most authentic
are
the
rural
a
including
past,
of building
purposes
is
But they
own society.
traditional
(European)
the power of
interpreters
the
about
enlightenment nationalism
of which
to their
for
by this
poisoned
of politics, alien
seductive
particularly
has been shaken by the impact
fabric
social
situation.
"an ideological
learn
is
enlightenment"101
much of
of society
heirs peasantry,
of the who
in
4o
the
old
and file
contributed
this
point
the
stress
of
becomes important Genuine not
Their
the
from
decay,
growth
territories
is
only
than
the
to the
through
plantations, All
possibility
excluded. depth, not
Such manifestations,
or regarded 'political'
in
the
areas
service,
and
population "are
explains, Western
of mines
and 106
abroad".
such areas explored
are rarely
nationalism.
nationalism
dormant
the
rural
particularly
of genuine
as
such backgrounds
of the
in
rather
politicize,
force
initiative
sense that
viewed
are
super-imposed
labour
which
such zones gives to
Everson
to the
change
stimulus
They are
of it.
to awaken,
however,
as expressions
do
of modernization.
of the in
misery
appeal",
as the
of political
nationalism
folk-dancing,
process
terms
"The elements
nearest
military
fact
'receiving'
to
do emerge from
nationalist
such channels
or through
in
rural
leaders paradox.
In
at
limited
by the
towns,
strive
who have been brought
society
thus
as sources
nationalists
prove
is
Indeed,
of nationalism.
involves
105
and economic
Some nationalist
they
proficient
discussed
usually
uprootedness,
most susceptible
are
the
Gellner
become artificial.
things
however
areas
and through
which
organize.
those
rural
to nationalism
obstacles
but
of the
contribution
social
when these
or tribesmen,
104
etc.
rank
active
of nationalism
culture
make good nationalists".
The role stimulated
popular
precisely
peasants
generally
folk-lore,
the
nor
nationalism".
"The self-image
and such of
These elements
on.
leadership
and African
succinctly: folk,
to hold
the
neither
of Asian
partisans
puts
mass of the population,
great
as have been able
aristocracy
however,
have,
the
constitute
everywhere
is
political.
is
not in
They
41
Coleman movements
are local
against
to
effort
them
classifies either
As such
ments".
that
the
maintain
107
manifestations
or
parochial
grievances
way
cannot
'precursors'
are
felt
generis,
of
nationalism.
Resistance
its
against
upheavals
such the
in
trends".
the
disturb
ill
the
the past
revolts
as 'primary
classified
of hostility
reaction
whose
which
the
tribal
played aims,
"the
early
structure
Coleman calls
colonial
order.
are
regarded
or
traditional
110
and
part" leadership
But
than
dichotomy
defensive and
all
as "rather society
A classic
instinctively
a considerable
turbulent
log
situation
old
may occur:
resistance'
new nationalism".
between
xenophobia
nationalisms
traditional
subsequent
and
instinctive
society,
colonial
of
of
established which
-
the
to
struggles
manifestations thus
'secondary
and which
dying
in
obtaining
are merely
first
traditional
within
reactions
new, sui
the the futile old of a part on effort ... 108 Later - for these are regarded as change".
stages
'syncretistic',
such
intruder
to reject
chronological
best
encroach-
negligible.
consequences, "the
"an
or
something
of the
implantation,
colonial
These are
alien
society
to
practical
resistance'. to the
is
is
conditions
contribution
of nationalism
rise
It
At
peasant
protest
alien
against
'positive'.
unique
The positive
modern world. to the
from the
resulting
life
be
Break Past the with -x., ---------Nationalism breaks with history.
"a
be intolerable"
to of
that
states merely
xenophobic:
are
customary
they
bnerson
'nativism'.
as
"the
reflect
is
reactions, later the
new
42
By this "feudal
112
outburst".
authentically
the
distinguishes
it
114
elites"
old
from the
to subdue Morocco, the north-west not
on this
Like
past.
Suddenly,
the modern elite,
age-old
uncharted
South
. about
East
the
memories
tentative
old
Marx,
past
other
way,
from history".
undifferentiated
to
follows it
states
no gain
of
its
ancient
all 118
Such image
doing
logically
quite
reflects traditional
(the
or
nation-to-be). in
an of newness
a quality
live
to
a common store
of
and guidance.
strength
so they
can see only
a
117 from the
'fatal
"This
loss
separates
traditions,
the
for
explicitly:
a new one...
what
past
severed,
seeking
Lacking
future".
an attitude of
the
of a third
adrift
is
of peoples
and in
and an insecure
too,
with
look
depends
from its
future
"There
hopes.
only
cannot
interpretation
world,
Britain,
the
present
This
A generation
and with
people
They must look
theme.
Asia...
is
cord
on
115
nationalism
become new nations,
Pye suggests,
forces
strong
natives".
off
decades
of nationalism
on to the
116
which
took
development
umbilical
grafted
communities
a history,
without
its
feat,
Thus,
sea.
upon the
cuts
"represents
Rif
"The French
The growth
but
upsurge
semi-modernized
had to maintain
guillotine
by a surgical
rather,
by their
composed of Westernized
definitional
in the
great
and everything
typical:
British
resistance,
complex
This
is
of India.
frontier
led
an antiforeign
"a last
is
tribes,
of the
formula
merely
uprising
countries...
and the
tribal
new social
Abdelkrim's
Morocco
rogue's
.
is
The Boxer Rebellion
113
China".
of, the older
Mutiny
Indian
the
criterion,
and
impact' of
Hindostan, from
a very past
the
(its)
whole
rigid actually
by
ruled of
its
and consists
of.
43
At one point,
indeed,
"Indian
that
history
whole
the
of Neither
of her past
successive
nationalists,
nor
has an independent
the present.
Thus,
ways actually
easier
the
old".
familiar
with
Reluctance
their
their
entire
of modernization.
the study
of modernization
universal
encyclopaedists".
past
history
we nor before
Western
in
we or they
We can become expert of new nations
some important
can thus
the new nations
in
than be
must become
can cope with
and professional
without
in
firmly
in new nations depth
it.
common with
are in
having
it
mentors,
own, situated
"Problems
and analyze
to study
"Neither
of its
the
119
or much in
past,
is
be anything,
it
self-appointed
logic
to perceive
no known history",
at least
if
declaring
conclusion
she has undergone".
Halpern,
suggests
justified:
scornfully
issues
120
history,
from this
Modernization
logical
at all,
conquests
have much to learn
appears,
to the
has no history
society
"the
and that
Marx leaps
the in
to become
44
CRITIQUE OF THE 'ORTHODOX' METHODOLOGY
IV.
The methodology in
criticized
of the
several
122
respects.
Mechanistic It is -i. -- -- ----------The theory of change which is
nationalism building'
is
and social will
highly
engineers,
have "partial It
builders. 'modernity'
too,
and what
change is
Four
of this
aspects
that
as total
clash
specific
architects
the new building its
as will
environment"123
of what constitutes The two are made to
'tradition'.
are largely
place
implies
view
'nation-
The phrase blueprints,
a schematic
and the
takes
it
of
explanation
models,
from its
constitutes they
one-way,
interaction
connotes
independence
incompatible;
appear
it
and above all
reflects
the
underpins
and mechanistic.
abstract
symptomatic;
can be
of interpretation
school
orthodox
The resultant
systems.
under
conditions
the
which
ignored.
mechanistic
are particularly
approach
striking: a) constant
Binary
as internally
It
the
homogeneous and coherent
and alternative
potentialities
and modernity
technique
of binary
internal
means that
also
tradition
appears
makes them appear
contradistinction
and incompatible.
tions
The use of tradition
Opposition.
settled, conflict;
two 'units'
modernity
contradicBoth
Furthermore,
without
seems a fixed
treated
are
change are ignored.
goal.
the
static;
tradition
any history
of
makes them appear
and uniform,
exclusive
internal
emerge as caricatures.
opposition
timeless
mutually
systems; for
in
and modernity
45
Binary
opposition the
and overestimates the
misinterprets largely
because 125
above.
It
dichotomy, such
not speed
nature
it is
not
a false to
'transitional',
the
this
process,
it
distorts
process.
This
from
perspective,
by adding
since
124;
the
of
refine
done,
a complex
interaction
direction
enough has
oversimplifies
the
of
and
adopts
as Lerner
as
merely
and is
outside
and
traditional-modern an intermediate
same distorting
category
perspective
survives.
b)
Macro-sociological
of
Shils,
to
according
their
studies
126
whole".
thus
"is
a macrosociological
and when it
societies,
certain
studies to
contribution The
society
'as
a whole'
is
between
and 'traditional'
and variety which
makes it
at a 'national'
it
of
operates, is
perspective at work, of social
but
adopted.
terms
with
to view
it
society
as a and
of Change
the
interaction
two coherent the
however,
complexity in
at which, and forms
be appreciated
multi-directional
study
if
a non-centralized
there ones,
are not
two forces
at different
levels
organization.
more than
explores
the
Theory
In reality,
words,
the
societies,
as one between
In other
is
nation-to-be,
not
Because of the macrosociological little
the
and the many levels
can only
several
difficult
level.
change,
of
of the Phoenix
It
cultures
these
of
functioning
are inevitable. 'modern'
parts
of new. states", it
study:
the
features
abstract
"The study
Perspective.
corollaries detailed
an exercise in
in
logic;
an inductive
empirical
facts.
analysis
perspective, it
refines
manner, This
categories
without
height
coming
becomes and to
of generalization
46
cannot
illuminate
really
historians
and social
have been produced
Linear
c)
doomed traditional
(or
syncretism?
'the
traditional
outcome
could
events
on the
for
ignored.
Although
is
certain
is
little
from
the
room for for
its
flank
of
synthesis
strengthening
of
or domination
colonial
kinds
is --
by control
situation,
theory
extremely
scheme developed
Third
admitted. of
in of
with
its
determines
and reconstruction, of nationalism
makes
difficult.
Ethnocentric ------------
the
explicitly
within
and institutions
and tensions,
classic
as
ends - are largely
of resistance
of such parameters
situation
characterized
and political
specific
of the
colonial groups
treated
The political
contact'.
specific
ambivalences
nature
Change is
'culture
of
economic
the
The conceptual in
into
made - organized
of particular
discussion
modernity
wedge driving
Situation.
of the
contradictions,
the mechanistic
institution
play
of conquest
It --
("detached
or indeed
Colonial
of the
resources
-ii.
opposites,
sector'.
'contact'
success
binary
sector'
There
coexistence,
characteristics
the
internal
The 'modern
of a neutral
a situation
is
theorising
of actual
between
clash
sector.
), for
Neglect
and social
the
experience
an ever-widening
the
d)
In the
one-way. is
environment")
the
direct
without
by
provided
Much of the
anthropologists.
Change.
change appears
which
information
concrete
127
ground.
the
the
World
is
to discuss
ethnocentric.
Coleman argues
the modern nation-state,
that
nationalism Sometimes,
this
"concept
and
the
towards
and
the
creation
of
47
which
African
Western
in
its
"the
justify
the
so Gabriel
exclusive
have to master be derived
"the
modernization
in
the model
from
of the modern Western
There ignore
the people
'validity';
the
to project
The latter
adaptation
So it
School
universalism.
is
smq&cs of
130
this
you,
refuse
will
areas turn
and formal
is
can only analysis
the
to
one is
up as an apparent is
only
an
to new circumstances Though the
ethnocentrism. it
to
Both are
fact
egocentrism
'universalism',
them,
them on your
or agree
itself in
or their
to absorb
try
discussion,
but
to
simply
importance
to accept
sets
kind.
of a specific
down by yourself.
simple with
is
upon them,
laid
in
which
to deny their
egocentrism,
of an original
challenge.
in
egocentrism
former
non-Western
politics,
who wishes
scientist
empirical
(more complex)
on terms
of the
the
of egoism:
own concerns
nnly
egocentric.
Builder
around
You can either
discussion
of
kinds
other
your
own terms.
negation
implicit
two possible
are
political
to
order
ý9
politics".
The ethnocentrism
as Coleman stresses
drawn from Western
of the modern,
the most careful
self-
characterize
phenomenon in
nation-state
that
that
Just
use of concepts
Almond argues
the
attention,
merits
of disintegration it.
distinctly
that
He denies
culture
destroying
of the
origins
to Etudy political
i Z.
forces
are steadily
Western
128
political
shattering
modernity" the
indigeneous
is
to be directed,
form and content".
image of the since
tends
nationalism
is
unilateral
Nation-
48
It
is
does,
respects Different
come to terms
cultures in
and coherent
their
was a genuine variety)
the
late
development
deigned
in
that
and 'primitive',
sible'
to understand performance
Western
as
institutions,
of outward
the
voting
we should
scrutinize
political
functions
lineage-groups
breathed 'function'; practice
Burundi being
or holy
approach new life
five
system
should
It
for
Nonin
for
by
elections
Instead,
evidence
of
'institutions'
by such local
terms
look
not
in Afghanistan.
societies
must
everywhere
we should presidential
sought the
for
be judged
not
and
as 'incomprehen-
as 'institutions'.
years
or Afghan
performed
as
men.
entailed into
or rather by social
every
nor
was a healthy
(institutions)
institutions;
Burundi,
It
Scientists.
political
ran,
simple
activities
or dismissed
as 'systems',
argument
in
committees
single-transferable
every
to Western
resemblance
cabinet
This
which
It
scheme.
Political
the
socio-political
as 'political',
to treat
alternative'means
functions
(of
embrace the
an overall
the U. S. A. y
the West.
in
could
by self-styled
these of
which
school in
ethnocentrism
been ignored,
They were accepted
perform.
for
it
understandable
especially
studies
within
had hitherto
phenomena which
down the
terminology World
systems.
important,
and 1960's,
political
phenomena of the Third
certain
The systemic-functionalist
1950's
characterized
and in political
as interesting,
to break
to develop
attempted
to,
purports
heterogeneous
own right.
attempt
which
it
with
treated
are
emerged in
which
because
universalistic
the it
broadening
a refreshing words
anthropology.
131
such advances It
and
and 'institution'
'political'
acknowledged
of horizons,
laid
the
already
foundations,
and made in it
49
seemed,
for
a new school
and Third
East
World
"Political
in
terms
yardstick
or self-consciousness,
naivety,
Several
culture. making,
of the
analytical
concepts
the
stimuli
for
the reconstruction
in in
which
the world this
undermined
sense,
the Middle
The assumption are
the
crucial
'Developing of this the
effort
nation
of
states
such areas
is
issue
Nations'
view.
West is
the
today,
East
Third
facing imply.
"The dominant the out
leaders of their
are defined
in
World
Pye is
their
"came
Lerner,
East; efficiently West is,
133 of modernization as such labels
most blatant
East
societies". to the
has
What the
model.
new countries
transitional relation
South
World
operate
nationalists,
one of the
theme in
in
will
the problems
away that
there
Middle
inthe
to become".
seeks
far
never
a useful
still
to be little
Third
"From the Wests argued
that
rule-
Western
the
society
political
example,
Above all,
that
of a modern society
of explicitness,
proved
language.
traditional
The
of Western
of traditional
assumption
of what the West has more.
less
of
(for
functions
more obscure
seemed to be a built-in
usually
performance
the workshop
within
translations
into
with
degress
and rule-adjudication)
poorly-disguised
be compared
one-sided.
varying
with
new-heralded
rule-application,
more than
of
style
remained
always
was forged
of assessment
and
one.
structures".
new 'universalism'
Yet this
"may
1960,132
frequency
requires
comparison
now offered
school in
by political
functions
political
this
the
of
All
compass.
Almond
wrote
systems",
one another
its
within
of analysis;
standard
a shared
politics,
comparative
of
West,
embracing
problem
Asia", to
he writes,
create 134
of
proponents
In
"is
modern other
'nation-building'
words,
as
50
in
than
rather
terms
of political
development
means anything,
favour
of hoped-for
a noteworthy the
social
upon the
to
in
established
denied
the
West...
political shared
change, moral
more heavily
up the
dependent
In such hands, school
could
is
live
institutions
are not
inside
own system;
their
how systems the
of
theoretical
radicalism,
it
in
analysed
they
these
reassurance are
all
are now forming further
is
in
inherent must be 137
systemic-function-
promise.
Third
World
functions
they
perform
describe,
indeed changed
preach, to
enable
functions. never
as to what was politically it
that
and institutions
approach
the
of legitimacy
of the
theorists
not
directing
see how the
terms
existing
and
is
maturity,
need for
theoretical
externally-defined
decision
conditions
and efficiency".
to
up to its
The systemic-functional convincing
values
states
they
difficult
must be transformed
performance
the
upon effectiveness
it
change the
The establishment
expectations...
to
of
and legitimacy
the power of legitimacy
exploit
in
point
legitimacy
responsiveness
command of dignified
authority
this
the
of commonality,
Above all,
realities
same manner as has been
the
The strength
and the
ways,
in
order
of current
reversed
these
If
vigorously:
countries,
to use power to Under
and spnntaneous
He elaborates
is, directly
of a moral
in building
136
developing
citizens.
this
rejection
depend on its
necessarily
to such societies.
cannot,
alist
the
commitment
speak
fashionable of
"In
of the
personalities possible
means the
The situation
values.
depends
it
specific,
Pye asserts
eventualities".
passage: does not
state
135
life.
expressions
in
own individual,
of their
had a distinct
came to a comfortable relevant.
tendency
to look
Despite for
or its
51
discrete
of the
groups
Apter, not
type
for
'anti-democratic', 138
'pre-demncratic'.
and emphases.
Aristotelian
distinction
and 'civil
except
in
felt
for
139 (us).
Turk's then
we are
than
that
of
'political
systems':
dominium
Cities,
Political
indeed
confirm
the
been its
to
we call
society' to
see how, from
differed
call
we are
saying
These are properly
differentiated
in
exist
patriots
the
no more on
as Fortescue's meant by
European
inhabitants
meant by 'republican'... advanced
societies..
have been unable
interpretation devotees.
'political'
power rests
Whig translators
relatively
functionalists
most prominent
all
meant by 'polity',
what the
American
Grand
the
that
'orthodox'
(Third
such a system
distinction;
or what Machiavelli,
only
old
made a distinctly
open to influence,
so-called
the
if
what-Aristotle
and the
systems
Sadly
but
et regale,
politicum
government',
of Free
than
consent...
the
difficult
one doubts,
though
a crucial
power is
all
some kind
'mixed
losing...
should
view:
a 'politician';
barber
systems
in
such a distinction
and style,
may be proper,
is
verbal.
were nevertheless
crept
example,
It
'pre-systemic-functionalist' "It
they
'pre-democratic
between
in
was essentially
political
back door
Shils,
society'
blatancy
the
focus
World
yet
Through
distinctions
World)
had deemed 'political'
of
Third
that
argued
and discrete
evidence,
empirical
The shift
context.
example,
be called
Crick's
sought
the Old Tradition
which
European
a purely
it
whenever
groups
of nationalism, 141
to
011.140 do more
and have
52
It
-iii.
Non-specific,
is
theory
The 'nation-builder' Both
and ethnocentric. It
comparison. but
is
"We are not
features
to
on "the
and every
epoch...
incomparable that... of
the
events
epochs". area
143
Pye,
explaining Several
approach.
occur too,
and
that the
in
attacks
diverse
"the
concepts exotic
Though,
some comparative
behaviour
are
logically, framework,
'historicists'
unique
culture,
features
from
aspect
any significant societies,
to demonstrate of the in
are
one another
cultures
smug knowledgeability
assertions
formulated
in
unique
of every
society,
and so different
these
the
to attack
those
the
Our task
which
can illuminate
and "the
problems
(But)
within
that
are
to ascertain
necessary
determined seems who
universal",
relativists in
that
specialist
nothing
assert
categories
no general
concrete
of every
one another
with
of
He goes on fiercely
(They)
and
categories
they
categories
and
explains:
we think
and politics...
uniqueness
discussion
and because
obviously
the
find 142
may bei3escribed". who insist
is
facts,
them as among the
we regard
understanding
of societies
is
regard
better
It
events...
particular
this
the
with
concern
Thus Shils
generalized
because
both
mechanistic
specific the
facilitate
patterns.
achievements
for
indispensable
unique
to
both
overriding
explaining
We aim at
historicists.
intellectual
highest
with
concerned
propositions
analytical
its
reflect
of cross-cultural
classification
is
of nationalism
a framework
developing
with
flaws
not
comparative
mainly
the
of the
that
aggressive
there
West were inapplicable
of non-Westerners".
144 comparative
no analysis
can take
place
the
scaffolding
erecting
with
is
cultural
a purely
associated
and
without
may become
53 an end in
itself.
The bricks
they
neglected;
and mcrtar-
become secondary.
nation-builder
school
a book on a specific
Much of the work of
like
reads
facts
empirical
the
new
introduction
an everlasting
'nationalist'
- are
movement which
is
to finally
never
written. There
is
may distort
the
to
seeks
real
to
is
of selection
of bringing
to material
framework
comparative It
is
the
ideological
grounds
some frame
is
methodologically
Even supposing by the
classic
doubts
about
being
in
the
yet
discipline,
national
a frame
values
to
culture...
escape
from
tends
is
to
ethnocentrism.
is
value-free and that
necessary,
on pure
raises
from
specific
ethnocentrism, A framework
remain. to
146 may be
each of the of its
values
units
own: those
or of international
this
intellectual
they
frameworks used
comparative
example,
from the
But perhaps
problem
the particular
of reference
or generate for
and heuristic
unsound.
approach
Pitt-Rivers
administration. aspire
reflect
and free
were free
to the
bias
that
is
comparative
categorization
ensuring
particular
comparative
relation
of
of reference
the
that
in
it
example)
The methodological
resists
'neutral',
'nation-builders'
compared,
of an academic
ogists
that
that
'relativism'
'neutral'
problem
enough to argue
not
which
used is
14.5
(for
of what
of ideological
this.
around
'material'
when material
The principle
centre
the
anachronism,
questions
of comparison
of the
ideas
inappropriateness
merge with
framework
pre-conceived
crucial;
order
the
specificity,
may promote
is.
thus
that
the
nature,
in with
fit
nationalism'
studies
danger,
It
compare.
selected 'true
a further
problem:
"All
anthropol-
limitations
can succeed
only
at
of their the
cost
of
54
becoming class
'technocentric',
expertise'
interests
'international
to
It
-iv.
The movement
tends
political
nationalist
to
awaken
it
to
elite
ties the
organize
is
should
based.
of to
seek
reduce 149
and is
in
organize
to
those
not
the
the
early
the
slumbering
and and
total
outback
or
society. from
is
sector
there
is
rural
masses.
more
direct the
and
It
'modern'
little
mass political
these
societies;
propaganda,
the
within
one
the
with
of literacy
the
stages,
into
Western
in
the
by a small
traditional
modernization,
seeks
in
and contact growth
is
proper'
origins
led
groups
itself in
has its
typically
and other
to
'nationalism
of modern communications.
movement from
adopt
modern This
action.
construction
To effect
its
political
various
facets
of
this,
it
torpor,
and
itself.
The interlocking theory
values
and
'manageability'.
to
It
and towns,
pressure,
movement
new associative
help
the
analogous of
uniqueness
instinctively
therefore
'professional
of
The
by colonization
about
Particularly
in
participation
the
148
World.
development
educated
economy.
methods
Third
the
based on towns,
middle-class
parties,
in
the
mobility,
of the
and
of industry
spread
predominantly
to
has grown up whereby
brought
revolution
West - the
has
formula
development
a novel
them
perhaps
uniformity,
The values
'material'
their
an international
of
values
Tautological
is
A classic
social
of
administration'
heterogeneity
social
may blind
among researchers
self-defined
the 147
investigators".
professional
of
in
centred
nature disguise
Unfortunately,
of these the
tautology
much of the
on which literature
the takes
of the theory
orthodox itself
corollaries
55
of the
definition
original on which
premiss
He arrives
the
at
certain
modernity
asserts
that
As against
senses
be true
Nationalism
through sector the
would,
of
to
word
the
assumptions political
urban
born
in
indeed
course,
major
evidence
152
Yet he
core:
the
the
great testable
apparently
in
the
it
towns,
although
towns
the
a restricted
of European
origin. in
political sense,
If
political
Western
terms
is
and modern then in
it
is
the
political
post-independence
'political'
label
expressed
component
political
be the most important
when articulated
so defined,
certain
were.
as the
so far
middle-class
is
may in
it
and activities
and their
the
in
emphasizing
worth
parties'
political
nationalism
in
is
drift,
sentiments
parties If
logical
the most important
nor
the
circular.
uncomfortably
political
membership.
situation;
of
'nationalist'
nationalism.
This
movements".
of
born
was only
nor
danger
the
"underlies
proper
'nationalist
the
that
these
only
kind
was not
to those
confined
any kind
'non-tautological'
nationalism
remains
this
nationalism
'just
153
however,
assertion,
nationalism
yet
exist)
of genuine
has a hard
'national'
cf modern
World
from
He recognizes
his
tautology.
Ito movement can be called
emergence
that
statement
majority
151
into
strays of Third
(modernity)
the
theory
his
15°
one,
though
example,
'nationalism'
argument!
is
for
interpretation
pre-conditions
of this
empirical
a subtle
and sentiment'.
in his
circularity
that
is
to distinguish
loyalty
group
Gellner,
based.
orthodox
by way of seeking
until
of nationalism
of nationalism
account
of
is
it
of the
as confirmation
colonial
process.
component
involving ideology and through
neither
if
we gave
cultural is
It
only
Western-style
56
if
media,
political
action a Western
comprehensible
in
as accord
this
with
In
significant.
is it
in
other
bound to is
contexts,
seem the most important
co-terminous
and distortion nationalism that
are
at all
the
with
linked
urban its
political
when arguments
arise
'modern
process
should
nationalism
with
nationalism' levels.
those
takes
forms
which
faced
with
most
defined
The problem
process based
to
in
154
itself.
that
is it
play,
since
Confusion
on the restricted
sense of
larger
meaning,
so
whole
political
based on the
appears
so broadly component
political
use of
narrow
a very
be recognized. is
are
such manifestations
naturally
out to be politically
we are
and this
which
then
turn
words,
other
only
that
context,
definition
the word nationalism, that,
is
explain
the
57
NOTES TO CHASTER ONE 1.
"THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL CHANGEIN THE hIDDLE EAST M. Halpern: AND NORTH AFRICA" (Princeton 1963) p. 207.
2.
"Nationalism: K. R. I'Sinogue: the poverty of a concept" ARCHIVES EUROPEMNES DE SOCIOLOGIE (8) 2 1967 p. 340.
in
that: His "NATIONALISM" (London 1967) argues at length "The concept of the nation is almost entirely empty of content local is - arbitrarily from until a content supplied (p. 154) circumstances". 3.
"Cultural the Motivations to Progress: cf Soedjatmoko: ): (ed. Bellah 'Exterior' 'Interior' R. N. in the views" and He RELIGION AND PROGRESSIN MODERNASIA (New York 1965). in debates on the problem pleads for a change in perspective in the Third World, but his remarks apply of modernization he "There to discussions exists" equally of nationalism. "a great gap between the way in which the developmentargues, the problems of his nation, and modernizer oriented perceives leadership the real preoccupations political of the nation's in response to the ways in which the transition process and by its accompanying problems are experienced and perceived the of
majority this view
of the nation .... from the inside".
we should (p. 4)
know
a great
deal
more
foreignthat of with compared viewpoint, but inside the looks from trained outwards experts certainly the it down with looks from the top compared when clearly In indigenous other the the bulk population. viewpoint of of he argues for and words, of the viewpoint consideration local He indigenous the still regards elite. of preoccupations (modernization), to goal communities as obstacles a projected that these the that so well are embedded and simply makes point They frontal less should modernizers assault. need to try a "to 'interior learn the the language view' so as and adopt of to the increase their regard with manipulative capacity (p. 4) their traditional societies". of sectors This
'interior'
DU NIONDE(Paris DEPOSSESSION
4.
The phrase is Jacques Berque's: 1964) p. 172.
5.
in AMERICAN J. S. Coleman: "Nationalism in Tropical. Africa" POLITICAL SCIENCEREVIEr (48) June 1954, p. 404-426.
6.
G. Balandier: Afrique Noire" various other discussed in
ä 1'etude "Contribution des nationalismes Apr 1954, P" 379-89, in ZAIRE (Brussels) His views and books by him. will articles the next chapter.
en and be
58
7.
is based entirely The following J. S. Coleman op. cit. account the His same assumptions this contain works other on article. See TO BACKGROUND "NIGERIA : his form. in more scattered esp. Movements Political (California 'Current 1958); NATIONALISM" 'The Emergence in ANNALS (March 1965); of African in Africa' (ed. ); AFRICA TODAY in C. G. Haines Parties' Political ): (eds. G. (Baltimore C. Rosberg Coleman S. T. 1955); and TROPICAL AFRICA in Integration National Parties Political and in Africa' Sub-Saharan (California Politics 'The 1964); of and Areas ALMOND AND COLEMAN (eds. ); The Politics of the Developing (Princeton 1960).
8.
POLITICS Z PERSONALITY AND NATION-BUILDING (New Haven L. W. Pye: 1962) (New 1963) York ): (eds. NATION-BUILDING J, Foltz Deutsch W. K. W. and R. Bendix: NATION-BUILDING AND CITIZENSHIP (New York 1965). locciý" (1967)Ap. 338. "Nationalism: the poverty K. R. Ninogue: of a concept"
9. 10.
11.
12.
"Nation" D. A. Rustow: SOCIAL SCIENCES (1968)
in INTERNATIONAL ENCYCLOPAEDIAOF THE 9 p. 12. vol.
): (eds. Coleman J. "The Near East" in G. Almond and D. A. Rustow: 400. (Princeton 1960) THE DEVELOPING POLITICS OF AREAS THE p. and C. G. Rosberg: cf D. E. Apter Change in Africa' in Politicäl ECONOMY OF CONTEMPORARY AFRICA
'Nationalism of and Models D. P. Ray (ed. ): THE POLITICAL (Washington 1959)"
Africa'
422.
13.
J. S. Coleman:
'Nationalism
14.
E. A. Gellners
THOUGI AND CHANGE (London
15.
in A. Analysis' 'Requisite 'Gap Analysis' criticized are and Development" "The'Underdeveloped Wilner: theory of Political (16) Apr. 1964,, p. 468-82. WORLD POLITICS
in
Tropical
loc.
1964)
p.
cit. 168.
p.
in
16.
L. W. Pye: "The Concept March 19651 p" 7-
Development"
in
THE ANNALS (358)
17-
Aspects" "Modernization: Political J. S. Coleman: ENCYCLOPAEDIAOF SOCIAL SCIENCES (9) p" 398,
in
INTERNATIONAL
18.
D. E. Ashford: in the Moslem
19.
S. P. Huntington: WORLD POLITICS
20.
KARL MARX ON COLONIALISM AND MODERNIZATION 1-31. Introduction 1968) p. esp. in R. Miljiband "Marx and India" and J. Saville V. G. Kiernan: 1968) p. 159-89. THE SOCIALIST REGISTER 1967 (London S. Avineri (New York
L. I. esp.
of Political
"Contradictions World" in MIDDLE
Nation-Building Natinnalism and of EAST JOURNAL (1964).
Development - "Political (17) July 1965.
and Political
Decay"
in
(ed. ):
and S. H. Rudolph: p. 17-24.
THE MODERNITY OF TRADITION (Chicago
(eds.
1967),
):
59 21.
"There is a close between the way Marx had been thinking parallel in the West, and the way he was now thinking of of the proletariat The juggernaut the colonial of industrial masses in the East. and habits, the Antiquated had them both. over capitalism rolled linger, but only that them, might still outlook went with on life (V. G. delay". further by inertia, little with and would vanish REGISTER 1967, p. 169. ) 'Marx and India' Kiernan: in THE SOCIALIST
22.
I. Potekhin: "The formation 10 1958, p. 308-314.
23.
(English Edition K. Marx and F. Engels: "The Communist Manifesto" 1886) in K. Marx and F. Engels: SELECTED WORKS(Moscow 1962) vol. p. 38.
of nations
in Africa"
in MARXISMTODAY(2)
I,
(Hoscow 1947) CAPITALISM OF IMPERIALISM - TIC HIGHEST FORM LENIN ON THE NATIONAL AND COLONIAL QUESTIONS (Peking
24.
V. I. Lenin: V. I. Lenin: 1967).
25.
in 1920, Lenin "In the backward wrote and colonial countries", its ".... the imperialist is doing bourgeoisie within power everything too. the to implant the reformist nations oppressed movement among bourgeoisie the There has been a certain between of rapprochement that the exploiting the that so countries, colonial of countries and bourgeoisie the in of while very often most cases, perhaps - even is it the oppressed the national does support movement, countries that bourgeoisie, imperialist the at the same time in accord with is, together it fights the latter revolutionary all against with ('Report Commission " the of movements and revolutionary classes.... THE NATIONAL AND ON LENIN National Colonial in the Questions' on and interests COLONIAL QUESTIONS (1967) Lenin located 32). common p. both before by the colonizer elite, shared nationalist and so-called He warned 'liberation' from imperial of the and after control. "the deception danger denouncing sy.. stematically of neo-colonialism, the guise by the imperial in creating, of practised under powers dependent independent are wholly politically states which states, ('Preliminary them financially, upon economically, and militarily". Draft Questions' ibid of Theses on the National p. 28. and Colonial
26.
(eds. ): LA DEUXIEME INTERNATIONALE cf G. Haupt and M. Reberioux ET L'ORIENT (Paris 1967) cf J. V. Stalin: MARXISM AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION in WORKS(Moscow 1953) Vol. 2, p. 300-81.
27.
Ho Chi Minh testified THESES on to the great impact of Lenin's Nationalism "The Theses of Lenin on his own thinking: stirred in me great They faith. emotion, great enthusiasm and great helped My joy was so great me to see problems with clarity. that it made me weep. Alone in my room, I shouted out as if I were facing "Dear oppressed a great crowd of people: and fellow-countrymen! This is what we need, is the this wretched From that trust in road to liberation". moment I put my whole ("The Road Which led Lenin, International". and in the Third July in L'ECHO DU VIETNAM - Paris 1960 - cited me to Leninism" in W. Warbey: HO CHI MINH AND THE STRUGGLE FOR AN INDEPENDENT
60
(London
27.
six theses of Lenin's "the to give special support countries stressed large to the peasant the landlords, against movement against landownership, of or survivals manifestations and against all the to lend feudalism, to the most movement strive peasant and the closest possible character revolutionary and establish the West-European between and proletariat alliance communist in the colonies, the revolutionary peasant movement in the East, it is particularly and in the backward countries generally; to direct the basic to apply necessary every effort principles in countries of the Soviet system where precapitalist relations ('Preliminary " Draft predominate.... of Theses on the National (1920) Colonial Questions' loc cit and p. 27).
28.
The influence of Mao The Tungus Marxism has of course been but Third World Marxism has developed in several seminal, (Frantz directions in Africa Fanon) and Latin America (Castro, Regis Debray). Some modern African variants are illustrated (eds. ): C. in W.H. Friedland G. Rosberg AFRICAN SOCIALISM and (Stanford 1964) and Middle Eastern variants in S. A. Hanna and G. H. Gardner (eds. ): ARAB SOCIALISM (Leiden 1969).
29.
K. W. Deutsch:
VIETNAM
1972) need in
"Social
p. 22). backward
Mobilization
The Fourth
and
Political
in AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEM (55)
Sept.
"The Future Marx: Results Rule of British K. Marx and F. Engels: SELECTED WORKS vol.
Development"
1961 (emph.
added).
(1853) in India" Is p. 353"
30.
K. in
31.
V. G. Kiernan:
32.
(structures) M. J. Levy jnr: "Patterns and of Modernization Political Development" in THE ANNALS (March 1965) p. 29-40 (emph. Levy has written to explain added) specifically an article "The Vulnerability nonof the structures of relatively industrialized industrialized to relatively societies ones" in (ed. ): B. F. Hoselitz THE PROGRESSOF UNDERDEVELOPED AREAS (Chicago 1952) p. 113-125.
33.
D. Lerner: p. 45.
34.
M. Halpern: new nations" added).
35.
EASTERN FAR in R. Emerson: "Paradoxes Asian Nationalism" of QUARTERLY 1954 (repr! 1I. SOCIAL CHANCE - THE Wallerstein: ) (New (emph. COLONIAL SITUATION York 1966) p. 531 added).
36.
R. Emerson:
37.
Ibid.
p.
"Marx
and India"
in SOCIALIST REGISTER 1967,
p.
THE PASZING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (Glencoe 1958)
15.
"Towards a further in WORLDPOLITICS
of the study of modernization (17) Oct. 1964 p. 175 (emph.
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION (Harvard
1960)
p.
188.
168.
61
38.
"Toward a concept K. van Vo s: THE ANNALS (358) March 1965, p.
39.
K. Marx: "The British Rule in India" SELECTED WORKS(Moscow 1962) vol. I,
40.
1964) 7 of his DEPOSSESSION DU MCNDE(Paris 'New Supplement Jacques to Bougainville's voyage' entitled Berque the ethnocentrism behind this kitsch stresses pity or 4 of Claude '. 'false Chapter Levi-Strauss: humý A WORLD ON THE WANZ.Amns the emotion instinct' to a sort of 'cannibal for the exotic. with a liking
41.
THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL CHANGEIN THE MIDDLE EAST M. Halpern: AND NORTH AFRICA (1963) p. 31-
42.
W. Fischer: "Social Tensions at Early Stages of Industrialization" in COMPARATIVESTUDIES IN SOCIETY AND HISTORY (9) Oct. 1966, p.
In
of political 15.
development"
in
in K. Marx and F. Engels: (emph. 346f added). p.
Chapter
43.
J. L. W. Pye: 'The Politics G. Almond South East in Asia' and of Coleman (eds. ): THE POLITICS OF THE DEVELOPING AREAS (Princeton 1960) esp. p. 99-109.
44.
D. Lerner: 'Modernization: Social Aspects' in INTERNATIONAL ENCYCLOPAEDIAOF THE SOCIAL SCIENCES (New York 1968) Vol. 9, p. 386-395-
45.
T. Parsons: 'Evolutionary SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW (29)
46.
S. M. Lipset:
47-
M. J.
48.
K. W. Deutsch:
in Society' Universals 1964, p. 339-357-
POLITICAL MAN (London
1960)
Chaps.
in
82.
AMERICAN
2 and 3-
(Structures) Levy Jnr.: 'Patterns and of modernization AMERICAN ACADEMY OF THE THE ANNALS in development' political OF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE (358) March 1965, p. 29-40. 'Social
Mobilization
and Political
Development'
in AMERICANPOLITICAL SCIENCEREVIEW (55) Sept. 1961, p. 493-514. 49.
L. W. Pye (ed. ): 1963); COMMUNICATIONSAND DEVELOPMENT(Princeton (ed. ): J. LaPalombara EDUCATIONANDPOLITICAL DEVELO1NENT (Princeton 1965); L. W. Pye and S. Verba (eds. ): POLITICAL 1966); CULTURE AND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT(Princeton (eds. ): POLITICAL Weiner J. LaPalombara M. and POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT (Princeton 1966).
50.
S. N. Eisenstadt: 'Modernization (16) POLITICS WORLD in growth'
51.
S. P. Huntington: in WORLDPOLITICS
'Political (17) July
PARTIES
AND
of sustained and conditions July 1964, p. 576-594.
Development 1965.
and Political
Decay'
62
52.
T. Parsons: 'Evolutionary SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW (29)
53"
J. S. Coleman: 'Modernization Aspects' in Political INTERNATIONAL ENCYCLOPAEDIAOF SOCIAL SCIENCES (1967 P. 395-402.
in society' universals 1964, esp. p. 353-356.
in
AMERICAN
9j
vol.
54.
M. Weiner: 'Political Integration Development' and Political in ANNALS OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMCYOF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE (358) March 1965, p. 52-64.
55"
L. Binder: 'National Integration and Political AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW (58) 1964,
p.
Development' 622-31-
(1853)
56.
K. Marx: 'The Future Results of British in SELECTED WORKSVol. 1, p. 352-358.
57.
R.
58.
M. Barratt-Brown:
59.
D. Lerner:
60.
S. M. Lipset:
61.
D. J. NcCrone & C. F. Cnudde: 'Toward development' of democratic political SCIENCE REVIEW (61) March 1967-
62.
R. Emerson: 'Paradoxes QUARTERLY 1954 (reprinted THE COLONIAL SITUATION
63.
Thus E. A. Gellner's to be a proletariat (1964) p. 168.
64.
R. Emerson:
65.
Classes M. L. Kilson: British West 'Nationalism in Social and Africa' Wallerstein in JOURNAL OF POLITICS (1958) (reprinted (ed. ): SOCIAL CHANGE TILE COLONIAL SITUATION (1966) p. 540. -
66.
Ibid. See also POLITICS (April
Emerson:
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION
(1960)
Rule in
P.
AFTER IMPERIALISM (London
India'
57-8.
1970)
p.
THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (1958) POLITICAL MAN (1960)
in
202. p.
60.
p. 59-60. theory a communications in AMERICAN POLITICAL
EASTERN FAR Asian Nationalism' in of (ed. ): SOCIAL CHANGE Wallerstein (New York 1966) p. 525.
tend "The two prongs of nationalism remark: CHANGE AND THOUGHT intelligentsia" and an
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION (1960)
his 'Analysis of African 1958) p. 484-497-
p.
194.
Nationalism'
WORLD
See also 'African his Rlitical Change and the Modernization Process JOURNAL OF MODERN AFRICAN STUDIES (1) 1963; and , "POLITICAL CHANGE IN A WEST AFRICAN STATE" (Harvard 1966). iris
67.
M. Djilas: THE NEW CLASS - All ANALYSIS OF THE COMMUNISTSYSTEM (London 1957).
63
68.
in AMERICAN Africa' J. S. Coleman: 'Nationalism in Tropical POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW (1954) (emph. 414 added). p.
cf. also T. Hodgkin: 1956.
'The African
in CORONA(7)
Middle Class'
the ambitions frustrating of this on the need to avoid of the elite was one of the main themes of the 1955 Conference 'InterWtional Civilizations': Institute of Differing
Stress
DEVELOP1ENT DUNE CLASSE MOYENNEDANS LES PAYS TROPICAUX (Brussels 1956). 69.
K. Davis: 'Social and Demographic Aspects of Economic Development (eds. ): in India' W.E. Moore, and J. J. Spengler in S. Kuznets, ECONCMIC G UWTH- BRAZIL, INDIA, JAPAN (Duke 1955) p. 9.
70.
E. Shils: C. Geertz p. 2.
71.
Shils: POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT IN THE NE'J STATES (The Hague 1962) 89. 'The Intellectuals in the Political p. cf also E. Shils: (12) April 1960; Development POLITICS New States' WORLD the in of in 'Intellectuals, Development' Economic Public Opinion, and and (10) 1958. WORLD POLITICS thought, A sympathetic of Shils' account 'National L. Binder: be found in with some shrewd criticisms, can SCIENCE Integration AMERICAN POLITICAL Development' and Political REVIM-1 (58) 1964, p. 622-31-
72.
L. W. Pye: Search for
73.
Ibid.
74.
J. S. Coleman: 'Nationalism SCIENCE REVIEW (1954) p.
75.
D. Lerner: p. 75.
76.
Wallerstein I. in R. Emerson: Nationalism' 'Paradoxes Asian of 'SOCIAL CHANGE- THE COLOURSITUATION' p. 525, (1966).
77.
Development' Political K. W. Deutsch: 'Social Mobilization and AMERICAN POLITICAL SCIENCE REVIEW (55) Sept. 1961, p. 498.
78.
D.
'On the Comparative Study of the New States' (ed. ): OLD SOCIETIES AND NEW STATES (Glencoe
in 1963)
E.
p.
P.
Lerner: 151-
POLITICS, PERSONALITY AND NATION-BUILDING, (1962). Identity
xii-xiv
(emph.
Burma's
added).
in Tropical 425.
Africa'
in AMERICAN POLITICAL
THE PASSINGOF TRADITIONALSOCIETY (1958) p. 165 and
THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL
SOCIETY
(1958)
p.
146
(ed. )
in
and
THE MORAL BASIS OF BACKWARDSOCIETY (1958).
79-
E. C. and L. F. Banfield:
80.
D. C. McClelland:
81.
E. E. Hagen: ON THE THEORY OF SOCIAL BEGINS (Illinois 1962).
THE ACHIEVING SOCIETY (Princeton
1961).
CHANGE - HOW ECONOMIC GROWTH
64
(loc.
82.
D. Lerner: Social Aspects' 'Modernization PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (1958)-
83.
G. Almond and S. Verba:
84.
B. Crick: IN DEFENCE OF POLITICS (Harmondsworth Rule'. esp. Ch. 2: 'The Nature of Political
85.
E.
Shils:
'On
the
(ed. ):
C. Geertz 22.
cit)
THE CIVIC CULTURE (Princeton
Comparative
Study
of
the
and THE
1963)-
1962),
in
New States'
OLD SOCIETIES AND NEW STATES (New York
1963)
86.
J. in F. W. Riggs: 'Bureaucrats Political Development' and (ed. ): BUREAUCRACYAND POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT LaPalombara (Princeton 1963) P" 139-
87-
R. Emerson:
88.
(London W. H. Morris-Jones: OF INDIA THE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS The kind 1964) p. 52-61. particularly observers of debates outside "the identify for be size of the public with, might about example, the degree control, sector of the economy, and forms of government and the direction and pace of land reform".
89.
Ibid. p. language'.
90.
D. Lerner:
91.
R. I.
Rotberg: 'The Africa' and Central (ed. ): Wallerstein R. p. 517. cf. also MAU-MAU NATIONALISM
92.
TANZANIA-PARTY This Bienen's: H. from point emerges strongly He 1967). TRANSFORMATION AND ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT (Princeton "too that U. N. T. A. from his often organization concludes study of intentions if the politics been described have as of new states the characterizations the word had become flesh; were facts, as if to the images Africa based in conveyed on of political systems are the Neither by the nor leaders.... world characterizations party in the which central they are derived ways maps from which specify the to institutions They information nature as no work. provide how the they do the show party of relationships within party, nor to the modern, to society urban, relates as a whole - not merely (p. (p. 12) speaks dienen town 5). of the need "to or sections" in charts and get beyond the TANU which organization appears on (but This the descriptions leaders! by central misleading given institutional to a political scientists, reassuring) culturally World is especially to political in the Third approach parties MAROCAINS POLITIQUES PARTIS Rezette's: LES in Robert striking
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION (1960)
54-55.
Morris-Jones
goes
on to
p.
12.
discuss
'the
THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (1958)
traditional
p. 153-4.
Case of East The Nationalism Rise of African (15) Oct. in 1962, in WORLD POLITICS repr. (1966) COLONIAL SITUATION THE SOCIAL CHANGE MYTH OF THE Nottingham: J. I. Rotberg and IN KENYA (1966) (passim)
65
(Paris 1955). West Africa, in particular, studied was closely for its political in the early 1960's: party organization 1963); R. Sklar: NIGERIAN POLITICAL PARTIES (Princeton R. Schachter-Morgenthau: POLITICAL PARTIES IN FRENCH-SPEAKING WEST AFRICA (London 1965); ONE-PARTY GOVERNMENT A. R. Zolberg: IN THE IVORY COAST (Princeton 'Un Parti 1964); B. Charles: Politique Guinee' REVUE Africain Le de Parti Democratique FRANSE DE SCIENCE POLITIQUE (1962).
92.
193"
M. Halpern: THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL AND NORTH AFRICA (1963) p. 283.
94.
-
CHANGE IN
THE MIDDLE EAST
Ann Wi3lner: 'The Underdeveloped Development' Study of Political in WORLDPOLITICS (16) April how this 1964, p. 473n, illustrates interest selective can be used to advantage by Third World A group of nationalists nationalists. chalked up quotations from Washington and Lincoln An American on prominent walls: delegation was visiting whose support was needed.
95.
R. Emerson: p. 527.
96.
Ibid.
p. 526.
97"
Ibid.
p. 526.
98.
A. Plantey:
99.
E. Kedourie:
NATIONALISM (London
100.
E. Kedourie:
NATIONALISM IN ASIA AND AFRICA (London
101.
Ibid.
102.
e. g.
103.
R. Emerson:
104.
Ibid.
105"
E. A. Gellner:
106.
R. Emerson:
107.
Ibid.
p. 195.
108.
Ibid.
p.
109.
'Primary resistance' resistance' and 'secondary Movements by E. Stokes: Resistance 'Traditional Nationalism: The Context of the 1857 Mutiny in This AND PRESENT (48) August 1970, p. 100-118. discussion of methods of interpreting excellent
'Paradoxes
of Asian Nationalism'
repr.
Wallerstein
LA REFORMEDE LA JUSTICE MAROCAINE (Paris 1961)
p.
1952).
9. 1971)
p. 147.
p. 38. by Kedourie,
p.
Ibid.
p. 141-146.
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION (1960)
p. 195.
195. 'Nationalism'
in
THOUGHTAND CHANGE, p. 162-
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION (1960)
(op, cit.
p. 58-59.
17. are terms used and Afro-Asian in PAST India' an provides Third World
J
)
66
109.
between See also T. O. Ranger: 'Connections nationalism. "primary resistance" movements and modern mass nationalism in East and Central Africa' in JOURNAL OF MODERNAFRICAN STUDIES (9) 1968.
110.
R. Emerson:
111.
Ibid.
p.
204 (emph.
112.
Ibid.
p.
204.
113.
Ibid.
p. 205.
114.
R. Montagne:
115.
K. R. Minogue:
116.
L. W. Pye: in G. Almond and J. Coleman (eds. ): 'South East Asia' (Emph. added). THE POLITICS OF THE DEVELOPING AREAS (1960) p. 65.
117.
Contrast this statement anthropologist, with that of the social Edmund Leach, referring to the same counthy as Pye 'researched' "My prediction in his POLITICS, PERSONALITY AND NATION-BUILDING: for the future more than this - that of Burma adds up to little ('The Political Burma's future Burma's be like past" will very Future of Burma' in FUTURIBLES (Geneva) 1963 p. 153. ) His analysis in he is based on the detailed provides account and sophisticated THE POLITICAL SYSTEMS OF HIGHLAND BURMA (London 1964).
118.
K. Marx: 'The British vol. 1, p. 346-7.
119.
K. Marx: 'The Future Results of British in SELECTED WORKS, vol. 1, p. 352.
FROM EMPIRE TO NATION, p.
23-
added).
REVOLUTION AU MAROC (Paris NATIONALISM (London
1953)
1957)
Rule in India'
p.
p.
152.
84.
(1853) in SELECTEDWORKS, Rule
in
India'
(1853)
the to Marx V. G. Kiernan points tended that regard out Indian than 'living and multiplying rather past as 'dead rubble' 167). 1967, REGISTER SOCIALIST India' p. cellsl('Marx and Modernization 'Towards Further of the Study of in WORLDPOLITICS (17) Oct. 1964, p. 159 and 161.
120.
M. Halpern: New Nations'
121.
Ibid.
122.
Excellent of the Nation-Builder critiques of the methodology the 'new scholasticism' school - what Willner calls - are in the following contained publications: S. K. Arora: 'Pre-Empted Future? Notes on Theories of Political (2) COI01UNITY DEVELOPMENT AND Development' in BEHAVIOURAL SCIENCES 2 Sept. 1968, -p. 85-120. A. in
Willner: 'The WORLD POLITICS
Underdeveloped 1964. April
Study
of
Political
Development'
67
122.
J. S. Gusfield: 'Tradition Misplaced Polarities in and Modernity: the Study of Social Change' in AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY (72) January 1967R. Pennock: 'Political Development, Systems, Political Political Goods' in WORLDPOLITICS (18) April 1966. C. S. Whitaker jnr.: 'A Di. $rhythmic Process of Political Change' in WORLDPOLITICS (19) January 1967T Gunder Frank: SOCIOLOGY OF DEVELOPMENTAND UNDER..DEVELOPMENT OF SOCIOLOGY (London 1971).
L. I. and S. H. Rudolph: p. 3-23. 123.
TEE MODERNITYOF TRADITION (Chicago 1967)
in K. W. Deutsch: 'Nation-Building Development' and National (eds. ): - NATION-BUILDING (New York K. W. Deutsch and W.J. Foltz 1963) p. 3. ('The In the same volume, Strayer Historical argues Experience in Europe') that the more rapid of Nation-Building this from the natural and the more divorced environment 'nation-building' is, the less likely it is to have lasting Western political commitment significance. prior science's to 'modernity' wards off this kind of and 'the nation-to-be' the drive Instead, if the obstacles conclusion. are great, to modernity must be pressed ahead the more strongly.
124.
V. G. Kiernan: 'Marx and India' loc. cit. p. 164, attributes Marx's mechanistic and 'the impatience approach to 'haste' He tended to 'pull of genius'. out the thread of history it'. faster than the three sisters were spinning
125.
Here Kiernan's is more telling: critique his world from above oftener than from
126.
E. Shils: 'On the comparative study of new states' Geertz (ed. ) OLD SOCIETIES AND NEW STATES (1963) p.
127.
J. Pitt-Rivers: "Contextual Analysis and the Locus of the (7) 1 1967, in SOCIOLOGIE EtROPEENNES ARCHIVES DE model" "A macro-sociology p. 34: which takes no account of the cultural data is condemned to behind its quantified variations which lie derive its analytical from its own backyard and find categories them applicable nowhere in particular".
128.
J. S. Coleman: 405. p.
129.
G. Almond: in G. Almond and J. 'Introduction' THE POLITICS OF THE DEVEZAPING AREAS (1960) p.
130.
The phrase p. 127.
is
'Nationalism
Jacques
in Tropical
Berque's:
"Marx contemplated ibid. p. 169. within"
Africa'
loc.
in G. 20.
cit.
Coleman (eds. ): 61.
DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE(1964)
68
131.
These advances had been staked out beyond the narrow confines by M. Fortes and E. E. Evansof monographs - in particular Pritchard: AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS (London 1940).
132.
G. Almond: 'Introduction' in G. Almond and J. Coleman (eds. ): The tone THE POLITICS OFTHE DEVELOPING AREAS (1960) p. 61. his Introduction throughout of excitement optimism and pioneering to this first major publication of the SSRC's Committee on Comparative is most striking. Politics,
133. D-Lerner:
THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (1958)
p.
47.
134.
L. W. Pye: in G. Almond and J. Coleman (eds. ): 'South East Asia' THE POLITICS OF THE DEVELOPING AREAS"(1960) p. 65.
135.
by concern for the Many studies seem to have been motivated imperialism impact of decolonization Western as much on as The very title themselves. of on Third World communities Emerson's book - "FROM EIPIRE TO NATION", rather than, say 'from tribe this. to nation', -indicates
136.
L. W. Pye:
'The Concept
of Political
Development'
in ANNALS
OF THE AMERICANACADEMYOF POLITICAL AND SOCIAL SCIENCE (March 1965) p. 4. 137.
(ed. ): Pool in L. W. Pye: New Ithiel 'The Formation States' of . Such CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL SCIENCE (New York 1967) p. 196. ('The Underdeveloped Willner this, Ann analyses as argues 1964, in WORLDPOLITICS April theory of Political development' in 472), "mainly the tell p. absence or weakness us about these countries rates, as high literacy of such characteristics interest etc. groups, a strong middle class, organized (They do not) tell have or are". us much of what these countries
138.
D. Apter:
139.
E. Shils: 'On the comparative study of new states' Geertz (ed. ): OLD SOCIETIES AND NEW STATES (1963)
140.
B. Crick:
141.
AND in GOVERNMENT A. L. Madian: 'The Anatomy of a Failure' OPPOSITION (Spring 1969) p. 283-9, provides an interesting commentary on the difficulties of the systemic-functionalist on the approach to Third World politics, and in particular Politics. role of the Committee on Comparative
142.
E. Shils: 'On the Comparative Study of New States' Geertz (ed. ): OLD SOCIETIES AND NEW STATES (1963)
143.
Ibid.
p.
THE POLITICS OF MODERNIZATION (Chicago
IN DEFENCE OF POLITICS
15-16.
(1962)
pp.
1965)
p.
in C. p. 21-22.
178,162-3,181.
in C. i_-15-
2.
69
144.
145.
L. W. Pye: 'The Formation in Ithiel of New States' CONTEMPORARY POLITICAL SCIENCE (1967) p. 176,185.
(ed. ):
Pool
Butterfield: THE WHIG INTEPRETATION OF HISTORY cf Herbert (London 1931). The Whig tradition in British history resulted bias, not only from political but also from oversimplification through abridgment. It too was a schematic school of thought, which viewed the past in terms of competing 'traditionals' and 'moderns', the past in terms of and sought to interpret the present. As a result, the modernity of the 'moderns' was exaggerated, and the 'traditionals' appeared to have contributed In fact, Butterfield nothing positive. out, the two points 'groups' had more in common with each other than either had with the modern world. The Whig Interpretation isolated groups from their temporal their thus distorting and spatial context, significance, the battles and made them fight which the in the present found interesting. The logical observer conclusion of this was the study of the present without ily, to the past - which became known, significarl reference Similarly, the logical as 'the Dark Ages'. conclusion of the 'Whig' view of nationalism would be to study the West, or the modern, without to the Third World, or the referelce traditional becai Society'. 'Primitive known which as But the difficulty is inherent in the analytical method; it is not just a question bias. A historian of eliminating facts, needs to abridge, and therefore select and, perhaps even more, a political scientist needs to compare, and therefore facts. What criteria select should be used?
146.
Many of this school of-thought claim to be comparing political to systems in terms of 'evolutionary universals', applicable irrespective all systems at one stage or another, of culture. The West has simply undergone the process first; the categories T. Parsons: 'Evolutionary Western. Thus: are not intrinsically Universals in Society' in AMERICAN SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW (29) 1964, SOCIETIES - EVOLUTIONARY AND COMPARATIVE and T. Parsons: PERSPECTIVES (New Jersey 1967). Similar claims are made by D. Lerner: THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (1958) p. 46, THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL CHANGE (1963) p. 36. and M. Halpern:
147.
J.
Pitt-Rivers:
'Contextual
Analysis
and the Locus
of
the
Model' in ARCHIVESEUROPEENNES DE SOCIOLOGIE(7) 1 1967, 33-37. P148.
An example might be Soedjatmoko's answer to the question 'How do we know that the people really want development? ': "There are situations level where unless a higher of economic life is reached, there is bound to be political disintegration. We are t1tefore not only facing a question as to the existence for development or non-existence of the desire among the irrespective this, there be population at large of may an ('Cultural for economic development". objective necessity (ed. ): Motivations in R. N. Bellah to Progress' RELIGION AND PROGRESSIN MODERNASIA (1965) p. 158. )
70 149.
A WORLDON THE WANE (Eng. Trans. New York cf C. Levi-Strauss: 1961) esp. Ch. 4, 'The Quest for Power'. Berque, in DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964), is slightly more optimistic. He argues that the urge towards uniformity and incorporation can be resisted and that decolonization represents a partial triumph for the 'singularity vitality' of the and wild Third World societies. various 'Nationalism' gives expression to what is unique, in certain permanent, and uncategorizable These views are discussed in the next chapter. social groups.
150.
E. A. Gellner: 'Nationalism'.
151.
Ibid.
P. 172-3.
152.
Ibid.
p.
153.
The circularity in at least three words in can be located Gellner's formula: 'Underlies': Does this indicate that such in terms a strand of political action predominates, actually in self-styled of ideology nationalist and social composition, If so, how can this be measured? If not, how can movements? in a a minority strand be the 'most significant element' movement?
"THOUGHT AND CHANGE" (London
1964)
Ch.
7,
173.
Modern: (which would indeed Does this mean 'contemporary' testable)? make the statement partly or does it mean 'with (in modernizing goals' or 'with organization' a modern-style is clear)? which case the tautology National: what constitutes movement? If movements a national then the not regarded as 'nationalism proper', are excluded, has again been thrown back into the truistic overall proposition melting-pot. 154.
Minogue: "If nationalism is broadly enough defined it can seem to have fathered in the last catastrophes most international ('Nationalism: Centum. " in ARCHIVES Poverty of a Concept' EUROPEENNESDE SOCIOLOGIE (1967) p. 339")
71
CHAPTER TWO I.
II.
AN ALTERNATIVE (NON-ORTHODOX) INTERPRETATION OF NATIONALISM 73
THE COLONIAL SITUATION -A.
DEVELOPMENTOF THE CONCEPT
73
-B.
BASIC FEATURES
77
-C.
VARIABLES
80
THE DYNAMICS OF THE COLONIAL
86
SITUATION
STRATEGIES OF THE COLONIZER GROUP
-A.
-i.
-ii.
-iii.
87
Attack
87
Attack
a)
Socio-Economic
b)
Politico-Administrative
c)
Ideo-Cultural
d)
Total
Attack
92
Assault
93
Restraint
Socio-Economic
b)
Politico-Administrative
c)
Ideo-Cultural
Restraint
Situation
Colonial
the
-i.
-ii.
b)
Post-Pacification
c)
Endemic Tension
d)
Feud and Social
e)
Decolonization
f)
Violence
Physical
Revolt
115 116
Banditry
118 121
and Social
Change
Retreat
a)
Retreat
b)
Submission
before
113
114
Resistance
a)
111
113
Opposition
Primary
99 108
Restraint
in
The Colonizer
94
Restraint
a)
Violent
88 90
Attack
STRATEGIES OF THE COLONIZED GROUP
-B.
86
124 125
Military
Force
126
127
72
-v.
NO. -res
d)
Nomadism and Migration
Implantation
129 130 132
Duplication institutions
133
a)
Boycott
b)
Self-administration
136
c)
Bifurcation
137
d)
Collaboration
140
of
colonial
142
Withdrawal
Sociological
-iv.
III.
c)
Institutional
-iii.
-C.
before
Administrative
Retreat
143
a) b)
Enhancement
c)
Clandestinity
146
d)
Duplicity
148
Social
of Exogenous
Contact
Avoidance
of Indigenous
Values
145
149
Persistence
149
Continuity
a)
Intact
b)
Inertia
151
c)
Change
153
d)
'Social
158
Pathology'
159
CONTRADICTIONS IN THE COLONIAL SITUATION
161
-A.
THE UNUSUABILITY OF THE CONCEPT
161
-B.
ATTEMPTS TO REDEFINE
165
-C.
CHARACTERISTICS OF 'NATIONALIST'
'NATIONALISM'
Iwo Vo ChapF. er
REACTIONS
170
177
73
I.
THE COLONIAL SITUATION
A non-orthodox together
pieced have
interpretation from
developed
'dynamic'
fieldwork
findings
behaviour
of
to
few political
Decolonization
in
perspective,
which
of Western
this
is
view,
a colonial
their
and
! situations'
A.
to
social
Development
contained clearly with
of
units, undergoing,
highly-complex
of 'the
has gained
anthropologists
a
anthropology, the war.
since
particularly
of
a revolution
from
free
theorists
World
peculiar
or
We must how they
also
in
reactions,
to
colonized
which
within
setting
Nationalism, of
series
study
how such and how
established,
are
a new
construct
'nationalism'.
interact. but
to
possible
2
persist.
data
made by
thought.
colonizers
The usefulness organizing
that
political
of social
committed
as a reaction,
dismantled,
are
manage
-
using
been
have
caused
has made it
understood
situation
societies
they
best
on the
terminology
has also
Third
understanding
the
anthropologists
process,
data
up various
amalgam of influences for
social
has developed
World
has thrown
some preconceptions
framework
in
social
of
be
can
nationalism
Contributions
which
Third
the
of
comparative
versed
interests
of
up
societies.
scientists
a convergence
This
interpretations build
colonized
A group
sources.
several
World
Third
of
the
Concept
colonial slow
or as networks or actively Western
Until
acceptance. Third
technologies,
second
provoked
where
world
communities
units.
changes but
the
World
of self-contained resisting
for
as a concept
situation'
commonly analyzed
Situation
of a Colonial
war,
as self-
Many were by contact
such change was
l
74
studied
it
at all,
Processes
'acculturation',
of
institutions,
social functions
Malinowski as
fieldwork
and
In
surroundings. constituted
were
different
in
were be
they
not
had
considered
fundamental Though
indicatel
of
the
acceptance
the
overall
field fieldwork
study, had
to
they
cultures,
meaningfully
not
could
In
'system'
share conflict,
challenged
between
society.
a single
of
his
view, where
equilibrium;
be no
had
settlers
as such.
interests
and
these
merely
analysis.
by 'dynamic'
as inevitable,
Moreover,
of
was
of
conflicts
systems.
relationship
as a valid
smaller-scale
of
was increasingly
social
and
setting
pattern
island
who regarded all
could
colonial
a coherent
separate
approach
anthropologists aspects
in
even
a third,
there
foreign
framework.
system
of
same territory,
the
antagonistic
whole"
The
an archipelago
components
and
social
any
rather
and
same analytical
existed,
'cultures' and
This
which
of
own terms.
communities
distinct
their
from
on its
within
as
of
purposes
community
coexisted
be treated
the
within
experiences,
or
a "well-integrated
of
conflict
two
native
extremely
characteristic
prime
and
that
common to
parts
they
Though
the
indigenous
be studied
island,
social
another
argued
little
system,
for
the
He treated
view.
be isolated
to
setting, to
traditional
3
this
of which,
had
a colonial
groups.
Malinowski
experience
of
society.
exponent
analysis,
a separate
colonizers
Because
of
outside.
and adoption
to the
relation
of indigenous
was an active
systems
transformation
in
were studied
'islands'
societies
too
decay,
and equilibrium
from
as a contagion
was essentially
perspectives
colonizer at
least
be situated.
and
indeed
social vital
broadened, colonized
as a. framework
gained within
Max Gluckman,
the
75
drawing
his
particularly
in
active
that,
argued
from study
material
could
nevertheless
constituted
two diametrically framework,
dominated
to
susceptible
by the
before
understood
a "well-integrated
the
an identifiable field"
social This
analysis.
of any participant
evolution
of
a common institutional
a "single
anthropological
it
whole",
established
groups,
colonizer
The juxtaposition
within
colonizer,
among the
social
between
of interactions
groups
He
of reassessment*
process
a common situation.
conflicting
of behaviour
pattern
double
be termed
never
was 4
the network
although
and colonized
this
Africa,
Southern.
colonized
of
had to be
group
could
imbalances,
and
be
charted. Gluckman argued institutional which
'pathologies' is
equilibrium
little
more himself 'social
these
outcomes.
His
social
as Fallers studies
of the
primarily
for
in Africa
wholes,
local
so that
the
which social
"that
social for study
depends institutions results
This
is
of research
of institutions
future
of the
upon their they of their
was not
not
are
within
to within
less
a
of labour
anthropological
ability study
is
will
anthropologists
methods
specific
anthropologist,
"It
of
determine
might
division
science.
typical
dynamics
structural
of the necessary
He did
interest.
intrinsic
by
devices
and the
situations.
colonial
But the
politics
the
at
and political
microscopic
settings.
of the
of
field,
hfere of
as a practical
new states,
cultural
place
hint
a statement
explains1
this
and at variables
concern,
anthropology
conflicts,
within
than
typology
than
the
maintained,
fields',
a comparative criticism
both
that
to be expected, attempt
work may articulate
holistic
designed particular study
conceptualize larger
between
political fruitfully
of the
"
76
the macroscopic
with
work makes great
work
research
Comparative
studies
in
England,
for
attempts
to list
initial
in
the
latter
characteristics
cultures
Both spoke of
sophisticated
comparative
typology
the
social
from
societies
comprise
a plural
different
Yet
several
separate
unit
having
kind
of
its
feature
preoccupied political of
the
is
with
subordinate
homogeneous
explain
years,
Smith
situations.
9
of
therefore For
systems
has attempted, variables
or
this
if
not
worth minority
is
distinct
reason,
important
One
inescapably economic
and
the
"conventional
are needed.
models
of
orders"
In more recent
such models,
structurally
and
acculturation
stratification
to develop
which
study".
discourages
integrative
of these
than
setting,
a colonial special
new models
terms,
rather
society
The most
actively
in
but
economic
and
maintenance
structural
such situations;
some major
field
heterogeneous
a "territorially
is
dominant
majority.
equilibrium
do not
enumerate
and
by
'institutional'
in
a single
suggests,
"the
problems
is
constitutes
and"a
that
control",
A more
and minorities
institutions".
Smith
peculiar",
groups
, religious
society it
All
expressed
kinship
because
society",
"structurally
a colonial
societies".
societies'.
are
own governmental
"plural
peculiar
divisions
a plural
ones,
in
coexist
"plural
occupation
educational,
organizations.
is
different these
society
through
'heterogeneous
merely
where two or
situati6ns
of such societies was developed 8 M. G. Smith. He differentiates plural
anthropologist
societies
in Franc e7 - made
and communities
framework.
Furnivall's -
policy
of
institutional
Gluckman's
respect.
of European colonial 6 example, and Walcker's
distinct
more quite
scientists".
of political
contributions
5
peculiar
at
least
to
77, -
The interestingly
been 10
Balandier.
His
between
Fallers.
social
anthropology
Balandier is
situations which with
develops, numerous change
pathological,
variables, - much
understood
it
of
not
the
existence the
global
society).
racial
basis
'groups',
this
relationships coexist devotes Until
academic
the
a great
deal his
circles,
B. A colonial producing It
has
features:
social
countless
their
energy
work
has
been
Basic
Features
situation
is
dynamics variableq
but
is
neglected
to
now appears
and
only
can
any
the antagonistic to
"
11
He
features. American 12
Situation
predictable
conjuncture,
characteristics.
by perhaps
four
basic
be he
fact",
be growing.
socio-political
defined
social
on them
specific
British
by
of
framework'.
in
of a Colonial
-
the
imposed
analyzing
fairly
determined
features:
these
a particular
with
is
characteristic
political
influence
its
interaction
interesting
specific
necessity
a single to
of
dissimilarity,
extreme
of
of
though
of
and the
limits
(a
groups
Indigenous
"The
its
by
'nationalism'
term
pluralism
indication
entails,
'within
recently,
of
which
identify.
context.
analytical
but of
the
with
confused this
within "is
argues,
which
to
by
conditions
special
A pattern of
the
colonial
transmitted
outcome
he attempts
in
under
place
and
mentioned
conflict
and
needs. the
Georges
spanning
science
cultures,
rival
and
power
albeit
takes
contrasting
radically
differential
contact
It
random.
never
involve
that
argues
impressively
and political
and
fieldwork
microscopic
typology,
macroscopic
insistently
most
anthropologist
political
careful
combines
work
has
situation"
by the
employed
bold
with
analysis gap
of
concept
"colonial
the
78
Contactoftworadicallydifferentcultures.
-i.
Two complex
'civilizations'
situation.
They are radically
is
- more rationalistic,
European
is
non-European
with
So radically
different
of intense
these
are
interaction
kinship-dominated
is
groups
commonly other principal
are vehicles
groups
involved
These are ethnically pursue
Yet
framework,
despite
each other standards
distorted,
and inevitably
socially: of living, 14
by the
types
of
The outcome specific
they
coexist
they separated
work, of
features
the of
culture these
the of
two majority.
cooperation. off
from
and language,
barriers contact groups.
roots,
same overall
to become closed
and social is
13
are
cultural
within
by custom
marriage
exchange'.
and a native
some areas
tend
'free
the
present,
different
develop
interests,
"sharply
one of
minority,
have totally yet
some
a single
Though there
sub-groups
a foreign
distinct,
some shared
exclusiveness".
are
interests;
conflicting
colonial
and invariably
groups
that
inevitable.
the interaction.
of
foundation.
'civilizations'
Juxtaposition distinct of groups within -ii. -----------------------------------------------framework. administrative -----------------------The contact is not between the two cultures Discrete
one
and
technological
complex
two juxtaposed
or clash
the
The other
technology.
complex
less
a colonial
bureaucratic,
ascriptive,
a considerably
in
Typically,
to each other.
individualistic,
- more affective,
communalistic,
kind
foreign
and backed up by a hiay
capitalistic,
interact
'technologies'
or
shaped,
or
and
79
Conquest and-disproportionate ----------------------------------
-iii.
The relationship it
is
deformed is
groups
by grossly
imposed is
where conquest pressures,
16
of
group
the
formal
Force
it
includes
central
dominant
minority;
interests
be;
imbalance.
the
This
is
disparity of
the
structures colonizer's that
occur
better
that
are
conception
of physical
and so forth".
inferiority,
is
superiority,
the
minority
laid
native
ensures determine
fact
or that the
Reciprocal
down by the minority;
established
transmit
of what these
are profoundly
in
colonized,
initially.
at least
groups
organization,
of power generally colonizer
the
and technical
a dominated,
emerge do so on lines
changes 19
numerical
speaking,
administrative
social
its
the
the implantation
telephones,
numerical
interrelationship,
which
and foremost
despite
but
arms,
a fact
that
the naked assertion
unity,
overall
despite
majority.
of the
actual
only
group,
needs and attitudes
nature
the
"not
sociologically
subject
legislature,
more than
greater
foreign
the
involves
is
between
contact
Even
peaceful
awareness
underpins
regulate
administration,
control,
Thus the
group,
the Maxim gun"17
15
"colonialism
too;
the
of
this.
of
and apparently
nevertheless
which
balanced;
evenly
or by threat
by force,
maintained
institutions
services. will;
example,
has "got
judiciary,
police,
by indirect
not
The juxtaposition
uneven power.
effected for
is
groups
of arms,
is
It
the
by force
economic
of power". colonizer
between
power.
links
marked by this
first should
18 a
-
80
Ideological cement of domination. -------------------------------Not merely the language of material force
-iv.
of with
the
colonizer
a whole
complex
weave together
cultural,
This
interventionist
set
on the part
a process
known as 'civilization'.
behaviour
patterns
the
light
of
situation
so,
of
deeply who
colonizer,
the
colonized
stereotyped
population, group
of
depends on a whole -
do reactions
that
to
20
in
need to be discussed The degree which
constellation
of
is what -
situation
The
situations.
way in
words the
other
colonial
all
situation
factors.
variable
Situation
a Colonial
any particular
in -
persists
too,
the
of
Stiffly
features
basic
several
'consolidated'
and
stimulates
them into
in
Variables
These are four precise
political
moral,
result.
C.
dynamics
which
pseudo-justifications,
religious,
to inculcate
tries
by and combined
reinforced
of rationalizations
activities
simultaneously
invariably
of universalistic
racist,
themes.
economic
is
It
group.
domination
the
expresses
to which
the
conquest
is
such variables;
sometimes
called
variables
have
'nationalism'. Although
has yet
situations,
Yet
necessary
are
on colonial
for
the
study
suggested dynamics.
of
would
typology an
colonial
Some fragments
to illustrate
Both
provide
individual
study.
comparative here,
these
no systematic
such a typology
for
point
and a matrix
constraints 1
particularly
reference
of
Balandier's,
been developed.
invaluable
what is
useful
several
been published,
discussions
the relative
the
of
contextual
strength
of
81
and colonized,
and the specific
need close
examination.
In any particular
importance
of
colonizer
each individual
This size;
also
from
Relative strength of Colonizer and Colonized. -------------------------------------------includes set of factors such matters as relative
population
(including
rates
potential
of
demographic
to logistic
the length
factor,
military
relative
growth;
and in relation
reserves,
as a derivative
perhaps,
but
from one
only
to another.
sub-zone
relative
and,
to another,
not
each,
the precise
setting,
varies
of
one time
geographical
-i.
factor
cha±acteristics
possibilities); itself.
implantation
of
Characteristics Group. of the Colonizer -------------------------------------These factors can be grouped under five broad
strength
-ii.
the
Relationship with the Mother -----------------------------------colony to the mother country,
are
aspects
a)
military, group
economic, in
their
change takes
country,
and metropolitan the mother
taken b)
into
are
place,
the occupiers
of
so is
is
are
further
and the
degree
of
they
dependence
important
on the
colonial
population
occupier how
inter-
The behaviour of
upon the
of
the colony,
The susceptibility
policy.
of various
pressures
for
metropolis
themselves,
characteristics conferred
of
communications,
of the
conquest
elements.
status
concerning
of
The status
and how regularly
-
proximity
effectiveness
made the
by the political
to world
The physical
support.
constitutional
pressures country
whether
expatriated,
affected the
the
and financial
homeland,
they
permanently
mother
this;
of
Country.
headings
kinds
must also
account.
Social Composition. Particular -----------------'weight' the colonizer within group
study of
must be made of
soldiers
and traders,
the relative artisans
be
82
and missionaries,
farmers
technical
and
plays
cadres,
interest
inevitably
differences number land,
those
to
Chinese,
Goals
to the
according rhythm
colonizer's
the
the
outlets;
raw materials.
23
words his
of occupation
of military
strategy,
the
nature
of
of the
the
depends for
emigrants
booty
form
the
22
or the
of plantations
capacity, be purely tactics, enterprise.
another economic,
varies
the
imposition
or the
or the
control
extraction
these
goals,
of or in
determinant.
crucial however;
and international
of
of slaves;
capture
to achieve is
takes
The character,
on whether
or the
usually
motives
this
infrastructure
ability
may not
colonizer's
into
Economic
at work.
an industrial
establishment
military
Further
such as Lebanese,
groups,
but
factors
development
The coloniser's
The goals
of
sections
incorporation
of Occu ation. occupation,
settling
technological
of special
produce
the metropolis.
than
by partial
are desire
in
community
and 'half-castes'.
economic
of capital
include
non-European
behind
economic
impermanent
colonies
may also other
about
interests
taxation;
of trade
other
of
chief
investment
drive precise
and scale
regular
countries
Character
and Economic
the major
group
Arabs,
Indians,
'Settler'
needs.
'intermediate'
camp of
provide
the
European
may be brought
complication
c)
their
great
on appropriated
a small
with
of
a large
rather
of
together
are
include
usually
'presence'
by a
there
all,
which
immigrants,
The colonizer
from
population
Above
each
and divisions
times
groups
metropolis
service
21
distortions.
Jews,
the
of
expatriates
colonizer
'settled'
since
categories,
different
colonizer
characterized
representatives
social at
and
administrators
themselves.
those
permanently
and
role
reveal
between
of
such
other
different
a slightly
industrialists,
and
considerations
prestige
affect
83
d)
Administrative
types
Resources
territorial
of
sovereignty
and deployment
character, density
of the
to perform variables
communications,
the
towards
policy
adopted
legal
institutions.,
institutions
is
injected
colonizer
group
variables
are racial
tolerance
of other
educational
to
to
commitment and
Pre-conceptions or
for
provided of
which
the derived
counteract
important
the
structuring
of
'civil
in
this
liberty'
these.
and cultural
Intertwined
these
for
together
imported
other
church
of
colonial
degree
the
colonizer
situations
are and
and
organization,
the
on independent
and
to dominate,
methods,
and colonized)
indicate Myths
take
with
organization,
colonizer
faith
25
the
of
attitudes desire
in
set
aloofness,
sense of superiority,
colonized from
of superiority,
example)
interventionism.
moral
about
(sense
(as reflected
proselytize)
for
in
important
by the kinds
Particularly
ways of life).
(types
policies
of representative
24
of identity,
education
The
including
both
levels,
are also
affected
attitudes
policies
of
religious
reinforce
also
to intermarriage, sense
The types
and central
of
must be considered.
authorities,
vital.
colonized,
is
this
(including
himself
at local
and Attitudes.
disposition
desire
particularly
and open-ness
also
traditional
gnd institutionalized.
Ideoloffy
content
population
existing
and the
interaction;
permitted e)
indigenous
expected
Ease of
situation.
of a colonial
management methods practised,
to
recruitment
the
the dynamics
is
and
of important
set
another
nature
it
tasks
and the
availability,
the
officials;
framework, yield
of different
the
areas;
of administrative
considerations
affecting
different
over
administrative
these -
The assumption
and Policy.
force
of about as
variables.
may effectively
84
Characteristics of the Colonized ------------------------------------Similarly, these may be slotted into
GrouE.
-iii.
a) of
five
Relationship with Occupied Territory. -----------------------------------the colonized area, the ease of internal
density the
and mode of its
character both
groups
inside
important.
slavery),
b)
economic (alliance,
links
political
links,
religious
cultural
Social Characteristics. ---------------------may be exploited
Elements
social
structures
respond
prove
adaptable,
change.
Social
situation
itself
interaction. affects and the
different
and others divisions
The nature
the
success
formation
of
the
educational
of new elites,
equally social
and exogenous by the
generated elements
in
units
vitally
or socio-economic new classes,
some
setting;
endogenous
social
colonized
colonizers.
colonial
become independent of pre-existing
of
and oligarchical
and combinations
may later
ethnic
links.
loyalty
unifying
to
clientage,
suzerainty),
by the
pyramidal,
resistant,
trade,
divisions
social
ways to
invasion
recent
and linguistic
and higher
Segmentary, in
nominal
or counteracted
solidarity,
behaviour.
feud,
-
communities
determine
(including
The internal
population
are particularly
area
links
links,
other
with
(including
links
influence
groups5greatly
Links
colonized
physical
of migration),
of
the
and the
communication
interaction.
and outside
These comprise
and patterns
links,
the colonial
of
and topography
The dimensions
by indigenous
occupation
of variable:
categories
colonial
the
developments,
or new occupational
groups. Economic Organization Goals. Different modes of production, and ------------------------------distribution, can be found among different exchange and consumption c)
sub-groups. the
conditions
Some prove imposed
more adaptable by the occupier.
or resistant Prior
than
urbanization,
others
to
85
sedentarization manpower
of
Political
outcome of which
beliefs
the
of these
provoke
or are
colonized
conquest,
pattern
of
for
-
and
determine
the
political
interrelationto it,
response
political
can
or unity;
towards
The methods
including
the
many
The sense
it.
after
and attitudes
and
organization
division
develop
of response.
assemblage
of
outsiders
and character
of
of literacy,
extent
groups
consistent constitutes
adopt
These strands
same time.
or logical the
situation.
of each colonial
at different
and responses
we can construct
variables
cross-cutting
interaction'
such parameters,
the
factors
consideration.
of social
stratagems,
of
groups.
others
identity,
in
forged
possibilities
or value-transmission,
'field
monarc17-
Religious
Attitudes.
kinds
particular
deserve
these
of
countless before
From this
of
or
chieftainship,
The cross-cutting
conquest,
and cultural
education
fairly
the
A variety
lineage
to theocratic
and Cultural
exist
of racial
segmentation,
resp6nses
contain
ones at
exploited
determine
- all
technology;
of
existence,
Structures.
dynamics.
predate
Ideology
Within
resources
acephalous
colonial
determine
the
natural
bureaucracy,
centralized
also
the
outlets;
or Administrative
from
ranging
e)
sophistication
interaction.
economic
ships
trade
resources;
undiscovered,
d)
industrialization;
and
pattern;
dynamics
a number of possible times
- or even contradictory fall
of behaviour together,
of the
policies,
colonial
the
into
a
interweaving
situation.
86
II.
THE DYNAMICS OF THE COLONIAL SITUATION
Nationalism
is
These dynamics
situation. between,
for
tactics,
they
may be discussed of the
colonized,
inferred
from
separately, but
control".
with
"above
all
achieve to
it
finds
itself.
oligarchical
position.
the
the
of
is
be
not
the
Balandier
the
to
their
and
It these
away
up, of
yet dilemma
its
strangely
the
colonized
examined
is
27
leads in
in
implicit
the this
initial
and of
paradox population
ideological restraint of
the appears
and half-hearted. in
which
of
conclusion
that
to
This
environment
material
peripheral be
point: it
mechanisms
Thus
on the
to
this
goals
systematic
need
has a position
precisely
at
and political
function
logical
cultural
attabk.
attack
it
strange
question
eats
inescapably
domination".
of
into
"is
echoes
whose
aspect pursuit
Group
an oligarchy;
spiritual
call
his
totalitarian,
prongs
strategies
should
and economic
and
mechanisms
strategy:
The
two
to
To shore
and
and
and reactions
colonizer
M. G. Smith,
a society
administrative
begins
extreme
with
every
Yet
social,
colonizer's
group
economic with
with
these
Colonizer
maintenance,
dealing
we are
interference
coexist
of the
the
of
and defend.
establish
foundations.
and
strategies
clarity,
of
clash
'modern'
or
relationship
writes
structural
interfere
economic,
Strategies
minority",
political,
it
of a simple
contradictory
as actions
The colonizer
of power to
with
an active-passive
The
"The dominant
26
form
colonial
such terminology.
A.
preoccupied
the
For reasons
levels.
several
at
of the
dynamics
and 'exploiter',
fraught
are
the
take
do not
'exploited'
example,
'traditional';
from
inextricable
turn.
87
The Attack of the Colonizer. ---------------------------
-i.
The colonizer in
majority
and ideo-cultural
the indigenous
over
Though the socio-economic
spheres.
all
this
of
aspects
be understood
to seek domination
appears
politico-administrative,
interconnect,
all
logic.
the
The Socio-Economic Attack. The economic confrontation ------------------------two groups is diametrical, for expressing not competition
own economic
the
28
"the
the
colonizer
between
man who is
'underdeveloped'), to
activities practice In
the 'overall
the
colonizer
the many, and its capitalist
system
This
assault
to be ousted associating of labour a total
also
dominant "the
into
metropolitan
does not
the
simply of
- confiscation
expropriation few,
centre
minority
or the metropolis.
of
surplus
economic
indigenous
populations it
of land,
transfer
mainly This
the
form
also
of
of population,
entails
as providers
association direct
from
the
satellites".
as consumers. in
of
and peripheral
enterprise,
both
in
latter
the means of production;
society
work",
economic
the polarization
the
require
colonizer's
to an extent
to colonized
settler
3°
(labelled
colony
the
country";
by the
appropriation
them with
threat
engineering
seeks
from ownership
but
the
the
his
or
and "fragmented"
"backward"
its
needs of
the needs of
are
short,
by relating
the
in
producing
the world's
industrial
to "develop"
He seeks
mobilization.
forcible
for
troops
shock
in
has no place
up to
Since
neither
self-contained,
any import,
provides
trade.
of his
colonized
and open it 29
the
within
terms
the
economy"
metropolitan,
absolutely
In
to "valorize"
"market
spoils
cultures.
economic
seeks
colonizer
or at least
nor receiving
agricultural
of
clash
some form of
world,
black
export
the
to create of
for
a total
culture,
currents
view
but
system,
resources,
each can
separately.
a)
a shared
- of
poses social
forcible
31
88
sedentarization, legislation
- and through
traditional
of
and growth
crafts
to indigenous
social
mobility,
wholesale
are
the
aspects
"social
to
amounts
life
individual
through
The implantation
itself
population's
has immediate -
groups reasons
of security
Pacification violent colonizer's social
monopoly
cohesion,
by external units
of
traditional
small-scale The
'presence'. method
of
village
colonizer
A cheaper, extending
Under
and
less
tend
of
consolidating
the
manipulation.
settlement
communities
weakens
held
together
larger-scale fragmentation
of
survives
organization
mainly
36
level. the
of
the
This
force.
to decline;
and
for
and establishing
social
move beyond painful,
social
such circumstances,
and effective
to
framework.
sedentarization
by hampering
expressions
is
revolution
of indigenous
direct
among segmentary
35
assault
colonized
disarming
Forcible
or clan-fraction
seeks
the
society,
organization
place,
Socio-economic
involves
colonized
especially
traditional
and attitudinal
- the
intrusion
of physical
antagonisms.
takes
authority at
within
and the
interests,
challenges
consequences.
indirect
of
a politico-administrative
and surveillance
entails
conflicts
Attack.
"Pacification"
world.
this
of
33
The Politico-Administrative ---------------------------------backed up by and channelled in
communications;
away from his
of a structural
surgery".
of this
decline
The generation
endless.
of new 'class'
b)
in
The ramifications
are
social
and wage-labour;
improvements
patterns.
development
to prise
32
group,
which
the
attempt
towns,
and usage
of indirect
shock-waves
and agriculture;
social
and new ownership
following
of industry,
of new consumption
threat
social
the
development -
revolution
of labour,
mobilization
phase
of
constant
ideologically
authority,
is
more to
obtain
military comfortable the
34
89
cooperation
of existing
Surviving if
institutions
incorporated
'indirect
usually
authority
and incorporation
create
Such an environment
formation,
the
taxation,
and the
of technology,
organization
through
indigenous
a more appropriate
system
new, artificial
deliberately
designed
The overall
scale
network
'neutrality', of hospitality of the
social
status
cut
('unfair
of regular full
with
loyalties
respect
affairs.
values
old
are This
divisions.
generally
('nepotism'),
enlarged. and judicial conventions
and considerations
frowned
upon and eschewed in
threatens
weaken ethnic
established,
ethnic
as bureaucratic
('corruption'),
seems necessary.
often
are
is
organization
effectiveness
to meet different
arose
divisions
of
Capital
development.
cannot
and transcend
across
and cohesion,
as a fulcrum
regarded
and domination
influence'),
of native
at home.
of
as kinship
and reciprocal
he can feel
which
territorial
with seeks
structures control
civil
instinctively,
establishment
education
such European
as far
of authority
usually
which
than
traditional
organization,
The colonizer, within
attempting
goes deeper
independent
traditional
the
of administrative
administration
sources
to
transmits in
of
yet
37
typically
and a key to socio-economic
Consequently
This
any case,
leaders,
upon Such
of a European-style
environment in
spread
be channelled needs;
is,
domination,
effective
this them.
aim of supplanting
framework.
change.
formerly
elements
alongside
an administrative
of
society.
can be built
local
domination of
Slowly,
develop,
administration
to
for
colonized
control
supervisory
agents
drive
structures.
eventual
colonizer's
them into
colonizer's
supervision
social
means acknowledging
to transform
But the
the
the
the
within
of indigenous
within
rule'
gradually
the
authority-figures
to
loyalties
sap indigenous by
9o
juxtaposing
hitherto
and generate
separate
a crisis
The essential The colonizer no direct
a small
administrative
instead
these
of
roads,
41
to undergo
early,
lack
canvass opinion,
bodies
c) by
less
usually
than
and the
among native
the
fostering
submergence
spread European
Attack.
European mass
manifestations
schools,
media, of
this
agents' are gradually 42 Another corollary
concomitant
issues The
the
the
Christian
European attempt.
ideas
Hovering
and
political
of facades,
erection
to and
'values'.
European
above
ones.
embed himself
European
missions,
languages,
effective
tries
but
rights,
administrative
under
of
or even
representative civil
into
colonizer
realm
consensus,
Some 'mixed'
of acquiescence,
and monopolizing
of
'contact
transformation
of political
The Ideo_Cultural seizing
with
their
themselves
initiatives
to mobilize
groups.
may be established,
aim is
administrative
of
The political
effort
the
and surrounding
administrators
local
may be
projects,
and bureaucratization.
of any positive
institutions
colonial
energetic
by supervision
administration;
the
Controversy
as a matter
'depoliticization'.
of the
stultified
the
purely
to
agricultural
and hospitals.
As a corollary,
efficiency.
the
treated
population
improvements
40
is
native
technical
of
permitted.
even to the
access
access
including
schools
is
projects
expected
behalf'
of
regular
programme
on their
building
for
is
domination
the
38
the political;
for
allowed
normally
values.
"depoliticization".
is
of his
The majority
'backward'
a paternalistic
instituted
is
39
political
responsibility
basis
is
elite
sphere.
as too
regarded
tend
of the
traditional
colonizer
to himself
reserves
only
of the
project
a common framework,
within
in
of confidence
contestation
Indeed,
groupings
these
The communications,
products, are
'myths'
are and
91
justificatory
ideologies
domination: mental of
racial
and
these
myths
military of
the
literature
and
whether
agriculture
defined.
They
'archaic',
is
cut
off
colonizer
and
art.
food.
tales from
the
process
values
of
decked
of
its
out
forms
cultural -
are
negatively
'irrational', history,
colonizer the
conquest;
embroidered
becomes and now-
mountains
conquered
population
colonized
Geography
own past. with
hairstyle,
clothing,
medicine
of
deserts.
The colonizer oligarchy, 44 ideology". Literally, it between
values.
colonized
45
This
the European
emulation
is
As a result and economic closed
be overtly or taboos
in
only
against
remains
racial, of
and remote
institutionalized, and laws
escape
a "Nanichaean
from
bind
eternally
the society.
physical
to
attempted
Caliban.
exploitation,
from colonized
the
doom is
operates;
cultural,
miscegenation.
into
collective
religious,
through
conflict
and white inculcated
Yet a double
rationalizations off
develops
systematically
Caliban
of these
fact,
assumes a black
model.
for
vain,
is
its
population;
emulate
stands
becomes
the
of
of
sophistication a vehicle
seems
'superstitious',
History
organization, higher
object
or
medicine
science,
the
and
indigenous
y,
physical,
political
details
government
art,
his
concrete
smallest
'primitive',
geography,
blooming
the
Converse].,
'pagan'.
of
his
Ramifications
colonizer
management;
Every
to
or are
or
heroic
with
economic
hymn the
colonizer.
of
efficiency
and
43
the,
superiority
explains
colonizer which
of
greater
down
assumptions,
furniture
particularly,
the
preach
the
which
superiority
prowess,
his
such
myths
spiritual
technology;
and
with
political dominant
minority
Separation
segregation,
Yet an attack
may
colour is
implicit
bar,
92
in
Its
such avoidance.
the
twin
renames towns
colonizer
is
and streets,
churches
or museums, transforms
and digs
up antiquities.
to
the
it
native;
seeks
his it
morality; this
the
which
which lies
mother
country
moving, eloquent:
in
53 but
If
and symptoms present
his
Berque's
the
traditional 47 group.
and "materially
even loses
touch
themselves
in
social
contains dying
account
it
at
sea,
of the
fate
alienated
of
see
politically
native
haunts
itself".
the
ascent
to
and humiliation.
the
in
perhaps
colonial
difficult
within
causality
of this
is
shattered,
structures
world,
of the
destruction
utter
of whose predestined description
dynamics
threats,
of these
can avoid
beyond this
Fanon's
alienated",
The individual
and spiritually
aid
from 48
we describe
terms
"no longer
in
his
it
51
land,
invalid,
future
'sherpa'.
50
society
of his
as
of
soul him;
and individual
father,
49
innermost
the
and undermines
"globally
is
Assault.
purely
a dependent society
off
disorder.
how indigenous
the
involved
and 'de-humanize'
des/crates
son from
own "self-hood",
The Total
Deprived
it
dispossessed".
psychiatric
in
diverse
as deeply
are
threatens
'de-nature'
to
the native
and spiritually
situation
and priests
brings
colonizer
is
that
of all
assault
culture;
cuts
sense,
his
artists
ideo-cultural
'de-values'
d)
"elan
folklore,
touristic
inspectors.
and tax
This
with
the
and destruction
academics,
soldiers
In
In
into
festivals
whereby
mosques into
converts
46 world".
the
for
search
interventionalism
obsessive
colonizer's
he acts colonized
world
52
is
as is also
a His
93
"It
had itself it
and around his
had been reified.
warm contact
'exploitation'
At that ...
landscape
around
the
law escaped him,
since
from
knowledge
history,
soul since
the
However,
straightforward,
of of
the
has only In the
can take
colonizer
the
threatened
another
explanation
restraint
of the
lies
colonizer. ly than kmight at
His
as 'fatal'
rarely is
at his
not
dark".
straf seem,
in
g
is
55
Part
a day.
disposal,
56
whatever
indigenous part
ward off
to these goals
and
and unevenness
on the
effectively
addition
systematic
Berque himself
provided,
the ambivalent
first
is
strategies
later,
But in in
very
54
be destroyed
thus
Deliberate
impact.
it;
and its
efficiency
delay
resources
interstices
refuge.
whose
of his
total.
inevitable
Rome cannot limited
at
or invented
"exaggeratedly
is
picture in
it
language,
The assault
dispossession
to be discussed
colonized,
contradictory
his
implantation;
ambitions.
of the
of the
the
lies
explanatinn
colonial
society the
that
admits
The colonizer his
is
nor
or,
Colonizer.
as has been implied.
practice
quickly
impact
by
cause and effect,
its
imported
of the
transformed
handled
of his
lost
from
off
as a labourer
investigations".
ethnological
the
of
another
period
The Restraint
-ii.
in
colonial
into
prejudices
of his
being
only
sequence
internal the
him,
it
within
the native
moment,
He was cut
he contributed
from
Everything
others.
and things.
to which
as a consumer;
for
beings
with
from the
everything:
best,
become a thing
of much
factors,
and deliberate
more complicated
and
94
These
headings,
separate ideo-cultural,
but
they
They
develop
power.
economic
'universalistic' Economic
tasks
the
that
exploitation,
to
socially
stable
from his inevitably
the
land,
are
by a major
policy
tradition".
dilemma,
"dynamic
which
equally
indeed setting
colonial
social
the
colonizer
'valorization'
economic
traditional
within
- crises
of population
uprooting demographic
from
explosion, Such
mechanisms. is
The colonizer
thus
confronted
has neatly
summarized
and "conservation
of
Worsley
exploitation"
is
and
distract
thus
as a
57
To push ahead with long-term
capitalistic
colonizer
attempts
measures
It
excessive
support
to ignore.
difficult
between
choice
towns,
or decay of kinship
unemployment, problems
that
example,
to major
emigration
the
instability
for
and crafts,
agriculture
is
such
ideology
of
oligarchy,
demands which
social
generates
the
can by
presence
thrust
require
The problem
tasks.
they
turn
interventionism. of
to
position
'modernization'.
and
and predictable;
urgent
creates
in
their
residual
security
economic
disturbance
the
an entrepren-
political
which
justify
socio-economic
effective
remain
from
they
and
active
however,
true,
dominant
'development'
as
self-interest,
necessitate
their
Yet
form
colonizers
enterprises,
capitalistic
derive
The
use
and
intertwined.
intimately
are
three
under
examined
politico-administrative,
Restraint.
oligarchy.
eurial
policy
socio-economic,
Socio-Economic
a)
of
ambivalences
be
will
designed
'dynamic
exploitation' to proceed
revolution to transcend to integrate
short-term the
colonized
means allowing unchecked; social
crisis
population
the with fully
the
95
projects
as urban
implied.
In the
economic
from
However, and-human the
is
hastily
concoct
little,
too
has the to
purpose
settler
into
oligarchical
which situation
is
actions would
made the itself".
the
59
intervention
of
the
problem
designed of this
For the
is
needed, it,
in
to
challenging possible:
it the
any its
for
"it
and Sayad explain,
which
- would
a series
comes up against
to
whole
situation,
a colonial
interventionism
it
political
to benefit?
to provide
Thus,
of
summon the
cannot
consequences
be tantamount
original
it
it
colonial
upon
too
and even if
required,
effort
exploitation'
for
colonizers
and flexibility
foresight
mobilizes
stake.
the
proposing
dimensions
means
regime.
reminder
As Bourdieu
impossible
that
at
economic
for
which
58
them".
slender
a price
to such a problem.
quickly
'dynamic
of
its
If
the
'plans'
real
resources,
is whom -
situ
restraints.
base
enormous
such resources
in
the
has the
economic
status
inherently
because
of the
high
too
invariably
-
by a colonial
question.
group
built-in
that
indicate
colonization
policy
crisis
of
the Metropolis
commit
at
new
Massive
beyond
inevitably
is
contradictions
beyond
going
contemplate.
development
colonial
times
-
necessary
be called
and
in
conceive
of
implied,
and no doubt
be understood
mind to
matter
are
few
late
Even if
the
no small
The
by
intervention
support
up the the
integrate
would
to
"setting
to
amounts
which
original
itself,
colony
cannot
run,
and welfare
provision
of such
programme
a crash
words,
job
this
system
resources
Metropolis.
will
long
the
this
other
construction,
social
and
resulting
of
In
the money economy.
within
is
foresee
provokes very
namely,
of
itself,
principle the
colonial
96
An alternative means
exploitation
isolate
up declining
question
milieu
which,
oligarchy
to be,
aware of the
ignorance
this
sections
is
the
very
the the
of do not
they
upon which
society
and contempt
of
and
a less
such
addition,
not,
are
in
wish
and
act,
of
condition
61
their
action". Furthermore,
very
"they
of the
logic
a few
only
demonstrate:
colonizer
indeed.....
typically,
however.
though
and knowledge
shore
new
too,
here
arises, In
for
to -
develop
to
abound
exploitation'.
colonizer's
action or
example,
resources
a concern
assumes
the
from
pressures
'dynamic
with
action
indigenous
for
scarce
a serious
reparative
entails
farming,
allocating
than
protective
also
socio-economic
entails
environment
Contradictory of
form
acute
It
subsistence
industries.
craft The
60
It
colonizer.
indigenous
the
"contagion".
harmful
by
the
of
This
tradition'.
of
impact
the
muffling
and
ofdcolonized to
attempt
strategy
in,
reining
'conservation
is
of the
point
French
a policy
strategy
our
coming,
its
moral
at
Confucius". criticism
if
"must to
the
native
indirect
to
eventually is of
the
also
into
by means
might of
and
rural
economic
the
economic masses",
cycle......
be regarded
an essentially
ruin
was
to
subject
"The
justly
for
them
offer
of
a modern
such a
society
benefits
exploitation.
peasantry...
man by man,
Vietnamese
'conservation'
be integrated
traditional of
of
just
no excuse
was virtually
disturb
we were
all
deprives
and masks
Mus writes,
exploitation
it
to
expense,
A policy
that
development,
A return
huge
structure, 62
"There
Vietnam:
the
question
As Mus says of
enterprise.
colonial
in
conservation
of
into
calls
urban,
as an
97
administrative, Confucian
and capitalist.
countryside,
without
is
that
limitation
no 'cordon or halt
evolution, colonial
socio-economic the
"Unaware regime
either
in
its
of
tries
"On the establish
economic
be limited
and sow the
seeds of
or its
lack
in practice
or interests
- revealing
colonizers66
or between
67
- but the
it
are
is
colonial
of his were and
changes
sub-groups
were and on
This
contradictory attitude 65 These action,,.
between
with
particular
Metropolis the
local
sections
of
difficult
to trace
a consistent could
colonizer
groups
and local
different
same individual
the
"attempts
these
unchanged
identified
tensions
64
political
hand,
of social
often
disturbance.
the horns
administrative, other
themselves
apprentict's.
Eisenstadt,
and loyalties.
in most spheres
sorcerer's
to ride
explains
on the
future
of impact",
to the
similar
while,
impulses
time;
situation
modern,
contradictory
over
evolving
broad,
attitudes
be found
oligarchy
a rapidly
in
and based on relatively
traditional
of the
contamination
up traditional
one hand",
settings,
endogenous
and prop
impact
The colonizer
interventionism
prevent
by the
train
to preserve
process,
problems
made to
could
change set
on to a
and manpower
of protective
can effectively
confronts
dilemmas,,
to
social
policy
again
products
sanitaire'
arrangements
itself
grafting furnish
would 63
of the
Attempts
presence.
distort
which
any benefit".
receiving
A final
cycle
colonizer pattern
be extremely
ambivalent. Unresolved
conflicts a "dual
modernization"68
or
dominated
colonizer
by the
often
in
result 69
A 'modern
economy". and
limited
a situation
in
its
extent,
of
"aborted
sector', produces
for
98
the
world
the
self-sufficient
For
as long
limited
while
this
as
life
facade
of roads,
social
life
to
the
social
them,
acquire
to
as best
colonizer's
revolution
of
sense.
straightforward behind
marginal;
often
xhools
he may.
the
suits
and hospitals,
train
itself,
sector
but
when members
the
colonizer
In
position.
made whether
thus
its
there
The development
necessary,
oligarchical
in
speak,
a
iýdý9¬(OIS
essential
on*70
exploitation'.
professions
his
economy
the advanced
is
is
buildings,
public
carries
'dynamic
threaten
European
so to
socio-economic
least
at
it
last,
threatened
materializing,
Even within on
the
furrow
eternal can
hedge
the
over
his
coexistence
prevents
the
of
same time,
ploughs
uneasy
It from
impact
the
at
peasant
goals.
native The
market,
for
natives
consequences;
if
or
to
where
and 'elite'
to
has
be
accept
and
the
obtain
defend
to
access
positions,
responsible
not,
skills
a decision
term,
restraints
indigenous
the
may restrict
longer
the
'modern'
of of
inherent
are
necessary
manpower.
Colonial holding
economic as
long
increasingly
Soviet
to Union,
knowledge
of
the
the
uncontrollable they
try
They
rarely
in
train.
to
their
71
commitment
to
disruption
begins
rein
it
in;
stay
to
wrestle
the
failing with
task. to
But,
demographic
this,
they
the
forces
explosion
interestingly
likens in
the
inter-war
legitimacy
and
equally
important,
When the
threaten
'freeze'
to
revolution
popular
environment.
tries
the
Kilson
industrial
of
lacking
social
as
control.
vanguards
of a short-term
colonizer
factors
such
this
though
long-term
lack
Yet
undermine
the
which
operation,
as possible.
colonizers
have many characteristics
situations
revolution
their are
they and
privileged
forced
which
their
they
to
its
position, 'jump
help
to
off'. set
99
b)
Politico-Administrative
domination
is
permanent
Restraint.
based on force,
standing
"As long
as the
material
element; ', wrote
irredentism,
consensual
72
on the part
of the
order
under The
which
colonizer
preserve
his
between
these
must
conflict:
resignation of
transformation of the
legitimacy
politico-administrative
a suitable
Yet he is
consensus.
positive
there
Clearly,
status. Two broad
two needs.
no
on its
of the
ruled
war,
73
devise
oligarchical
this
cope with
live".
they
to generate
structure
by the
is
enough foundation
a solid
of power depends
acceptance
is
"Mere negative
not)...
consolidation
the
authority,
(is
"there
there
domination;
the
corroborate
settler,
colonial
goes further:
ruled...
The optimum
into
a prominent
Worsley
come to
does not
element
a
consolidation.
means of conquest
and weak and precarious
sovereignty".
rule.
for
colonizer's
to maintain
he has no desire
he looks
army;
Though the
latent
strategies
to
conflict
themselves
suggest
and political
assimilation
political
is
determined
segregation. 'Assimilation' senses:
conversely, colonizer the
negates
oligarchical barely
minority. central base,
conceivable
interpreted
in
of indigenous The first
their
strategy.
different
of these
intervention,
ist -f.
The second
senses.
74
the
within
society
of most colonial
point
two diametrically
opposed
politico-
society,
of colonized
norms and structures assimilation
in
society
of colonizer
assimilation
administrative
the
can be understood
within
or,
those
of
two possibilities undertakings ambition),
strategy
(their and is
can itself
a be
to
100
The ultimate
they
populations; arrangements
impartiality
fair
and assembly,
in
The
that
no separate
lives
of the
indigenous
exactly
the
and
the
elections
European
of
freedoms
of
of
powers,
association
indigenous
to
The threat
implied.
pre-colonial
separation
-
administration,
is -
of
adoption
new framework
this
same institutional
destruction
eventual
Similarly,
implicit.
justice
of
govern
colonizer.
implies the
participate
throughout
norms
norms is
should
thus
is
political
should
the
as
structures
unmistakable.
However,
logic
the
the
undermine
colonized
to electoral
population logic
the
result,
for
powers",
the
various
college
indigenous
the
consultative
one calls
part the
one of permanent
and confinement
'abuses'
institutions.
As a
diverted.
'Temporary' feature
system.
colonization
emergency.
defuse
range
and intimidation, elected
for it;
political
These devices
of
of
"emergency
suppressed
obtaining
These mechanisms
colonial of
from
to
the
allow
devices
constitutional
'gerrymandering',
of the
he cannot
we
clear
crystal
have to be employed
may still
framework.
role.
is
it
made to
constantly
population
colonizer's
representation
integral
is
a gamut of
franchise,
restricted
is
rapidly
Even if
colonizer.
at bay are a permanent
Recourse
but
the
power within
is
of assimilation
reasons,
and prevent
access
colonized
situation
The terminology
that -
to shared
of assimilation
situations.
colonial
mechanisms,
outnumbered
equal
to keep the
provisions
privileges
invariably -
colonizer
of the
to
ultimately
promises
also
of assimilation
oligarchical
our interest
confine
purely
of assimilation
institutions
political
the
logic
to two-
bodies
of exclusion
from
to a are an
As Bernard
suggests,
are merely
the
"What
by-products
101
its
of
functioning".
normal
facade;
to
abuses
of
sub-ideology
sylematic
native
exclusion
must
with for
full
of
evolution
towards
European
are
based
on possession
of
service, such
vague
elite and
criteria
might indeed
gain
but
threatens
process
up to barricade
informal
are
the
colonial
these
points,
for
proof
example, army or
footing,
may eventually
population limits
even
docile
and
on this
beyond
this
which
Settlers
the Metropolis
even if
The
residence,
itself.
situation
reconcile
by giving
institutions'
upper
the
spring
shows itself
to move beyond them.
willing In
the meantime, behind
screen
which
'full
demand for
times,
other
institutions',
conveniently 'modernization'
appears
is
rights' at particular
to reconcile
and 'consensus'
autonomy'. theories
with
his
the
own Even
largely
instrumental;
times.
To obtain
he demands 'exceptional
and 'local
as a smokeTo the
entrenched.
arrangements.
political
political
at
is
means no more than
often
advantage,
serves
of assimilation
domination
political
specific
privileges 'special
ideology
Metropolitan
into
assimilation
gains
the
'assimilation'
colonizer,
it
there
to
A small
colonized
a
system"076
literacy,
attitudes'.
the
the
rights,
urban
status',
of
of
rights
property,
'mixed
reform
used
Voting
to
the
assimilation.
political
'acceptable
slice
of
largely
ensure
of
whole
often
theory
individual
admittance
a sizeable
be involved,
this
as
the
ideals.
'personal
of
abandonment
partial
is
the
qualify
would
"any
'transition'
of
first
life
real
threatens
regime
is
participation
regime:
colonial
an absolute
The this
the
of
'Mixed'
institutions
such
give
liquidation
75
other
arrangements', The ideology
about
the
maintenance
also
need for in
practice
102
of
political
potential lever
rights to
to
liabilities,
of native "that
the
the
settings
native
secular
solidarity,
especially
and would
economic
were denied
A policy means
the
same thing
life.
In
cutting
in
theory
its
fully
inculcation
all
of
right
developed pre-existing
European
indigenous
norms.
'political
development'
of loyalty.
effective
This
kind
implementation.
to form,
it
bureaucratic
norms,
is
in
justified
by,
level
of
ignoring It
terms
consensus'
socio-economic
of politic-administrative
the
and of
is
but
the
by no the
hierarchy,
indigenous and
need
social
deliberately implies
also
stifling
centred
projects
settings.
78
favours
boundaries.
ethnic
these
solidarity".
rule
entails
-
same time
administrative
lowest
the
roles
a common political of
Direct
centralized
and 'modern
Revolutionary
a revolutionary
down
in
accompanied
rule'.
a European-style
of
across
as,
rewards
often
'direct
in
inherent
a common system
is
and common
at the
- while
participation
in
integration
of assimilation
implantation extending
full
above all
and full
basic
hopes
modern institutional
broad,
them various
roles
administration
colonizer
specificity,
within
perform
and administrative
some of the
They were denied system,
to universalism,
according
laws,
the
the
certain
accept
would
may thus
property
'depoliticize'
to
as a
to imposing
In addition
of Eisenstadt,
words
used
political
structure,
tries
colonizer
population
organized
77
power.
In the
affairs.
social
same
native
European
and
the
is
citizens'
'assimilated'
service, in
and constitutional
these
they
military
differences
real
The
have
natives
European
same duties.
taxation,
very
culture
the
that
argument 'fellow
their
as
extract
be liable despite
the
privilege;
the
of for
on new symbols
appear
superstructure
to require for
103
Taken
face
at
value,
widely-spread
They
disposal.
Yet,
headquarters. thorough-going and the
systematic
restraints
never
taken
more
loosely
to
The very framework,
their
less
efficient
real
involvement, itself
adapt Even
customs,
Decisions
thus
but
perceived
not
a simple
itself
in
with
channel
for
sufficient
a reasonable
not 'just'
as more for
the
norms. of
only by
more the
The
of
effort
of local
cheaply
to
it
terms
"contact
custom,
works.
implemented, However, to
control
expense agents",
culture
79
with
speedily
community.
and
and
expectations.
8o
colonial
a
understand
which
local and
off
To generate
come to and
local
machinery
administrative
understanding
with
structures,
authority
made are
number
administration
it
and makes
projects. has
values,
cuts
'administrees'
to
is
implies.
indigenous
impersonality
has
is
administrative
existing
communities
colonial
network
theory
the
socio-economic
challenge
administration
of this
potential
human
and
of
organizational
threaten
the
impact
real
than
administration
local
indigenous
the
a
As a result,
Direct
deliberate
of
norms
matter
upon
rooted
colonial
direct
so-called
local
Its
contact
the
the
milieu.
to
means,
colonizer's enterprise.
extremes;
most
seems
the
to
the
and foreign-ness
defence.
effective
entail
colonial
shallow
and
novelty
which
the
logical
flung
a committment
of
indigenous
the
its
such
imposed
are
in
undertakings,
both
at
central
socio-economic
beyond
of
nature
administration
from
far
from
supervised
would
resources
oligarchical
assists
as with
be placed
must
resources
and
be well-trained,
to
need
be efficiently
should
programme
financial
These
Generous
and well-equipped.
an intensive
requires
administration administrators.
of
network
well-paid, their
direct
of
immerse
training and
it
a
instilling
and language,
is
is
104
It
considerable. of
their
role
scale, time
sufficient
institutions.
Many
between
the
increasingly
bureaucratic
European
trying
'direct
into
direct
strategy
shades
to
the machinery
imperceptibly
structures,
the
which initial
total
them support tactical conquest,
in
colonizer return
for
in
chiefly
the
colonial
for
unnecessary
resources
social
of loose
into
the major
resources
of his
longer-term
areas
the
attempts
pursued
economy of During
situation. than
rather
conduct
and offers Such
suzerainty. strategies
and discontent
to
This
traditional
and administrative
is
with
associated
control.
collaborators
upheaval
containment
in
example,
acknowledgement
stretch
on to
lie
seeks potential
to save personnel
The policy
rule'
practise
regimes
them.
to replace
of pacification,
considerations
and to avoid zones.
colonizers
the
war,
than
colonial
administration',
domination
of colonial
'indirect
process
'indirect
into
rather
of
of European
woven blanket
of
'valorizable'
less
Direct
extent.
the heart
at
the
off.
a limited
to
assimilative
other,
and
them
zones most closely
the
caught
are
cut
which
They concentrate
those
allow
a loosely
The origins effort
into
such
of
communities,
contradictions
position.
they
sector;
under
authority
above
'humanized'
these
administration
hibernate
graft
from
administrees
commissioners
many supposedly
a 'holding'
'modern'
the
to reconcile
expected
local
value
organized
their
tasks
with
be
pan only
administration',
settle
contacts
the
administrators of
district
demands
administration
In
of
develop
local
knowledge
routine
conscientious
to
urge
other
in
Unless
fore
its
allows
an intimate
the
perform
legislate
to which
develop
and belief
an energy
difficult
a system to
to
unlikely
presupposes
is
which
on a lavish
is
also
after expense,
in
above all
submitted in
105
those
areas
It
designed
is
This with
to
is
'backward
to
of
occupation:
difficult
to
reconcile
The
merely
with
codes,
to
the
not
accept
of notables.
councils.
in
detention
arrest,
even corporal
stand
the
of "conservative
a policy
In any case, against
Authority
except
under
social system
the
rule
the
custom
right
of
fines
impose
and by
of our law and
principles In
such circumstances, was to of
emancipation, 82
of political
segregationism". provides
change. was a belief
direction'of
moral
the
little
As Mair
points
that.... European
defence
effective
"Behind
out;
nothing rulers....
would This
the
change vision 83
not
Indeed,
is
indirect
endogenous
Native
did
the native
of depriving
not
or due process,
enquiry
is
also
colonial
of
and 'civilization'
to"modernization'
drive
It
local
by
to
human dignity"81
the
native
that
right
most elementary
with
concerned
accused
pursuing
the
violated
of any justice
the
proper
without
exploitation.
Mus cites
given
strongly
communal prisons,
punishment,
mere decision,
to renounce
They felt
of
arrangements
respect
powers
exorbitant
to
what?
social
to
banner
the
indignation.
utter
with
causes It conflicts ,
strand
many native
'developed'.
question
whom from
injunctions
the
into
intervention-ist
but
despite
seek,
under
calls
protecting
observes
who,
appear.
areas
colony.
are
might
up such
open policy
the
with
incomprehension
"could
to
who is
colonizer
jurists
colonial
which
enterprises
and
feudalism',
rationale
than
complicated
latter
the
the
of
parts
while
quiet,
a 'protectorate'
extremes
ideology.
'valorizable'
former
more
groups
destroying Taken
the
keep
strategy
colonizer
immediately
the
outside
not
take the
easy,
account strategy
for
of
the
dynamic
actually
example,
nature
contributes
for
the
colonizer
of to
social social
to locate
relations". upheaval.
the
It
appropriate
106
indigenous
Colonial
indigenous
situations
reality,
miscalculation for
"Although
and
nature
To
authorities". an anachronism,
and have
kinship
the
from
no specifically
sociil.
foci
identifiable
in
this
"Sacred"
these
authority,
authority
result
of a continuous
struck
between 88
the
in
interaction
claims
To superimpose
ruled".
the
of the
which
ruler
regime
a colonial
in
often
'administrator"the
is
of balance
some sort
is
erect
may be
government
and the
to
where
colonizer or
much of traditional
is
be treated
cannot
though authority, same way as "secular" $? Far from expressing does so. a 'ruler-ruled', the
political
Even
process.
of
and
context 85
the
distorts
'chief'
a
typically
milieu:
". here
were
the
serious
Tanganyika
an arbitrativa
'recognise'
relationship,
in
authority.
86
administree'
about
men who played
affairs,
misunderstood.
thinking
Segmentary
Southern
of
administrative
may result
of
Maý,konde
the
senior
group
84
seriously
locus
were in
role
communities
judgement
his
graft
schematic
who can be abstracted
there
advisory
the
to
which
encourage
overhasty
example
'ruler'
no
and
of
communities, have
structure
authority
control.
on to
of the
expectations to destroy
was
this
equilibrium. The very groups
-
fact
falsifies
particular
state
notables,
certain
at
that
internal
juncture. fission,
circumstances, situation
the of
and
their
at
have
of
reduce operation.
'freezes'
the
achieved
time
ascendancy, Indeed,
Certain
conquest.
of
of
other
would,
reciprocity', this
the
of
an ascendancy
pressures
counter-wailing 'demands
of indigenous
disarming
artificially
existing
communities, The
It
balance.
forces
eventually inhibits
the -
of pacification
the
but
power
rivals,
under
other
the
colonial
ascendant
groups
107
often
act
their
as accomplices on the
rivals
The nature by
the
two
presence
are
ultimate
authority
of
overarching
colonial
to
power
support
leader - which
no legitimacy either
in
development
Conversely,
their
can
"enforce
only
a fundamental
that
of indirect
of the
and at
the
communities.
traditional
is
same time
regular
to
that
its
in
94
authority
is
case,
93
sources
effective
a chief
desire
This
render".
administration:
caste.
former
of
lose
is
authority,
social
96 people
have
result
assert
Government,
which
make his
like
Midas:
to
thwarts
of
mobilization
enforcing
remain
contact.
authorities
authorities
rules
effective
bureaucracies
he embraces
whatever
Traditional
touch.
colonizer,
All
The
a
of loyalty.
at his
agents
92
either
at
or to
and which
stripped
in
away
Thus,
example,
exploitative
and thereby
allegiance
goal
for
attempts
are
The result
would
The colonizer useless
of and
and prestige,
Chiefs,
reserves
come into
collapse
eats
on external
colonization,
leaders
95
tax,
fellow-kinsmen.
an artifidal
communities.
through
falls
rapid
of
sacrality
over
existing
his
of
to -
powers
the
colonizer's
and balances.
checks
had before
eyes
The
'chiefs'
Dependence
traditional
some traditional
power,
rule
the
and the
chaos,
the
he never
between
relations
individual 91
transformed
and
contradictions.
bonds.
may acquire
distorted
control;
depose
or
the
is
go
and
customary
short-circuits
imprison
problems
recognize in
traditional
of
traditional
'reciprocity'
the
or
of
by great
marked
above
89
back.
colonizer's
themselves
and hoist
of pacification,
which
The colonial such routine
cannot
they
tasks
those
administration as tax
do not
and
be accept,
of their
representatives
bureaucratize
changes
with
whom they heaps
collection,
on local
97
io8
police,
and
these
eat
the
away
bureaucracy,
and
99
incompatible. to
according indigenous fulfil
the
has
Either
these
norms,
A French
the
canton still
which
in
legitimacy
and
is
to
in
survives
on the
him;
the
and
we are character
native
feudal the
hand,
other
effectively
opposing
traditional
the
of
and make use
chief
do not
one hand,
preserve
of
eyes
succinctly
with
on the
essential
the
administrator
necessities:
it
that
perform
confronted
tasks
alien
legitimacy
colonial
"We are
problem:
contradictory
aware
retain
fundamentally
are
authorities lose
Lineage
effectiveness.
real
demonstrated,
and
they
or
tasks. the
mutually well
Fallers
alien
98
their
Yet
regulations.
colonial
petty
of
of
roots
society,
summarized
of
implementation
the
very
spirit fact
of 100
forces
colonization
'The very
fact
some despite, question the
in the
traditional
strategies
in
the
Ideo-Cultural
characterize threatened
the assault
is
but
required
this
colonial Restraint. colonizer's on the
is
true
local
to shore
101
up indirect
who have lost inherently
arrangement,
of most of the
while force".
legitimizing
authorities
"a makeshift
is
authority 102
as the
chiefs
confronts
change,
socio-economic
on traditional
Reliance
This
-
into
call
"how to rationalize
dilemma:
of the
processes
social
- which
rule
authorities.
intervention
administrative
contradictory";
of
outlook".
administrative
generates
also
of basic
face
authority
administration.
c)
the
our
indirect
an insoluble
with
administration
their
colonization?
shape
of traditional
status
colonizer
Massive
of
others
the
preserving
to
because
to
him
us
colonizer's
situation. Ambivalence strategy social
values
in
and consequent the
ideo-cultural
and self-hood
restraint sphere.
of the
also The
colonized
-
log
just
not to
lay
fully
native
for
implies
colonizer
conclusion
of this
is
with
social,
the this
prevent
process
the minority's
threatens
resources missionary
work,
'assaults'
on the
at
cultural
indigenous for
expenditure, At
assets. small
areas
best of
Restraint requires is
not
and
is
however,
stems
who develop
it and
such
effort
This
thorough
effort of
reserves of
advancement as a major
the
priority
on precious on a few
concentrates
life.
native
also
and
as a drain
upon
cultural
limited.
very
cultural
regarded
assimilative
from attitudes.
a broadmindedness
in,
The
teaching),
other
tremendous
require
frowned
and
media, are
The
enthusiasm.
A serious
expense. would
is
the
inconceivable;
interest
of
and manpower.
masses
of
'mission
the
into
language
mass
restraints
real.
itself
population,
colonized
assimilation finance,
of
clearly
Systematic
education(particularly
development
a question
partly
energy,
to
one
native,
corollaries,
status.
an overwhelming
white
such assimilation,
and political
lack
("the
of the
However,
from becoming
oligarchy
culture
The logical
assimilation
throws
'advanced'
transition.
distinctive danger
with devoted
the
economic
abstract
civilisatrice'
the
-
'backward'
role
colonizer's
culture.
minority's
The colonizer
is
the
to accelerate
within
together
that
also
undertakings the
that
way to the
give
is
burden")
man's
The assumption
but
superiority,
and political
socio-economic
ineluctably
will
of
sense
colonizer's
materializes.
culture
the
day,
the
satisfy
foundations
never
of
to
and imply
would
respect sensitivity
flexibility
for
in
the
the
assimilation
colonizer knowledge
a sophisticated
native at
Successful
culture.
The
same time
lose
few that
which of,
colonizers untroubled
110
in
confidence
the
assimilation
requires.
missionaries
for
members the
the
of
vast
is
or
the unable
are
beneficiaries,
for
to
such
curtail to
attempts
pupils,
proselytism,
rapidly
colonizer
attack
cultural for
superstitions'
from
resistance
the
the
of
by
inhibited
violent
leads
facets
'barbarous
out,
when
than
other
further
indeed and
Other
activity.
themselves,
upon
Religious
society.
institutions
role
103
are
serious,
in
"this
anything
imitators".
assimilation
provokes
stamp
them
of
short,
at
indigenous
established
front
traditional
often
example,
in in
attempts
disrupting
of
of
other
directly
involved
it
who take
some
attitudes,
acculturation':
of
those
their
of
those
even
'agents
see or,
Serious fears
colonizers,
resources to
Because
of by
suspicion
with
one-way
that -
efforts
regarded
oligarchy.
ineffective
are
beyond
they
of
any
which
own culture their
case
- are
colonizer
majority
education,
In
example
their
of
superiority
example
-
-
I threaten
to
for
this
and
Rather
less
groups
value
communal from
are
the
to
is
new,
many
colonizers
humanity
of
European the
off
towards
areas
of
of the
For
'cultural there
are
native
life,
sometimes
is
a few
highly
morality, to
seek
these
scattered far
defend
these
try
shore
reasons, the
segregation';
Though
colonizer
among native
They all
European
expectations,
traditional
individualism.
latter.
at
effort
working
they
control;
communities,
unsatisfiable
create
social
and
echoed.
assault
and
of
impulses
particular
to
strength
ward
A widespread
curtailed.
threaten
traditional
of
cohesion
social
self-interestedly,
former
strong
cultural
are
'corruption'
phenomenon in
reason
cooperation,
the
up the
undermine
may also
education
the
'dual
there economy'
initiatives
reaching,
ambivalent
to
the
and inhibited.
104
111
The colonizer erects his
distinctiveness,
is
strictly
by
the
unavoidable;
stereotyped for
potential
status,
The
explore
every
intellect;
constantly
of
domination
for it
the
the
cannot
divert
native
of
conquest
is
the
at
stake
On the
'rational'
his
"colonial
make it
a superficial
other
society
innovation
hand,
difficult
to
wishes
of any cultural
appearance 108
happening
colonizer
and
speak
incomprehension
is
what
with
his consolidation
mutual
out
the
colonized
and
reality
native
attitudes
more than
find
one hand,
controls".
and aloof
to acquire
colonizer
line
out
colonizer
really
On the
cranny
on guard
barriers
cultural
cannot
society.
the population
within
a visible
marks
and metaphorically),
colonizer
ideological
the
in is
this
a gap which
since
erected
situation
reminding
and
taboos
But
By constantly widens
to
result
relationships
(literally
nook
acceptance
inhibitions
A colour-bar
segregation
indigenous
within
real
lo6
behaviour.
and
than
more
natives
cross-cutting
languages,
endemic.
these
taboos
with
by protective
itself,
Furthermore,
eliminate.
different
is
107
deny
Reinforced
Social
aloof.
mixing
taboos
colonizer.
schism;
dominated
is
images
the
conflict.
must
105
stands
and
To emphasize
acculturation.
from
community
group
dangerous
colonizer
other
natives.
moves beyond indifference,
discourage
colonizers
indigenous
latent
to
the
individual
Europeanized
of
barriers
cultural
restrain
typically
minority
opaque
for
the
is
riven
grasp.
The-Colonizer Situation. in the Colonial -------------------------------------As these strategies the colonizer's suggest,
-iii.
ambivalence; aim is
to
he faces 'normalize'
several
directions
(_ 'depoliticize')
uneasily. the
world log
colonial
by
Though his situation,
he
112
actually
it
politicizes
survival, appears Social
relations
contradictions
rather
Though they
more than
ill
in his
tions
the
force
prolongs
group
itself
is
possible
it
this,
Contradictions in
the
differing in
groups
his
total
politicians,
technicians,
Though
the
together,
the
process
community,
the
crisis and
adopt
of
indeed
Colon
The colonizer it
crisis;
the
blocks
and
and
different
situation this
and
teachers,
emphases them
forces 'bloc'
The same section
same individual,
different
metropolitan
administrators
press
the
conscript
traders,
for
of
concerns
out
spelled
are
position
farmers,
a common policy,
the
though
own contradietious.
colonial
of decolonization.
What
112
local
the
group
but
crisis,
do so indefinitely.
needs,
and
frozen
latent
contradic-
them.
confronting
is
missionaries,
outlooks
of the
and internal
isolation,
colonizer's
society.
soldiers,
different
unaware
by the
conceptions,
professional
have
is
often
no
often
equilibrium
to its
in
misleading
open with
temporary
cannot
solutions
the
mechanismsa
situation
paralyzed
alienated.
are
social
colonial
This
situation,
save him from
artificially
characterizes
only
his
built-in
reveal
is
colonial
The colonizer
position;
solidarity,
the
By various
latent.
established.
in
conflicts
communities
misunderstandings'.
into
burst
social
of
domination.
political
colonized,
occasionally
the
suddenness,
is
of the
as much as that
world,
'temporary
than
sign
colonized
difficulties
a minefield;
are
his
to threaten
colonizer
Every within
change or renewal
resistance, to the
each turn.
at
110
unfreezes
of
may be riven
the
all
in to
policy. stand during
4 colonizer
internally.
113
Local
administrators
could
inspire
Strategies
The ambivalence
of the
impact the
the
colonial
colonized
consistent
cope
more
local
often
determination;
the
institutional
the of
nature
114
of
unified,
situation;
different
different
spheres
but
these
a few
Violent
colonial
show
reactions and
can
and
situation
to
conscious They out
are from
retreat,
and
social illuminates
strategies sheds
life,
of
be picked
withdrawal these
groups
according
physical
opposition,
of
or
instinctive.
strands
of
strategems
times,
different
sociological Each
Various
others. at
strategies
no single,
unconscious
examples.
the
than
the
examine
dynamics
on the
light
concept
'nationalism'.
-i.
Vi2_222
The physical is
are
web.
are
it
Some of
duplicity,
persistence
in
contradictory,
classify
interconnected
colonial
with
others to
is
society,
successfully
circumstances.
difficult
the
indigenous
of
adopted,
are
to
reaction
levels
and
There
population.
the
But to understand
we must also
limits
greatly
strategies
colonizer's
situation,
same
Group
Colonized
the
of
society.
on colonized
and the
same time,
the
at
aims
113
times",
The
B.
of
officials
at different
official
his
particularly
different
"Contradictory
come to mind:
frequently
crucial thread
n. resistance
underestimated.
and constructive running
of indigenous
through
feature
Violence of
and connecting
society should
colonized
to the
colonizer
be reinstated society.
115
a number of social
as a It
is
a
phenomena
114
which
are
primary
initial
and wars
is
implication
of blind
to
inflicts
considerable
Conquest
often
In
committment. beats
money,
down such
the
violence
colonized
populations
resources
and 118
colonizer.
a total the
war from
violence
group
suicide.
"honour"
the
organization, in
in
Such "naked
in
lack
is
and varies the
apparatus
of
colonized
face
of superior
intensity
social
of a centralized,
their
of
than the
weaponry of
those
of
the
may be
Sometimes
armament verges involves
120 from which
Where indigenous
mobilizing
the
own
colonizer
structure
accordingly.
of
resistance
refusal"
interests.
European
expenditure
population.
and disinterested
shaped by the in
terms
eyes
the
lesser
The
resistants.
military of
rather
the
of the the
on the
also
imbalance
very
It
violent.
or
reactions.
as much as narrowly-calculated
emanates,
groups
the
social skirmish
or suppressed.
technology greater
But
native
viewpoint
Armed opposition it
life.
the
of resistance 119
with
be measured
A border
once early
and a large-scale
should of
develop
but
superior
resistance
of
forms
the
run
and human
effort,
invader,
iiith
colonial
exceedingly
decades,
or
long
often
on the
years
the
only
view,
is
conquest
Where violence
express
have been exhausted
losses
takes
116
'irrational'3117 and
authentically
by this
hostility
Yet resistance
obscures
does not
underestimates
often
implantation.
'xenophobic'
The latter,
expressions
usually
it
tension,
endemic
historiography
to European
labelled
that
relationships.
of
Colonial
armed opposition it
revolts,
particularly
decolonization.
of
Resistance.
described,
the
post-pacification
banditry,
Primary
a)
by theorists,
separated
artificially
resistance,
social
is
often
state,
and
on
115
have little though The
fierce
divide
A common stand
instinctual
attempt
a foreign
extrude
alternation
of violent
disarmed
Cyrenaica,
of
failure
collaboration colonizer
b)
colonized
postpones
resistant The
leaders
internal
force
seems
a damaging
in shifts
the
in
to
defence,
adequate
The
groups.
by the
destruction
or their
fight,
resources,
of physical
revolution;
the mobilization
bring
structural
major
Once related
tactical
often
which
such
and
of opposition.
points
colonized
within
may also
changes
are
still
European
areas favour
military
the
colonized
help
and
tentative; if -
social It
the
it.
The
to
fully
never
presence
'conquest'
renders of
it
active;
abandons
material
secret
native
fundamental.
than
rather
gives
the
to than
rather
confrontation,
population
of
sabotage,
an
as Evans-Pritchard
to provide
social
Revolts.
groups
with
warfare,
12.4
submission
looseness
framework of
of traditional
society.
'submitted'
Instead,
clandestine
and expenditure
institutions
"the
structure
rare.
were no fixed
upheavals
Post-Pacification
context,
traditional
comparatively
to -
seemed to be no enemy forces
There
by new leaders
of resistance
segmentary
resistance
armed
small-scale
social
may provoke
of
attempting
and
groups
121
area.
play
the manner of guerrilla
"there
certain
in major
may result
-
marshalling
of
the
such circumstances,
was incessant.
attack
The wholesale
in
In
into
total
of
is
attacks,
evasiveness.
suggested
and the
in
resist
a large
an unmodified
of
body"122
forces
segmentary
himself
resistance
over
collaborator
potential
conquer.
structures,
coordination insert
to
may manage
and
forcible,
yet
lacks
by locating
lineage
segmentary
generally
colonizer
conflict
to
than
other
disarms.
administrative if
the
colonizer
balance is
'
123
116
involved-in is
a European
liable
'extrude to
If
out. the
foreign insurrection.
beneath
the
surface;
circumstances
arise.
their
importance
liable
to refer 126
disapproval". involve
revolts the
strongpoints
compartmentalized,
fusion c)
Endemic Tension.
mainly
sullen
the
and proud
revolt (holy war)
'jihad'&colonizer
conduct
resistance,
depth,
change;
met
post-pacification 127
they
reveal
Though often
societies.
they
sources
provide
to
as with
below the
chiliastic
fluctuates
129
disdain,
the
near
smoulders
130
on a day of reckoning.
overthrow imminent
Violence or "just
situation, in
aspirations
popular
of colonized
uneven
nor
underestimate
social
of
as fission.
as well
colonial
to
and of
"There
movements were a
even when their
and weakpoints
far
Vietnam:
to them,
of social
lie
more favourable
extent;
vectors
to
tempted
are
does not
colonial
neither
primary
control
an attempt
groups
or their
As with
and are
for
Insurrectional
We should
of this.
or mutinies
until
for
a truce.
only
uprisings
of violence
buried
simply
of
indigenous
other
As Mus suggests
reminder
always
with
is
framework
seems ripe
The threat it
was no renunciation,
were
125
body',,
the
exaggerate
insurrections,
the power-situation
join
constant
the -
example
Revolts,
to weaken.
may break
for
war,
often
despair between
the 128
skin". or in
finds
violence
Islamic
of a quietistic confidence
It
expression
dreams of the
Simmering dormant
of the
surface
that
European's
ranges
from
pre-disposition
nature. the
spirit
Consequently, of revenge
has been quenched, and hysterical 'frissons' about "those who lie in 131 Sometimes, settlers wait". to cynically exploit endemic tension justify
the maintenance
of special
repressive
powers;
at
other
times,
117
theirs dividing is
assessment
seems a realistic line
blurred,
by the
feature
preoccupation
"makes him remind
the
native
keeps
alive
of
But...
inwardly
outlet...
133 petrification". not
tamed;
his
inferiority. to
guard This
he is
tension
according
to
in
the
spirit beliefs, of
of
a level Enquiry'
political
the
and of
"The
of
(to
culture.
He warned
which
punctuate
is
134
among for
example, simmers
still
What
everything.... of
chiaroscuro "the
hidden These
inexplicable colonial
subsequent
his
off
tensed".
Vietnam,
135
feelings".
colonizer)
which
of
of
convinced
not
underlies this
but
overpowered,
reactions
primitive
violent
a pseudo-
achieve
always
In
behind
".
he deprives
a reputation
with
the
frustration
total
of
master.
settler
are
'fatalism'.
shelters
full
until
violence....
glaze!
the
colonizer
which
he is
but
muscles
violence
guerilla
"is
native
cultures
and
outrage
cannot
can only
waits
those
even
and
an anger
132
tension.
is
he alone
that
as an inferior
The native's
society
The atmosphere population's
As a result,
Confucian
sporadic
destruction
settler
Mystical and
this
underlie
tap
Mus;
war
a peasant
the
'gentleness'
villages.... of
native
him.
marks for
the
treated
at
loud
out
He patiently
fly
Europeans
in
'freeze'
says Fanon of the
security",
The settler
to
reality
situations,
of colonial
use of force
colonizer's with
and the native
own fantasies
their
a characteristic
exacerbated "His
between
The
threat.
impending
of the
tension feelings of
outbursts they
situations;
'Commissions
colonial
reach.
of suppressed rejection
violence
and incomprehension
The indigenous
community
the
signals
of the
remains
colonized colonizer's
"untutored
in
118
the
rational
136
and pditics". for,
as Kilson
can hardly
there
into
is
the
turning
of
the
and
'predictable'
not
the
is law
in
for
Banditry.
The
that
yet
violent, is
which
more
However,
colonial
view.
It
as is
world
is
a
not of
affirmation
untidy
the
colonizer
the
indigenous and
maintaining kind,
place
an
vendettas,
paradoxically,
superior
the
for
example,
many
maintains
and a "recognized judicial
indigenous
and
in
reactions
violent
within
society
stability
of self-help" of
Many manifestly take
situation
this
default
of
points the
an ironic
culture. to
";
force...
as an absolute".
blood-feuds
of
a "form
but
"by
language
own political
of
of
that
inherently
challenge
universal,
between
Raids,
Conflict
for
Social
colonial
mechanisms
anxiously
listens
propounded
and
than
rather
is
native's
is
that
139
idea
Feud
culture
of
saying
138
force".
political
his
of violence.
who now affirms
native
137
change".
stopped
therefore,
but
nothing
terms
never
must
position,
atmosphere
understands
the
confrontation
on the
original
is
it
"the
explains,
treatise
to
in
a rational
d)
of
native
"have
It
system.
oligarchical
the
order
in political
factor
sharpens
native)
colonial
expression...
colonial
colonizer's
out,
government
of political
decolonization,
tables,
simultaneously
Fanon
(the
he
understands that
argues
of force,
process
colonialist
the
Fanon points
language
during
pattern
a modernizing
for
a paradox,
The colonizers, only
in
the
threatens
a more predictable
by threat
sustained
the
"this
be tolerated
be transmuted Yet
Such recalcitrance
suggests,
colonial
of central
norms and procedures
society
colonizer. are
segmentary
important 140
societies.
communal
peace;
it
means of maintaining 141
authority'ý.
"What
is
sought",
119
as
Beattie
suggests
individual,
guilty The
but
bloodshed
indeed
it
ritualized.
The colonizer,
anxious
This
frequently
limited intestine
for 'outside',
One colonial
as
law
to
"rebellion";
the
pay
to
justify
this
gatherer
was killed
not
'fraction';
its
taxes
the
direct
it
drives
life.
colonizer
not
because
world
it
ignores
he seeks "IDacoiety",
has similar the
robbery,
him.
which colonizer. of
refusal
In
'rebellious'
a brawl the
fact
but
a
official
during
collaborator,
tax-
as a member
of
demanded to pay
fraction
143 to stamp out
serious
it
the
the
treated
official
or disarm
such maniFrequently
disturbance.
social
This. violent
social
an
providing
and solidarities
interpretation. qua
is
a European-appointed
them underground,
regulate
because
this
campaign
may provoke
simply
of
to the French.
The colonizer's festations
to
murder
appeared
a rival
taxes
such
on his
which
with
142
honour;
of
treat
or attacks
relations
a
balance".
to
apt
context,
example,
punish
rules
significance,
rivalries by,
for
court,
'fraction'
tribal
disputes,
and unaffected
is
'peace'
indigenous
the
to
not
intricate
security,
their
misrepresents to
by
of his
as breaches
'system'.
outlet
for
is
a disrupted
restore
regulated
often
manifestations
are
is
"....
feud,
to
rather
involved
is
blood
the
of
where they
continue
behaviour
threatens
is
aimed directly
It
indicates
his
at him, lack
but
to the precisely
of impact
on a
to dominate. or what Hobsbawm calls
implications. kidnapping,
It
is
ransom,
difficult,
"social
banditry't,
indeed,
to
and revenge-assassination
144
differentiate activities
120
of
bandits
social
but
as criminals,
fighters
for
from
the
who remain
within
justice,
razzias They
societies. and
tension
the
colonial
of
traditional
blood-feuds
and
in
to
appear
situation
and
avengers,
of liberation, supported"
and in of
segmentary
all
but
to
represent
extent
these
beyond
extend the
continuity the
of
part
entwined
a closely
are
distortion,
social
crisis,
relationships, this
and 145
endemic
They
dynamics.
as champions,
be symptoms
traditional
regard
and are
helped,
be admired,
and state
society,
peasant
even leaders
perhaps
lord
whom the
as heroes,
people
as men to
case
any
outlaws
by their
considered
in
"peasant -
146 economic
and
operate
political
is
directly
to the
example,
the
European
and the
colonizer's
'pseudo-petrification'
hostile
feelings
is
a therapeutic
thus
"behaviour "It to
is
ignore
to
colonialism".
to
the
colonial
later
into
phases
situation.
for
of interaction
between
the
forces
which By this
in
off
individual
latter
till
interpretation,
banditry to
analogous psychology:
later
allowed the
developed
crisis
them
choice of resistance
question
indigenous
by the particular
to direct
Social
blood-bath
opens up the
of decolonization,
provoked
the
channels.
a fraternal
and to put
inevitable, 148
to Fanon,
communal level,
of avoidance"
plunging
distortion
at
more
According
community
outlet,
147
banditry
social
self-destructive
the'obstacle,
nevertheless
social
into
patterns
as if
to relate presence.
colonized
and
regions,
code of honour.
strict
however,
possible,
certain
of
to a fairly
according
It
structure
in
'banditry' of the
relation is
a
121
Decolonization.
e)
is
struggles Third the
The importance
generally
World
may be the is
of
headings
always
from
levels
implicit
violent
the
immediate,
accord
temporal
is
this
of the
of the
this
the
violence to
deepens thus
ease out
tactics,
concept
colonial
and widens provides
the
of
elite
the
violence
is
often
to seek an
150
a narrow
The particular years,
especially
frequently
adduced
interpretation of the
Repression
to obtain
are
But the
be within
political
masses':
by the
A threat
the to
of nationalism
'mass action'
encourages
violence.
of disorder,
were a sudden and unique
'mobilization
regime.
a lever
colonizer.
are
The orthodox
the modernizing the
preceding
vary
who are more likely
independence.
immediately
disorder.
with
to pressurize
before
to
it
life,
wars of independence,
interests.
tends
as if
context,
colonizer's
political
a few scruples
simply
analyzed
takes,
colonizer
collaborators
violence
of the years
the
his
of
it
independence'
leads
post-independence
circumstances
links
'predictable'
with
forms
peoples.
negotiated
remaining
development
explain
campaigns
of violence
and sociological
obstinacy
and sporadic
of colonized
outset
social
Full-scale
his
safeguard Where
threat
the
indigenous
'freely
decolonization
the
at
to another.
strategies
even in apparently
Fanon
violence,
penetrates
movements,
underestimated;
to
it
whatever
introduced,
proclaims that
renaissance,
commonwealth:
people,
in
analyzed,
national
new formulas
of
situation
guerilla
unmistakably
the
or
intensity
at which
one colonial
nascent
the
phenomenon",
The
work.
and the
liberation,
used
a violent 149
major
"National to
decolonization
frequently
and
nationhood
in
violence
acknowledged,
literature.
restoration
of
swallowing in
order
colonizer
of mobilized concessions
and
122
More
extensive theoretical
restricted for
theoretical
such
Mao Tse
Tung,
prominent
Western
It
Guevara,
151
military
These
guerrilla to
response
true
implies.
revolutionary
betrayals, urban
to act;
he reconciles
to stimulate
violent
with
the
great
organigrammes,
when not
town as his
he has engraved of the
to risk
weaponry, clandestinity
and analysis
battalion-sized
formative
vertically-integrated contacts.
This
They suggest
tactics
or tucked
on to
compromises,
of conventional to the
he
violence;
establish
As he
his
pocket,
and the
loaded
'focos',
and
the need for for
dangers
whole
the
are
They discuss
the necessity
the
in
These manuals
They stress
how to involve
title
stage
moves out
confrontations.
command units,
War.
particularly
among the peasantry.
ýo of when
stages,
is
very
the
to physical
lleros.
152 a
becomes more sophisticated.
mind,
targets.
in
a strategic
rejecting
radical
himself
gue
more
of activity,
as an advanced
thinking
in his
the
Second World
the
politics,
abortive
resistance
postwar
and sensitive in
since
move after
The disabused
pressure.
He decides
writings
form
a novel
warfare
of
on counter-insurgency.
refinement.
and hopelessly
from
moves out,
particularly
of higher
guerilla
countryside
resolves
market;
accompanied,
developed
politicians
dead-ends,
political
popular
"REVOLUTION IN THE REVOLUTION" as its
Such books treat
which
deal
some of
rather
a
a vogue
Mondlane-are
theoretical
great
seen
A great
of writings
is
warfare
as a form
requiring
of Debray's
been
have
and
academic
Castro,
colonialism
has been regarded
innovation
the
within
have
years
strategy.
by a flood
circles,
that
Recent
guerilla
come on to
Giap,
names.
Most imply violent
has
of
interpreted
often
also
framework.
accounts
literature
are
conflicts
total
watertight, of horizontal
community
in
123
guerrilla
and how to insert
effort,
'parallel
administration'
authority
of
of
the
the masses', But
the
of the
perspective
inseparable
from
suddenly of
to
'unlocking'
the
has
long
cannot
the
characterized
post-pacification
the
pre-history
of
convulsions
the
the
same areas
which
groups
certain Similarly,
intestine society
and
unleashed is
scores.
Primary
share
-
proper,
and regarded
several
of
the
casting
myths. 'primary
greatest
doubt
as
characteristics.
of social
decolonization
to
features
the
guerrilla
offered
circle,
resistance relegated
commonly
to a common stock which
violence Decolonization
this.
especially
struggle;
colonial
on the
sense in
ever'disarmed'. tension
links by
with
colonized
and
society
More
among the
targets colonizers.
attacked These
obscured.
during
involving are
is
banditry
social
decolonization
'self-destructive',
often
than
move full
endemic
underestimated,
-
most to the
contribute then
phase
order
153
strugglesi
relationships
violence
old
of decolonization pent-up
example,
do not
of small
colonized.
relationships
of and contribute
infrequently, resistance'
colonial
of
of decolonization Both partake
for
the from
apart
revolt,
brains
comparison
of
world
They are
they
outset;
that
in
be placed
as a whole.
fertile
suggests
be understood
properly
and
last
Fanon's
of tension
mobilization
should
the
from the
'nationalists'.
groups
from
situation
full-bodied
spring
'elite
situation
colonial
that
the
undermine
eventually
decolonization
of
of that
elements
new seems to be proposed.
very
aspects
first
As with
power.
something
violent
will
which
occupying
the
the the
frequently The
decolonization
settling
within manifestations
of
indigenous constitute
154 Not
124
a debate Areas
as much within
most those
with
All to
areas these
part
the
manifestations
of
of
They
colonized
differencesl56
these life,
political
in
prominent
a common situation.
on the
banditry
by social
marked
which
set
strategies
of
important of
indigenous
colonial
situation
to
the
colonial
or
destructive.
forms the
beyond
reactions
have
they
on age-old
back
coincide
alternative
a consistent Although
far
extend
often struggle.
are
violence
draw
colonizer.
155
decolonization
society.
phenomena
tension
and
reveal
the
as with
society
colonized
itself. Violence
f)
setting In
are
the
Social
and rarely
regarded
colonizer's
doubt
their
When,
in
of positive
a famous
potential
in the West,
as,
revenge, tion
of the
colonial
Many social
not
in
simply
pressures change.
the
Fanon
of violence,
a disturbed
'Primary
new elements
'liberating'
and
regarded
generally
incitement
to
bloodthirsty
up by the
thrown
metaphor
observers construction.
social
is
this
liberal
more
the
a proto-fascist
aliena-
nightmare.
colonial static
force
in
treatment.
needs similar
imply. society,
resistance'
often
and unity;
It
does
as such epithets
It. may give and reveal results
violence
communal relationships.
norms and structures,
colonized
of cohesion
have come to view
however,
setting
and 'primitive' within
Even long-term
157
'irrationality'
the
of
praises
and regenerative
express
'xenophobic'
to
anthropologists,
as an integrative Violence
contribution
at worst,
negative
evidence norms.
at best,
and,
other
are
reactions
than
indigenous
passage,
'cleansing'
Violent
as
they
eyes
'primitivism'
and
Change.
outlets
to dynamic for
potentialities
from
and gives
armed opposition
as
rise
to Italian
to
125
implantation
in
Cyrenaica
implantation
in
Ethopia
how violence
of
pacification Africa,
may be vectors
Violence
brings
development
itself,
in
war
long
too,
is is
physical physical
in
the
the
colonial or
several
the
This
is
of
within
society
the
during
described not
a uniquely
and
conflicts
situation.
colonial
administrative will
but
situation:
the
of
this
invading controls,
be examined
of
this it
is
merely
reveals
also
or
away,
a short-term
reaction
a longer-term
strategy
determination
including
not
retreat
'submission',
and persistence
separately.
melting
confrontation.
strategy,
whole situation.
colonial
161
full-scale
army,
the
elusiveness,
a visceral into
forced
to
reaction
Often
involving
resistance
violent
tactic
guerilla
aspects
before
of
an instinctive
invasion,
surrounded,
Each
in
of
processes
social
embedded
withdrawal.
to
of
such
as that
reveals
tactic
guea+illa
communities
groups
been
The process
debate
160
regenerative
Physical Retreat. ----------------
The
are
it
both -
resolution.
by Fanon.
liberation
of
of
possibilities
active
form
an acute
phase;
have
-ii.
So,
this
East
in
reconstruction.
and
alternative
their
'post-
uprising
structures
aids
continues
revolutionary which
and
-
often
Algerian
open
traditional
within
decolonization
the
crisis
illustrations
Similarly,
Maji-Maji
as the
Italian
to
and are
adaptation.
social
of
into
degenerative
and
social such
revolts',
11,159
by Menelik
led
furthers
Sanusiyal58
by the
led
withdrawal of
migration
to
be
There of
indigenous in
and
the
face
nomadism.
126
Retreat
a)
resources is
a hopeless
resistance, and
effective
many
segmentary for
towns
army villages,
and
circulated Berbers
troops
and farms
at
mountainous
military
with
'ghost
of
Bedouin by
threatened to
occupy or
regions, the
Similarly, to
the
arrival
(hamlets)
'ksours'
the most inaccessible
into
livestock,
163
which
was
as French
Again,
of Tunisia by the
deserted
hamlets'
The
profit
reacted
fringe
Saharan
immediate reaction
accessible
them their
of wealth".
the
less
Atlas
and plunging
taking
little
by "abandoning
1920's
full-scale
for
when
garrisons". High
eschew
communities.
162
Central
thorough-
instinctive
the
strategy
to
more
foothold
was of
retired
main source
takes
areas
which
forests,
success
and penetrative chased
from
place the
in
1882,
retreating
groups
this
and the
retreat
into
of
the
to retreat,
to
difficult caves
the depends
colonizer. finally
offers
'human
at
little 165
landscape'.
on the'
to
penetrate; shelter,
provide
landscape
natural
largely
strategy
resources
even
can melt
easy access
of relatively
finds
colonizer
Where
small of
from areas
mountains,
temporarily.
protection,
are
this "it
Italian
invaded
is
to
resistance
164
Retreat
The
the
through
marched
deserts,
they
our approach,
columns
remoter
for
regions,
inhabitants.
least
in
their
generally
1920's:
Moroccan
the
of
the
military
way,
give
semi-nomadic
pursued
between
gaily
of French
they
in
offer
superior
subjugation
little
This
and
example,
to
the
of
entrenched
is
control.
pastoral
face
the
eventual
thus
and
physical
Italian
renders reaction
retreat,
Cyrenaica,
the
It
effective
to
In
full-scale
colonizer,
tactic.
A more
going.
of
the
of
Force.
Military
before
persistence
Some indigenous to be tracked
groups down and
127
166
encircled. military
the
'useful'
subjugate of
colonizer
and no immediate
is
pushing
groups This
zone,
limited
are
communications, content
lowlancs.
coastal
'useful'
the
poor
withdrawn
where there
circumstances,
other
resources,
incentive, from
In
with
He does not they
unless tactic
economic
back populations
the
threaten
actively
for
viable
may prove
to
thoroughly
attempt
security
a considerable
time. Physical tactic;
its
favourable the
conditions 167
from
hiding-places
through
their
lands.
lands
may have been appropriated Other
collaborators.
a 'refugee'
and create b)
Submission.
pursued,
groups
'submission'
tactic
within
than
a seal
to
the
permanent
active
in
a particular
assurances
of
loyalty.
are
temporarily During
Italian
of physical
during
inevitable, attempts
colonizer,
or by groups
withdrawal
are permament,
their
'submission',
colonizer
should of
territory, This
is
a ploy to
token which
conquer
often
ceremonially.
be regarded
acquiescence
Cyrenaica
time
as a
rather troops
colonizer's
a wise
to
most
merely
resistance,
is
buys
threatened,
being force,
passive
it
of
by superior
When the
acceptance.
of
territories.
the process
overpowered
strategy
the
for
late,
too
in neighbouring
and finally proffer
return
back
filter
to reoccupy
necessity is
and eject
short-lived;
many groups
by the
problem
an overall of
this
At some point
cornered
indigenous Yet
forms
frequently
is
economic
In many instances,
to return
practical
implanted,
clearly
to await
sauter",
pour mieux
make it
a defeatist
than
rather
communal retreat
is
colonizer
their
which
Yet
a defensive
"reculer
is
rationale
intruder.
once the
is
withdrawal
tactic in 'wait
nomadssfor
to
what and
issue
is see'.
example,
128
"When they the
submission
that
the
their
Bedouin
liable
of the
It
turn
is
tactical Just
the
to
colonizer,
force
his
draw him into
kind
this
the play
permanent
represents
a kind
hiding and of
or
power of
'withdrawal'.
weakens,
'submitted' The
and attack. back
"wait
dissidence".
to and
withdrawal, see", 172
shift
for
the If
invest
groups from
involves
as Mus argues
for
a change Vietnam,
ready
still
himself
colonizer
withdrawal, only
It
colonizer.
to
come out
to
violent
of
emphasis.
is
of a
provides 171
are
and
future
their
'submission'
rarely
the
the
170
rivalries.
undertakings,
base
an attempt
presence
segmentary
it
in
new ones at
colonizer's
and individuals
the
with
groups,
in
Some
collaborate
or establish the
"submit
impact".
its
169
it",
using
tactic:
of recalcitrant
instrumental;
essentially
dependably
retreats,
groups
to avoid
actively
of traditional
to submit.
opportunity
to ward off
privileges,
own immediate
and their
in order
population
such collaborationist is
the
hip,
leader
or their
of power,
They exploit
Though some colonized in
are
into
group
a complementary
order
conquest
of neighbours.
heavily
in
traditional
safeguard
expense
adopt
colonized
and aid
168
guer±llas".
populations
indigenous
seek out
communities
of the
sections
the
of
'submitted'
may "show force
greater
while
submission
support
population,
balance
actually
colonizer
many colonized
the
every
of the
overall
advantage,
advance
to beat
Many sections
as the
to go to
has passed,
necessary
assessed
meant no more than
often
to dissidence.
again
not
submission. having
danger
it
had made formal
district
continued
immediate
to
Shaikhs,
tribal
sons and food
Once the
to
its
of
and to have received
a district,
to have pacified
claimed
a form
of
resistance,
of
A policy "larval
129
Retreat before Administrative c) -----------------------------------------token has to transform colonizer
is
strategy
was to prove territory
to
usually 173
population,
that
Military
try
permanent
posts, reviving
indigenous
groups
controls
"As soon as a post in
from
175
it".
the
appear,
Gabon in
1911,
"a void
soldiers
these
zones,
and perhaps
evasiveness, (Balandier
which the
in
the
were sometimes
permanent
Bast,
emigration
face very
177
these
of large
this
physical
retreat.
176
immediately
vanish
often
registered
periodically
or the in
less
of conscription accessible
Such reactions
"the
of
or escape most elementary
and administrative
communities.
take
ways thus
Occasionally,
an
created
are never
avoidance,
demands provoke
aim.
reported
region",
retreat
represent
of economic heavy".
frustrate
various
boundaries.
them 'derobades'),
calls
Middle
temporary
colonial
However,
of property,
disengagement,
elusiveness,
flight
of
registration
cross
to base.
the mobilization
of taxation,
take
to prevent
When agents
control.
groups
in
with
networks,
marked on maps,
Whole groups
the
is
on the ground,
the payment
labour,
in
villages',
maps.
compulsory
meet with
a populated
or existing
seeking
to
up in
from administrative
refuge
form
often
174
en marche",
have returned
set
on administrative
of
is
'Hidden
ground;
"organisation
strategies
of the
occupation
administrative
have further
"Experience
to submit".
eventually
establish
once troops
Administrative
administrator
to
it
the
back'
and effective
a complete
and ancillary
dissidence
suggests
by
about
Morocco,
for
the
The colonizer's
'roll
than
rather
can force
brought
control.
effective
encircle
only
columns
'submission',
as Guillaume
for,
of a tribe
around
into
shows of force,
ephemeral
As a result,
Implantation.
demands,
particularly
the wholesale
and
130
d)
Nomadismand
colonial
is
administration
conceived
on the
strategy traditional
reflects of
Physical
migration.
indigenous
not
the
colonized.
social
life.
of
patterns
society
of
ill-fitted
are
for
persistence
frustrates
the
colonizer.
inescapable
feature
the
'game'
the or
face
of
"divide
the
in
their
not
order
and his smallest resistance,
colonizer.
A population
of
the
lack
mobile,
colonial
the
through
to
have made it
it
had the
one
very
point
a town,
where depose
of many Third population
lay
could or
a hold
subject
and nomadism, communities.
are endemic
was not
became possible a similar seems
village
the
nation.
but
this
Not that national at any
concentrated on it,
India
village
as it
might
seize
181
a dynasty,
World
isolation;
It
everywhere.
an enemy
Transhumance
sanctuary in
for
Mus advances
for
is
by their
reduced
Vietnamese
of the
to resist
strength
180
by the
The impact
'survival
to Karve,
of
hampers
and which
is
Thus,
178
fragment
this
difficult.
control.
rusticity
an inviolable
was found
pattern
of
to
implantation
aggregation,
looseness".
structural
"the
Although
on such communities
levers
in
invasion
tend
control
Raj according
very
proposition:
which
situation
British
its
lacks
makes permanent
of institutional
under
also
an
communities,
such groups
their
and is
it
the
firm
the
characteristics
Faced with
hinders
of
simply
be yerieed not ruled",
of organization. it
it
control,
example,
that
administration,
units
coordinated
extremely
to break".
Often
segmentary
179
face
deliberately-
Certain
For of
the
or
colonial
"divide
to
force,
superior
colonizer
into
of
a novel
necessarily
part
in
elusiveness
in
other
too, 182 areas:
a court't.
are
inherent
Larger-scale Apter
characteristics migrations
argues
that
"as
of a whole,
131
the
history
strife
Gold Coast peoples
of the
much longer
for
many centuries,
acquiring
new territories,
infiltration
of
norms,
frustrates
crucial
sectors
is
not
his
in
"Recriminations evasions,
'hidden
explains,
"illustrate
the
basis
political
domination, 'well
groupings
of native
populations,
rendering
them
social
Kenya
is
population scheme
is
sought
programme typical to
designed
of combat to
great
as a means of
'predictable'.
revolution
villagization
places
these
of
to the
slips
away,
is and
control"*
'migratory
mania',
together
with
regions"she a physical
establish
to keep all
words,
stress
on the
fixing
them in
sedentarization situ
and
As well
as aiding
economic
establish
military
security,
1950's
early
projects;
it
'ownership'
in
combined
Mau Mau infiltration, inject
to
their
it
186
in hand"'.
colonizer
which
inaccessible
in
and,
Belgian
even indirect
desire
colonizer's
and control
that
population',
in
social
how difficult
of lineages,
villages'
became
land
notes
on a society
'floating
of a slow
supervise,
off,
complain
mobility
hordes
colonizer's
Balandier
life.
and the
vagabondage,
Thus the
to cordon
grip
the
against
to locate
social
to the
so alien
this
of African
form
as old
been
extends
conquering
new land
such a way as to permit
attempts
for
of
more peaceful
Congo constantly
and complete
organized
form
seeking
attempts
Colson
have been a feature
in the
mobility,
183
migration,
have not
occupants
man".
and in the groups
in the
"a real
get
white
migrations
of indigenous
administrators to
This
first
both
small
184
exhausted".
the
'Large-scale
more widely: life
than
of recent
a mosaic
Most of the present
and settlements.
there
is
with of
compact
the
Kikuyu
concentration a land
valorization, The areas
of of
consolidation
landholdings
into
185
132
traditional
the widely-scattered "replace
an attempt
to
Throughout
Africa,
hömes, and thus
permanent that
was discouraged rules
under
which
These constants
hamlets,
are
colonized
simply
dissidence',
-iii.
Institutional
colonized
impact for
of
the
his
gathered
and These
-
the
resources organizational meets
with
ward
off has
has
public are
the
of
Formal
enforce
maintained.
But
by
phenomenon
of
the
its
writ.
of
or
indigenous
society
within
effort 'withdrawal'
the
to Taxes are
'under-administra-
sufficient
whatever
institutional
difficult
evasions
other
relevant
colonizer or
full
respect
is
devote
to
But
to
the
off
warding
power
colonial
power
failure
of
the
invader,
the
of
institutions.
facilitated
integration
of
methods
several
order
framework. reactions
the
challenge
presence
physical
sufficient
colonizer's
to
the
apparatus
usually
their
elusiveness,
he has invaded.
the world
politico-administrative
governmental
possible. tion'
to
physical
the
of
strategy
mobility
persistent
and strategic
zones,
constant
in
Duplication.
population
as it
avoid, are
fully
of
culminate
which
demilitarized
determined
to dominate
ability
Unable
Their
migration
freezing by a and
policy,
of the
and their
colonizer's
the
189
distribution
188
colonizer's
corollaries
187
as their
Permanent
over.
regulations,
booby-trapped
population.
'larval
powers
was held".
of the
borders,
electrified
land
took
was
era was
colonial of land
areas
it
settlement".
the population
to perpetuate
by administrative
"the
suggests,
to given
people
when the European
existed
the
to tie
by nucleated
settlement
as Colson
indeed,
marked by an attempt
pattern
dispersed
Overall
of usufruct.
his does
'duplication'.
make
133
Boycott of colonial --------------------------------
a) to
local
the
law
various
ways,
ranging
sense
of
'biting
of not
Even those
tend
it.
In
it
deprives
the
the
Civil
interests
of the
'does
are not
not
ostensibly
understand'.
betrayed for
organized a derisorily
attract
There colonial
are
i90
reported;
are not
pasturage
several
regulations,
develops
which
them.
patrol
the
the
best of births,
Non-registration
officials.
conscientious on the
often
that
pretence
can amount to passive
sabotage;
daylight
seen;
of the
are not
Elections,
sheltered.
actively
are
benefit
for
reasons
which
labour
in
learns
indigenous
suspicion
'refusal
community,
distrust
practice
often
for
to engage' sense
a shrewd
disciplinary
controls,
a healthy Such
this
One is
apparatus.
a community laws,
and indeed
colonial
than
in broad
incidents
the
low turn-out.
administrative
protection;
This
through
native
information,
are denied
is
office
for
exasperates
puzzlesand
a vacuum,
used as a channel
seem to warrant.
also
passive
inexplicable;
is
under
and inheritance
status,
in
the
boycott
available
frequently
personal
population
police
native
'bandits'
and
land,
and deaths
The colonial
crimes
are less
to
to walk
reluctant
benefits
-
communities. to
door
informal
this
of specific
courts
'the
that
administrees
eyes,
native
over
marriages,
their
administrator's
litigation
the
find
to
of their
in
administrators
of working
life'
ensure
bodies'
colonial
of
surface',
everyday
who conscientiously
open'
regime.
the
- administrators,
indifference
and
reports
the
skimming into
deeply
from
power
'representative
acceptance
reacts
population
colonial
and
passive
emerging
'only
the
of
services,
from
One theme
their
always
social
police,
resistance.
is
apparatus
governmental
courts,
The indigenous
institutions.
the
the
appears
organs blind
of
meaning
codes,
and
selfof
and
and
the
with
land
taxation agents
instinctive;
134
the
Zulus
the
Government
to
take
South
of
for
them
however,
their
land
on a canny
implications
of
administrative
smokescreens
of
the
by the
colonizer's
retain
a fundamental
other
191
the
is
the
ideological to
Baganda of Uganda for
the
towards
scepticism
long-term
and
who appear
peoples
designed
usually
short-
despite
measures, Even
It
cattle". of
which
as being
interests
understanding
presence,
institutions
profit
example,
institutions
colonial
administrators
sympatheticythey to
enter
intinkäted
and
by ignorance by the
bureaucratic
of rituals
- the
administration
- deters
Social
family
obligations
-
precisely
The decisions unjust,
the
major
involves
colonized
which
them,
also
costs
community
of
which
the
'rationality'
these
'incomprehensible' for
and do not
delays
which
impose.
194
the
the
indigenous
generate to the
colonial informal
administration
193
legitimation.
institutions
participation,
participation.
European in
lack
institutions
colonial
on impersonal
and religious
contact to
literally
colonial
native
encourages
and
or sacral
of unbiased
"irrational"
elements
literally, deters
than
emphasis
and
administration
he is
from kinship
guarantee
them.
with
handicapped
often
The very
face-to-face are
and practices
and often, Expense
rather ties,
of
Without
context.
supposed
all
is
native,
disinterested
the European
with
independent
considerations
honest,
and norms;
language.
alien
rationality,
status,
to have dealings
where the native
world,
the
benefit
clearly
may prove To deal
are alien.
another
tongue-tied
would
make him reluctant
considerations
Though individual
often
their
their
and
colonizer.
Where colonial
are
in
measures
even
192
policy.
is
"regarded
example,
intend
to
appeared
from
based,
Africa,
are
native.
administration mechanisms
of
the
-
135
Passive
boycott by social
reinforced
for
who seek
society
regime
its
walls
socially,
tolerated.
'settle
its is
community, despite
not
restrictive
The grow of
situations: disturbed
who do stand
colonial
naturally
colonial
Apathy
office.
those
often
extremely
from Vietnam "Local
by this
below. can
Mus's
be widened
society, superimposed
by the
imposed
observation to
as a whole, and
agents'. true Attempts
Those
either. colonizer's by refusing
of the polling
to booth
unrepresentative.
is
administration
of the
have little
councils
elective
boycotts
and active
colonial
structures.
themselves
disqualify
will
administrators,
and involvement,
support
who man
as 'contact
colonial
from participation
regulations
for
render
active
colonial
of power
society of the
effectiveness
with
the
have to be
the respect
of conscientious
administration
therefore
the balance
protection
imposed
native
those -
colonized
forfeit
their
While
- usually
isAwhen
however,
through
disqualified
already
stand
energy
flows
in mobilizing
success
level
decolonization;
reducing
the
local
supplement
active
open collaborators thus
195
collaborators
But even when the
effective,
which
They are
attack.
intimidated.
local
the
them,
during
communal sap rarely to
for
accounts'.
Thus,
colonial
power, at
The danger particularly
native
physical
institutions
shifts,
regime
against
colonial
with
solidarity
often
Individuals
it.
through
ownership
-a
or even physically
monopolizes
European
the
land
to establish
to
who do turn
of those
is
framework
administrative
communal solidarity
cements
shunned
colonial
ostracism
example,
threaten
courts
of the
include
from
on the most
was not
fragmentary
it
above;
does
administration colonial
fundamentally organization".
196
not
136
b)
Self-Administration.
institutions
holy
of
their
men,
control life
suggests,
"tended
the
colonial
de facto
of
colonizer
local
of
imposed
which
has
from in
roots
"The
period",
in
superior
power
Beneath
systems".
much
colonial the
or
and
traditional the
alongside and
above
gives
of
a continued
with
the
through
disputes
retain
-
population.
was unavoidable,
197
198
the
with
often
operation
remains
To an extent
sector'. limited other
physical
affairs
control;
institutions times,
colonizer's
a 'shadow
outside,
indigenous
to
outlet
duality
this
and
implantation.
sector
the
and stimulates
colonial bursts
of the
true
such though
actively
it
is
as an obstacle security-minded
200
their
welcomed;
framework
nor
and surviving
with to
great
concern.
see
energy.
to
is
and
qualified
at
"Enlightened" and
it
smother breaks
expected.
expense,
Yet,
'modernization'
desire
is
indigenous
functions..
occasionally
of administrative
saves
wishes
colonizers
A latent
it
given
demise
eventual
complementary viewed
of this1shadow
as inevitable
'survivals'
the
facade,
importance
neither
administration
'dualism'
to European with
own administrative
colonizer
to perform
regard
'civilization'1199
is the
colonial
appear
of his
he accepts
which
the
administrators
unaware
resources,
respects,
regulates
other
this
the
chiefs,
Fallers
acquiescence
when
and -
example
of
the
political
institutions for
life
colonial
realities.
Content
to
combine
traditional
judges,
during
from
withheld
social
everyday
areas
hierarchy,
political
In
to
political
thrives,
sector'
his
such
settlement
administrative
native aid
the
government
contingent
through
assemblies, over
political
flow
Authentic
channels.
elders,
legitimation
to
continues
judicial
The
as a threat
the to the
shadow surface,
137
When assimilative
"real
affairs; The
society
"duplicate"
of
the real
the
of
French
decoys,
genuine
when the in
colonizer
the
Bifurcation. is
power12o8 where
"the
thus
- of
riven
administration,
to perform
in Vietnam,
Mus relates
allowed
chiefs.... by them,
open they
could
put
to be
of notables
councils
the measures
as
chiefs'
- continued
customary
so that
conduct
forward
an
by the
central
same person". sense
209
Local
constitute
- results
government in
the
official village
communal institutions 'sub-units'
colonial by 'split
power and a real
of an official
the most weight
206
'dualism'o
hierarchies
village-level
the
of
structure
by fundamental
two parallel
lowest
any meaningful
the
"The coexistence
whose word carries and the
to all
'straw
controlled
The institutional
207
authority'.
"the
process
the European
of
village
illusory
205
admkiistration".
situation
coming into
The
widespread
appointed
men to be elected,
opposition
this
- real chiefs 2o4 Similarly,
manner,
unseen",
the presence
"a purely
describes
required
European
themselves
undercover
c)
leaders
though
authorities". colonizer
201
of,
despite
life,
requirements
functions.
unrepresentative without
formal
different
political
elected
"Effective
where villages
the
survival
in
-
own
control".
202
the
Delavignette
the
disguises
or
their
of
mastery
administrative
of social
gives
West Africa,
quite
how,
latter
to fulfil
while
escape
institutions.
regulators
203
satisfaction". in
up,
retain
"administratively-recognized
various
operation
to
sets
or "parallel"
are
to
action
strives
power
colonized
these
deliberate
take
communities
indigenous
threat,
poses a serious
pressure
situations and the man
are rarely do not
of a centralized
one in colonial
the
138
No single,
administration. is
truer
to talk
colonial feature the
is
is
loci
The colonial relations, It to
Easton
and to Nettl,
a mere aggregate,
The chronic istics
inability
without
hallmark.
power
which
and treat system',
it 214
The
consensus
and force.
merely
the
colonized,
imposed
on its
in
consensus
their
chief
the
colonial
of a European
bounds 11,213
To go further,
'homogeneous
of
African
decolonization 215
equilibrium
regime it -
is
not
arbitrariness
not
by the
"structurally
always
which,
in
and force".
216
an all
of
unclassifiable peculiar"
way.
revocable its
that
a network
a unique,
in a special
and force
limitations
is
provides
He argues
involve
proportions,
tempered
and by the inherent
such character-
sovereignty
form
A colonial
occupation
random
of cohesion.
calling
of such an approach.
organization
combines of
within
in differing
systems,
its
on North
illustration
of political
under
than
factors
is
rather
a whole
misleading.
of Bernard
work
According
question,
the
one particular
extremely
political
"a regime
order
as just is
interesting
but
unit
assured
into
terminology
strains
"a political
system.:
to develop
regimes
themselves
calling
unfolds.
rather
as external
of
dialectic
of interactions
as well
a field
is
forms
system
a political
of colonial
Wallerstein
situation
as a political
consists
and has internal
contact,
type
212
It
a social
which
be regarded
usefully
congenital
symbols of legitimacy, 211 of authority".
a situation.
within
The
"the
between
is
situation
or a context
cannot
than
dissociation"
and the instruments
of power,
its
it
exists;
210
of two systems".
"bifurcated";
fundamentally
"rude
the
political
"coexistence
of the
poliky
integrated
system
It
-
is
consent
of
own interests, Although
it this
139
"is
regime
does not
to resist
designed....
217
them".
presuppose
Thus,
one political
system,
and colonized
bargain compete and -
development terms the
of
by the
whole
victory
local
a continual
But in by
'consensus'
not
equivalent
not
effectively
ive
the
to
Though
effective
force
broaden
is
its
the
not
duality
impossible
of the
the
for
the
understand
of
and 218 .
characterized
acquiescence
is
structures
are
the
regime's its significant.
as structurally of
banner
undermining
without
heart
the
important
example,
them
by
politico-administrat-
identifies
base
regard at
to
'unchallenged'
consent
leaders
state'
authority
on the
leaders,
colonial
Passive
characterized
by means of
coming about
of the nationalist
-
consensual
- he does
grasping it
'system',
the
under
gathered
Bernard
"brings
characterized
state
an 'initial
an
in
" he argues,
to a final
Indigenous into
The
treated
solidly
empirically.
consensus.
within to
the
situation,
colonial
reaction
political
of
colonized.
Bifurcation, the
exists
framework.
is
based
authority
situation,
- colonizers
state
population
the
is
from an initial
authority
integrated
inability
the
colonial never
contradictions
however,
in
there
view,
colonized
change of regime
the
decline
colonial
Without
in
growth
of a parallel.
governed,
it
power and authority.
of a regime
indigenous this -
nationalism
system
authority
of the
for
consensus,
forces
two rival
"Decolonization,
colonial
body of the
of
Bernard's
in
among the
consensus'.
unchallenged
of the the
of
of the
passing
which
'nationalism'
'loss
of
within
losses
massive
native's
situation
resulting
strategy from
its
from both
of withdrawal, outset.
the is
colonizer's
built
Some apparently
in 'novel'
restraint
to the
and
colonial
forms
of
counter-
I
140
colonial be set
in
this
example,
wider
enjoins
authority The
action,
political
creation
this
At a later
'parallel for
and schools,
'self-government'. the
But this and the
power
do not
activists undergrowth
Their
concrete
political
colonial of
move into
is
task
exploit
is
framework
the
degrees
of
further
their
a vacuum;
to recognize,
the
by intensive
colonizer's
political in
confidence
overestimates
Indigenous
political
the
behind
thrives
dense
the
move through
they
agencies,
welfare
replace
approach
which
The existence
communities
a complicated
taxes,
'resistants'.
of
can erect
colonial
this shape and
utilize,
reality.
Collaboration.
colonized
task
communal structures
of
facade.
d)
theoretical
to lose
begins
the people's
to develop
can then
resistants
eventually
accompanied
are
collaborators,
colonizer life,
an
of
services
- courts,
- which
phase is
and training
propaganda
as the
self-confidence.
generation
of administrative
institutions'
This
institutions.
of
of indigenous
example
the
assassination
point,
key sectors
with
and insert
both
by
Boycotts
end.
be arranged. contact
with
insecurity
of
means to
chaos
and
the
undermine
its
sap
and
impunity,
to
goal,
administration,
for
theory,
guerrilla
as an initial
colonial
of
atmosphere
context.
resistants,
the
of
Classic
to
need
warfare,
guerrilla
particularly
set
colonial 'resistance', interests.
tactical
of parallel
impossible,
frequently of reactions. situation
Total
alternatives.
in
'adaptation'
or
boycott
and remains
Particular various
offers
authorities
ways,
groups with
'collaboration',
of
only
the one
or individuals different to
141
An initial draw his
reaction into
resources
in
support over
other
this
kind
groups
detachment
stood
as an extension
' segmentary',
the
labour,
colonial
reactions
it
this
in
On occasion,
administration. by colonizers back lost colonial
colonizer
native
Use of European
courts
territory, elections his
straightforward.
land,
for
may achieve may, in own weapons.
certain
is
mistaken.
of
their
suspicion to use the of the
to prevent
situation, of the colonial
colonial encroachment
or attempts
to buy
Participation
success. circumstances,
Such reactions
extremely
Splay a 'double colonial
goals
wage are
from the
example,
limited
of
'collaboration'
a bundle
attempts the
on native
with
retaining
religious
Metropolis,
and individuals
frustrate
openly
to
the
opportunities
provision
such
within
strand
manner,
- whether
education,
however,
maximum advantage
an instrumental
administration
never
that
220 extracting
other
the
to
sectors,
Many groups
be under-
needs to
values
army,
emigration
a single
imply
does not
It
European
colonial
'evolved'
reactions.
it
seize of
To suppose
type.
represents
colonizer.
in
Use
wholesale
permanently
ambivalent
but
even
of
Rather
framework. the
However,
219
later
in
suzerainty
political
individuals
enlistment and
creates
or
or economic
loyalties.
'dynastic'.
or
colonizer's
enlist
mere opportunism;
of indigenous
'feudal',
conversion,
not
from traditional
Some groups within
is
of reaction
and
of alliances
'collaboratiön'.
of such
to
often
the
to
political
gain
as a result
naked
interplay
may be calculated
Some groups
this.
is
presence
colonizer's
traditional
the
'Submission'
rivalries.
game',
to the
restrain
are highly
the ambivalent,
142
The colonial
and deceptive
equivocation, range
of potentialities
certain
in
This
than
worlds.
It
of the
'disengaged' European
to ward off
imposition,
and glaring the
which
colonizer
rarely
The physical divert
however,
that
colonized
to the bland-
Their
invader
double
game to
resistance
the most immediate
is
'game'
mode of this
is -
comprehends
needs
further
social
order
elaborate
of the
into
y
withdrawal.
clandestine
or indirect
thus
remarks,
development,
but
a whole
societies". values,
224
the
"the
sociology Avoidance
communities
of
conflict established
to be created....
We need
withdrawn
antagonistic, contact,
and duplicity, the
colonized
of
of refusal
exogenous
in
of
society
223 of
strategy
'sociology
has yet
of the
indigenous
channels.
sociology
culture'
clandestinity,
of withdrawn
of the
part
As Balandier
and 'official
obliges
colonizer
secret is
withdrawal
communities.
indigenous
power
resistance
Sociological
features
be assumed,
visceral
dominant
to
Sociological Withdrawal. ---------------
-iv.
these
He tries
susceptible
colonial
And the
embodiment.
221
strategists,
implies
colonial
against
'nationalist'. it
the
not
should
and equally
impact;
of which
chief.
native's
He may, in
chief
military
and the
the
it.
restricts
against
222
of hypocrisy,
full extends
traditional
off
play
of both
are
a device
alien
to
facades.
the manner of some colonizer
ishments
to
world,
and administrator
the best
populations
is
a divided
rather
circumstances,
administrator, get
is
polity
colonial
are
part
enhancement characteristic
situation.
of of
143
a)
Avoidance
contact
of the
with
domination",
continues
to dictate on the
considerable
he opposes the
of social
Christian,
the
with
treated
as potential
mark certain instincts
phases
which
are
The colonizer 'xenophobia'
contact
inextricable
society.
outsider"; too,
from the
combines
"neither
is
political
to
defensive
into
consolidate
vain,
nor
committment
as
reaction
and bitterness
helps
aversive
a single caused
by
resistance.
anachronistic", of
colonized
230
These mechanisms by taboos separation
this
has a positive,
grievances, it
tap
which
situation.
characterizes
229
and habits
boycotts' thus
colonial
Yet it
fear,
suspicion,
'Organized
"neatly example,
for
fanaticism,
the
Man, or
of
areas
products
activity'
in
inherent
apprehension,
the
with
Religious but
the
all
'nationalist
'fanaticism'.
or
228
snares.
frequently
Xenophobia,
reflex
of
eschewed;
occupation,
of colonial
All
with
to
aversion
of the White
section.
his
not
This
the mere neglect
227
a
of military
Distrust
are riddled
colonizer
and of
exerts world,
colonial
scandal
the previous
His company is
and guilt.
value.
in
the
than
goes deeper
behaviour
conqueror".
226
of contact".
mentioned
involvement
"to
taboo;
the
to and
rise
gives
225
of the
to any action
to conquest.
The colonized
colonized.
to keep away from
a scandal
institutions
are
of the
effort
has the power
of
a whole
"...
of resentful
complex
of social
shunning reaction
to Fanon,
according
part
expose himself
an instinctive
is
colonizer
"Colonial
refusal
Deliberate
exogenous_contact.
operating of native
of social
from the
avoidance
colonizer's
town and European
are partially
The physical
side. town,
reinforced
the
existence
of a
144
formal reduce the
between
contact
colonizer
society,
his
the
to which
such pressure,
"determined
maintenance
techniques tricks
of social
and through
a system
kept
their
Self-preservation the
and events
the
aim is
colonial
hide
kind
involves
various
by means of manifold
the
of
reminiscent people
country
from
colonial
entails
staking
out
an area
hide
"to
appropriate
appear
field.
me, even though
'stupid'
the progress "I
'native'
But there
of
always
237
belongs
Resistance and confuses
" writes
some part
he has become my servant,
egoism with
'civilization',
that
native
makes himself
'irrational'.
seek literally, and all
is
to
by
Threatened
'consume', and
deliberately or
to -
'self-hood' 234
They reply
The native
colonizer. this
235
one's
feasible".
conquer,
of
eyes as many activities
outside
where
secrets.
236
the
from
to know,
frustrates
agent,
his
His
survival.
and balances
and to preserve
their
behaviour
its
food,
231
him".
free
situation
'unintelligibility'.
this
"to
drive
colonizer's
communities
of
by the
individuality
initially
as possible....
the
and his
all
233
impositions".
privacy;
for
fight
of hand,
sleight
of
out
has relegated
eternity,
all
indigenous
the of ashamed
personality'1232
of checks
most successful
have more or less
escape
"from
or mechanisms;
a conjurer's
to
respects,
backed
effort
submission
he has actively
other
driven
"hounded,.,
and simultaneously
of
reservation,
'engage'
and
by a hostile
a pretence
in
But
contact
himself
finds
of modern times,
weight
Under
to
job
of
practice
communities.
seeks
native
the
and
two
the
hiding-places
successive
retreat
bar',
positively
and
mighty
'colour
informal
or
Berque,
to him;
of him that
my batman,
his escapes
my workman,
145
my fatma.
He resists
regions
himself
of
life,
his
to
which
Bourdieu,
"as if
upon itself;
society
it
as if
invisible,
239
life;
they
Where colonized
language, whose
they
broader
dress
grows
of
physical
of
the native or unable
reluctant
social
home,
the
for
as
in a brief
time
refuge
sketch structure,
a restricted
a long
the
family,
of an imposed that
the
the
but
Even
woman. and badge
this coherent
fundamental
-
the
from
back,
falls
native
cafes
markets,
241
of the
as
places
Driven
resistance.
self-expression,
of
baths,
public
and
may change
Meeting
shared
religion,
around
significance
dances
and
survival.
worship, of
The
refuge
past,
shared
centre
fades.
than
simultaneously
kernel
these
take
they
the
values,
Often
determined
nodes
on the
rejection
constituted
of new methods
which
as groups,
ceremonies,
public
arena
may act
fertile
either
shared
rather
symbolize
As Fanon suggests, this
is
resist
common:
feast-days,
of
public all,
sanctuaries,
into
institutions.
shared
places
may form
closed
to key areas
attaches
colonizer
writes
up a thousand
intrusion
the
against
societies in
have
come to
shrines,
above
they
sacredness
observance
tightly
to set
is,
240
to penetrate.
what
to remain
importance
the
which
withdrawn"
had chosen
pains
sexual
238
"Sociologically
great
in
his
resources.
become moral
and into
retreats,
faith,
It
barriers
Heightened
his
innermost
had taken
impregnable
and ideas". social
this
personality
hope'.
his
values.
back on their
fall
no access;
aggressiveness,
ever-watchful
communities
in
I have
Enh n ement of indigenous
b)
maintaining
alienation,
his
traditional 242
of
refusal.
"this
process, falling
back upon the represents,
existence strength
withdrawal,
of
the
occupied",
243
146
ClandestinitZ.
c)
imbued
with
out
the
of
The
tend
masks the
colonial
administrators, Thus slavery, and other secret. is
taken
indigenous
colonizer, most is
effective
expressed Several
and indeed barrier.
blood-feuds, survive
may simply
in
traffic" has
where no fusion
from
essential social on the
factors make it
relations
in
the
inevitable.
The two communities
are
credence,
often
outside
that
the
reassures
carried the
it
Camouflage
'; pressures.
life
found
'civilization'
his
gains
a facade
"behind
of social
part
surface"'.
illusion
interventionist
As a result,
that
colonizer
this
that
extent
society
tranquility. the
the
may persuade
To the
advancing.
brings
them.
248
place".
frees
are under
surrounds
cults,
society
any occupied
of
grasp
missionaries,
"subterranean of
kind
this
out,
phenomenon in
Such reticence is
life,
of indigenous
points
and practices
ecstatic
"constitutes
of the
of silence'
witchcraft,
the
from
or refusal
rites
'conspiracy
-a
customs
suggests,
European from -
'primitive'
manifestations
"a classic
Balancer from
protection
circumcision,
As Charnay
",
'tradition
or jurists
of indigenous
and reconstitution
Where traditional or
by what Balandier
protected
The 'mystery' survival
for
247
as 'barbaric'
attack
246
behind
tactics
society".
is
of the native
of social
"Hiding the best
internal
and
pressure
underground"*
customs
autism".
realities
colonizer. one of
send
life'
"collective
244
'undercover',
place
external
deeply
245
to
The 'secret
"Strong
sight.
colonizer's
takes
action
is
communities
colonized
of
Social
clandestinity.
resistance
terms
behaviour
on.
formalism
The which
249 colonial
situation
Words erect literally
facilitate a particularly
speak a different
subterfuge, opaque language,
147
and
is
what
Colonized
mysterious 25°
In
dominated The
rapid a more
culture
colonizer
Without
religion,
domestic
he
understand
cannot
"the
colonized that
gap ation
seems
of
-
"the
foreign
establish
what intimate
life,.
often
them
departure
guerrilla
warfare
boycotts;
they
'shields',
of
consistent
speak and
these
of
the
doing
or
native's organization,
As Balandier
indicates,
the
skill,
to
on the
stopped
clutching
at
253
the
Often
cultural
this
exploit-
Indeed,
World
societies
The
"closed-in
in
born
'sui
'inviolable'
colonial
life
that
long
is
nature
before of
during aspects
the
advent
communal
of
life",
a
success
practice
an endemic
brief
the
have
peasants
was in
events
and
Their
"the
which
clandestinity
are
and
sanctuaries.
generis'
situation.
Theorists
torture,
institutions
, They
of
under
is
communications
underground
struggle.
to
struggles
communities.
silence
refuge
degree
a way
indigenous
traditional
is
pre-independence
depends
colonizer.
of
of decolonization for
using
tactics
largely
many Third
the
of
society". really
colonizer"*
oaths,
taking
of
reaction
colonial".
the
and social
great
the need for
stress
anonymous leaders,
period
from
unconscious.
a novel
of
with
of
the -
far
is
252
the
rarely
none
he observes.
used,
for
native
attitudes,
what
codes
nature
colonized
experience
political
even
peoples
the
not
are
another.
251
helping
as a screen
characteristic
But
telephone'
travels
networks,
as
jungle
news
The subterfuge thus
separate
way that
sense,
into
translate
on their
'the
direct,
separated
rely about
general
cannot
to
jokes
acts
thinking.
difficult
deliberately
European and
is
one tongue
populations
communication;
truth.
in
said
never
anti-
feature of
of
the
European
and
its
148
"ability is
to
typical
keep of
earlier
life.
Dissimulation
wells
Duplicity.
Systematic
to
occupier
the
and deceit Uganda.is the of
Every
own: "the
his
257
Baganda.
structure,
beliefs
tantamount
to wisdom.
Politeness
becomes a form
and faithful the
British
disguise
as well
and the both
more anguished
the
straightforward;
life
complicated
colonial
for
for
the
as social becomes
of shrewdness. of warm
and which
other,
served
one another, of an antagonism
to
made
258
populations
by the
in
the behaviour
The expressions
of deceit".
of colonized
truthful
and cleavages
becomes a form
and strengths
in
notes
Shrewdness
had for
the
tongue", ever
as well
of deviousness...
and the
disingenuousness,
postures
outlook
to dissemble,
occupied
hardly
consequences
Baganda expressed
is
is
as organization.
by the knowledge
it
"forked
What Apter
each group
sources
The 'withdrawn'
Man's
distrust,
Hostility,
Deviousness
that
regard
the
White
They have affected
the
the presence
learns
between
colonized....
have had far-reaching
"In
endemic.
"The political
typical:
social
reactions.
occupied
contact
most behaviour.
underlie fairly
is "the
To the
in
colonized-colonizer
prevarication
colonizer".
society the
distorts
secret
of
may signify
age-old
of
in
factor
a unifying
situation
colonial
255
attested
well
veneration
often
importance
a falsehood".
opposes
before
the
trickery....
is
is
Fanon explains,
occupier",
resort
native
in
Clandestinity
relations.
to
oath-sworn
mountains
or
is
cults
villages,
societies,
secret
of
existence
magico-religious
and: heightened
persistence
the
and
Similarly,
caves,
of
256
periods. trees,
d)
The
many areas.
brotherhoods,
occult
noted
a secret",
Vietnam
in
Chaliand
by
254
pressures
is
thus
of the
rarely colonial
149
"Colonial
situation. the
colonized
maintains
Social
-v.
of the
establish This
.
feature
large
dealt
by the
'fatal of
Frenchmen
of the
perspectives to
ourselves
villages
centred
Frenchman
he stood
indeed,
to their
Removed from our
compatriots
the
universe around at
a world
quasi-Chinese European came quite
the
in
place
in
quite
which
peripherally
natural its
the
preoccupashadow of Its
The pre-war
of this
to which
"wants says Mus
different.
appeared
they
but
picture, hazy,
in
and
barely
humanized.
related
themselves,
ways of thinking,
context
the
relate
themselves.
backdrop
is
analysis
ourselves",
ricefield,
centre
endures.
Fanon remarks
We instinctively
looks
body blows
the
stubbornly
"We give
Seen from the
himself
against
260
"an exaggerated
everything
imagined
possible.
on the
under
society
native
itself".
Vietnamese
the
centuries,
from collapsing
"Colonialism",
country.
......
is
continuity,
shed light
theme of much Western
impact'
Vietnam,
intact
including
colonized,
'nationalism'.
ethnocentrism.
in
the
of survival
social
which
presence,
come from
The limited
strategies
which
organization
community
situation.
evasive
facets,
So far
European
to
everything
tions
World
Continuity.
symptomatic
fact
and the
has numerous
The obsessive
of
colonial
interstice$within
phenomenon of Third a)
that
relations
259
of indigenous
change and reconstruction,
Intact
the very
own culture'.
of the
colonizer,
persistence
inertia,
his
with
persistence
a fundamental
impact
distorts
Persistence.
The obstinate is
domination
on to the
village
horizon".
261
150
A shift of
the
is
prominent
indigenous
itself
and purely
in
should
content
terms
it
colonized
itself
"... can it
otherhand beings,
did
not
be held
things,
apparently
although
its
of
partial
interpret
cannot far
wider
admits,
His
of life
"was able it
these,
mutation, analyze
colonial
the
are
ingredients
to its
or its
despite
that
consequences
all-embracing,
of itself....
Thus one an existence
vicissitudes
by the
colonizer
rarely
"immense are
the penetrated includes
inviolate". and forces
the
reached
which
regions"
"the
extensive
"had remained
experience
or internal
permanence,
of persistence:
265
depths".
The native's
To understand
as
and logically"
"statistically zones.
least
Berque
"Imperialism",
affected.
But it the
are at
or change the more or less
he believes,
of what is
Many human
of colonialism
and its
on the
nor
unconnected,
system,
or understanding
to modify
dialectic
relationship",
264
which
than
colonial
by the
affected,
remained
colonial
relation
the
of
everything....
characteristic
untouched
touched.
more important the
in
significance".
own work stresses
intact";
of
mastery
as those
zone which
is
it
colonizer,
Analysis
,
"The colonial
for
are grandiose,
solely
The areas important
It
methods
has only
with
262
who
concerned
of the
action
experienced
everything
the
Berque,
has only
layer
is
and events
unconnected, to ubiquity.
263
responsible
situations,
tendency
it
influence
the
external
how it
themselves.
best
determination"
the
with
investigate
should
to
relative
continuity
complains "at
shift,
of mechanical
populations
he argues,
this
and this
change,
dialectic;
for
calling
the
needed to appreciate
"Investigation",
universe.
in
with
not
is
of perspective
this,
we have to
"such
it
had
-
151
been before b)
colonization,
Inertia.
Lloyd,
"The communities
"are
the
considerable or
indigenous
to be ones in which
267
cohesion".
'drag'
indigenous
of
Study
They
and values.
stubbornness,
resistance, to
helps
associations
are
have maintained
associations of the
".
suggests
structures
social
new interests
seeking
avidly
people
the modern world",
enter
traditional
the
independence
after
remain
would
which
ones in which
not
collapsing, tend
and such it
persistence.
social
explain
268 Balandier whose
likens lays
action "the
reveals
the
resistance
they
are
'inert'
inert,
of
indigenous
it
and life,
community
make a strategic
of
points
structures
of
areas
"the
are
process
solvent,
societies;
fundamental
the
apparently
an experimental
the
survives
societies,
Even
because
precisely
strongpoints
What
colonized
269
behaviour".
the
bare
bedrock". of
situation
colonial
to
contribution
to
seeming
imperv-
persistence.
The colonizer
is
iousness
of native
explains
this
in
backwardness', as
to learn' is
resistance
colonizer's
it
and provides
the
the
is
wherewithal
to
the
the
"there
271
The 'drag'
mechanism' of the
duality for
is
later
a sort
of delay
opposed than
colonial
"oppositional 274
of resistance".
of
rather
out,
colonial
crisis
272
to
the
a
situation, The apparent
emancipation.
as Fanon points
native
But this
change'.
suggests,
We can speak of
"traditionalism
270
to weather
a 'coping
preserves
of tradition, revival.
'unable
functional".
projects
'pathology';
or of
call
the
he characterizes
precisely
As Balandier
we might
energetic
or
designed
implantation.
'sclerosis!
of
'laziness',
'obstinacy',
'inertia',
He
and institutions.
to new ideas
groups terms
exasperated
and 'inadaptability';
'unwilling
which
frequently
by the
often
masks
traditionalism11273
266
152
Some aspects colonizer
-
of
for
own demographic at
the
heart
point
to In
the
aspect to
growth
of
barriers
the
more
is
Ability
points urges he
is
all
of
put
up
its
that
"we
opposing
the
in
"timeless
society
is
"static,
of the
to
world.
an objective 'shoulder
imposes externally, the
of
reality
nationalism,
of
a reflex
is
'persist'
But
resistance".
not
argue
a dynamic inviolate
view
that
continuity".
prescriptive, 'phoenix'
The
there
above
socio-cultural all,
these When Berque were
zones
of
is
traditional
that
change.
277
inert",
life
'traditional' idea
as
as well
and nonrational1"279
closed theory
life;
process.
that
278
or
of different
components
of
uniform
on internal
depends
nodes
not
of indigenous
areas
all
conventional
schematic
it
276
are
should
is
makes
not
reply
agents".
in
"unequal
reflex
275
Different
resistance
if
Thus,
nationalism
colonizing
nationals; it
creates,
Survival
drag.
"fixed"
part
it
levels
factors.
of
on the
this
be a numerical
Internally,
solidarity
contradictions
depersonalization.
density
demographic
his
illustrates
technological,
reality.
control
defensive
mental
might
external,
to
biological
of
collective
rate...
resultant
one
differential
systems
birth
noticeable.
at
external
the
and determination
consistent is
to
pressures
least
at
level
the
social
of
a kind
national
shoulder'
because
it
the
of
the
of
the
case,
conceive
at
alarm
sharpen
Duclos
situation.
attempts
of
to
actively
the
and
'inability'
native's
colonial
against
pressures
any
-
species
at
reacts the
growth
serve
the
of
corresponding
Thus
example,
madden
most
which
the
"We might
well:
which
'inertia'
It
implies
is that
153
the
only "a
or The
prolonged
from by
the
of
the
theory
social
myths
the
from social
importance as
schematic
more dynamic
embalmed
282
'cultural
of
change,
is
incompatibilities, Even to such theorists, Leach argues within
in
injects that
"the
an overarching
This
of European
It
interplay
of a continuous
'system';
dynamic it
is
is not
merely
"simply
treats
the
dynamics
"systems".
according
notions not
It
inconsistencies,
social
"system", rigid
misleadingly
the
integration',
of basic within
A
of
exposes
process,
social
by the
social
that
notably
equilibrium'.
action;
some
science.
283
social
playing
reinforced
as 'functional
concepts
a rigid
treating
and
political
anthropology,
structural-
World,
Third
change,
experience.
in
encouraged
the
and
conflict
and potentialities conceive
all,
generated
The
process.
opens new perspectivd.
to
generated
at
Developments
Malinowski,
to
organization
social
281 this
and 'structural
as intrinsic
conflict
in
implicit
is
situation
colonial
Durkheim.
to social
of such static uniformity',
results
unleashed
inertia
of
we speak
illuminate
generalizations
approach
those change
and
society.
internal
of
Gluckman and Leach, limitations
the
indigenous
and within"
traditional
down
if
this
occurs,
particularly
conflict
conflict".
and
process
280
inertia.
change in
approach,
of
social
the
withdrawal"
instability
forces,
obscures
anthropological
view
dynamic
"atavistic
either
strain,
severe
Consequently,
Dynamic
functional
is
external
This
be of dynamic
below
social
of
where
life.
Change.
"from
that
colonizer.
should
c)
of
intervention
traditional
all
it
the
period is
corollary
'modernity'
to
alternative
of
to
'structure'.
cyclical put
some
of the
flux process
154
of
structural
and
continuity", "It
accretion".
Static
myths
about
with
the
social
the
cycle
are
the the
same way
has
cast
must
price
of
concept Gellner,
traditional
'system'
of
any
facts
at
at
the
and
in
the
kind
of in
thinking
of for
"the
that
certain
political even
complexity, of
of
beginning
typology
typology
end
equilibrium
This
insists
extent
of for
and
the
at
political
segmentary
to
changing
the
survive are
closedjunchanging
less
colonial
of
vulnerable
287 By
a dynamic
'game'
on flux,
emphasis dynamic
explain
situation. to
a
structure.
rigid
'systems', to
of
"breakdowns".
its:
With
helps
social
how they Flexible,
exogenous
change
manage open, than
societies.
of decolonization
to the
operation
continuity
pre-colonial
the
the
286
he nevertheless
with
288
paradoxically
'system'*
systemic
associations
'edifice'. in
societies
contributed
its
understand
crisis
The process
transcend
some
retain
or
illusion",
an "optical
is
lost
that
declares
example,
a static
and
approach
to
had
has
'equilibrium'
which
thus
anthropology adapt
has
dynamic
'balance',
we must
than
tensions
rigid,
its
284
be confused
not
not
systemic
any
example,
all
the
"patterns"
persistence
to
in
'system' of
rather
for
is
ideas"'.
of
vulnerability
practice,
of
Yet
value
change".
facts
ground'
of
structural
285
In
speaks
on the
be seen
the
systems".
Though
'system
the
the
the
from
on the
Balandier,
field
"since
different
segmentation
should
organization itself;
'system
as
doubt
societies.
kind
social
of
a process
involving
a process
process
the
cycle,
is
quite
"merely
nor
overthrow
of
in
the Third
conceptual
World
shackles
also
concerning
155
tradition. "and
"It
given
epithets
have
process' passive
of
the
This
in
of fact
"We had been asked
which
were attracting
their
'retaking periods
ethnic
from the
stress
"Looking
either
traditional
point
force
'cracks'
colonial
shift
at African
a rather
to the
education,
the
this
of
institutions. is
analysis
of
of
Balandier
In
structure
government,
on two Congo by
two
this
adjustment to
society,
is
indicated
one may choose
effected
or greater
of will
society by mission
affluence.
to
of
whose framework
image of traditional the
move':
situation,
change or the persistence
static
the
Fanon as a key figure.
areas,
be
Balandier's
these
colonial
of perspective
rural
289
enterprises.
colonized
cites
The observer
in
the
to
administration
duration,
290
themselves".
decay or rigidity
The importance by Lloyd:
to
sphere
also
'on
of the
innovatory
reacting
or dynamism,
renewal
of the
of different
were clearly
the
left
of balance-sheet
initiativeland
'tolerance'
'repetitive
were
Ba-Kongo
attention
to re-organize
sights
its
the
in
administration's
communities
to draw up a kind
of the of
wholes
by striving of
indigenous
one blow,
is
a colonial
- the Fang of Gabon and the
peoples
After
from
In
thought".
social
and
resulted
have
such
on the
doubt
initiative
of
resumption
political
that
awareness
they
a history;
rediscovered
stuck
or
static
considered
fields
own fieldwork
research.
to
regard
cast
and
anthropological
were
(with
prudence
Balandier,
to
according
'primitive'),
and
objects.
in
growing
overturned
'archaic'
which
habits",
terminological
direction
societies
found
to
rise as
present
of
has
His
156
development
of new structures.
traditional
institutions
between. individuals,
to
the
achieve
Indigenous externally
is
mutation'.
homogeneous,
static,
temporary
dominance
the
moment of
for
a permament
today product
of
about
Nor,
social
an exhaustive
the
multiplex
accepting as only behaviour
the
literate
patterns".
of behaviour;
stresses
within
should
Gusfield
of myths
cultures
from to
dominant
"society".
the
are not
296
"dominant"
cultures.
of beliefs
stratum,
297
rules
of
"avoid of a culture and to
"social
In any case, culture,
a
beliefs
equivalent from
seen
change
of the
versions
"myth"
be mistaken
idealized
suggests,
of a common set Sets
and this
statement
at
itself
often
one social
with
we must distinguish
the
is
and intellectualized
294
game.
"What is
we mistake
associated
form
not
293
out,
'game'
the
should
society'
"We must",
or "culture"
alternative
of that
and authoritative
game.
by the
within
points
similarly,
the written
reality"295 are
Gusfield
equilibrium,
for
statement
as 'traditional
change",
continues.
sets
or total
and labelled
may be created
But this
conquest.
or
evolution'
society
of one potentiality
colonial
merely
are not
traditional
that
and consistent
exploited
are
situation
'endogenous
the
stress
291
society".
An illusion
to
more likely
colonial
include
they 292
the
one sees the
and competition
conditions
indigenous
to
reactions
provoked;
'internal
one is
hand,
other
conflict
of
as changing
groups of the
goals
on the
terms
and groups,
of these
persistence
in
If
of the
that
of disintegration
comments seem more predictive
there
and alternative
157
WitMn'traditional' inconsistent
As Leach
of
social
the
express
potentialities
We need,
of
sects,
themes
examine,
not
'nationalism,, into
for
too,
and schism, should
by
the
within
that
-
we must
contain
or
norms and
be implied for
sources
diversity
and
". change
304
for
in patterns
of fission
example
exogenous
forces
- were necessary
body. of social
Similarly,
makeup circumstances,
We need
wide-scale
to
unity it
and fusion; by
- transmitted to breathe
we should
reconstruction.
and
psychological
potentialities
that
from
deviations
historical
changed
social
"religions
India,
for
ideologies;
dominant
to
relates "modernism".
of
represent
or
rejection,
diversity
this
content
of
acceptance,
question
patterns
of
"the
suggest
somewhat
mill
as expressed
the
that
roles
cultural
endogenous
a disintegrating
spontaneous
in
But
Rudolphs
the and
be mobilized
grist
to
stresses
motifs;
recessive
just
not
examine
303
forms".
statuses
can
'inside',
the
dominant
influence
which
castes",
and
to
example,
crises,
"Classes
become
for
modernist
endogenous
that
situation
colonial
society
for. change from
traditions
specific
dominant
as a means
302
structures'".
and
of traditional
change.
comes
change
alternatives
phenomena - from
sectors
social
generates
the
and
"alternative
and
structural
of
To understand
'nationalist'
"those
299
which
these
of
301
advancement".
of
process
overall
"contradictory
are
tendencies",
interaction
manipulation
analyze
fusion
"opposing
the
"the
argues
and therefore
in
298
300
through
about
societies,
ideas",
potentialities",
there
new life
study
"The potential
158
for
activism
and mastery
Rudolphs
the
passive d)
dynamic
PatholoEy'. in
undisturbed
colonizer
itself'
In
tradition "pathological
If
the
to
sees
it
as
into
Marxists,
and
"a
diverting
the
force
material
Social or
respects,
of
struggle....
escape", they
313
social
speak
of
despir".
all,
such
308
energies
for
into
a region
stress
"defeatism" expressed
seem pathological.
the
of
general, natives 309
economy".
of
resistance....
the
of
part
frequently
'nationalists',
as
in
xenophobic;
forms
productive
The
millenarianism
on the
'inability
degeneration
reconstruction.
or
suicidal,
movements,
social
of
treats
developments,
the
often
the
'messianic'
of
study
for
energies
new and more
the
311
at
valid
manifestations
superstitious,
anthropologists
of
the
some self-styled
"quietism",
"utopia
in
by such
evidence
integrate
is
'system'
practice Sayad
and
"traditionalism
and
apparent
powerful
wild,
"the
argues,
Bourdieu
practice".
open
or
'dysfunctional'.
that
confused
irrational,
307
a traditional
developments
suggest
colonizer,
he
circumstances',
appear
transmit
often
as Fanon
The
conditions.
direct
from
some potentialities
of
distorting
operate
of indigenous
The 'debate'
under
traditionalism"
manifestations
however,
dominant)
does not
dynamic
situation.
a disturbed
concept
Recent
reactions
(temporarily a
against
continues
such
is
of
so-called
The traditional
colonial
prevents
expression. of
the
'within
society
'nationalist'
3o6
potential.
'Social
potential
been there",
had always
environment
305
of India;
suggest
this
mobilize
of the
from
by such movements.
as
arena
of
6310
self-destruction
renunciatory
and "frustration
the
myths"
religious
it
view
it
312 t In
and the these
159
Yet they defence throw
have several the
against the
shackles
to detect
the
direct
"the
first
form
of
resistance".
kind
of
resistance It
society.
not
of
to 318
the
off
movements
follows these
the
the
'game', 320
than
blocks
but
to
The
of a purely
channels,
political
ward such
It
and sacred
In
to of
frustration.
anachronistic.
and
them
'secular'
utopia and
cohesion,
religiosity
and
escapism
"a
is
'activist'
social
intense
317
there
exploiting
and
possible
socio-political
are
of political
is
overt
initiative",
of
only
show how this
the
movements
the
indigenous
within
aspects
possibilities
situation
in
reaction any
case,
recourse
where to
the
inevitable.
C.
Colonial colonizer
Many such
any notion
colonial
is
sacred
more
utopian
inseparability
societies;
colonizer
its
impact.
connotes
from
the
in
traditional
colonizer's
of
regeneration'
Even 319
the
forces
a sense
Given
also
anthropologists
a "resumption
revealing
within
concede,
quick
represent,
"the
is
it
is
and in
colonialism".
dynamic
'moral
314 315
to
Social
harnesses
reconstruction".
unity
to
316
just
revolutionary,
....
they
authority;
integrate",
to
many Marxists
represents
reconstruction.
to his
himself
a to
attempt
an active
The colonizer
opposition
structure,
They represent
aspects.
colonizer,
control.
challenge
organized
economic
leading
of
"a refusal
least,
very
of the
threat
off
at the
constructive
Contradictions
dynamics
both
and systematically
threatens
are
in
thus
inherently
wholesale
restrains
his
Dynamics
Colonial
contradictory.
disruption impact.
of colonized
Potential
crises
The society, dog
160
indigenous
society
feature
of
he is to
at
"dispossessed
of
defensive
and
adopt
and the
defensive
little
which 323
contact;
of social
avoidance.
societies
confirmed
in
its
its
clumsily
inert,
looking
This and the
dualism
watertight rupture heart central
they
their
-
is
only
was really
its
threat
compartmental.
of the
it
over
dynamics
it".
ism.... 325
of the
to any discussion
to its
'civilize';
of
-
moslem society backward-
between
them't.
a fatal
it
flaw
of two blocs,
contradiction situation,
324
situation,
Yet paradoxically
stability,
'nationalism'.
society
and its
of any colonial
keeps a perpetual
colonial
both
European
occasionally
no dialogue
existence
This
"With
paternalism,
can persist.
"the
consolidation;
hanging
attitudes
make by barriers
each other
of Algeria:
feature
an inevitable
society
a colonized
off"
and
situation
"a colonial
from
to
desire
32'
The two societies
unreasoning
a standing
forced
colonizer,
322
its authoritarian
there
being
colonial
two";
with
separately;
respective
expressed
in
cut
As Clzarnay suggests in
the
colonized,
"walled
are
mode in which
constitutes hampering
but
distrustful,
resistance
the
threatened".
good conscience,
sometimes in
feels
alienation";
of
sense
of the
strategies
i'a world
is
coexist,.
the
"total
a constant
strategies.
of
It
dual.
avoids in
only
indirect
strategies
and culture
and culture
world"
is
persistence
The native
of the ambivalent
fundamentally
elite
the
its
yet
point,
dynamics.
colonial
As a result
is
every
of
menace of internal lies
at
the
and should
very be
161
III.
'NATIONALISM'
The World
orthodox
interpretation
of
glaring
deficiencies.
To rectify
has
dynamics
the
of
inside
the
abandoning dynamic
of
This
concept
at
In
all.
interpretations
a direct theorists
in
order
A. It
is
focussed
as such.
is
not
this
such
that
particulars
wide-ranging
But
it
the
of
concepts
is
fitted
not
concept
has
anthropologists
concerned
with
and
categories
reality.
comparative why it
reasons
-i.
It
movement.
is
implies In
fact
it
also
of
orthodox to
refuse
and
in
the
a small as
use
a clash Yet
practice.
focus
of
of interpretation.
nationalisms closely
community
'nationalism';
for been
this
broad
should as
level
ignored
developing
about
the
anthropologists
social
entail
a more malleable
concept
social
to
some non-orthodox
to shift
the
'from
manufactured
place
give
of
social
The hallmark of
it,
occur;
deliberately
surprising
tool,
explanatory
takes
rarely
The unusability not
ignore we have
sense,
the
seems
contestation
most
'nationalism',
on intimate
neglect
nationalism
does occasionally
redeploy
meaning,
of
Third
the
be approached
must
open
in
these,
approach
which
clash
'nationalism'
non-orthodox
'nationalism';
of
term
situation
theorists
definition the
colonial
below'.
and
most
IN THE COLONIAL SITUATION
of by
an
social
social
generalizations
process.
There
are
inappropriate.
a homogeneous, the
social
consistent
dynamics
and uni-directional
of a colonial
situation
many
162
are
differently
operate
To lump
groups. as
As Bonnaf( of
(or
which
realities,
one wonders
Perhaps
this
at
at different
'unifying
and 'structural
Balandier
rarely
he speaks
of "so-called
It
important
naive
that
perception.
Occasionally,
spontaneity"
or
run
this
a later
they "the
that
proposition effort
such
at
the
in
singular; preferring
generally 329
situation'.
'middle-range'
He describes
'unifying
cease excess
reconstitution"
concept
to of
is
attack too
the
332 neat,
the as
of
initiative" 331
tools. summons
not
obscure
of "resumption
be explanatory the
too
"retaking
of
concept
should
concepts they
otherwise
Berque's
Balandier's
danger;
may be helpful.
330
however,
or vague,
'internal
or
'reconstruction',
andre-formation'. is
such as
reactions"
colonial
as 'degradation',
such processes reactions',
to the
concepts,
at least
'nationalist'
them 'reactions
call
be too
refers
perception.
328
'nationalism',
to
of
obstructs
renewal'1327
and 'fusion's
work,
at
are
the heading
beneath
simpler
employ
common processes
what
sociological
'decompression',
to
fruitful
much use.
of
are
concepts
of nationalism
'middle-range'
dissimilar
extremely
broad
expression,
The idea
dynamism'
fission',
to
would
'fluidity'
considerable
cover
be more
misleading.
grossly
very
to
such
grasp
of
326
Less unwieldy
can
be used
to
is
such
category
a universal
the
of
whether
point
levels
nationalism".
view
it
concepts
operational
"In
among different
and
'modernity')
indeed
suggests:
nationalism,
into
processes
such
'nationalism'
levels
different
at
often
and
multi-directional,
complex,
they
contradictory;
is
Berque's energy
for
BalandLar's
163
idea
"a veritable
of
beyond which the
suggests,
It
-ii.
"any
control
form of
political
life
survivals
of
is
dominant
authorities".
not
actually
dictated
the
to
indigenous
social
set
and explain "a great Nationalism
to
terms"
of seeing
the
is
suggests,
the
range
indeed
of research from
becomes indistinguishable
vast
one word to
To stretch
object
very
this
is
it
situations,
explanation,
Bonnafe
dynamics,
seemingly
Because large-scale
To label
bounds.
of
untrammeled
all
thorn
even
-
escapes
manifestations
colonizer,
bifurcated
all
336
All
of nationalism.
adds nothing of
the
process
into
definitional
multiplex
risk
by
as aspects
built
is
"a misuse
is
335
the
which
rudimentary,
even
to
can be used
'Nationalism'
organization,
phenomena 'nationalism' it
--
As Stokes
mechanisms
compensatory
flabby.
of
persistence
impossible
it;
333
to reorganization".
automatic
can be regarded
-,
social
of
heuristically
is
describe
inert
notion
denaturation"
334
simplistic.
the
"a tendency
is
there
to cultural
of tolerance
threshold
clouds cover
to run 337
evaporate"'. social
entire
of
process; }
it
in
perception in
It
duality
called Yet the
the nature
colonial
self-contained
disingeously,
are
'nationalism' fixes
of the
setting
social
'nationalism' word
to a word,
we should
than
jettison
blunt the
our word
our perception.
obscures of the
Rather
of it.
explanation
to cling
order
to sharpen
order
-iii.
of
no independent
provides
this
colonial the
ensures
life
among the
thus
endemic
implies label
existence
colonized.
features
novelty.
The basic
situation.
of
(persistence) The reactions
colonial
The colonizer,
to manifestations
,f
situations. often
of autonomous
I
164
life
social are
among
the
of
consider function
of
indigenous
own direct
their
is
But
They
situation.
The term
is
arguable,
should
concede
in
particularly 'elite
and,
word
that Third in
nationalism';
as a result,
affecting
grasps in
the
to is
The point
not
'initiatives' precisely
him;
they
heart
of
these
structural
not
are the
colonial
'nationalism'
invoking
problems. is
to
such World
Marxist
implies
is
stresses not
a form
represent
of
viewpoint
theorists,
This
contexts.
does
nationalism'.
the non-orthodox
'nationalism'
of
kind the
thin
marginal
approach, social
whole
'neo-colonialism'.
concentrate
and
purely of
the
the
with
entangled 'elite
nation-builder
hands, it
inextricably
of orthodox
that
therefore, the
the
at
himself
connotations
on establishing relevance
not
with
be a
to
constitute
surprise
the
They
native they
who rarely
'nationalism'
narrowly-focussed
treating
contradictions
short-term
338
".
domination;
should
faced
sensitivity
particular
in
deceives
only
explain
his
colonizer,
contradictions,
iv.
from
stem The
or
they
changes
initiative
mistaken to
threats
a menace.
their
reaction
colonizer
as long-term
novel.
Hence
of
over
as
express
transformation. position
control
But,
who are
dominant
they
prevailing
than
more
minorities
their
of
little
total
of
process
maintenance
sign
the
such
the
society.
slightest that
in
societies the
European
the
that
repression.
and
"does
label
established
of
subversive
condemnation
the
out,
points
anxiety black
deserving
thus
and
Balandier
It
deliberately
belief
the
in
population,
colonized
a new phenomenon,
order,
to
the
roots society,
339
The
of
1 165
restricted
associations
be confused
not
situation, Such
the
with its
at
that
is
there
these
'nationalism'
they
word;
fight
There
are
redrawing
the
principal Middle
with
East"340_
of
concept if
However,
to relinquish
the
it. The first
this. the
the
is
the
need
tradition
orthodox
which
Only by actively differences
can important
be
out. is
a partial
the meaning
diversity
and complexity
one aspect
of nationalism;
organizations
that
of the
in
new liberties".
opposition 342
of the
"mixed
'elite'
up"-, with
levels
to
are
thus
only
diverse "each
of society,
to European
'Nationalism'
to
Although
dynamics.
colonial
are
He tries
to do justice
order
activities
they
341
at this.
and movements at various
own way expressing
demand for
attempt
'nationalism'
of
he argues
its
the
of
goes unchallenged.
important,
in
forms.
to be avoided.
are
for
definitions
the the
by redefining
reasons
different
nationalism
are reluctant it
colonial
seems inevitable
tool
disagreement
accepted
Hodgkin's loosen
several
by default,
otherwise,
brought
abandonment
to retain
to signal
clearly
the
approach
the
should
this.
of
to redefine
theorists
some non-orthodox
in
change
Attempts
orthodox
in
its
in
is
danger
as an analytical
nationalism"
process and
social
a real
reasons,
of the
pitfalls
levels
of
B. For
social
whole
as Halpern's-i'Nationalism
manifestation
suggest
"modern
elite-led
different
statements
political
of
control
and a
comprises
"any
166
organization and aspirations
authority,
group"
fairly the
is
is
elite
the
of the
He also
level
the
of the
to European
opposition
and with
assertion",
is
organization,
of social
widening
a considerable
represents
form"
interests
the
role the
persuading
the
which
regime
colonial
to
purports
threat
not
of society,
stratum it
it
that
he stresses
narrow which
of the modern
activity
of nationalism,
'nation'
of the
rest
the
that
of a very
to redefine
attempt
more radical
Though holding
stresses
plays-in
a rather
"highest
the
represents those
3
'
it
claims,
definition.
orthodox
nationalism.
on "explicit
but
rights,
form and objectives".
minimum scale
restrictive,
Kilson's
in
institutional
as its
(from
society
'Pan Africa')
based
definition,
"language
African
of
its
whatever
Hodgkin's
of
to that
the
asserts
explicitly
of a given
language-group
still
that
or group
direct
of peasant
to treat
speak for.
elite
action
nationalism
seriously. The approach loose
They shift
and pragmatic.
nationalism;
we hear
ingredients,
and more about
situation.
There
and less
discussion
word
the
within positive lost
fewer
of
of
'nationalism' in
respectability
in
of the about
the
to is
and non-'evolved' colonial
'nation-to-be', In retaining
the
sense.
discuss
colonial the
that
Europe,
of
study
particular
universals.
As
some contexts.
post-war
terminologically
of orthodox
a transformed
continuing
value-associations its
dynamics
it
is
indigenous
assumptions
give
for
reason
the
evolutionary
they
framework
focus
the
more of specifically
are
'nationalism', A further
and Kilson
Hodgkin
of both
it
term
dynamics has
acquired
'nationalism'
began
a vaunted
167
career
in
Social
processes
the
urban
which
elites
authentic
'Nationalism'
also
'constructiveness'. worth
social
the
carries
in
of other
such
'anti-nationalist'
establish
of the they
which
underline
their
For all 'populist' 'mental
positive
or
'dynamic'
cramp'347
studies
of orthodox
have retained describe
the
'nationalism'
World
social
nationalism"
is
He drafts
a definition
of nationalism
but
"best
have seen the
definitions.
reaction
Several
writers
a particularly
suited
for
concept
process.
348
stimulating which
he claims
an understanding
help
kind to
346 of
growth
in
the
this
might
construction.
of nationalism,
"rural
unadventurous",
to social
and transformed
Third
to register
them with
years
or anti-'modern')
and 'backward-looking'. tended
recent
'nationalism'
with
alone
as a
interests
vested
have both
contribution
reasons,
treated
(non-'modern'
'destructive'
are
To associate
these
politicians to help
sectors
the
goals
alternative
and "tribalism" image.
of negative
the
from
elite
connote
often
-is
freed
To link
that
to
some contexts,
as if
strata.
social
"Traditionalism"
of
tempting
identity"
integration',
itself,
suggestion
in
appears,
'National
pursuit
of different
goals
or
and defend.
express
goal
to
thus
national
of
such
condemning
'nation-to-be'
the
of
"specific
the
is
behind
aspirations
nationalism Colonizers,
myths
It
grounds.
and authenticity.
so-called
inauthentic.
establish
inauthenticity
- by outlining
elite
the
and
"'
community the and -
activities
or thwart
invariably on these
'patriotism'
connotes
patriotic
appear
manifestations
It
obstruct
'nationalists',
elite
the
World.
Third
the
344
to
the
and
of nationalism Duclos' attempt. is
concept 349
"rather
of a phenomenon
168
is
which.... "the
fragile,
a cherished The aim
all
safeguard,
the
nationalist
satisfy
identity
man's
is
similar
The
Mus,
of
of
between
born
and a distillation
they
although
can
Lacheraf,
approach
be
and
-
according
identical
sharing
- without
Fanon,
for
is
and blood
earth
also
Lacheraf "nationalism".
writing
example,
355
a form
'instinctive'; (proletariat
in
morality
and their
Elsewhere
he writes
more
The
former
the
latter,
is
of violence, elementary
themselves
"this
patriotism,
356 between firmlyA"rural 'defensive',
exclusively
bourgeoisie)
of
these
which
and institutionalize
of humanism".
and
climate,
a reaction
elaborate
differentiates 357
the
land,
354
and 'patriotism'.
as "both
nationalism" the
of
'nationalism'
of
of an age-old
....
a civilization".
classes
that, and
-
'populist'
this
share
"Vietnamese
instincts,
primary
and
and political
He argues
and miltiple"r353
and
this.
He characterizes
which
scope
inarticulate,
fragmentary,
phenomena
work
Mus alternates
into
to
possible
to
terminology.
sufficient
cultural,
as possible".
elusive,
reconstitute,
as 'nationalism'.
treated
illustrates
social,
351
results".
"to
is
of
itself
always
he suggests,
share
are
is
almost
personality
to
need
"fragile,
-
significance
forces
a collective
he describes
contradictory
it
sovereignty
is
territory
whose originality
movements,
as many others
phenomena
But
for
Nationalism
of a given
352
with
usefully
community
A demand
and extend
to
unity
a political value.
of
by the population
shared
of constituting
and multiple".
elusive,
consciousness
35°
with
patriotism"
and
'combative', urban,
is
'traditional'
based
new demands.
on new
However,
not
1
*^'R
169
these
until
can there
role
in
any socialist
whether
"nation-state
he argues,
was",
fatherland
acting
something
existed
in
He suggests
Algeria
that
"firm
this
was spontaneous
and natural"
level
of consciousness
or social
life;
way of their
the
frequent their
world;
contact
transcends
reticence,
to oppose a 359
of a country, of "their or sedentary
nomadic
of their
or loyalty
it
'national'),
fact
questions
from
of
capitulate".
their
or withdrawal
issue
or simply
defence
....
and culture
with
hostility,
to
formation;
traditionalism
crucial
130 years
it
or instinctive
which
and their
"whatever
very
for
force
power and finally
stresses
'nationalist';
truly
(and by that
allowed
liberation.
dominant
the
He sidesteps
or nation-community,
solidarity
which
imperialist
great
358
are
reactions
the peasantry,
of
revolution.
such rural
each other
movement of national
'patriotism'
persistent
and irrigate
and one of Lacheraf's
ingredients,
crucial
on the
interact
realities "revolutionary"
be a truly
Both are is
two social
old
cities;
the modern outside towards
Y
t
a regime r`
which
had become theirs;
of its
state
and future disputes
structure... of the
peasantry
about
liberation'.
harnessing
361
peasantry's other
populist
Lacheraf's
on the past
emphasis
transcends
thus
what is
beyond
writers:
'national
of the to this
"in
of the
role
terminological
is
the
whole
that colonial
peasantry
liberation'
he argues,
needed,
potentialities
contribution
the
stresses
But he looks
the
or independence
nationalism.
Fanon similarly
liberation";
360
" etc.
role
into
integration
their
a social
Fanon emphasizes countries,
the
'national
to
"man's
revolution, It
community.
in
is
the
more than peasants
i
;,
6
170
alone
362
to gaintt.
He is
most "nationalist the
and about
nor
national
C.
is
halts
A variety
is
highlight orthodox
World
'nationalism'
within cultural
'nationalist'
reactions
of
concept
the
last
of a coherent include
the
to the
situation.
It
constitutes
the
by the
364
situation
abandoned,
either
case,
situation
which The
obscures. of Third
following: or a series
absorption
In
interpretation
a reaction,
in
totally
colonial
is
societies
from
colonial
reassessed
is
'Nationalism'
colonized
regression,
colonial
World nationalism
non-orthodox
doctrine,
must be taken
unimportant. to the
of Third
day that
consciousness't.
'nationalism'
analysis
their
to avoid
fundamentally
of reactions
interpretation
elements
colonial
in
the
step
a rapid
thus
beyond he writes,
a political
not
country
your
conscious-
even further
against
rise
and social
features
basic
-i.
wish
national
"Nationalism",
is
Nationalism
have
true
away on the
and dies
struggle,
"nationalist
extends
people
of
anti-colonial
the
to political
writers
Whether
the
of
and everything
representativeness
Lacheraf's.
made the
you really
of
the
thus
and uncertainties,
of
or redefined,
the
If
to lose
of the
guardians
proclaimed.
Characteristics
they
during
falters
short,
consciousness
dynamics.
parties"
analysis
song that
a programme.
or at best
about
phenomenon than
stops
independence
sceptical
are
of Fanon's
magnificent
oppressors,
have nothing
aspirations
Neither
'nationalist'
"that
they
neo-colonialist
The scope
ness.
deeply
political
363
bourgeoisie".
the
for
are revolutionary,
the
dominant
face
of reactions, of what is
assertion of threatened
minority.
political
The fact
that
to a specific or the
171
colonizer's the
overall
proposition
the
colonial
situation.
with
its
in-built
is
Since
persistence
directed
"not
Other";
365 they
is
They are part
contradiction
of life",
these
sections
of the
when
traditional
it
spoken
outside those explain
the
with
language.
itself".
it
This worlds,
is 367
roots
is
so familiar
the
group
be nationalist.
'Westernized' among
express
simple
suggests,
acted
is
the is by
upon rather that
has nothing
to
say,
there
is
no need for
that
it
as description;
reason
in
themselves
as Morris-Jones than
way
and
predominantly
inarticulate, for
it
not
a
customs
cannot
traditional,
This,
as behaviour
modern politics
little
in
is
ethnic
its
ideologize
They necessarily
life.
about.
worlds
but
population,
terms.
political
"an
reactions
have their
reactions
political
comparison
to
inarticulate
"more important
usually
the
and outside
nationalism that
asserts
begins
that
community
time
non-explicit
of
Kelman
terms;
implying
However,
rural,
idea
the
a nation
itself.
society
DzroUan
in
inarticulate
is
To some theorists, in
but
366
'Nationalism'
becomes
which
of a process
"beyond
is
are
colonizer,
indigenous
within
potentialities
processes.
the
outside
to the
only
one
reactions but
Other....
not
are reactions
situation".
-ii.
than
against
social
'nationalist' the
since
paradox,
indigenous
of
to
situation,
colonial
the
explains
inevitable,
merely
to various
of the
the persistence
precisely
colonial
The nature
negate
must be related
'nationalism'
that
does not
limited
many respects
bifurcations,
prong
also
in
is
impact
on questions
whereas
within it
to
172
Small-scale ideas social
societies
368
the Westernized
sense
of
the
things
concrete
the
Duclos
likens
freedom, against political
point".
ideologize
strategic behaviour. grasped
it".
a strong involved
372
Intensely
which
realistic
argumentation. helps
to ward off
a "defence
fundamental
of
of
elites.
bank against
theoretical
constitutes
sceptical
urban
concrete
of a 'domestic
themselves
social
of
local
characteristics devoid
colonialism'
The "seemingly is
and indeed
The 'national by studying
the
'nationalist'
of these
does not
of many reactions goals,
to
or refusal,
incomprehensible. nature"
370
of any
373
The inability, to
of the
ideologies
it
onslaughts
groups
gets
intensely
usually
break".
impermeable
hence protection
from
"one only
"the
regularly
exploitation;
the
is
to
'inauthentic'
of
rejection
disguised
is
it
and prosaic,
nationalism"
of
aware
stemming
'nationalism'
suspicion
ideologies
artificial
Its
this
in
certain
being
familiar;
kind
of this
ideological
so-called
or implicit",
371
one recognizes".
'Nationalism'
As a result,
"without
and the
own
or conventional
"instinctive",
are
their
of
"affective
is
369
elite.
'abstract'
relation'to interests
explicit,
strategies firm,
Beliefstthough
act
behaviour
urban
'nationalist'
adopt
in
Their
"ideological,
to the
in
"particularistic
to
relation
group".
contrast of
in
but
do not
make them a-political aimless
chaotic,
Their
misleading. philosophy,
identity' pattern
at of
reactions
are stake
targets
or and undefined
consistency,
expressed
in
factual
can be more readily attacked
and institutions
173
defended, "by
that
into
both
points
cohesion
'nation-to-be'. in
It
hierarchies
points
377
effectively. to imply
out,
peasant
of group
block".
378
in
social
for
membership
that
exist
As a result,
it
the
not
is
grievances
and abstract are
which
The same close all
activities;
political
in
West do not
the
as Saul
wrong,
entirely
primarily which
and aspirations
situation
colonial
predicated,
realities,
of "a monolithic,
existence
the
is
and small-scale.
focus
"anonymous
on a far-flung
indigenous
The issues,
behaviour
stimulate
It
localized.
loyalty
to
tends
group
the
375
suggests,
intimate,
cause of
analyze
his
organizes
survival".
extremel
reflects 376
focus",
face-to-face
operate
is
one may gain
we have to
native
tenacious
interpretation
orthodox
"narrow
the
suggests
and the
groups
populist
Similarly,
which
around
'Nationalism'
as the
374
violence
of populist
of the
goals
and extremely
-iii.
the
the
Kilson
treatises.
articulate
objects
behaviour".
violent
rallying
over
the
considering
insight their
by poring
than
are part
of everyday I..
life.
community vary
in
this
State",
Nation
(Patrie)".
of deep-rooted values".
'backward-looking',
from
appear
autonomism',
though Duclos
, 380
"certainly
381
realities",
382
We should or
to militate
not
'xenophobic'
against are part
variations
incompatible they
suggests,
"not
are
the
with
that
with
provides
"a constant
and thus
helps
dismiss simply
thus
groups
These limited
However,
Such behaviour
social
local
one another.
consciousness.
'game';
of the
national
'latent
'national'
of a shared
of individual
The reactions
form and intensity
horizons, unified,
379
it
to
idea of
the
reminder
"disseminate
as 'anti-nationalist',
because
it
resists
the
174
claims resists
such alien
The particularistic
by each small-scale
expressed
and community
Moreover,
the
solutions
face
of which
Common religious,
observation in
external,
the
behaviour. hoods
identify series
implies
strength
and inspiration
indigenous fest
of the
roots structures colonial
"the
as is
too
for
though
for that
superficial but
visible groups,
in
is
insists, done,
often
one can
desires,
and
themselves
likeli-
of mentality, contained
level".
experience
Charnay
differences,
is_inspired-from
view
interpretation
'game',
386
orthodox
indigenous
alternative
on the national
and individual
of cells
partly
express
traditional
colonizer.
picturesque
societies
they
and economic
conclude,
(These)....
'Nationalism'
outside
of the
similarities
of coagulation".
-iv.
the
political
profound
observe
conservation and moral
is
responses
crisis,
colonial
'atomization'....
meant might
of
spiritual,
national,
added up to a response
cultural,
'localism'
of national
and problems,
an instinct
of these
within
"one must not
that
example, this
of the
by the presence
reinforced
guardian
as it
384
and potentialities
conjunction
"the
is
group, voice
fragmentation
In the
illusory.
In as far
grievances
"upon which
solidarity
were based".
concepts
it
indeed,
concepts,
383
orientation".
also
'nation-to-be'.
of an externally-projected
'nationalist
that
from structures
society.
38
in
the
those -
and values presence.
reactions'
draw their
and values
originating
By contrast,
nationalism
It
The
withiný_not-outside.
the
non-orthodox
strongest, which
constitutes
most authentic the
acid
assertion
of
survive the
385
175
what is
specific
of political defence
and cultural
and even if
such recourse
political
game.
impending
decay
to
escaped
thus
the
the
direct for
first
population, rebellion
390
before
Berque
with
by rupture
and
impact the
the
more enthusiasm
the
persistence
the
dialectic
that
with
out,
"it
is
not
represents
constructing already
of indigenous of decolonization;
a unique
essentially
community is
391
life crucial
is
were
But a totally of the rural
themselves they
practice
into
had never antioccurring
It
continuity.
has a past".
it
is
explosion,
a new nation
the
which
that
was in
genesis
forces
threw in
the
"In
'escape'
this
the
own devices,
389
phenomenon".
"The peasants
it
in
to its
Nationalism
Fanon's:
independence;
points
an urban
indigenous
implies role
those
of precisely
new elites.
'Nationalism'
simply
their
was left
can be drawn from
all
the
of
persistence
Thus Emerson remarks:
at a way of life
clutching
concerned
'integral' to
of nationalism
population
instance
namely
colonial". just
rural
conclusion
stopped
of
sense we give
effected
traditional;
unimportant.
most significant the
theory
things
of all
which
the
represents
The orthodox
is
of nationalism
the
is
the
strength
real
the
relative
this
within
to what is
recourse
however
'Nationalism'
different
its
in
resource
inviolate
"the
suggests,
threat
outside
388
innovation".
and in
The major
a continuation,
terms,
degree
in
the
as against
what has remained
lies
uprising
and what is
it
is
As Berque
community.
the national
society,
absorption.
and reformation
colonized
these
that
within
is
not
from nothing; Seen in not to its
this
as light,
incidental unfolding.
to
176
The fulcrum
of
is
'nationalism'
disintegrate.
It
reconstitution
of a traditional
ional
nor
potentialities
intact
signifies
consistent; and is
it
refusal survival
'game'
contains
played
the
society
to
and spontaneous is
which
a variety
at several
of the
neither
of alternative
social
levels.
uddirect-
177
NOTES TO CHAPTER TWO 1.
This trend is (Paris 1967).
2.
Max Gluckman: CUSTOMAND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (p. 139) sets , "Why does not South Africa explode? " answer the question,
3.
B. Malinowski: DYNAMICS OF CULTURE CHANGE (Yale many of his ideas.
4.
in M. Gluckman: A reassessment is contained of functionalism "Malinowski's 'functional' change" in AFRICA of social analysis (17) 1947 p. 106-121. His ideas of change in a colonial situation, in Situation Modern Social "Analysis his implicit in of a already Zululand" in BANTU STUDIES (June 1940) and in his essay on "The kingdom of the Zulu of South Africa" in M. Fortes & E. Evans(eds. ): AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS (London 1940), were Pritchard further developed in CUSTOMAND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (Oxford 1956), 6 ("The Chapter Bonds in the Colour Bar"). particularly
5.
"Political L. A. Fallers: study of sociology and the antropological (4) EUROPEENNES DE SOCIOLOGIE 1963, p. 328. African in ARCHIVES polities"
6.
J. S. Furnivall:
7.
E. A. Walcker:
8.
"Social Pluralism" M. G. Smith: and Cultural YORK ACADEMYOF SCIENCE (83) 1959-60ßy63-777
9.
(unpublished) on the sociological cf. his introductory paper Annual the 1971 to conditions read of conquest consolidation, in London. Conference of the Past and Present Society,
10.
analyzed
by G. Balandier:
ANTHROPOLOGIEPOLITIQUE
1945)
COLONIAL POLICY AND PRACTICE (Cambridge LES COLONIES - PASSE ET AVENIR (Paris in
out
to
systematizes
1948).
1947)-
ANNALS OF THE NEW
His major work - SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (Paris 1963) - has been accompanied by several theoretical articles "La situation situations: germane to his analysis of colonial INTERNATIONAUX DE in CAHIERS Approche theorique'" coloniale SOCIOLOGIE (11) 1951, pp. 44-79 ä une sociologie in la de "Contribution dependence" CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (7) 1952, pp. 47-69ä 1'etude "Contribution Afrique des en noire" nationalismes in ZAIRE (Brussels) April 1954, pp. 379-389 in changes and social problems in Negro Africa" - "Social (ed. ): AFRICA AND THE MODERNWORLD (Chicago 1955), C. W. Stillman pp. 60-69 "Le la Afrique de politique contexte vie en sociologique in REVUE FRANCAISE DE SCIENCE POLITIQUE (9) Sept. 1959, Noire" pp. 598-709 . "Les de decolonisation de et mythes politiques colonisation in CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1962) en Afrique"
178
10.
"Reflexions le le fait des cas sur politique: societes (1964) SOCIOLOGIE in CAHIERS DE INTERNATIONAUX africaines" into his book Many of these ideas have been distilled ANTHROPOLOGIEPOLITIQUE (Paris 1967) esp. Chapter 7.
11.
(1951) "La situation translated Approche theorique" coloniale (ed. ): SOCIAL CHANGE- THE COLONIAL SITUATION in I. Wallerstein (1966) p. 45. Balandier where Smith uses the word 'pluralism' situation' where was to speak of 'heterogeneity', and 'colonial Smith was to speak of 'plural society'.
12.
This is suggested by the translation of his two major books THE SOCIOLOGY OF BLACK AFRICA (London 1970) and POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY(London 1970) - and by the gathering of articles COLONIAL "SOCIAL CHANGE THE by various the title under authors SITUATION" (ed. I. Wallerstein, London 1966).
13.
"Contact is made by means of in the form cultures existing G. Balandier: "La situation (1951) in I. Wallerstein (ed.
14.
M. Gluckman:
15.
to Fanon: "THE WRETCHED It is based on "pure force", according 1967) p. 29. But for its effect OF THE EARTH" (Harmondsworth Thus to be decisive, the force need not be fully unleashed. Rhodes "the Pondo did not fight the British at the annexation. mowed down a mealie field with machine guns before the eyes of the paramount of Eastern Pondoland and his councillors, and if they did not be fate that their similar would explained 412. (Oxford 1936) TO CONQUEST REACTIONS M. Wilson: p. submit"
16.
R. Maunier: THE SOCIOLOGY OF COLONIES - INTRODUCTION TO THE STUDY OF RACE CONTACT (London 1949).
17.
M. Gluckman: CUSTOMAND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (1956) p" 139" He adds that "force of and the threat white rule, established (p. 140) Monica Wilson points it" force maintained out, similarly, have the Europeans that that "Bantu leaders military are well aware (1936) " REACTIONS TO CONQUEST p. 562. power;
18.
M. Gluckman:
19.
"Their enabled the expatriate status authoritarian political they wanted upon groups more or less to impose whatever pattern POLITICS IN A WEST AFRICAN African M. L. Kilson: change". social STATE (Cambridge, Mass. 1966) p. 47.
and not among groups, social realities". of independent theorique" Approche coloniale ): SOCIAL CHANGE-P- 52.
CUSTOMAND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (1956)
CUSTOMAND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (1956)
p. 151.
p. 139.
r"
179
20.
In addition to the sources already to cited, contributions include: comparative of colonial analysis situations P. Bonnafe: LE NATIONALISME AFRICAIN (Paris FNSP/CERI Serie C, No. 9 Dec. 1964) J. Berque: DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (Paris 1964), esp. p. 89-106 T. Hodgkin: NATIONALISM IN TROPICAL AFRICA (London 1956), esp. P. 55-59 P. Worsley: THE THIRD WORLD (London 1964), esp. Ch. 1 "Indigenous J. A. Barnes: Administration" Politics and Colonial in COMPARATIVE STUDIES IN SOCIETY IN HISTORY (2) 1960 The Conference Papers of the 1971 Past and Present Annual Conference, on CONQUESTAND CULTURE, all mimeographed, raise various points of comparison. The work of Frantz Fanon does not attempt to establish an in colonial but sheds light academic typology, on numerous variables Particularly settings. valuable are L'AN V DE LA REVOLUTION (Harmondsworth ALGERIENNE (Paris DYING COLONIALISM 1959), trans. A as 1970); LES DAMES DE LA TERRE (Paris 1961) trans. as THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (Harmondsworth 1967), and PEAU NOIR, MASQUESBLANCS (Paris (London 1968) 1952) trans. WHITE MASKS BLACK SKINS9 as L. H. Gann & P. Duignan: WHITE SETTLERS IN TROPICAL AFRICA (Harmondsworth the 1962) is useful on some variables affecting colonizer's strategy.
21.
Barnes argues that "Colonial the operating administrations without have on the whole been paternalistic, complication and of settlers towards the tribal often benevolently people they paternalistic, have conquered; have on the whole been forced to take a settlers They have had to term view of their much shorter own interests. concentrate of the land they wished to exploit, on securing control their the attacks of the and on defending and stock against property indigenous inhabitants. In varying measure, depending on the type of enterprise particular on which they were engaged, they have by establishing friendly tried to secure their labour supply, either capturing, or by kidnapping, relations with the local people, their to suit needs. or enslaving recruiting, enough labourers These actions between the frontier settlers may lead to conflict "Indigenous Politics J. A. Barnes: and the administration". and (ed. ): (1960), in Wallerstein Colonial I. Administration" repr. SOCIAL CHANGE- THE COLONIAL SITUATION T-1966) pp. 217-218,
cf. L. H. Gann & P. Duignan: WHITE SETTLERSIN TROPICALAFRICA (1962).
22.
(1964), Ch. 5 'Imperialisme J. Berque: DEPOSSESSION MONDE DU cf. (1964), 44-49 WORLD THIRD Worsley: THE P. et Technologie', and pp. 'The Raison d'Etre'.
23.
Supposed economic goals may not be real economic goals, economic colonizer goals may change over time, and different sub-groups "The First may pursue different economic goals. of. E. Stokes: Colonial in PAST AND PRESENT (58) Century of British Rule in India" Feb. 1973, esp. p. 142-4.
18o
24.
G. H. T. Kimble:
25.
M. L. Kilson speaks of "the doctrinaire pathological and nearly obsession of British colonial with the theory of authorities indirect POLITICAL CHANGEIN A WEST AFRICAN STATE (1966) rule" P. D. C rs n: E IMAGE OF AFRICA BRITISH IDEAS AND p. 202. 1q ACTION 1780-185uAemphas4114es the power of idees fixes, in determining intervention during an earlier Other interesting period. examples from India by C. Dewey: "Images of the village are provided in MODERNASIAN ideology" community: a study in Anglo-Indian STUDIES (6) 1972, and G. D. Bearce: BRITISH AT0ITUDES TOWARDS INDIA 1794-1858 (Oxford 1961).
26.
(1960) repr. M. G. Smith: "Social in Pluralism" and Cultural P. L. Van den Berghe (ed. ) AFRICA - SOCIAL PROBLEMSOF CHANGE AND CONFLICT (San Francisco 1965) p. 71-
27.
G. Balandier: (1951) repr.
I'La situation coloniale (op. cit. ) p. Wallerstein
Approche 47.
28.
P. Worsley:
THE THIRD WORLD (1964)
47.
29.
M. L. Kilson:
30.
Capt. p. 3.
31.
IN LATIN AMERICA A. Gunder Frank: CAPITALISM AND UNDERDEVELOPMENT (Harmondsworth 1971) p. 27.
32.
"We were seeking the individual by making the group 1961) p. 179P. Mus: GUERRESANS VISAGE (Paris
33-
G. Balandier: He also calls
34.
G. Balandier: p. 57-9.
35.
"In
the days of anarchy, the tribesman needs his kinsmen for from above and the principal But give him security security. of fission, in every segmentary which coexists with that of fusion "Tribalism becomes more powerful". E. A. Gellner: society, and Social Change in North Africa" in W.H. Lewis (ed. ): FRENCH SPEAKING AFRICA (New York 1965) p. 118.
36.
"Under an effective it is the administration, loyalties, that disappear, most abstract even tribal village-scale organization survives". "Tribalism Change in North Africa" and Social p. 115.
TROPICAL AFRICA (New York
POLITICAL
C. H. Stigand:
p.
1962)
Vol.
2, p.
253-
thIorique""
CHANGEIN A WEST AFRICAN STATE (1966)
ADMINISTRATION IN TROPICAL AFRICA (London
13.
p.
1914),
an abstraction"
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963) it "a crude sociological experiment".
p.
6.
SOCIOLOGIEACTUELLEDE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
largest the groups, if the more specific E. A. Gellner: (1965) loc. cit.
181
37.
to Mair, European rulers, saw their role as to "guide according in the way of enlightenment,... the chiefs remove abuses from the the infliction that they found, control organizations of cruel (and) limit the demands that chiefs punishments, could make on Then, having cleaned and polished their their instrusubjects. L. P. Mair: use". ments, they would turn them to constructive "African Chiefs Today" in AFRICA (28) July 1958, repr. in P. J. M. Teds. ): THE STUDY OF AFRICA (London 1967) McEwan & R. B. Sutcliffe p. 110.
38.
Balandier speaks of "degradation ANTHROPOLOGY(1970) p. 160.
39.
The difference decisions define is that "Policy a programme of The execution implicitly of this programme action, or otherwise. Smith: G. "On Segmentary M. is an administrative process". Lineage Systems" in JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICAL INSTITUTE (86) 2 July-Dec. 1956, p. 48.
40.
"Colonization transformed problem every political problem to be dealt with by the administration". POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY(1970) p. 160.
41.
"Good administration is their only desire and concern", wrote Lord FROM Lloyd: EGYPT SINCE CROMER(1933) - cited by R. Emerson: By 'they', ENNPIRETO NATION-(1960) Lloyd meant the p. 38. colonized which should not have unwanted politics population, According to this view, the task foisted up6n them from above. was not to respond to political of colonial administrators but to apply in detail from the indigenous community, pressures level. the overall decisions made at a higher political
42.
Undercurrents unavoidable at this seemingly of discontent "What in frequently administrators'reports. surface petrification is not its principles, but the threatens policy really our native their being tried bureaucratic which prevents out centralization FREEDOMAND AUTHORITY IN R. Delavignette: experimentally". (esp. FRENCH WEST AFRICA (Oxford 1950) p. 66. Delavignette, 42-48 broaches a theme familiar 'The art of going on tour') pp. the passing of that in countless officials: reports of colonial 'golden in could be deeply involved age' when administrators life, everyday minutiae and were respected as leaders, of native and its slow strangulation under the pressures of 'efficiency' Leakey echoes this, for the good and filing sighing cabinets. themselves old days in Kenya when "the administrative officers through their districts, spent very long periods on foot safaris camping at or near the villages and making most of 'chiefs', not only with the 'chiefs'. but with valuable personal contacts . them friendship, members of the population, giving giving the confidence valuable advice, and winning of the masses. "
by depoliticization".
POLITICAL
into a technical G. Balandier:
182
42.
"But alas, " he continues, "as time went on things changed; became more and more the duties officers of eministrative involved in paperwork in the office, and there was less and less time for the administrator to spend days on end on " L: S. B. Leakey: MAU MAU in his district... foot safaris AND THE KIKUYU (London 1952) p. 62-3-
43.
NAISSANCE DU PROLETARIAT MAROCAIN (Paris Robert Montagne: Moroccan 1951) p. 105 cites that poem suggesting a Southern this by the colonized threat was vividly even in perceived such matters as beverages:
"The Christian knows that you are hostile; He loads his cannons with tea And prepares an ambush on his scales. The enemy hits you in the stomach Knowing that death is easy there; In the stomach, near heart and liver, The Christian aim. with careful strikes He offers you a sugarloaf; If it were for your good, he would send nothing". 44.
F. Fanon:
THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967)
45-
F. Fanon:
BLACK SKINS, WHITE MASKS (1968)
46.
J.
47.0.
Berque:
DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964)
p.
p. 31p.
192.
89.
PSYCHOLOGIEDE LA COLONISATION (Paris
Mannoni:
1950)
passim.
48.
ä une sociologic G. Balandier: "Contribution de la dependtnce" in CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE LA SOCIOLOGIE (7) 1952, p. 53.
49.
Ibid.
50.
He is "dehumanized" F. Fanon: THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967) Tom Mboya recalls p. 32. once working alone in a Nairobi laboratory, "Is when a white woman entered and asked him: (London " FREEDOM AFTER 1963) p. 29. here? AND anybody
51.
Cf. also F. Fanon: BLACK SKINS, WHITE MASKS (1968) passim. F. Fanon: "The North African Syndrome" in his TOWARDTHE AFRICAN REVOLUTION (Harmondsworth 1970) pp. 13-26, and Chapter 5"Colonial Wars and Mental Disorders" THE WRETCHED OF THE of EARTH (1967).
52.
Jeanne Favret argues that in Algeria "primordial groups have but merely a reactive no substantial existence.... existence". 'Le traditionalisme in ARCHIVES par exces de modernit6" EUROPEENNESDE SOCIOLOGIE (7) 1967, p. 73-
53-
J.
P. 52.
Berque:
DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964)
p.
104.
183 54.
J. p.
55"
Ibid.
56.
A point Colonial
57.
P. Worsley:
THE THIRD WORLD (1967)
58.
P. Bourdieu
& A. Sayad:
59.
Ibid.
60.
Berque likens this to the establishment of a 'national park'. FRENCH NORTH AFRICA THE TWO MACHRIB BETWEEN WORLD WARS (London 1967) p. 123-
61.
P. Bourdieu
62.
P.
63.
Ibid. This p. 333. Marxist politicians ization by settlers.
64.
P. Bourdieu
65.
S. Eisenstadt: "Sociological Aspects of Political Development in Underdeveloped Countries" in ECONOMICDEVELOPMENTAND CULTURAL CHANGE (4) 1957, (repr. (ed. ): in I. Wallerstein SOCIAL CHANGE- THE COLONIAL SITUATION (1966) p. 575)
66.
According in Indo-China to Mus, French policy had "alternately two sources of inspiration, which were sometimes contradictory for modernization due to metropolitan a desire and assimilation, degree of distrust, in situ, towards pressure, and a certain VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952) rapid development". p. 24.
67.
Berque: 252.
THE ARABS - THEIR HISTORY AND FUTURE (London
1964)
P. 252. by E. Stokes: "The First Century of British India" in PAST AND PRESENT (58) Feb. 1973-
stressed Rule in
p.
43.
LE DERACINEMENT (Paris
1964)
p. 38.
P. 38.
Mus:
& A. Sayad:
VIETNAM
-
LE DERACINEMENT (1964)
SOCIOLOGIE
DUNE
GUERRE (Paris
is often criticism in the Metropolis
& A. Sayad:
p.
38. 1952)
p"
337.
by liberal voiced or and used as a rational-
LE DERACINEMENT (1964)
p.
25-
-
"There are two sides to the action of the French administration in relation Mus, "- an accelerator, to local society", writes often ill-considered, pushing for projects and enterprises which (this were undoubtedly modern but above all Western, was by our general but also at provided services, administrative least by those of our administrators as much in practice who its application supervised or coordinated at governmental and levels); in the contrary provincial and a brake, acting (operated direction in their mainly by the same administrators identifying other capacity, with the traditional organization of territorial command, and thus in some respects the pleading
184
67.
the recklessness of our against cause of Vietnamese society (1952) DUNE GUERRE SOCIOLOGIE VIETNAM exploitation)". p. 337.
68.
Rule Colonial "The First E. Stokes: Century of British India" in PAST AND PRESENT (58) Feb. 1973, p" 153-
69.
E. J. Berg: Economies"
70.
P. Mus: VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952)
71.
M. L. Kilson: 47p.
72.
"L'organisation L. Milliot: in L'AFRIQUE FRANC9AISENov.
73.
P. Worsley:
74.
Colonial in French Theory M. D. "The Lewis: Assimilation cf. Policy" in COMPARATIVESTUDIES IN SOCIETY AND HISTORY (4) Jan. 1962, pp. 129-153.
75.
S. Bernard: LE CONFLIT: FRANCO-MAROCAIN1943-56 80. Vol. II, p.
76.
Ibid.
77.
P.
78.
Development Aspects of Political "Sociological S. Eisenstadt: in ECONOMICDEVELOPMENTAND Countries" in Underdeveloped (ed. ): SOCIAL CHANGE Wallerstein CULTURAL CHANGE (1957) repr. THE COLONIAL SITUATION (1966) p. 576.
79.
Mus argues that "the assimilation culture of Sino-Vietnamese We, on for a legitimate succession. was the prime requisite the contrary, and superimposed another system upon it, increasingly lived in isolation, with our modern towns and human space for whose prime values our families, amidst a local VIETNAM and expectations we took no responsibility". SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952) p. 134.
80.
81.
p.
Bourdieu
cf. 1967) British
in Dual "Backward-sloping Labour Supply Functions in QUARTERLYJOURNAL OF ECONOMICS (75) August 1961.
POLITICAL
105.
p.
CHANGEIN A WEST AFRICAN STATE (1966)
francaise 1933, p.
THE THIRD WORLD (1967)
de l'Afrique 615.
du nord"
p. 36.
(Brussels
1963)
80. & A.
Sayad:
& S. H. Rudolph: pp. 254-68 on the norms in India.
L. I.
in
LE DERACINENT
(1964)
25.
p.
THE MODERNITY OF TRADITION between indigenous contrast
P. Mus: VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952) same jurists, presumably, accepted such violations 'emergency' laws. colonial
(Chicago norms
and
The p. 331. when part of
185 LE DERACINEMENT (1964)
82.
P. Bourdieu
83-
L. P. Mair: "African Chiefs THE STUDY OF AFRICA (1967)
84.
J.
85.
"Investiture out of one who is not cannot make a chief Indeed it has the naturally more than head of the family. SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE G. Balandier: opposite effect". NOIRE (1963) p. 204-5, citing A. Belgian in the administrator Congo.
.
Beattie:
& A. Sayad:
p.
25(eds. ):
Today" in McEwan & Sutcliffe p. 110-1-11-
OTHER CULTURES (London
1964) p.
251-
L. S. B. Leakey: MAU MAU AND THE KIKUYU (1952) p. 28-38, and Jomo Kenyatta: FACING MOUNTKENYA (1938) p. 186-230 and 310, how British describe of-the nature of chieftainship conceptions and among the Kikuyu of Kenya ignored the segmentary reality A similar phenomenon in West Africa provoked social crisis. THE DYNAMICS OF CLANSIIP AMONGTHE is described by M. Fortes: TALLENSI (Oxford 1945).
86.
WEST IN FRENCH AUTHORITY Delavignette: AND R. FREEDOM cf. AFRICA (1950), function of the true chief, p. 74: "In the social the is a spiritual a quality-which at core bf his authority, The very life of stranger cannot apprehend and may not touch. If the Administration the country is dependent on the chief. if he is itself; fails to understand him, that life withdraws humiliated, it is it is wounded; if he is overthrown, To let the chief be seen is rashly extinguished. and immodestly to expose that holy part where the body social can be mortally wounded".
87.
Lugard attempted the Alafin to fit of Oyo in Western Nigeria by his experiences in into an, administrative scheme inspired Northern Nigeria. This ignored his sacred character; - by tradition he remained enclosed in a sanctuary-residence, veiled by beads, communicat' through others. his will cf. M. Crowder: THE STORY OF NIGERIA k1q9'2)p1Z0
88.
L. P. Mair: Beattie's 'African Chiefs Today', loc. cit. p. 111. in account of the 'reciprocity' and 'checks and balances' (J. is traditional particularly acute. power relationships He argues that: Beattie: OTHER CULTURES (1964) pp. 151-164). "The old type of political bond was essentially based personal, (who between face-to-face on a sustained chiefs relationship held their basis) usually positions and their on a hereditary This bond was expressed through the provision subjects. of by the people, service and tribute and the giving of feasts to the needy, occasional gifts Busia it more succinctly: puts drink". the people milk,
and of 251). of
by the ruler". "When the chief
(Ibid.
has
p. lots
186 89.
The rise to power in southern Morocco of the Gontafa, MTougga Glawa tribes is a striking and (especially) example. cf. R. Montagne: LES BERBERESET LE MAKHZENDAMS LE SUD DU MAROC (Paris 1930, esp. p. 267-391, and R. Montagne: "Le pouvoir des chefs en (C. H.E. AM doct. no 18 Oct. 1941). Berberie"
90.
In
the following to sources addition already cited, provide information useful situations on the impact of colonial upon traditional leadership: (1963), 6&7 D. E. Apter: Chs. GHANA IN TRANSITION esp. THE POSITION OF THE CHIEF IN THE MODERN - K. A. Busia: POLITICAL 1961) SYSTEM OF ASHANTI (Oxford
E. M. "From Tribute Chilver & P. M. Kaberry: (30) Tikar Chiefdom" 1 1960 AFRICA in a -
L. Fallers: Chief" in
to Tax in
"The Predicament of the Modern African AMERICAN ANTRHOPOLOGIST (57) 2 1955
(Cambridge 1956) L. Fallers: BANTU BUREAUCRACY C. Mitchell Barnes: "The village M. Gluckman, & J. A. J. Africa" in AFRICA (19) 1949 headman in British Central J. Lombard: "La dans une ancienne vie politique iete & type feodale_: i C-Les Bariba du Dahomey" in CAHIERS D'ETUDES AFRICAINES (3) Oct. 1960, p. 5-45
L. IN CENTRAL NYASALAND P. Mair: NATIVE ADMINISTRATION (HMSO/Colonial Office 1952) "The political survival of traditional - N. N. Miller: leadership" in JOURNAL OF MODERN AFRICAN STUDIES (6) 1968, pp. 183-201 (ed. ): EAST AFRICAN CHIEFS (London 1960) A. Richards 91.
B. Malinowski: 1926) CRIME AND CUST014 IN SAVAGE SOCIETY (London in the social develoF6" life the concept of the 'reciprocity' Islanders. of Trobriand
92.
The Oba of the Yoruba was treated initially as if his authority Hausa, Emir including the to that the was analagous of of This was to ignore regular and tear a collection of taxes. delicate M. Crowder: web of restraints cf. on his functions. THE STORY OF NIGERIA (1962) p. 219
93"
84), Thus in the case of the Makonde (cited note above, "something 'chiefs' were formally gazetted, over seventy to enforce provided with court warrants, and authorized The so-called The result government was chaotic. regulations. 'chiefs' had no idea what they were expected to do, for the foreign to them; notion of chiefly authority was completely to take orders in and the ordinary people were not prepared from men who they had known all their all sorts of matters lives but simply not as territorial as the authorities, heads of small family After this groups. a few years, (p. in indirect 251) experiment rule was abandoned".
187
94.
"Indirect the chief and rule, particularly as it strengthened thereby allowed him to go beyond traditional boundaries, broke the effectiveness sub-structures which had been of the political integrated aspects of chieftaincy". with restrained and restraining D. E. Apter: GHANA IN TRANSITION (1963) p. 127.
95.
"Customary
of their prestige councils were being stripped and means of action required at the very moment when they were being to impose on those people their a set of rules within authority life.... which cut across and above so many traditions of country the prime all given at the very time when they were being VIETNAM SOCIOLOGIE Mus: P. taxes". obligation of collecting DUNE GUERRE (1952) p. 331-
96.
M. Gluckman: CUSTOM AND CONFLICTIN AFRICA (1956) p. 155"
97.
M. Gluckman: "The village headman in in AFRICA (19) 1949, P" 93-
98.
"The
Central
Africa"
the administration does not only concern chiefdom but the overall of men and goods, safety of individuals and The their the collectivity, of common welfare. and promotion Administration for whom tended to make the chief an intermediary questions of personal were of little an relations or no concern; draws up accounts, agent who registers, aid prescribes". traditional
(G. Balandier: P. 390). 99.
British
L. Fallers:
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
-
BANTU BUREAUCRACY(1956).
100.
R. Delavignette: (1950) p. 80.
101.
M. Kilson: p. 27-
POLITICAL CHANGEIN A WEST AFRICAN STATE (1966)
102.
M. Kilson:
Ibid.
103.
Mus: GUERRE SANS VISAGE (1961) A hint of the problem p. 50-1.. 1926) ALGERIA FROM WITHIN (London can be found in R. V. C. Bodley: Africa British where a long-term provides of North a resident (Ch. Gulliverian "the 9): Arab character" analysis of "From an intellectual stupid, of view the Arab is densely point They have not heard inartistic... very ill-read, and utterly of Voltaire, the most world-famed Goethe, Shakespeaxee, authors. are not even names to them except when they happen to have been applied to streets Music they have frequented... which their outside than own is an unknown quantity; pictures other All they know do not exist. that photographs of people which for us in the literary, counts is musical and artistic world to them as Babylonian as complete to an able a blank cuneiform It is staggering seaman. to realize their ignorance". sometimes P.
AND AUTHORITYIN FRENCHWESTAFRICA FREEDOM
p. 27-
188
104.
to insist the means nor the desire "The British had neither on TY Q' T ITION L. I. & S. H. RudQl h: THE MO ideology": their ýqßa1, the di i 1tnees art aý ah'®n biv. Atrb account of (1967) ä A01FkenIfEM 255. Y. tuein N A{q is ?S GUCNREiS % p. er. provMtd Fd *110, nq > OAtGERýE W44
c"wiftr.
Gcoý5;
MFDidwES, R& 4lerJ
II%o-($10
(PAri31971)
105.
A PASSAGE TO INDIA and George Orwells: E. M. Forster's: taboos. BURMESE. DAYS are encyclopaedias of these
106.
'all person the saying are the same' the colonized natives THE WRETCHED Fanon: " F. 'all the same'. settlers are replies DU PORTRAIT Memmi: A. OF THE EARTH (1967) 72. cf. also p. 1957). COLONISE PRECEDE DU PORTRAIT DU COLONISATEUR (Paris
107.
M. Gluckman:
(1956) IN AFRICA CONFLICT CUSTOMAND
108.
a une sociologie G. Balandier: "Contribution (7) SOCIOLOGIE DE INTZRNATIONAUX in CAHIERS
109.
TWO J. Berque: FRENCHNORTHAFRICA: THE MAGHRIBBETWEEN WORLDWARS(1967) p. 389.
110.
the in to built This is "the pathological colonial aim LE DERACINE24ENT Sayad: & Bourdieu to situation", according (1964) p. 27.
111.
Conflicts are AFRICA (1967)
'discreetly p. 389.
112.
G. Balandier: p. 27.
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE
113.
P.
114.
'Contribution G. Balandier: in CAHIERS INTERNATIOAUX
115.
Frantz poetic guide Fanon is a particularly almost eloquent, THE The of chapter to the violence this opening world. of is Violence" WRETCHED OF THE EARTH - "Concerning particularly 'Manichaean he Fanon has a himself calls what striking. propagandist. committed vision', of an inspired, and the style individual This leads him to make statements assertions, as which, him flashing but gives also appear exaggerated and schematic, Some insight into the nature the experience. of his colonial of powerful statements; equally own assertions other, counterbalance the the for his effect of alienating on eloquence example, firm assertions about against colonial situation must be weighed
"To
Bourdieu
& A.
Sayad:
repressed'.
p. 164.
de la dependonce'r 1952, p. 54.
Berque:
LE DERACINEMENT (1964)
FRENCH NORTH
p.
23-
ä une sociologic de la dependance' DE SOCIOLOGIE (7) 1952, p. 61-66 'active in terms acceptance', of analyzes such reactions 'active 'passive 'passive and resistance', acceptance', He insights. stresses useful some resistance', and provides that, the distrustful relationships, miasma of colonial amidst be as one of is classified could and every ambiguous, reaction the alternative strategies.
189 115.
We need to seize not always lack of impact. the colonizer's direction his literal and energy of meaning but the overall At this level, he is an inspiring his observation. guide.
116.
Cf. W. Cartey & M. Kilson AFRICA (New York 1970) p.
M. C. Sahli:
(eds.
):
THE AFRICA
READER: COLONIAL
3-69.
DECOLONISERL'HISTOIRE
(Paris
1965)
117.
Cf.
118.
LA by Gen. A. Hure: Capt. Vral: LE MAROC HEROIQUE, cited (Paris PACIFICATION 1952) DU MAROC: Derniere tape 1931-1934 Berber 112, the describes mountain clan: of one resistance p. the utmost "The dissidents defended themselves energy, with in their behind the rocks, caves where only well camouflaged They fired the rock. the eye and the rifle peep through down tirelessly without were men cut our and and accurately... The women excited them with their even seeing adversaries. the distributed replaced strident ammunition, ululations, the to down dead, and rolled on assailants, stones enormous The ferocity death down as far as the riverbed". of sowing in terms of the this be not measured resistance should to but in figures, French relation relatively small casualty total killed 2000 the losses the of a out group: of resistant At the total 25000. lost of 7000,22500 a of out of cattle in Hurg's the area, words, end of this violent resistance, (p. 118-119). "a charnel house" resembled
119.
General
Hurt
(op.
cit.
p.
79-92)
recounts
the
esp.
p. 27-57.
fierce
into battle, 1932 in tribe Moroccan marched which resistance of a from aviation chanting and 105m guns, under heavy bombardment The 'auxiliaries' "We want to die! ". prayers and shouting by this their fellow-moslems sent to fight were unnerved display religious'fanaticism'. of what Hure calls 120.
Between Two J. Berque: FRENCH NORTH AFRICA - The Maghrib cf. World Wars (London On the other hand, 1967) P. 113-116. bring disinterested defence reward greater might of honour (op. 117-118) Hure than does rapid Gen. cit. p. capitulation. Saghro that the "splendid of Jebel explains resistance" tribesmen in 1933 brought them very generous and "well-deserved" Mar nal French terms from the sporting army! of surrender Lyautey for kind took a cynical of 'battle view of this (honour), "caida" honour': "After to this submissions concession is sensibly It are not slow in coming if-the conducted. affair is not rare to see the ferocious who were shooting warriors at to demand 'aman' us in the morning come the very same evening (pardon), (ritual 'targuiba' the sacrifice and offer signifying RAPPORT GENERAL SUR LA SITUATION DU PROTECTORAT submission)". DU NAROC AU 31 JUILLET 1914 (Rabat/Residence-Generale de la Republique Fran? aise 1916) p. 43. Inverting the usual phrase, may we not see in this a tactic pour mieux reculer"? of "sauter
190 121.
"Wherever the presence of the colonizing power was felt, some kind taking forms from armed of resistance was shown, various insurrection to wholesale But at any given it exodus... moment, in relation was only a limited to the whole community, small society, the colonizer, the opposition which rose against while itself because directed was limited against only one aspect of domination, the concrete that aspect which affected particular E. Mondlane: THE STRUGGLE FOR time". community at that MOZAMBIQUE (Harmondsworth This 1969) p. 102. echoes General Guillaume's "We rarely the conquest comment about of Morocco: had to fight Neighbourmore than one tribe at the same time. ing groupings from interfering so long as their abstained own territory LES BERBENES Gen. A. Guillaume: was not attacked". MAROCAINES LT LA PACIFICATION DE L'ATLAS CENTRAL 1912-1933 (Paris 1946) p. 84. Yet elsewhere Guillaume that; remarks "In the Central Atlas, came to us spontaneously. no tribe None submitted without a fight, and for some, without to the very last". exhausting all means of resistance Ibid p. 73.
122.
E. Stokes: 'Traditional Movements Resistance cf. Asian Nationalism: The Context of the 1857 Mutiny in India' in PAST AND PRESENT (48) 1970, p. 104.
123.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard: p. 71.
124.
cf.
125.
The Maji-Maji Tanganyika is an revolt of 1905 in Southern TANGANYIKA UNDER GERMAN J. Iliffe: excellent example. cf. RULE 1905-1912 (Cambridge The 1857 Rebellion 1969). in India, Rebellion in Algeria and the 1871 Kabyle are other examples of 'post-pacification revolts'.
126.
(1952) P. Mus: VIETNAM DUNE GUERRE SOCIOLOGIE -
127.
"The Organization cf. J. Iliffe: of the Maji-Maji in JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORY (8) 1967-
128.
F. Fanon:
129.
M. Gluckman: CUSTOM & CONFLICT IN AFRICA (1956) speaks the unquenched resentment of the Zulu in South Africa, Roy Campbell ferocity quotes of beaten on "The curbed (p. 158). tribes"
130.
Monica Hunter: REACTIONS TO CONQUEST (1936) P" 554 notes that the populations to "the belief that cling of Pondoland the Europeans be swept into the sea, and the Bantu have will South Africa to themselves again".
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
and AfroRebellion
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (Oxford
1949)
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (Passim. )
THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967)
P" 328. Rebellion"
P" 55of and
191
131.
"Ceux qui frequently
those lie in term guettent" wait was who a by French to the indigenous applied populations in North Africa. Jean Pommerol's sensationalist cf. in the Sahara, brotherhoods of the religious entitled AFRICAIN; CHEZ CEUX QUI GUETTENT" (Paris 1905).
settlers account "L'ISLAM 132.
'The
development of be proportionate will threatened colonial EARTH (1967) p. 69.
violence to the regime".
peoples among the colonized by the exercised violence THE WRETCHED OF THE F. Fanon:
133.
Ibid.
p.
42.
134.
Ibid.
p.
41.
135.
P. Mus: VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952)
136.
M. Kilson:
137.
(p. Europeanized Ibid. p. 119. the that 117-23) Kilson argues 'nationalist' to power on the back of violence. elite rides The colonizer is offered the prospect crderly of the elite's to the anarchic behaviour violence political as an alternative it to take This the leads of the masses. colonizer alone (esp. 46-9). THE OF EARTH Fanon, THE WRETCH in p. seriously. # makes an identical point.
138.
F. Fanon:
139.
Ibid"p.
140.
1940), M. Fortes: E. E. Evans-Pritchard: THE NUER (Oxford 1945), THE DYNAMICS OF CLANSHIP AMONG THE TALLENSI (London P. J. Bohannan: JUSTICE AND JUDGEMENT AMONG THE TIV (London TRIBAL AFRICA IN REBELLION AND ORDER 1957), M. Gluckman: and (London detail. in considerable 1963), examine these mechanisms
141.
1958) Middleton & D. Tait: TRIBES WITHOUT RULERS (London in his Jomo Kenyatta argument p. 21. a similar pursued FACING MOUNT KENYA (London the 1938) P. 205-14, and stressed degradation that the suppression social of such manifestations entails.
142.
J.
143.
J. P. Charnay: LA VIE MUSUIMANE EN ALGERIE D'APRES JURISPRUDENCE DE LA PREMIERE MOITIE DU XXe SIECLE 1965) p. 212.
144.
E. J.
p.
115,116,117-
POLITICAL CHANGEIN A WEST AFRICAN STATE (1966)
THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967)
p. 119.
66. p.
31-
J.
Beattie:
OTHER CULTURES (London
Hobsbawm:
PRIMITIVE
1964)
p.
REBELS: -STUDIES
OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS(Manchester 1972).
1959),
175LA.', (Paris
IN ARCHAIC FORMS
and BANDITS (Har flondsworth
192
Hobsbawm: BANDITS (1972)
145.
E. J.
146.
Ibid.
Chapter
6:
'The Economics
147.
Ibid. Chapter Avenger'.
3:
'The Noble
148.
F. Fanon:
149.
Ibid
150.
This argument is MAROCAIN 1943-56 note 137).
151.
The seminal
p.
17and Politics
Robber'
of Banditry'. 4:
and Chapter
THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967)
'The
42. p.
p. 27.
Carl
LE CONFLIT FRANCOBernard: S. by pursued (see (Brussels 1963), and by M. L. Kilson
works von
include:
Clausewitz:
ON WAR (Harmondsworth
1969)
Regis Debray: REVOLUTION IN THE REVOLUTION? (Harmondswörth 1968) Vo Nguyen Giap: PEOPLE'S WAR, PEOPLE'S ARMY (New York 1962) 1969) Che Guevara: GUERRILLA WARFARE(Harrmondsworth Mao Tse-Tung: ON GUERRILLA WARFARE(New York 1961) Eduardo Mondlane: THE STRUGGLEFOR NOZAMBIQUE (Harmondsworth 1969) 152.
The mass
of
literature
includes
the
following:
M. Dion: "Qu'est-ce qu'une guerre rvolutionnaireP"in REVUE DES D'UX N3NDES Apr. 1959, pp. 577-94, 0. Heilbrum: PARTISAN WARFARE(New York 1962), J. Hogard: "Guerre et pacification" revolutionnaire (280) Jan. 1957, REVUE MILITAIRE D'INFORMATION
in
WAR (London J. J. McCuen: THE ART OF COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY 1964), F. M. Osanka (ed. ): MODERN GUERRILLA WARFARE - FIGHTING (New York 1961), COMMUNIST GUERRILLA MOVEMENTS 1941-1961 Revolutionnaire: de Guerre L. Poirier: "Un instrument
le FLN" in REVUE MILITAIRE Jan. 1958,
D'INFORMATION Dec. 1957 and
Souyris: de la parade "Les conditions et de la a REVUE MILITAIRE in la riposte revolutionnaire" guerre 1957, D'INFORPMATION (281) Feb. -Mar. A.
U. S. Army: SPECIAL WARFARE(Washington
1962),
READINGS IN COUNTERCenter: U. S. Army Special Warfare Carolina 1961), North Bragg, GUF,RRILLA OPERATIONS (Fort Ximenes: "La guerre et ses donnees revolutionnaire (281) D'INFORMATION fondamentales" in REVUE NILITAIRE Feb. -Mar. 1957, J. K. Zawodny (ed. ): "Unconventional in ANNALS warfare" AND SOCIAL SCIENCE OF THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF POLITICAL (341) May 1962. 153.
T. O. Ranger:
"Connections
'primary resistance' in East and Central movements and modern mass nationalism in JOURNAL OF MODERT AFRICAN STUDIES (9) 1968. between
Africa"
193
154.
(Oxford Evans-Pritchard: THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA 1949), cf. esp. pp. 104-33, of Beduin PP. 157-90, on the nature resistance to Italian Cf also M. Lacheraf: "Constant3s conquest. politiques (1830-1960)" de 1'Algerie daps les guerres et militaires coloniales in TEMPS MODERNES (Dec. 1960-Jan. 1961).
155.
E. J.
156.
J. Iliffe: "The organization JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORY differences between primary
E. E.
Hobsbawm:
BANDITS
(1972),
Chapter
7:
"Bandits
and Revolution".
Maji in rebellion" (8) important sociological notes and post-pacification resistance of
the 1967
Maji
revolt.
THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967) pp. 67-74. "finds his freedom in and through man", he declares, (p. 68).
157.
F. Fanon: "Colonized violence".
158.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
159.
R. Pankhurst:
160.
F.
Fanon:
excitement changes.
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949).
"Lmperor
A DYING COLONIALISM of
wartime
II
Menelik
(1970).
exaggerated
161.
"Encirclement is what the Berbers LA PACIFICATION DU MAROC: Derniere
162.
E. E.
163.
Gen. A. Guillaume:
Evans-Pritchard:
of
the
Ethiopia"
in
No doubt pace
and
TARIKH
(1)
1965.
Fanon, in the depth of these
fear above all". etape 1931-1934
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
Gen. A. Hure: (1952) p. 6. p.
171.
LES BERBERSMAROCAINESET LA PACIFICATION
84. (1946) "In DE L'ATLAS CENTRAL 1912-1933 the face of p. Berber forces", "the he adds, way, and in withdrawing gives 81. tries to do as much harm to his enemy as possible". p.
superior merely
164.
Capt. Chavanne: HISTORIQUE DU SERVICE DES AFFAIRES INDIGENES DE TUNISIE 1881-1930 (Bourg 1931).
165.
"there Mus of Vietnam, are few writes rice plains", in forests, moors which natural or marshlands, resources to hide. If men wish to take cover and disappear, they can inhabitants Obviously, only do so behind only local can men. do this. The demographic shelter masses make an effective tongue, against or, above all, any enemy speaking another VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE with a different skin". (1952) p. 21.
166.
Hure's cf. stages account of the last the Moroccan Middle Atlas: "All along lay hundreds there on horseback, upon those in which great cedarwood chests
"In
these
in of French conquest the track which I followed hundreds of Berber chests, the highlanders lock away
194
166.
their saint), left,
(local 'marabout' the At the of appeal objects. precious them on their they had loaded and had mules or camels, to keep their in houses their order poor abandoning
independence". 1931-4 (1952) 167.
LA PACIFICATION DU MAROC- DERNIERE ETAPE p. 92.
the the towards sources of the process of penetration "powerful Morocco, French Berque in 1922", of writes Ishkern the Ihand Ait Bani Mguild, the the and such as th&ir This battle. custom. joining not was without retreated to them had an ancient The reason that their recited marabout was holy the to Imhiwash family, the which according of prophecy to heaps kerkurs, of stones, had set up cairns, ancestor
"During Muluya tribes
territories would the the such all stranger; of measure advance last from keptup redoubt, one be abandoned, and resistance only bargain". the into them to, the but this would restore rest all J. Berque: FRENCH NORTH AFRICA - THE MAGHRIB BETWEENTWO WORLD WARS (1967) p. 116. 168.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
THE SANUSI OF CYRMAICA (1949)
p.
172.
s169. LES BERBERES Guillaume: A. Gen. Marhal Lyautey, in quoted (1946) CENTRAL L'ATLAS DE MAROCAINES ET LA PACIFICATION p. 103. 170.
threat immediate Though the French no posed army of occupation in Southern tribe to their land, the leaders of the Ida ou Blal in 1922 to offer Morocco submission. journeyed to Marrakesh by the territory their rapacious This forestalled on an attack French invader, the Glawa tribe in with alliance close who, "dissident" the of their expense were extending power at ric: DES A. I. LE BUREAU SUR ETUDE M Capt. neighbours. cf.
DE TATTA (C. H. E. A. M. doct.
541 1935)"
171.
French the that army was In June 1911, advancing estimating Morocco humbly Central too strong, the Beni MTir tribe of But when the military column returned offered submission. by the resistance Encouraged to the coast, dissidence resumed. of imposition the tribes, resentful and of other neighbouring of uprising the Beni MTir joined a coordinated of land tax, In March 1913, a French military Central High Atlas tribes. Guillaume: A. Gin. Cf. had to submission. reimpose expedition DE L'ATLAS CENTRAL LES BERBERES MAROCAINES ET LA PACIFICATION (1946) pp. 128-34.
172.
P.
173.
Gen. A. p. 18.
174.
Gen. A. Guillaume: LES BERBERESMAROCAINESET LA PACIFICATION DE L'ATLAS CENTRAL (1946) p. 105.
Mus: VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952) 4: Chapter 'Le Maquis his et l'Attentisme'. esp. Hure:
LA PACIFICATION
p.
63.
See
DU MAROC - DERNIERE ETAPE (1952)
195 175.
G Balandier: SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963) A similar p. 90. later: phenomenon several was noted years "The Minkebe are hanging people on to their region, access to which, they realize, is too difficult to permit frequent from administrators. Many natives visits who used to live by the motor route from I1invoul to Oyem have abandoned it and gone elsewhere". p. 172.
176.
Ibid.
177.
The Koranic infidel to
duty of 'hijra' from the land of the - flight the land of the faith is the associated with in some Islamic Cf. C. -R. refugeephenomenon countries. Ageron: "L'emigration des musulmans alge"riens et l'exode de TlemSen" in ANNALES Sept. -Oct. 1967.
178.
E. A. Gellner:
179.
J. Berque: STRUCTURESSOCIALES DU HAUT ATLAS 1955) cited by P. Mus: GUERRESANS VISAGE (1961)
180.
I.
172.
p.
HINDU SOCIETY (1961)
Karve:
Rudolph: IN INDIA
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (London 1969)
p.
127,
THE MODERNITY OF TRADITION (Chicago 1967) p. 20-1 n.
cited
p. 41. (Paris p. 80, p. 88.
by L. I.
POLITICAL -
& S. H.
DEVELOPMENT
181.
P. Mus: VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952)
182.
Berque calls "the hidden Africa", this secret of North whereby "each tribe, to keep its each group tries way of life FRENCH NORTH AFRICA - THE MAGHRIB BETWEEN TWO uncommitted". WORLD WARS (1967) p. 120.
183.
D. E. Apter:
184.
E. Colson: "Migration Trends Possibilities" in Africa and in F. Lorimer & M. Karp (eds. ): POPULATION IN AFRICA (Boston 1960) p. 60-1. He adds that "the movements which have taken in the Twentieth Century q, great place as they have been, are One the past as is sometimes no such breaks with suggested. to stabilize might argue that what is new is the attempt lack this the general population; perhaps of success explains of such attempts".
185.
G. Balandier: p. 186.
186.
Ibid.
187.
G. Kimble:
TROPICAL AFRICA
188.
E. Colson: (1960) loc.
"Migration
p.
GHANA IN TRANSITION (New York
p. 20.
1963) P. 30-
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
186.
cit.
p.
in 61.
(1962)
Africa
Vol Trends -
2,
p.
34.
and Possibilities"
196
189.
P. Bourdieu
190.
A typical between
& A. Sayad:
LE DERACITUINT
(1964).
Tunisia, fight Southern a example: fraction Ouled Ouhiba two individuals for him While taking medical in wounding. serious resulted family the victim's town, complained in the nearest treatment (Caid). However, the European-appointed to the official the before brought the clan family matter aggressor's the (miyad), obliged decided and compensation which assembly investigate, to The Caid to family attempted accept. offended his that The but could claimed find victim no witnesses. TRIBUS Chastel: fall. by heavy injuries a were caused In
in 1936, in the
(C. H. E. A. M. GAFSA C. DE C. LE = LE PROBL:}[E DU PAYSANNATDANS doct No. 282 1938).
191.
H. Gluckman: CUSTOMAND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (1956) P. 153. in in Zulu which the "The initial situation any of reaction he beneficial adds, Government officials schemes", proposed "was to reject them". p. 154. (Princeton UGANDA IN THE POLITICAL KINGDOM
1961)
192.
D. E. Apter: p. 117.
193.
'rational' norms of The Rudolphs the that apparently argue they West because in the Western only work administration THE there. by traditional legitimated consensus a are 1ODERNITY CF TRADITION (1967) p. 255-
194.
"Justice a justice li*igants
195.
for to the the city "Disapproval to who goes man attaches the authority Such a man is thought to be flouting justice. the solidarity therefore the against acting of elders, and to disputes take Rampura in The few the who of men village. "The Srinivas: M. N. the urban court are not respected". (1955) loc. System of a Mysore Village" Social p. 18. cit. (clan the "The individual decisions the miyad of who fights tribe the "would Chastel, set whole see assembly)", writes If in a land dispute him. a member of the tribe against if he appeals the does not submit to the decision miyad, of it the to an official visits when commission arbitration the plaintiff. against place, all witnesses are unanimous his His daughters in be nor will marriage, will sought not LES find belonging to the rank". social same sons girls
being besides the in be village, and cheap swift can The litigants. by the as such which is understood relative for themselves clever ask a or speak either lawyers There hired behalf. no their are to speak on or"friend in the atmosphere tongue, awe-inspiring in as arguing a strange System Social "The Srinivas: N. M. of the urban state courts". (ed. ): VILLAGE INDIA Marriott McKim Village" Mysore in of a (London 1955) p. 18.
197
195.
TRIBUS EP LE PRCBL-= DU PAYSANNATDANDS LE C. C. DE GAFSA (C. H. E. A. M. doct 282 1938) p. 27.
196.
P.
197.
L. A.
198.
J-L. Quermonne: "La sous-administration et les poiitiques DE SCIENCE FRAN9AISE REVUE in d'equipement administratif" POLITI, UE (9) Sept. 1959, P-737.
199.
G. Balandier:
200.
fran9aise L. Milliot: "L'organisation SE, Nov. 1933in L'ArRIQUE FRANcAZ.
Mus:
VIETNnti
-
SOCICLOGIE
D'UNE GUERRE (1952)
p.
105.
"Political Fallers: and the anthropological sociology DE EUROPESNNES ARCHIVES in African polities" study of Balandier SOCIOLOGIE (4) 1963 p. 327. an administrative cites the 1920, Bas-Congo in continuing from the concerning report NOIRE DE L'AFRIQUE (judges). ACTUELLE SOCIOLOGIE role of dzonzi fellow-countrymen their that 64. "the They sole natives p. are in They some obscure fear remain respect. with and surround European's the attention sign attracts village and no external the traditions and them that But it is through to them. are perpetuated". customs of the country
(1970) POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY
p. 160. du Nord"
de l'Afrique
201.
G. Balandier: p. 63.
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE SOCIOLOGIEACTUELLE
? 02.
G. Balandier:
POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY(1970)
203.
G. Balandier: p. 63-
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE SOCIOLOGIEACTUELLE
204.
R. Delavignette: (1950) Pp. 71-84.
205.
(1952) DUNE GUERRE SOCIOLOGIE P. Mus: VIETNAM -
206.
G. Balandier: p. 209.
207.
C. H. Moore: "Politics JOURNAL Autumn 1963,
p. 160.
M AND AUTHORITY IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA
p. 25.
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRt '(1963)
in p.
a Tunisian 532.
village"
in
MIDDLE EAST
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUII-IE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
208.
G. Balandier: p. 209.
209.
C. A. O. van Nieuwenhuijze: "The Near-Eastern in MIDDLE FAST JOURNAL Summer 1962.
village:
210.
P. Bonnafe: LE NATIONALISME AFRICAIN (Paris No. 9 Dec. 1964) p. 52.
FNSP/CERI Serie
a profile"
C,
198
211.
ISLAM U3SIRVED - RELIGIOUS D: VELOPM T IN MOROCCO C. Geertz: AND INDON:SIA (Yale 1968) p. 64.
212.
(New York 1955), ANALYSIS POLITICAL IOR D. Saston: A F-YY WORK TH POLITICAL SYSTI2 (New York 1953), and "An Approach to the (9) 1957POLITICS `WORLD in systems" of political analysis in science" "The concept of system in political P. Nettl: MOBILIZATION POLITICAL Oct. 1966, STUDIES POLITICAL and (London 1967).
213.
in I. Wallerstein "Introduction" I. Wallerstein: T1966) SITUATION p. 3. CH4NGE - T'iC COLOIJIAL
214.
THE OF ANNALS in Pluralism" Cultural M. G. Smith: "Social and Smith states 113WYORK ACAi Y OF SCIENCE (83) 1959-60, p. 71. that it forms no such system. specifically
215.
Ytý(
(ed. ):
SOCIAL
(Brussels 1963), 1943-56 FRANCO-MUROCAIN 12 CQNILIT S. Bernard":? Morocco which is decolonization the of work on an. ambitious and methodological, into three volumes - narrative, divided out sketched are His assumptions methodological schematic. "ILa i' an article to the Algerian context and applied in sociologique" de 1'Algerie: decolonisation son mecanisme (Brussels) 53, Sept. 1962, pp. 535-558. CIAUS}
216.
S. Bernard:
217.
Ibid.
218.
S. Bernard: p. 544.
(1963) p. 224. LE CONFLIT FRANCO-NAROCAM
p. 224.
I'a
(1962) loc.
de L'A1gerie"
decolonisation
(1952)
SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUTE
cit.
p. 25-35-
219.
P. Mus: VIETNAM -
220.
(1970) He 162. ANTHROPOLOGY p. POLITICAL G. Balandier: "The in 'double of utopia individual game' an analyzes Benoit Ogoula Iquaqua" - cf. "Contribution a une sociologic (7) SOCIOLOGIE DE INTERNATIONAUX de la dependance" in CAHIZRS 1952, p. 62n.
221. 222. 223.
M. Gluckman: P.
Bourdieu
G. Balandier:
in
CUSTOM AND CONFLICT IN AFRICA & A.
Sayad:
"Contribution
LE DERACINEMINT ä
(1956)
(1964)
une sociologic
CAHIE; S INTE. NATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (7)
pp. de la
1952,
p.
157ff.
161-77dependence"
p.
53
its "arrives Fanon, values, with dominant group", writes life the the that of very imposes them violence such with and in defensively, itself a more or only colonized can manifest (1970) 111. COLONIALISM DYING A less p. clandestine way". "The
224.
G. Balandier: 62. p.
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE
199 A DYING COLONIALISM (1970)
111.
225.
F. Fancn:
226.
Ibid.
227.
Duclos suggests that the reactions males and of colonized Moroccan women avoid the company of European females differ. men (to ward off 'conquest'), whereas Moroccan men seek the company of European women (to gain 'revenge or liberation'). to be "confused He takes both forms of sexual behaviour "Reflexions Duclos: L-J. vitality". affirmations of national & Duvignaud, J. Duclos, L-J. in le sur nationalismemarocain" REBINS (Paris FNSP/CERI 1966) J. Leca: L ES NATICNALIS1"S MAGIL, p. 43-4.
228.
See Note 43 above. Appeals for abstinence often coincide the eating taboos, of pork, with religious e. g. concerning the the smoking of of alcohol; consumption or any meat; In Islamic tobacco; the wearing of particular clothes. boycott countries, of European produce often has undertones of the asceticism of Ramadan.
229.
Ducios: "Reflexfons loc. cit. p. 44.
230.
Ibid.
231.
J. Berque: FRENCH NORTH AFRICA - THE MAGHRIB BETWEENTWO WORLDWARS (1967) p. 73.
232.
C. Geertz:
233.
F. Fanon:
234.
J. P. Charnay: LA VIE } USUI24ANEEN ALGERIE D'APRES LA (1965) SIEGLE XXe DU MOITIE IERE JURISPRUDENCEDE LA PR7; p. 243.
235.
J.
236.
Ibid.
237.
THE AFRICAN TOWARD in Syndrome" "The F. Fanon: North African of. "La Decouverte Sayad: de & A. REVOLUTICN (1970) Bourdieu P. and Andre Gide VT (1964) la Maladie" in LE DERACINla3}ic"i, pp. 215-20. the the "The less intelligent that white man, more remarked the black stupid man seems to him".
238.
J. Berque: AFRICA - THE MAGHRIB BLTtdEEN TWO WORLD FRENCH NOM "is this he WARS (1967) "And element 72. of continues, what", p. that, despite the triumphs of my administration, obscurity in baffles every sphere my planning science, my agriculture, my I that I that which covet and nor possess, which penetrate cannot
p.
p. 50.
p.
marocain"
(1966)
46.
Berque: p.
sur
le nationalisme
ISLAM OBSERVED(1968)
64. p.
A DYING COLONIALISM (1970)
p.
13-1-
DEPOSSESSICINDU A:CNDE(1964) p.
120,126.
120.
200
238.
long vainly last refuge
239.
P. Bourdieu:
240.
Berque
241.
Is it a last for? of human liberty"?
remnant
THE ALGERIANS (Boston
likens
'Barbarism',
of
1962)
p.
to a cave or family, ethic, the developments
these
sanctuaries may be called religion, grotto the 'inner with sanctum', all from the psychological and mythological DEPOSSESSION DU MCI-ME (1964) p. 156.
point
or a
157. "This refuge: sexuality, this suggests of view".
"In reality", "the effervescence Fanon asserts, and the by the woman in have been kept alive revolutionary spirit the home. For revolutionary war is not a war of men".
describes (1970) Berque 51. A DYING COLCIIIALISM similarly p. "unlike "the the the female she, nation"; as reserve army of indirectly. had usually the male, conquest undergone only had even Whereas man, dissociated, destroyed, and remade, the negation insult final been subjected to that of becoming the in Other, the which emotions of of woman, guardian has primacy of cradler over the acquired, primordial always the immemorial, the child, of conserver symbol of refuge, the years had remained throughout of all affirmative (1964), MONDE DU DEPOSSESSICN history". p. 14-15. colonial 242.
Fanon stresses 'vestimentary
the
role withdrawal'
COLONIALISM (1970),
of
the veil and the of Arab society.
in burnous A DYING
Unveiled"
p. 21-49.
Ch. 1 "Algeria
A DYING COLONIALISM (1970)
243.
F. Fanon:
244.
P. Mus: VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE GUERRE (1952)
245.
M. Hunter:
246.
the
p. 51.
BEACTICINSTO CONQUEST(1936)
p. 25-35.
P" 550-
a
G. Balandier: de la "Contribution une sociologic dependice" T14TERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE in CAHIES 1952, p. 62. -
(7)
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
247.
G. Balandier: p. 270.
248.
J. P. Charnay: LA VIE rMUSULMANEEN ALGERIE (1965) p. 368. According to him, "serves it as a mark of as a refuge, identity, the master, of as a source and, by duping to survive". It helped personal satisfaction. self-respect Ibid. p. 368.
249.
G. Balandier: SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963) "public life Mus remarks, that p. 62. carries similarly, on behind VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE DUNE a screen of bamboos". GUERRE, p. 30.
201
250.
As Fanon points
out:
A DYING COLONIALISM (1970) ä
251.
"Contribution G. Balandier: une sociologie (7) SOCIOLOGIE DE 3 INTZRNATIOIJAUX CAHIER. in
252.
G. Balandier:
253.
F. Fanon:
254.
G. Chaliand: 1968) p. 20.
p.
de la dependance" 1952, p. 54.
POLITICAL ANThROPOLOGY(1970)
A DYING COLCNIALISM (1970)
62.
p.
160.
p. 111-
(Paris GUERRE LA ET L: S PAYSANS NORD-VIETNAMIENS (Paris CHINE IId SECRETES LES SOCIETES
Chesneaux:
1966).
255.
J.
256.0.
LES CONFRERIESRELIGIEUSES Depont & X. Coppolani: 1897). MUSUUIAKz'3 (Algiers
257.
to the Fanon analyzes how 'A visit Ibid. p. 50, p. 108n. becomes complaint for the diagnosis doctor' of a physical between colonized and colonizer. a game of hide-and-seek
258.
D. Apter: p. 117-
(Princeton UGANDA IN THE POLITICAL KINGDOM
259.
F. Fanon:
A DYING COLONIALISM (1970)
260.
Ibid. p. 46. "Colonialism", its things happen without
261.
P. Mus: VIETNAM -
262.
J.
263.
Berque:
he adds, control".
p.
111.
"must
accept
(1952) GUERRE DUNE SOCIOLOGIE
DEPOSSESSICNDU MONDE (1964)
1961)
p.
the
that
fact
p. 117,122.
98.
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE factor' of the the need to study the 'internal
G. Balandier: 6 stresses p. situation.
FRENCHNORTH AFRICA (1967)
P" 99-
264.
J.
265.
J. Berque: DEPOSSESSION DU NCNDE (1964) he adds. for the limits of the rape",
266.
Ibid"p.
267.
P. C. Lloyd:
268.
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE G. Balandier: SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE 6. 'universal The analogy Levy's solvent' social p. with interest is in (p. 19 above) Levy's is interesting. chief it. Balandier's in what resists the solvent,
269.
Ibid" p. 6.
Berque:
colonial
p.
96.
"We must
look
97,98. AFRICA
IN SOCIAL CHANGE (Harmondsworth
1969)
p.
107.
202
270.
This is how Lerner characterizes the 'traditional' in his THE PASSING OF TRADITIONAL SOCIETY (1958).
271.
G. Balandier: p. 480.
272.
F. Fanon:
273.
C. Geertz:
274.
He also G. Balandier: POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY(1970) p. 173. DE ACTUELLE SOCIOLOGIE "tactical formalism", speaks of L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963) p. 278.
275.
L-J. L-J.
mentality
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
A DYING COLONIALISM (1970) ISLAM OBSERVED(1968)
p. 51-
65p.
Duclos: "Reflexions marocain" sur le nationalisme BINS (1966) Duclos et al: LES NATIONALISMES MAGHRr.
(1963) NOIRE L'AFRIQUE DE SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE
276.
G. Balandier: 479p.
277.
J.
278.
G. Balandier: p. 33-4.
279.
C. S. Whitaker "A disrhythmic jr.: process (19) 1967, Jan. WORLD POLITICS in change"
280.
Ibid.
DZPOSSESSICNDU MONDE(1964)
Berque:
p.
in p. 43.
p.
98.
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
of political p. 205.
190. OF TRADITION
(1967)
p.
19.
281.
L. Z.
282.
ORDER AND M. Gluckman: CUSTCM AND CONFLICT IN AFRICA (1956), LAW AND REBELLION IN TRIBAL AFRICA (1963), and POLITICS, POLITICAL E. Leach: 1965); RITUAL IN TRIBAL SOCIETY (London RETHINKING 1954), SYST2 S OF HIGdLAND BURMA (London ANTHROPOLOGY (London 1961).
283.
E. Leach: attributes
284.
Ibid.
285.
G. Balandier:
286.
"the admits, practical situations", the material treat of observation anthropologist must always otherwise equilibrium, as if it were part of an overall I am asking All is description impossible. becomes almost be that the fictional should equilibrium nature of this HIGHLAND OF BURMA SYSTE11S frankly POLITICAL recognized". (1954) p. 285. "In
& S. H. Rudolph:
THE I'ADERNITY
POLITICAL SYSTIZiS OF HIGHLAND BURMA (1954) p. to the influence this rigidity of Durkheim.
7
6, p. p. xiii. (1970) POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY fieldwork
Leach
p. 75.
203 SAINTS OF TEiE ATLAS (1969)
P. 53.
287.
E. A. Gellner:
288.
P. ].',us:
289.
G. Balandier: p- 33.
290.
Ibid.
291.
P. C. Lloyd:
292.
J.
293.
Misplaced J. R. Qusfield: "Tradition polarities modernity and OF JOURNAL AMERICAN in in the study of social change" SOCIOLOGY (72) Jan. 1967, p" 352-3"
294.
Ibid.
295.
(1954) BURMA HIGHLAND OF E. Leach: THE POLITICAL SYSTEMS p. 4-5.
296.
(ed. ): RELIGION C. Geertz: "The Discussion" in R. N. Bellah AND PROGRESSIN t: ODERNASIA (New York 1965) p. 151-
297.
Gusfield,
GUERRESANS VISAGE (1961)
p.
181.
SCCICLOGIEACTUELLEDE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
p. viii.
Berque:
AFRICA IN SOCIAL CHANGE(1969) DEPOSSESSICNDU 110NDE(1964)
p.
p.
93.
98.
p. 353.
who makes an initial
distinction
between
"the
(the 'official culture') Tradition" the urban centres of (the Tradition" Little communities of the village and "the this "the importance 'popular that of culture'), explains for a legitimizing diversity is that it provides principles "Tradition behaviour". and of sets wide set of alternative in the study Modernity Misplaced of social polarities The Rudolphs (1967) 353-4. make a loc. p. change", cit. 'popular' Brahmanic the distinction between and similar (TEE MODERNITY OF TRADITION 1967). traditions in India tradition Geertz distinguishes the 'orthodox' or 'classical' Von Grunebaum (ISLAM OBSERVED 1968). 'actual' from beliefs Islam 'folk' between differences the and also stresses (G. E. von Grunebaum (ed. ): UNITY AND 'Caliphian' Islam Chicago 1955)VARIETY IN MOSLEM CIVILIZATION Great
298.
E. Leach:
299.
C. S.
POLITICAL SYSTEMSOF HIGHLAND BURMA (1954)
Whitaker (1967) change"
p.
4.
"A disrhythmic of political process (p. "change 217) that He concludes cit. for those adversely subjected may offer novel opportunities to that or augment, reaffirm, recoup, change to defend, facilitate notwithstanding or value, antecedent activity latently that is or such activity manifestly value or inconsistent the character of the and direction with initial change". jr.: loc.
204 & S. H. Rudolph:
300.
L. I.
301.
E. Leach:
POLITICAL SYSTEMS OF HIGHLAND BURMA (1954)
302.
L. I.
303.
J. R. Gusfield: in
& S. H. Rudolph:
the
THE MODERNITY OF TRADITION (1967)
of
and Modernity change"
social
& S. H. Rudolph:
p.
THE MODERNITY OF TRADITION (1967)
"Tradition
study
p.
(1967)
Misplaced -
loc.
cit.
p.
8.
8. p.
10.
Polarities 355.
THE MODERNITY OF TRADITION (1967)
L. I.
305.
Ibid.
306.
(Paris) He 1950. DE L'ISLAM VOCATION Malek Bennabi: cf. "Post-Almohad" degenerate "colonisability" the of speaks of "inner the Africa, North in resources" and examines man of spirit. which could bring a "renaissance"
307.
"It to 111. A DYING COLONIALISM (1970) Fanon: seems p. the colonial interpret of to out that arising a phenomenon us the before terms in existing of conduct situation of patterns to is if this analogous foreign phenomenon conquest, even in is certain traditional nevertheless patterns, certain the distorts domination false.... very respects colonial his that the own with maintains colonized relations
p.
p.
10.
304.
11.
F.
Ibid.
culture".
p.
111.
& A. Sayad.
LE DERACINEMENT (1964)
19.
308.
P. Bourdieu
309.
Economique Developpement "Messianisme R. Bastide: et et (31) 1961, SOCIOLOGIE DE Social" in CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX (ed. ): SOCIAL CHANGE- THE COLONIAL I. Wallerstein trans. SITUATION (1966) p. 468.
310.
Ibid.
p.
468. p. THE TRUMPET SHALL SOUND (London
311.
P. Worsley:
312.
B. G. M. Sundkler:
313.
R. Bastide: "Messianisme (1961) loc. Social" cit.
314.
Ibid.
315.
G. Balandier:
316.
"Messianisme R. Bastide: (1961) loc. Social" cit.
317.
G. Balandier: (1963) p. vii.
p.
...,
1957).
BANTU PROPHETSIN SOUTH AFRICA (London et Developpement
Economique
et
468. POLITICAL ANTHROPOLOGY(1970) et Developpement 468. p.
p.
185-
Economique
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE
et
1961).
205
318.
This process is strikingly by Balandier among the charted SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE Ba-Kongo, with the Kimbanwist movement. DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963) p. 417-487-
319.
R. Bastide: "Messianisme (1961) loc. Social" cit.
320.
E. E.
Evans-Pritchard:
excellent
321. 322.
analysis
of
Economique
et Developpement 476. p.
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949) this process.
et is
an
F. Fanon: TIE WRETCHED OF THE EARTH (1967) p. 29. (IM) 5ERvE P1640 ISLAM C. Geertz:
323.
"but not in the "The two zones are opposed", Fanon suggests, Obedient to the rules of pure service of a higher unity. the principle Aristotelian logic, they both follow of (1967) EARTH OF THE WREETCHED THE reciprocal exclusivity". p. 30.
324.
J. P. Charnay:
325.
(no. PHAROS ARCHIVES INTERNATIONALES: "Les
LA VIE MUSULMANEEN ALGERIE (1965)
politiques
partis
en Algerie"
p.
97) Feb.
p.
371-
1947 Doct.
463:
1
LE. NATIONALISME AFRICAIN (1964)
25-
326.
P. Bonnafe:
327.
Ibid.
328.
L. I. & S. H. Rudolph: THE MODERNITYOF TRADITION (1967) 88-103. pp.
329.
G. Balandier: des nationalismes "Contribution en a l'etude (Brussels) April 1954, Afrique ZAIRE in p. 382-3noire" "are less he writes, "The movements which we call national", the expression shape, with well-defined of nationalities than reactions to the colonial situation".
330.
G. Balandier: passim.
331.
J. Berque: DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964) p. 142; G. Balandier: SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963) p. vii.
332.
J.
333.
G. Balandier: Afrique noire"
334.
E. Stokes: Nationalism"
p.
Berque:
p.
25-
SOCIOLOGIE ACTUELLE DE L'AFRIQUE NOIRE (1963)
DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964) "Contribution (1954) loc.
p.
172.
ä l'etude des nationalismes p. 383-5cit.
an
"Traditional Resistance Movements and Afro-Asian in PAST AND PRESENT (48) Aug. 1970, p. 109.
206
"Contribution (1954) loc.
N l'etude des nationalismes p. 379cit.
335.
G. Balandier: Afrique noire"
336.
Balandier that implies Hodgkin Ibid. 379. mistakenly P. 'orthodox' it by 'nationalism' to the sense given restricts T. Hodgkin: NATIONALISM IN TROPICAL AFRICA theorists. (1956) not but
p. 23-4. it because it because
en
'nationalism' the term Balandier In fact rejects fit the to facts, has too precise sense a pmre and that it is has so broad sense a and adulterated
unusable.
LE NATIONALISMS AFRICAIN (1964)
22.
337.
P. Bonnafe:
338.
G. Balandier: Afrique noire"
339.
that are Kilson, movements for example, nationalist asserts by leadership, "not in terms dominated, middle-class of only for protecting instruments Africans, but also.... and advancing, Africans". these interests the things, of class among other in West Africa" Classes ("Nationalism British in Social and ): (ed. Wallerstein (20) I. in JOURNAL OF POLITICS 1958 repr. ) (1966) 544. SITUATION SOCIAL CHANGE - THE COLONIAL p. (1970) Barratt-Brown: AFTER IMPERIALISM p. 182 echoes the Africa in liberation "the for that national point movements by men from middle-class or even and Asia are led mainly has Distrust often nationalism of origins". aristocratic
"Contribution (1954) loc.
p.
ä 1'"tude des nationalismes p. 379cit.
en
Luxemburg Rosa been a feature Marxist thought. notably of to its tendency its and nature, attacked anti-socialist from class struggle divert and colonized populations (J. P. Nettl: ROSA LUXEMBURG, London 1966, internationalism. to have accordingly Vol. II App. 2). Many Marxists preferred bequeathing forces, 'socialist' 'revolutionary' analyze or the term 'nationalism' to the bourgeoisie. 340.
M. Halpern: THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL CHANGEIN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTH AFRICA (1963) p. 197-
341.
T. Hodgkin:
342.
Ibid.
343.
M. L. Kilson: POLITICAL CHANGE IN A WEST AFRICAN STATE (1966), (10) POLITICS WORLD "The analysis in African of nationalism" Classes in Apr. "Nationalism 1958, pp. 484-97, and Social (20) 1958, British West Africa" in JOURNAL OF POLITICS
p.
NATIONALISM IN TROPICAL AFRICA (1956).
23-5-
PP. 368-87. 344.
For the identification with of nationalism (1967) K. Minogue: NATIONALISM p. 336-7.
patriotism,
of.
207
345.
the interpretative Duclos, for example, deplores Government versions in Morocco by Central of the "tribal history" or - which squeezes out popular ) (1966) loc. cit. marocain" sur le nationalisme
346.
I. cf. Africa"
"Ethnicity Wallerstein: in CAHIERS D'ETUDES
and National (3) AFRICAINES
grip established past - "Makhzen history"('"Reflexions
Integration Oct. 1960,
in pp.
West 129-139"
Movements and Afro-Asian Resistance "Traditional in PAST AND PRESENT (48) Aug. 1970, p. 108.
347.
E. Stokes: Nationalism"
348.
Some cold water is poured on the more exaggerated views of this & E. G. Ionescu in "Africa" S. Saul: J. 'populist' by school Interesting, (eds. ): POPULISM (London 1969) p. 122-50. Gellner World Third the historical of origins of revision sober, in been has numerous recent made nationalism nevertheless articles and monogrammes: 'primary resistance' Central East in and movements and modern nationalism (9) HISTORY 3-4 AFRICAN MODERN Africa" in JOURNAL OF imposition the to "African of colonial 1968, reaction and Gann & P. L. H. in Africa" East Central in rule and ): COLONIALISM IN AFRICA 1870-1960 Duignan'(eds. (Cambridge 1Vol. 1970) T. O. Ranger:
"Connections
between
in the Great Rebellion E. Stokes: "Rural revolt of 1857 "Traditional in India" in HISTORICAL JOURNAL (12) 4,1969, in Nationalism" Afro-Asian movements and resistance PAST AND PRESENT (48) Aug. 1970, and "The first century PRESENT PAST AND in India" Colonial Rule in British of (58) Feb. 1973. J. Iliffe: "The organization rebellion" of the Maji-Maji in JOURNAL OF AFRICAN HISTORY (8) 1967, and TANGANYIKA UNDER GERMANRULE 1905-12 (Cambridge 1969). in "Some origins J. M. Lonsdale: nationalism of African (9) 1968. HISTORY AFRICAN MODERN OF JOURNAL East Africa" in M. Crowder: WEST AFRICAN RESISTANCE (London 1971). is a North African The work of Mohamed Lacheraf precursor ALGERIE Cf. his this essays: collected of approach. NATION ET SOCIETE (Paris 1965). 349.
ä des nationalismes 1'etude L-J. Duclos: "Introduction theorique in marocain" maghrebins" sur le nationalisme and "Reflexions L-J. Duclos, J. Duvignaud, & J. Leca: LES NATIONALISMES MAGHREBINS (Paris FNSP/CERI 1966), and "The Berbers and the (eda): C. & Gellner Micaud Moroccan E. in rise of nationalism" ARABS AND BERBERS - From Tribe to Nation in North Africa (London 1973) pp. 217-229.
350.
L-J.
Duclos:
maghrebins"
351.
Ibid.
P. 7-8.
"Introduction (1966) loc.
theorique 8. p. cit.
a l'etude
des
nationalismes
208
352.
"The Berbers L-J. Duclos: (1973) loc. cit. p. 217-
and the
rise
theorique p. 8. cit.
of Moroccan ä l'etude
nationalism"
des nationalismes
353-
L-J. D9aclos: "Introduction (1966) loc. maghrebins"
354.
VIETNAM - SOCIOLOGIE He uses the two interchangably, cf. "Le XVI: Chapter DUNE GUERRE (1952), patriotisme esp. p. 218-229. vietnamien",
355.
(1952) GUERRE DUNE SOCIOLOGIE VIETNAM P. Mus: -
356.
Ibid.
p.
p.
199"
228. (1965) SOCIETE ET ALGERIE - NATION
pp.
69-72.
357"
M. Lacheraf:
358.
(London ALGERIA FRENCH OF THE PASSING Gordon: cf. D. C.. the Wtl3 i Lacheraf's 131-2,186-7,192-5 place on pp. Revolution. Algeriern the theorists of
1966)
359.
(1965) 9. SOCIETE ET ALGERIA NATION Lacheraf: M. p. 'national between distinguish sentiment' does, however, 'the p. 29. nationalist phenomenon',
He and
360.
Ibid.
361.
F. Fanon: TOWARDTHE AFRICAN REVOLUTION (1970) War and Man's Liberation". "The Algerian
362.
This view F. Fanon: THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967) p. 47. "Frantz Nghe: Nguyen by 'unscientific' has been attacked as in LA PENSEE Fanon et les problemes de l'independance" March-April 1963.
363.
Cf. esp. F. Fanon: THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH (1967) Ch. 3, 119-165. Consciousness" "The Pitfalls National pp. of
364.
Ibid.
365.
The J. Berque: DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964) p. 170. be he behaviour the should adds, population, of colonized "on the "in to", but simply also relation examined not only Ibid. the colonial p. 170. situation. occasion of",
366.
J. P. Charnay:
367.
W.H. Morris-Jones: (London 1964) p.
368.
J. Beattie: "Awareness of Group and Self in small-scale tc societiesLFe ce of ýtýio uro J`alIr ýn La Aslsoo 1969) e estoo eý ie at pn, Association for the tu yo sycho ogyý perimenta ttei mimeo. p. 4) behaviour, he adds, is expressed not in "rational-legal" is "diffuse" terms, but in "traditional" terms; authority (P. 5). than "specific". rather
p.
10. pp.
154-159:
p. 163.
LA VIE MUSULMANEEN ALGERIE (1965)
P" 369.
AND POLITICS OF INDIA THE GOVERNMENT 58.
209
"The Berbers p. 217. cit.
and the
of Moroccan
369.
L-J. Duclos: (1973) loc.
370.
"Some people Lacheraf that Ibid. experienced suggests p. 217. the Revolution through theory, sincerely and often at the albeit born lives. Others, themaijority, their with energy of cost of through it facts, despair, hope concrete experienced mingled and They distant the inherited from drama past. as a necessary destiny this of a history across glimpsed as one whole,
rise
bitter and misfortune, nameless obscure struggle, (M. Lacheraf: ALGERIE - NATION ET SOCIETE (1965) 371.
372.
L-J.
Duclos:
loc.
cit.
"Reiflexions
sur
le
nationalism"
frustration". p. 26).
marocain"
nationalisme
(1966)
p. 37.
Fanon's 40. The Ibid. image is of remark p. reminiscent "the old granite block upon which the nation rests". concerning 86). Duclos (THE WRETCHEDOF THE EARTH Elsewhere, 1967 p. testing-ground for "a 'Berber to as refers nationalism' ideas the degree determining of new adaptability of by the doctinarians". 'The Berbers and the rise of ) (1973) 228. loc. p. nationalism' cit.
launched Moroccan
of Moroccan
373.
L-J. Duclos: nationalism"
"The Berbers and the rise (1973) loc. p. 221. cit.
374.
M.L. Kilson: p. 186.
POLITICAL CHANGEIN A 1TESTAFRICAN STATE (1966)
375.
M. Lacheraf:
ALGERIE - NATION ET SOCIETE (1965). p.
376.
J. S. Saul: "Africa" POPULISM (1969) p.
377.
J. Beattie: "Awareness of Group and Self in small-scale (1969) Cf. also R. Levine: loc. societies" cit. P. 3. "The internalization Values in Stateless of Political Societies" in HUMAN ORGANIZATION (19) p. 51-8.
378.
J. S. Saul:
379.
Ibid. "The three apparent resistance", p. 127. causes of tribal Duclos argues, "are of a religious, and economic nature. political All three are inscribed But local context. within a narrowly even when thus reduced to their points of most concrete
"Africa"
in G. Ionescu127.
(1969)
loc.
cit.
& E. Gellner
p.
16.
(eds. ):
127-
the same argument reference, and the same demands are clearly recognizable was to take up as the nationalism of the future (1966) 'Reflexions le again". marocain' sur nationalisme loc. cit. p. 22.
380.
L-J. loc.
Duclos: "R4flexions sur le nationalisme 49. "The clan spirit cit. p. and its
(1966) marocain" ramifications.....
210
380.
may initially seem to weaken national cohesion, the values on which provide a means of exalting fulfilling its eventual purposes".
381.
L-J. Duclos: "The Berbers (1973) loc. cit. p. 228.
382.
Ibid.
383.
L-J. loc.
384.
M. Lacheraf:
ALGERIE - NATION ET SOCIETE (1965)
385.
L-J. Duclos: (1973) loc.
"The
and the
"R'flexions 21.
cit.
consciousness bases, if the
sur
Berbers p. 220. identity
le
natio, 1alisme
387.
"North
nationalism"
Charnay: African
LA VIE
marocain"
p.
70.
of self-awareness areas with as a whole).... 218. (1965)
MtJSULMANE EN ALGE IE
nationalism",
(1966)
Moroccan nationalism" "that he asks, territorial on narrow
of and the rise "Does it matter", first developed
of of such conjunction (the provided.... society colonized of simultaneous self-expression"p. J. P.
of Moroccan
rise
and
p. 219. Duclos: cit. p.
386.
but in reality it is based,
Lacheraf
complains,
p. "has
a means
224. often
been spoken of as if it were not a local movement, stemming from an indisputably from profound realities and resulting There has always been a historical national evolution. to blame the Arab tendency to treat it as an intrusion, League or "Radio Cairo" forýM %.Shreb national movements". 69. ALGERIE - NATION ET SOCIETE, Berque:
388.
J.
389.
R. Pherson:
390.
F. Fanon:
391.
J.
DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964) FROM EMPIRE TO NATION (1960)
p. p.
17257-8.
A DYING COLONIALISM (1970) p. 111. Berque: DEPOSSESSIONDU MONDE (1964) p. 172.
211
CHAPTER THREE
ALGERIAN SOCIETY BEFORE FRENCH OCCUPATION
I.
THE FRAMEWORKOF INTERPRETATION
212
II.
SEGMENTATION
218
III.
LINEAGE AND NOMENCLATURE
227
IV.
NON-AGNATIC ALLIANCES
231
V.
CONTINGENCYAND DIFFUSION OF POWER
237
VI.
SACREDNESS
246
VII.
MARGINALITY
260
VIII.
THE TURKISH REGIME
267
NOTE5
To C-IAPTTR TltREE,
'ßa12 .
212
I.
OF INTERPRETATION THE FRAMEWORK
To understand French
under of the
the
political
by telescoping
French occupation.
detectable
The result,
variety
of
its
learning
and handicraft5like
artisans
of more recently
Oran; the
sedentary
Tellian
Greater
Kabylia
Oranais
Plateaux,
and the Hodna;
Saharan French towns of
confines
of
suzerainty
forest
this
from apparent
and cultural
including
'Morocco'
structure
of Algeria,
to the
caste,
interior,
living
whole
which
Islamic
frame
Regency or the
and undermined
these
sendentary
and the
on the
pre-
eve:. of
based on coastal from
a foundation
extended
In discussing
we must expand our
of the Turkish
lay
diversity
the Ouarsenis
the
proceeds
tribes.
surrounding
of the
and
desert
military
patterns,
and 'Tunisia'.
transcended
the
Trara,
Aures Massif;
jigsaw,
population
the
and of
on the
Kabylia,
and the
and
plains
pastoralists
of Lesser
Turkish over
and levies
'Algeria'
both
on this
was a small
economic,
'game'
the Dahra,
in
and nomads of the
beneath
confines
and Mitidja
of
and
at Algiers
ports
the'Cheliff
the mountains
centres
tradesmen
oases;
piracy,
narrow
coastal
transhumant
to
was the
old
Constantine;
Saharan
claiming
of
townspeople
Superimposed
However, social,
demography:
semi-nomads
occupation,
trade,
society
Steppes
Atlas.
but
of Algerian
of
tries
chapter
compressed and schematic.
of the
of the
cultivators
is
tree-cultivators
and in
components
features
established
mountains;
This
Algeria
ýstablýshed - behaviourAbefore the of
patterns
Tlemcenand
village
the major
'game'.
or
in
situation
necessarily,
cereal-growers
Atlas;
colonial
to identify
process
One of the most striking bewildering
of the
we need firstly
rule,
indigenous
do this
dynamics
far
of shared beyond
Far West (Maghreb) the
territorial
-
socio-political
of reference French
the
outside
colony.
the
The indigenous
definitions.
213
One possible . extremely
starting
between
'primitive
differentiate
state'
authority,
- and in which
short
a government
status
correspond
'Group
B' societies,
and in
there
which
terms,
of networks In
Turkish
limited
for
The disjunction that
so great
Yet there of
aspects;
independence drew their 'Group
the -
legitimation B' communities.
status
government
1
and wealth".
be described
as a coexistence A systems.
of quasi-Group
to mere juxtaposition.
Alawite
in Morocco,
dynasty
of the
territory
and population,
despite
greater
life
of the
the
time,
of political as separate degree
frequently
respected
of the
tribes
by the presence
two forms treatment
by most tribes, in
In a sense,
and practical In important
power
interior
overt
'authorities'.
of these organization
was often
systems. The
by these"'cehtral at
least
practice,
in
the
'Group
from
the
segmentary
therefore,
its
they
too,
respects,
an
continued
of interpenetration.
asserted
was so even when,
or recalcitrance.
lack
over
suzerainty
this
nuclei amounted
was a significant
was tacitly
administrative
control
require
also
overall
authorities' spiritual
they
rank,
and
had effective -
most of the between
and
and Algiers
The political
undisturbed,
which
could
with
authority'
portion
of
situation
coexistence
in Tunis
regencies
pretensions.
the
this
short
divisions
B systems
'centralized
of
in -
African
of quasi-Group
Those nuclei
fiction
North
the
privilege
authority,
centralized
are no sharp
in -
of power and authority",
institutions
some respects,
extremely
lack
They
have centralized
of wealth,
cleavages
an
societies.
institutions
and judicial
distribution
"which
and judicial
In these
the
to the
"which
societies,
machinery,
administrative
machinery
A'
is
world
and Evans-Pritchard
and 'stateless'
societies
'Group
between
this
of
drawn by Fortes
distinction
rudimentary
discussion
for
point
manifested
At authorities dynamics these
of
two forms
214
of political single
Historiography adopted
the
the
down'.
and political
perspective
reinforced
by Eurocentric
been to distort
the
the
cultural
fragmented shaped their Algeria,
in
the
harassed
only
be extended can -
growth"2
tradition
urban
remark
about
than
was shallower
in
-
now
but
they
also to
emphasis
even greater
with
Morocco
may seem, in
as this
and exploited
has
"stateless"
of the
now federated,
aggressive,
mobile,
The result
paradoxical
not,
has
has been
this
authority", Geertz's
lay
tradition
written
'nation-buildingt.
"central
of the
often 'from
has looked
dynasties;
central in
interest
who not
where the
the
of gravity
but
tribes,
indigenous
the
that
it
authority';
interrelationship.
centre
cities,
'central
with
nature
and of their
great
is
One reason
been associated
"its
of a
of the Maghreb has too
analysis
of the
invariably
tribes,
or extremes,
as parts,
interaction.
political
top
must be viewed
organization
the
of the
rest
Maghreb. Most of the of gravity French not
tied
It
colonizers.
indigenous
sources of the
accounts
on powerful lacked
overall
emerged were vague: 'clannishness', Atlas'
practical
order
families,
or on religious
theoretical anarchj family',
brotherhoods'.
coherence. ,
goals
the
conquest
'villages'
brotherhoods. The generalizations
'feudal
nobility',
and
case studies
'tribes',
republics',
of the
was to locate
number of
'Berber
centre
and administrators,
concern
to facilitate
on individual
quality,
'Berber
by soldiers
A considerable
population.
'patriarchal
and 'xenophobic
Their in
of authority,
local
conducted
3
tribal
and administrative
military
was largely
were ammassed, of variable 'regions',
to the
anthropologistb.
of Algeria's
investigation
European
was closely
by trained
control
initial
'tribal 'Lords
or
These raw which empires', of the
215
Some of these specifically
According"to African
as Berque
"instinctively
deeper
'pagan'
customs
tended
to be cut
ended up,
"Berque
above all
by his
from his
culture:
re for
him,
and the
was serious
in
communal life,
everyday
- and a wrong
to look
for
5
that -
one - in
which the
"We thus
East.
of a man determined it
that
him off
cut
but
unknown or antagonistic, 6 home". for a national
refuge
of the Maghreb's
and neglect
the
The general
of the moslem religion
of the role
underestimation
age-old
Maghrebology
to us,
exotic
consequence
view
forces,
the Middle
from
a right
the
of Islam.
practice
Studies,
"with
suggests, environment
age-old
d'e
Islamic
from
facts,
tended
Research
'token'
the
underlying off
4
Islam".
than
the
sought
the
Many observers,
roots.
shallow
veneer.
on the Maghreb;
imposition
its
beneath
determining Islamic
was the myth of the
was an alien
lay
reality
suggests,
were a stage
raison
Islam
this,
these
or more
as 'myths',
and functioned
One of
priorities.
a Eurocentric,
contained
bias,
colonialist
research
North
generalizations
in
place
the
total
moslem world. Another 'Algerian
interpretative This
vulgate'.?
and Berber-speaking
organization
and spirit,
hard-working, destructive with
the
thrifty, Arabs.
8
implication
divisible
from
'Islamic
veneer
and perhaps
of the
Maghreb,
led
observers
to look
which
typically
It
grounds.
sedentary
that
the
the
two
This Berbers
more open to conversion
largely
vain,
and
the
were hostile
were regarded to
notion
Berber
often
Christianity.
in
the
around
the
'communities'
Arab-speaking
on pseudo-racial
and indolent,
myth'
the
differences
for
outsider,.
'Kabyle
the
as
between
revolved
Berbers,
The Arab was the
each other. myth';
to distinguish
sought
populations
and cultural
has been described
drift
9
of
native,
to or
coincided
as less
communal
deeply
with
the
islamicized,
216
A further central
Duclos
processes. less
more typical
was only
contribution
He extended
a detailed
a wide-ranging
and many of the and misleading.
inferences
other
those
many of his
developments
important
particularly
hand,
in
to the
relating
and brought 12
community
politics change
of political Islamic
factor,
were overconfident
material
themes foreshadowed
social
A
13
by Montagne.
the
neglected
he drew from his
which
On the
and extremely
research,
He greatly
of French
anthropology.
process
11
structures.
from myths,
of South Moroccan
a
was
society
and 1940's
1930's
the
was merely
findings
of social
of the historical
the Maghreb.
14
the
observation account
in
and continuity
later
was made in
the
liberated
insights
it
that
justify Indeed,
political
that
and occasionally
'structural'
to
tribal
wide-scale
establishing
or Tunisian
regime.
central
traditional
was rather
Moroccan
asserted
were systematized,
the
in
political
It
retrospectively
this
Algeria
and that
gradually
with
contact
into
of
investigators
striking
for
about
expression",
incapable
chronically
into
seeking
were not
10
complex". than
historiography
generalization
"a geographical
colonial
"makhzen
the
of a 'Protectorate'
establishment
It
Algerian
the French
for
research,
calls
in
prevalent
this
the
whereby
of indigenous
focus
a natural
constituted
government
that
been mentioned:
has already
tendency
much
anthropological
dynamics
of
conflict
and
games theory. The work of Berque importance. defies
15
is
the Eurocentrism
He exhaustively in
His
Maghrebology,
revises
in
the
1950's
an extremely
and 1960's
subtle
stands
structuralist
of most social
anthropological
and reassesses
the
and in particular
brings
out
cruder
in
approach,
categorizations.
generalizations
back Islam
which
into
social
current analysis.
217
His masterly
him to manipulate
enables
'moments'
or
1960's,
the
Islamic
This
but of the
speaking
social
a French
domain.
Until
this
took
"badly
hampered".
recent
years
17
The major
have resulted
interpretative
thread,
of Maghreb data Early
with
his
study
the pattern
of
of this
work were digested
small
outline
of
segmentary
theory
being
Much of segmentary and Berque,
the
theory his
direct
from
indirect,
"The Sanusi
other
for
research
16 was in
studies
as a central
the
association
of the
World.
Third
in
operating However,
This
1949.
Northiof the
the
implications
of Sub-Saharan
The publication,
in
was the
and directly
first
applied
1958, sign
within
18
Maghrebology. credit
of segmentary
continent.
theory
de 1'Algeria"
studied
actively
exclusively
to Evans-Pritchard,
of Cyrenaica"
Maghrebologists. "Sociologie
and English-
African
areas
belongs
change.
Sahara.
ethnology
from
sense,
segmentation dynamic
to North-West detailed
of the
North
only
remained
African in
not
of the
dynamics
much more by anthropologists
Bourdieu's
of French
the
rest
North
a more general
albeit
by French-speaking
framework
long
the use of segmentary
undergoing
of
the
the
advances
of patrilineal
in a society
than
place,
analysis
this,
Sahara,
Africa
in
political
for
credit
who published
in
recent
from
and,
to
relating
made by anthropologists
off
were almost
Maghrebologists
advances
cross-fertilization
to be out
French-speaking
between
Maghreb studies
for
As a consequence,
being
described
divergence
'alternations'
done south
from work being
analysis
'structure'.
overall
the Maghreb tended
also
by theoretical
uninfluenced
as 'signs',
and anecdotes
of
anthropology,
and far-sighted
observation
a many-facetted study
research,
was one effect
societies
facts
to illuminate
Until from
of intimate
combination
introducing
Africa
lies
has centred
the with
perspectives
Gellner.
on the
of
Like
Moroccan
Montagne
High
Atlas,
218
but
like
interest
combined
19
fruitful.
from
dynamic
20
variants.
from
findings
Several
French
on a growing
school
Africa,, this
countries,
other
too,
North
into
theory,
scholars,
enormously
its
especially this
now share
21
Segmentary
has been unable,
theory
traditional
of
abstract
to
has been segmentary
interest
central
perspective.
account
research
His
philosophical
influence
social-anthropological
and contributing
the
has proved
anthropology,
His work has had considerable
of Anglo-American
school's
and in
politics,
social
Maghreb as a whole.
to the
conclusions
in Moroccan
of dynamic
ramifications
Drawing
his
them he extends
and explanatory
concepts
generated
II.
to provide
in
Maghreb.
processes
political
need to be tempered
aspects
however, the
some of
with
the
an exhaustive Its
factual
material
French-speaking
by earlier
more
ethnologists.
SEGMENTATION
A sample European North
of working
observers
African
classifications
to describe
communities
the
provides
Twentieth-Century
used-by
organization
socio-political both
diversity
striking
of
and overall
uniformity: '
Bourdieu: a.
Conjugal
d.
Tribe
family e.
Bousquet: a.
Nuclear
d.
Tribe
Algerian
in general22
Extended
family
c.
Fraction
(or
'clan')
c.
Fraction
Confederation. Berbers
family c.
b.
Arabs
(or
throughout 'hearth')
Confederation.
the Maghreb 'b.
Extended
23 family
219 4
a.
Extended
c.
Tribe.
Nuclear
lineage f.
Tribe
a. c.
Complex clan Montague:
e.
b.
Latron:
family
a.
Group
f.
a.
Extended
Both
the in
g.
'section')
these
to which reality.
(or
clan')
of
Confederation.
d.
c.
and the
Tribe
primary
in
4d.
Tribe
secondary
section,
Tribe.
It
lies
29
Cyrenaica30
density
classifications.
28
Fraction
co
(clan,
Tribe
d.
Low Steppe
'douar')
) etc.
Clearly
-
27
h.
Fraction
Sections
variation
'simple
Meknes the plains of
family
b.
mountains26
Fraction
c.
Tunisian
c.
Berbers
section...
in
substantive
(or
(or
Maghreb
the
of the
the nomenclature
extent
Minor
c.
Tribe.
Nomadic Arabs
family
considerably
Kabylia
Sub-division
family
Extended
tertiary
section,
the
Subfraction
Semi-nomads
Evans-Pritchard: Extended
e.
Division
Lineage
b. e.
b.
Moroccan
b.
'house')
Village
d.
from
Nomads throughout
Despois:
Tent
(or
family
Sub-group
Berbers,
Algerian
Extended
a.
village)
family
Confederation.
g.
Bourdieu:
a.
(or
-
Extended
b.
mountains
Complex fraction
b.
general25
'hearth')
Sub-section
Patriarchal
in
Aures
southern
fraction)
Arabs
(or
family
the
from
simple
Moroccan
d.
Tent
(or
family
Hoffman: a.
Berbers,
Algerian
Tillion:
the
rungs
of structural is
difficult
mind of the
a common pattern
vary
to gauge observer,
or
the
underlies
differences. Theories explain
this
24
of segmentary kind
of baffling
have been developed
opposition unity
in
diversity.
to
What they
offer
220
initially
is
social
two figurative The first
process.
their
explain
model
these
by means of which
tree
genealogical
transcribes
logic
the
ways of representing
the
and modifies
themselves
communities
origins31: SAT
Confederation
Tribal
DF
Extended
HIJKLMN0
Family
PRSTUVWXYZ
Household
The modification map (implying indication
social when
the
of
issues
occurring
at
and would
jointly
Households
PQR
TUV
level,
or
Q would
household
level,
at
would
level
- rights
contend
with
and S would
where they E),
the
form a rival
be ranged
tribe
A's
against
territory,
common enemy.
group
say on a question
both
these
groups
operation.
in
be distinct
from
each
act
as one over for
issues instance
-
R and S.
of households
D against
terms
distribution
the
to water,
however,
at
households
of grazing
land.
the
whole
of transhumance,
segment
as an
Thus,
have a common interest,
such as regulation
might
claims
which
at
over
But they
but
example),
points,
come into P and
family
extended
As for
of lineage
as a kind
model not
segmentation
potentially
example.
(group W and
questions,
levels,
arise
for
this
an ancestor
households
action,
.0.
to view
from
might
of seed corn
clan
is
descent
sub-groups
other
A2
B
Segment
Clan
of
A2) T
Al
Tribe
and
of the
C, and iii
the
case of
segments
would
unite
On wider
invasion in
B
segment
face
of of
the
221
The social each
second is
system of
which
loyalty,
method
by means
represents
radiating
of
from
out
of
the
of
this
loyalty,
potential
smallest
to
group
kind
concentric
of
series
or
a nest,
a rung
logic
the
demonstrating
of
or
of circles,
division
of
largest32:
the
etc .............
The of
feature
significant
segmentary
is
structure
themselves,
organize
in
understood
but
characterized
Viewed
through
the
Maghreb
socio-political
features
of All
pattern. groups,
and
by
Maghreb
There
differentiation.
Conflict
institutionalized
as
each
when acted
in
other:
a 'tribe'
conflict
as a coherent
with
only another
'village'
2.
Extended
1.
Household
level
can
The
segments
to
defined
'village' of
this
of
many
an intelligible of
larger
tents'
social
fragmentation
through
opposition body
political or when
or often
and
endemic,
an effective
'group
operation
mutually-exclusive
potential
a
be
only
schemata, into
was
communities
which
fusion.
and
groups
representations at
were
'tribe';
Family
levels
fall
were
Segment
idealized
disposition
became
or
Clan
life
several
Units
3.
idealized
these
between
feud.
Tribal
system.
groups
was a constant
4.
fission
of
contained
Tribe
each
overall
filter
5.
these
that
chronic
social
themselves
sub-groups.
to
the
Confederation
specific
fact
is
system
the
not
the
to
relation
both
of
6.
'group it
of
clashed
tents'
222
with
'villages'
other
itself
mobilized
to protect
were threatened group
there
"This
schism.
Built-in fusion.
a level
Disputes
in
of Gellner
and sub-division",
of the
activation
meant that
inherent;
it
indicates,
are
to be found
but
it
in
the
by a threat is
the
from
outside
split
or confederation
with
groups
at
once the
internal
assertions
than
rather
as Gellner at home, but
of size
for
which
'outside"1.35
of dispute of
up 11.34
does crop
level
source
available the
ensures
must be a corresponding
evaporated,
line,
the
coercion
every
segments
These segments
"Cohesidn", of
as cleavage. rival
was contingent
by agencies
and hence
up through
latent,
menace.
external
there
along
when a conflict
of groups
not
outside; home',
even if
other Each
as well
of power. all
also
grouping.
rival
of equivalent
potentially
solidarity
maintained
an 'at
Once this
relevant
promoted
point
'balance'
rivalry,
also
segmentation
solidarity
expressed
exist'
stemmed from "is
unity
eventual
and their
sizes',
all
higher
by the mobilization
they
ready,
the
to an equivalent
thus
an overall,
were "ever
groups
each
number of points
fission,
generated
opposition
were settled
ensure
there
Within
families'.
which
groupings
of possible
moment of segmentation
or
of division
For each subsection,
subsections,
This
an endless
the
all
competition
represented
'in
existed
when these
33
society".
to
'extended
family'
interest
shared
by rival
principle
"generates
suggests,
an 'extended
of tents';
and promote
or blocked
and sub-group,
likely
'groups
or
sub-group
was removed, 'solidarity'
'independence'. Perhaps
Maghrebology
the major
contribution
has been its
patterned
of this
segmentary
explanation
of the
theory
to
otherwise
223
bewildering by earlier the
of levels
variety
to locate
ethnologists
level
'tribe'
of
which
them.
terminology
There
them,
by the
or from a 'fraction
was casually
bestowed
alliances
occasionally
mushroomed in response
which
threat,
or to
Bourdieu,
for
ill-defined
together
A weaker
tribe
may then
together
to
happens
that
a vast
without
ever
"are
really
squaring
is
level
- one which
it
war,
a North
mobilized
as a corporate
tribes
weaker
often "most
only long
up to
equal
strangers
It
the pointed
'tribe'?
early
colonizers
entity,
their
"
question
They abstracted believed conquest
the key to
of loose
seemed little
notion
social
they
more than tribes",
great
37
of the asked
'tribe',
by Berque:
one social had witnessed
{reotc1. - and action.
sometimes
a particular
around
a state
of the
ab
power may join
confederations".
to the
clung
African
to resist
disguised
in
and
when a coalition
of powerful of
clan;
by a common danger.
be formed
will
themselves
ethnologists
"what
action,
or groups
of fractions:
coalitions
French
the
But tribes
Marcais,
wrote
protection
confederation holds
which 36
temporary
own submission,
threatened
or
or strong
oppose a-common enemy or make new conquests.
family
vassalage".
seek the
The term
as "vague
stem from
usually
two or more tribes
of its
price
great
that
a
to an external
leader
'confederations'
describes
example,
from
hegemonies
on temporary
of an influential
organizations
may bring
the
the ambitions
of
undermined
of a tribe'.
'confederation'
at
comprehensible.
a 'tribe'
on how to distinguish
of tribes',
which
even less
made reality
of control appearance
'clans'
or
Attempts
organization.
up institutions
baffled
transcended
was no agreement
'confederation
of social
or set
were constantly
'confederations' Imprecise
and forms
"
in rj
"The framework
224
of knowledge, been the
their
welter
objective
38
tribe".
to plot
in
the
Attempts
of contradiction
Morocco
'tribe',
in
other
confusing
the
places 40
an 'agglomeration'.
on a pinhead.
speech;
it
sterile
phenomenon,
and partly
incomprehensible
if
from
the
....
transience.
This
themselves, which
are they
which
but
that
"it
the
in
system.... some extent
their
they
overall
an arbitrary
were as
was a figure it was
of social
structure to pin
of
down the
components
aware he becomes of their lies the
not
not
facts
the
facts
themselves
level,
their
in
the
function
context". 'clans',
43
always
lay
in
not
or groups,
form part
or.
were equally Gellner
to be tempted
ethnography
units
of tents',
Maghreb,
of the
The mistake
political
they
'groups
existence
corporate
French
for
one may define
The designation
is
environment
group".
for
It
as
the number of angels
originality.
to treat
segmentary
isolation,
places
42
had a fixed
crucial
total
disposition,
attempts
was a mistake
"however
treated
the
....
several
as a
characteristics; 41 It artificial".
tries
their
system
but in
In the
because
the
similar, as if
for
search
in
perform
fruitless. argues,
is
some places
a tribe
"the-more
he declared,
important,
Other, 'villages'
the
"The more the analyst system",
surveys
or fixed
was "a secondary
of
French
activities
suggested,
structure
isolated
in
as computing
As Berque
was done amid a
cites
and in
These timeconsuming
had no concrete
interaction.
group
same social
as a 'fraction',
and essentially
dancing
Berque
and anachronism;
listed
which
This
always
tribes,
and enumerate
39
maps'.
"has
complained,
were made to list
on 'tribal
boundaries
Berque
of action",
by the
understanding they
of a larger
cannot
be
social
of autonomous political groups is always to 44 At any one time in Algeria, matter". the
225
scale
political
of effective
one geographical Algeria,
the
social
systems
segmentary This
was its
the
reinforced
linguistic, long
view
from of
fluctuated
Both were of the
which
the
same
of interaction.
differences
Berber-Arab the
understanding between
continuity
a common framework
within that
to the
were purely had
of Maghrebologists
consensus
been tending. The segmentary
of
of the
and 'Arabs'.
towards
a view
any one area
theory
segmentary
confirmation
and fitted
type,
in
organization
political
of
'Berbers'
of
considerably
to another.
one era
contribution
Africa
differed
conversely,
of effective
from
One minor of North
to another;
area
scale
considerably
organization
"ordered
fairly
model also
anarcl jt,
stable
political chronic
fractionalization
to reconcile
offers over
time,
result tribes
and tribal
between
approximate
their
fusion,
However, deceptive. characterized mirror
apparent forces
is
interaction,
individual
suggests
"the
that
and internal
by a tendency
balanced
theory
segmentary
that,
and differentiation'
'assimilation
fission
despite
political
by positing
contradictions
it
towards
far-reaching Classic
ease.
a
and conversely,
organisms,
of
equilibrium;
sections
parts
of the
groups
these
within
unstable,
surprising
paradox
by Montagne45:
social
of social
counter-vailing
in
among others
were chronically
form with
could
offers
of long-term
pattern
formations
hegemonies
noted
of the
an explanation
in
the
tendency
of
opposition direction
of
46 combination the
formal
One reason
by monadism, the
of
simplicity is
of groups"*
or amalgamation
that that
characteristics
real
the
groups
situation of all
segmentary in
the
whereby higher
model is,
Maghreb were not nesting
and lower
segmentary level
47 groups.
226
At the
base of
but
fact
in
even the for
existence, tent
the model,
in
clan
they
domestic
rather 1
detail".
family
than
On the
by certain
or sporadic whole)
is
beyond
it,
focus
its
of behaviour;
levels
Between these intermediate exist
however,
existence
two structural varied
an infinite
to be confronted
Maghreb modes of life. possibilities
for
political
term,
the
in
in
a cultural
extremes,
number of potential factual
the
are problems The tribe only
"the
(as a
Certainly
52
segmentation
were finite,
they
51
and density
The logical
situations
and
action; sense".
a weak
tribe 50
chain".
range
In any one environmental, organization
49
provided
of political
as
extended
as super-confederations
considerably.
with
hamlet
unit.
often
example,
domestic
there
to Sahlins,
terms
"only
too,
should
them further
unit".
segmentary
of loyalty
of behaviour
groupings
in
for
purely
political
according
link
in nature;
the
treated
nest,
(say)
of
and perhaps
discuss
largest
effective
of that
such vague layers
represented
there
widest
size
and the
"political
lowest
segmentary
definitions
had a spurious
regions
"the
as both
head - the
the
and do not
or
generations.
political
groups,
and Tait
Middleton
three
up to the
the household,
group
building
Evans-Pritchard,
groups,
the weakest
often
from higher
family,
group',
least
than
rather
indivisible,
physical
of at
groupings
at all.
political
as to what constituted itself,
the
edge of the
outer
that
is
had no separate
and the
the kin
functions
By contrast,
and - through
unit"
'hearth',
'family',
analysis
'nuclear
as the
or
individual
unit
as domestic
"we regard
that
family,
arguable
in political
explained
in
is
different
performed
the
incorporated
be regarded
should
figure
not
it
course,
African
dwelt,
it
More importantly, the
nuclear
North
the
which
of
of
premiss points
and realities
needs, of
at any one time, and the
that
formal
the
227
fluidity
of the
ideal
segmentary
topographical
and socio-economic
tree-cultivating
communities
example,
made the
clan
together
extended
families
effective points
there
stable
groups.
complex
So it
clan
Mountains
or adroum)". is
of Northern
is
and segmentation
defining the
Similarly,
more or
simple
Hart
"terminal
the
in practice
grouping
"among these
unit
most vital
for
mobilized
thresholds
true
53
but
village,
suggests,
mark out the
that
tribe'
highlands,
the most regularly
which
densely-populated,
argues
that
in
the
unit"
54
Morocco.
LINEAGE AND NOMENCLATURE
Social terms
segments
Arabic
"Ouled"...
they
tried
of time
- through
variety
of nomenclature
idea
was a coherent
names.
there
The inaccuracies
appeared
only
confused
about
to show that their
actual
the
illiterate
origins.
were thankless,
throughout detail
at work behind
and inconsistencies
which
legend,
and written
and contradictory
process
migrations,
conflicts,
conquests,
and repetition mass of overlapping
back through
genealogies
inference.
The accumulated that
these
"
sons of...
) a common ancestor.
"Ait"...
both on oral relying 55 Such undertakings
and on etymological the
chart
"the
themselves
Berber
in
to
and intermarriages
alliances
called
in
themselves
defined
Maghreb typically
the
or "Beni"...,
ethnologists
vicissitudes
given
in
descent;
of patrilineal
Some early the
of the
As Bourdieu
is
Kabyliä
Greater
of the
Special
reality. among the
conditions
--
(takharroubt
III.
(in
-a
some...
'self-contained
the Rif
are
distorts
subfraction
unit.
political
type
the
gave little
the myriad
such studies
tribesmen Members of the
Maghreb.
of revealed
were ignorant same community
or
228
used different
often
"do not the
describe
the
or alternatively
deal
a great
themselves
from
pressure
the
"The Berbers", various
they
differentiate.....
describing Elsewhere "lack
of the
the
social
"for
latter's
protocol
what his
relations these
Some abstract passed
spontaneously
only
the native, is
dearth 59
the
born
above all
are with
'fifth'
In
colonizer
and brought a living
distinct
names to
from higher from below.
segments Their
the the
what we call
made of any name 5$
or tribe".
to
terminology
needs this up within
their
as he implied,
however,
abstract his
tribe,
the
he knows exactly
before
were employed, downwards rather flexibility
the
us to
knowing
what
relations". self-descriptions
57
name what we call
reality:
each individual 60
under
anthropologists.
being
fact,
56
Tillion
- except
'Isouktan'
of generic
which
contradictions".
names among
of confederation
abstract".
stressed,
grammar;
they
this
of
by this
the
that
precise
generic
use ever
without
organism
of a sense of the
and as Tillion
(and)
Haha....
extremely
needs oblige
describe
is
agnatic
apply
in
number of elements,
or visiting
"hardly
belong
labels.
or
our administrative
he attributes
determines
'tribe',
administration
Souktana....
the
of
used abstract
The 'Ihahan'
'confederation' 'tribe'
used only
they
draws up a picture
and full
modification
observed,
which
the
comparing
they
The result
ways.
one finally
'fraction',
Montagne
organisms
and after
seldom
or lesser
that
noted
to which
of tribes
different
informers,
central
Montague
a greater
communities
'clan',
-
it
them in
constant
these that
out
in
of work,
to
Uusually, pointed
ensemble
of numerous
liable
still
complex
arrange
observations is
classifications;
They include
same way.
after
agnatic
though than
rose
and imprecision
usually
229
hindered
rather
than
Variants
of the
Arabic
itself
a derivative
and translated logic of
The formations
employed. 'clan', like
'fraction',
invariably
between
Bourdieu
they
explained,
and tribe;
"designate
units
social
labels thoughlevels
to all in
were
between
range
Berber),
were affixed
the
where they
Similarly,
(Djurdjura
family
extended
static
hierarchy
a precise
to might
referred
as 'fraction',
employed,
to apply
context
levels.
and takharroubt
translated
segmentation
they
-
were used to designate
'confederation'
or
(Arabic)
ferga
in
position
and tagbilt
which
word tagbilt
was a mistake
the moment and in the
at
group
observers.
- were occasionally
it
a fixed
'arch
formations.
tribal
widest
bile aq
However,
'tribe'
this
Berber
or the
Arabic
as 'tribe'.
of European
understanding
'arch
word
of the
and assign
social
the
helped
Kabylia,
as
of a size
that
of
varies
both
of the
villages.
gradual
to the most extensive and continuous manner from the narrowest 61 Other semi-abstract terms - translatable as 'fifths',
units". 'fourths',
the
utility
charting
the
the
of
the
agnatic
descent. would
of tents'
bore -
and abstract
in
place
no precise
of existing
terminology
groups, he suggested,
immediate
group
kinship
definition
be projective,
takes
of groupings the
important
were extremely
The nomenclature,
The wider
and history
structure
a
meaning
context.
of Berque
origins
social
transition
the
because
'groups
or
the
and with
of patrilineal
behaviour. Only
is
particular
The writings the
region
This
'bones' their
outside
with
group,
and the
the claimed
their
was largely or four
more the patrilineal mythical.
for
long-term
epiphenomenal.
generations
to represent
ancestors
questioning
as a guide
or predicting
three likely
in
- was
biological classifications Names, he
230
did
argued, tools
not
which
in kinship
relationships the
as part
of an extremely
ideology its
'savage
chaos of the
terms.
Far
mind',
they
sophisticated
justification
segmentary
'assimilation
of
Middleton
and Tait,
for
ourselves
in
of people
composing
cultural
analysis,
system, 64
theory".
Under the determined
local
a system
umbrella
the
pattern
groups". of ideas
- in
of agnatic of
62 to
parallel that
relations was, fact
Berque's. lineage
the
and by
in Fellers'
economic
in
aggregates "a
phrase,
of political
interests
Evans-Pritchard
segmentation.
by
Sub-Saharan
between
a kind
ideology,
manipulated
dynamics
social
used by the actors,
certain 63 It
express
of
Patrilineal
regulating
insights
a concept to
or signs
were symbols
came to suggest
example,
model was "an abstraction,
evidence
and differentiation'.
developed
anthropology
constituting
structure.
system
was a classificatory
from
were
segmentary
existing
rationalized
retrospectively
they
or coalitions;
conflicts
origins,
explain
of the
suggested
kinship
terms,
Nuer that
"relationships
these
but living together have great emotional counts content, 65 kinship". to which Fortes' comment should be added:
expressed
and
terms
more than "local
ties
do not There
themselves. ritual look
are generally
for
for
"the
underlying
land markets
rise
and conflicts
context",
and trade,
game",
of social
were generated
and raw materials, routes
and of
or economic or kinship or 66 Thus, we have to emerge".
of the
structure
bonds in
to structural
bonds to
structural
and sociological
Maghreb alliances of resources:
to give
must be common political
interests
demographic
irrigation,
appear
crops
"the
ecological, 67 In the action.
by rivalry
and livestock,
and passes,
for
control
wells
and
women and honour,
231
sacredness
and prestige.
topographical,
and technological Berque provides
resources. sketching
the nature
alternating
years
high
in
of land-use
of famine
of this
conditions
of high
and abundance,
in
of 1830,
Algeria
the
for
rivalry
'structure'
of this
a glimpse
climactic,
its
with
mortality
and
fertility: "In
three-quarters
and pastoral
society
and reaped;
the rest
pasturing the
the
We have to understand
that
rapine
for
search
of
strategy
two areas
of land,
harmony
that
agnatic
continual
kind
of rhythm brought
equilibriums,
Hence a specific
of patriarchal however,
and
This
room.
sowed
group
Cultivation
Hence those
considerable.
or by violence.
insists
Between the
a difficult
groups
The rural
pastured.
disjointed.
and of accord, Berque
it
an agricultural
reigned
movements.
time,
perpetual
upon the
by pacts
about
of the
theft
country
cyclical
was sometimes
displacements, imposed
with
were usually
distance
the
of
atmosphere
and harsh
ideology-was
of 68
competition". simply
not
a
it interacted behaviour; with and shaped that material 69 'sacral' behaviour. Similarly, attachments or spiritual primordial
mask for
were an indisoluble "the
is
economic
of the
part
IV.
dominated
of
structure
over
and covered
in
interactions;
a sense 7°
by the magico-religious".
NON-AGNATIC ALLIANCES
In pure
segmentary
no cross-cutting a number of operate. Algeria
criteria
systems,
groups
and criteria".
of
segmentation
One of these they
lineage
took
were generally
the
71 other
form
called
Gellner
In Maghreb society, than
agnatic
of factions
soff-s,
"there
suggests,
and in
or
however,
descent
'parties':
Morocco
are
leff-s.
did in
232
The study
of these
in
moieties
that
they
North
throughout of their
and heavy
the
obscure
his
extended
That
study
patchwork
which
could
of group
be transcribed
'transitive'
in
were allies,
then
the
sense
A and E were allies,
These loyalty-patterns is
equal in
75
strength".
the
enemies
are".
alliances "these
permanent
give
limiting
on,
or justified
the
pattern
arising
out
in
A and B
if
74
occurred,
the
knows,
fraction and who its
two-networks
or extending
through
of
of
it:
existence
of
unless
on the
contrary
they
was that
they
were not
based
They cut
across
77
them indefinitely".
The significance
these
conflicts,
were
C and E and
"each
of conflict,
a
Maghreb,
the
two alliances
brothers
of guarantee,
to him,
when a dispute
as a means of settling
a sort
alliances,
that,
on.
he
A and D were rivals.
who its
quarrel,
but
over
conversely
were not haphazard:
In any situation
were mobilized leagues
extend
But they
not
These factions
and immediately,
spot,
case of an intestine 76
in
were latent, on the
created,
then
of
According
map.
while
account
he focussed
A and C were allies,
if
that
light should
was spread
as a political
and C and D were rivals,
were rivals,
"there
alliances
His
of Morocco,
to most of the Maghreb.
quilt
the
which
reality
the South
in
originated
findings
great
in
was justified
social
72
life
to detailed
been subjected
this
most of
of tribal
East.
Middle
the
importance,
secret'
particularly
of the
significance
Montagne's
73
criticism,
theory.
segmentary
indeed and -
has subsequently
operation
revision
'efficient
the
constituted
Africa
their
He exaggerated
marked by the work of Montague. implying
Maghreb has been greatly
the
of these terms
of patrilineal of alternated
of,
moieties agnatic
descent. physical
relationships. They were
contiguity.
'secular'
alliances
233
It Maghreb,
that
nor
the physiognomy tried
alliances,
the
may divide
and which
league
and a 'lower'
than
'a social into
that
unit
action
on every
breaks
trifling
the
individual
incident
that
than
the
combats
from a proper
The main criticism data all
on leff-s in
conflict
rigid
was not
suggested,
moment in Montagne's
time,
the
sense of come
whenever
however
soffst it
whether
Different
a
is
on an lead
features
one
assumed an institutional
leagues
logic
of the
ritual
game
$ war".? is
areas.
He implied
79
they
in
interpreting
showed that
one corner
of the
the Moroccan
High
he had unearthed permanent
patterns,
limited
were permanent,
and Dresch
Even in
his
scheme for
that
Berque
necessarily
on binary
he erected
that
ambitious
he had 'discovered'
the pattern
insistence
rather
of kinship')
level,
from the
institutions.
was not
(in
factor
every
between
of Montague
of other
are primarily
and no matter
resulted
the Maghreb.
pattern
typical
and at
an excessively
and universal
checkerboard
Berque
into
an 'upper'
leagues,
and have a potential
scale....
conflicts
or even the
clan,
members of different
may be,
these
and that
rather
occasion
and
and agonistic
the
based on the
out between
"diffused
'associations'
These not
Kabylia:
two general
nature,
or on a collective
think
form
is
detected,
of political
into
the
example,
organizations-that
in
existence.
quarrel
to
league;
in
village,
organized
are
(name-related)
an actual
the
for
soff-s
systems
organizations,
family,
of
in
exist
a key to understanding
provided
Bourdieu,
operation
did
alliances
they
of conflicts.
which
onomastic
these
on occasion
to describe
and abstract
that
disputed
was not
at
one particular
and unchanging.
rather
than
tripartite
the
Maghreb Atlas,
234
for
segmentation Perhaps
the most telling
described
the
social
for
all
on certain by Montague As Hart could
maintained 'square' group
after
chessboard
represents
a 'canton',
What is
unit
on the
this
no specialized
board,
Montagne's
model of leff
to be a crude
respects
there
any more than
and confused
a dispute
forerunner
of
was
or a
breaks
of it?
out There
within
any between
are
80
each
a valley,
and balance
conflict
as a unit.
institutions
political
described
"that
subgroups
or within
group,
that
how order
asks,
if
to keep order
however,
act
he explain
Nor could
crucial
why or how conflict
explain
Gellner
within all,
not
could
he
of alliance
valley,
a whole
leffs,
rival
that
as the
out,
pointed
"Suppose",
of villages.
are,
it
a leff:
within
will)
81
a lefft.
within
on his
(as it
matters,
"could
one level
- treating
on certain
is
account
of only
Dresch
Montague
suggests,
terms
example
into
as simplistic.
of Montagne's
action.
political
as fragmented
occur
in
for
clan,
occasions,
been criticized
weakness
process
the -
segmentation focus
has also
example,
them%
in many
appears the
each 82
theory
of
his work frequently segmentation; confuses leffs with 83 lineage segments, and he never made a thorough analysis of the 84 basis of leff His major fault segmentation. seems to have been patrilineal
isolating, complicated
system
of group
victim
of his
"there
was a difference
substantive An example will
individual
and reifying,
illustrate
encapsulating
of the
between about
the
complications
how limited 86 reality.
his
to generalize, his
formal
dynamics
of a total
To an extent,
relationships.
own overeagerness
material
components
for,
position
of political
of alliance-networks grandiose
'patchwork'
and very he was a
as Seddon notes, and his action"* on the theory
85
ground was in
235
The major fringe
of
Ziban their
against
neighbours
tents
two constituent
'tribes'
of this
were themselves
rivals.
The former
(influenced West),
by the
and the
Bou Okkaz clan they
example,
belonged
of the
Ziban);
were ranged
tribes
Mahdi
too
various
fractions
divided
at the slightest 87 1734". Fractions
into
these
rivalries; that
one fraction
soff
against
tribesmen
of
the
Ben Gana Soff-
were soffs
at into
French
called
different a neatly
What Montague earlier
Sahnoun)
Oued Msila
- they
Ouled Derradj
were seemingly
the
in
soff,
the
levels, transitive
had done with
ethnologists
origin
usually but,
split
more contingent,
and permament leff
had done with
is
went back by soff however,, in
of the
help. basis
and on a contingent
was
by Sahari
rivals for
to have
Oued Chellal
the
supported
soff
of the
of which
when threatened
Oued Msila
for
them not
of which
who were ancient
the
for
were also
by the
The Ouled
cohesion
the hostility
and the
Soff
each of these
soffs.
enough,
Derradj)
to the North
uprising,
and the
strong
two parts,
of the
(Ouled
Okkaz soff
organized
not
soff
rival
turbulent,
incident,
alliances
into
the
(influenced
Moreover,
sides.
split
Kabylia
1871 Kabylia
the
on opposing
and too
aroused to
during
Ouled
Oued Chellal
in
these
However,
Mahdi,
to the
Oued Msila
to the
was certainly
been themselves
belonged
from the Medjana
was internally
agitated
(Ouled
as one soff
Ouled Nail;
tents.
the
near
South-East,
the
acted
the
and red
Hodna soff
clan
latter
constituent "were
Mokrani
(to
West,
to the
and rivals
pre-Saharan
West,
the
Hodna tribes
these
by black
(to
Ouled Derradj
and the
Together,
oases).
on the
area,
Ouled Mahdi
were the
were distinguished
soffs
Hodna mountain
the
the Ouled Nail)
of
the
in
Algeria,
central
mountains near
'tribes'
Thus, rather
Bou there than
pattern.
analogous
the tribe;
to what many he had transformed
236
it
in his
trying
mind into
to which
it
was "no more than
it
lacking
normally grandiose suggests,
indeed,
Montagne's
that
institutions
political and the
However, ambitious
Montagne's
undoubtedly among highly
at
was that picture
prove
Kabylia
some areas,
for
by Smith,
that
and were manipulated
inter-tribal winning of
diplomacy, over
enemies,
What his
tactical there
did
organization
unearthing
of
theory,
were not
the
these for,
contest
and strategic
was "no single
of
for
particularly 'secular' Also,
did
basis
in to
indicated
an exhaustive
synonymous. purity
made
a point
of
91
the
lineage
power and resources.
game of accumulating allies,
tend
certainly
a more dynamic
facilitated
in the
the
He was
time.
He illustrated
across
cut
in
provide
not
of
network work
more
insights.
pattern
alliance
and segmentation
nest,
weaknesses,
its
of
areas,
a period
dynamics.
tribal
principles
of
the
the
segmentation
lineage
specific
over
stable
example,
Other
Montagne's
in
one or two key levels.
competitive
of
gigantic
stripped
some useful
populations,
quite
patrilineal of
behind that,
noting
sedentarized
might
alliances
operate
in
correct
of leffs,
analysis had left
pretensions,
study
90
has collapsed".
construction
Favret
segmentary
"the
that
is
The
of its
sophisticated
Nicolas,
with
the
In view
years".
of an alternative,
to conclude,
was possible
89
It
alley;
"congealed
a leff
suggested,
up a blind
work
thirty
for
development
of tension
Maghrebology
took
theory
relation
system. 88 operate".
a classificatory
kinds
where other
leff
As Berque
phenomenon.
without in
of segmentation
system
overall
was a secondary
was a word;
it
the
to understand
reality,
a crucial
organism,
a concrete
to
clients,
and undermining
of recruitment
approach
the
unity
or membership".
92
237
In
certain
regarding
phenomenon:
indicates:
of the
conceive
it
of a dynamic the
reinforce
lineage
respecting interests...
in
alliances
ideology:
cry,
of the
or principle
alliances
V.
within
the
model ... could
terms
95
of lineage
be used as a
among others,
in
the
or breaking
affirming model "'.
'leff
cohesion".
in
justified
forming,
between
was to provide
alliances
of recruitment,
game of
it
own political
of lineage
failure
lineage
segmentary
its
different
case of the
and difficult
political
96
CONTINGENCYAND DIFFUSION OF POWER
Divergence was an inherent segmentary is
the
An alliance
or even replace
or upholding
were retrospectively
"the
rallying complex
solidarity
be to view
would
two models.
it,
contradict
to
segmentary
a segment had to make a choice
The function
alternatives Often
lineage,
94
and unrewarding
exclusively
the
defined
incompatible.
interpretation of
appear
situation"*
were not
in
system
interplay
Many times,
altogether.
and loosely
arbitrary
A more realistic
terms.
could
both
socio-political
or alliance terms
is
neutrality and leffs
soffs
in a conflict
segmentation "it
"value
of
light,
this
of persons
and patrilineal
As Vinogradov
In
even talk
of a more general
aspect
any association
Moieties
in
93
group membership". as "a specific
simply
we might
circumstances,
not
occurs!
that 97
and convergence feature
society", this
of Maghreb
Gellner
does occur,
According
to
this
community
points but
between
of interests
that
model,
out, this
interactions
segments
"What defines
life.
the
explaining is
social
very
nearly
are
ideal-type!, all
that
"situational"98
a
238
99
or "contingent". autonomous
unit;
is
than
rather
of segmentation
in
comes into
problem
Levels threats;
of outside
being
only 100
dispute".
- the
groups,
existence.
face
the
as an
to other
relation overt
a permanent
machinery
of the policy
in
isolation
in
be treated
defined
become actual
only
decision-making
appearance
could
each group
and has a latent
"the
No group
the
with
When disputes disputes,
have been settled,
or transcended,
or undermined
by other
the
of mobilization
wither
Pure segmentary
systems to
levels
related
contain
complicate This
analysis
permanent force,
of
from
or professional
to
according judicial segment
the model,
or military
101
between
breakdown
of balancing them into
and effective.
groups. but
words,
was dispersed
Conflict
signalled
was at the
same time
than
permanent be called
"specialized for
maintaining
hegemony over 'anarchic'
if
and permanent order
the
real
others.
order
at
the
the
game rather
only
system
other
of inter-
sum total
of a ritual
could
the
in
the
simply
same way,
a superordinate
not
or expenditure
communities
of
power,
In the
Opposition,
to establish
fact,
but
opposition
complementary
is
was not
law-courts,
as police,
factor
as
organized
Order
groups.
structure.
stabilizing
of
operation.
one segment
in
"the
foci
or special
by the
social
mechanisms,
was part
the presence
the
contingent
aggression,
with
in
in as far
situation,
institutions but
bodies,
mechanism.
component
organization,
realtions".
calling
major
armies,
segments
interstices
of
its
'specialized'
by such
interlocking
Algerian
the
'corporate
or
withering-away
of law enforcement
were absent
prisons,
this
clarifies
structures
maintained
'associations'
no alternative or obstruct
away.
a method of attempt
of
Such
were equated
political
was extremely
institutions"; complex,
subtle
239
Leadership incorporated from
'the
'.
rule,
these
could
them;
"political
limited
their
'egalitarian'. over
Leadership
time.
Atlas,
In
there
by rival
situation
described
accords
with
turns
chieftaincy is
chief stability
not
lay
all
that
having
them thrust hands...
".
upon him,
103
these
The usefulness, from
internal
were not
power,
by the
High
or the
- annual
It
with is
were likely
lasted
example,
nature
the
long-term
conduct
they
fall
modest,
of
of the
and prestige,
was less
they
acceptance
for
the
them lest
'leaders'
The,
etc.
The conduct
responsibility
chieftaincy
challenge,
unstable
Atlas,
concern
were important;
and therefore
status,
"The transient
power.
or accepting
performed
segmentary
High
lame ducks.
of his
Even where
demands of reciprocity and if
guided
office;
rank,
chieftainships
model:
into
chiefs
enjoying
of
be called
Kabylia
Central
the
segmentary
increase
and possibly temporarily
in
of it
were not
insignias in
to
a similar
on pre-eminences
rotating
clans,
of a ruler
citizen
worse
a pure
in
'sheikh-s'
could
in
but
gave rise
emerged was inherently
restraints
by Gellner
quite
or
of the Maghreb,
were institutional
election
'elders'
society
lineage
or segment
differences
the
which
some parts
election,
a tribe
by special
groups
extent
remarked
which
institutionalized
To this
or force.
African
lineage
were no extreme
wealth
North
which
communities
in
from
circumstance,
Evans-Pritchard
to situations 102
from
the
distinct
quite arose
and political
from
leadership",
corporately".
marked off
of personality,
was not
'chiefs',
of
class
ad hoc pre-eminences
be divorced
not
"is
setting,
there
Inevitably,
strength
Authority
Maghreb was contingent.
the
in a self-perpetuating
position,
acts
in
of a or
into the
had obligations, to
lose
of leadership, as long
authority. its
as the
freedom external
240
threat
it,
strengthen
leadership
power and charisma Lacking
They tried their
tribes.
here
Eastern wrongly
or the
regarded
them as constituting
areas
some French terms.
contingent
of clan
them with
compared Gellner
suggests,
(though
rightly
accounts.... corporate social Referring
the
specifically
in
thought
They wrote
of Berber
'officials'
European
noting
existence. group,
assemblies
the
that
there
impression But they
segments
'republics'
Their
municipalities. the is that
of the
role
a hierarchy these
to assemblies
they in
are the
the
-
themselves
elevate
leadership
was
But even in such than
rather drawing -
attention
'machinery'
- and
writings,
as the
ema'a, of such).
assemblies
have no existence
of which
("feudalities").
institutional
and electoral
"may overstress
given
( ema'a-s).
- they
of Kabylia104
and community
ethnologists
communal 'budgets',
to
in
Atals
structures
'elders'
for
of
apparently
Medjana
Saharan
communities
village
lineages,
with
of the
of the
permanent
opportunities
of segmentary
by series
embodied cases,
play
the
example,
were even fewer
above the
to
for -
Sheikh
Sidi
Ouled
as 'rulers'
contact
Mokrani the -
"overlordships"
local
underlying
mentality.
who acted
came into
French
Algeria,
other
there
and 'notables'
the
dynamics
segmentary
had a 'corporate'
ethnologists
! chiefs'
to locate
established
In
French
early
of his
dispersal
sub-clans.
or rival
of the
understanding
a few generations;
to the
led
might
Effective
dissension.
more than
sons,
among rival
a full
leadership,
for
to
which
pressure,
external
invariably
leader
of a strong
from
from internal
hereditary
was rarely
death
arose
but
The threat
to meet or solve.
came less
pre-eminence
actually
the
which
or problem
an elder's
it
These
have a kind
independently assemblies".
High Atlas,
assembly,
of
of the 105
he argues
that
241
"they
have no continuity no kind
course
do when larger
are delegates,
periodically French
to
character
However,
the
of leadership
theorists
segmentary centralized
types.
of real with
states
backward
in
Ideal 110
tools. the
kind
often models
types
is
impossible
in
this
is
with
type
fact,
approach.
it
not
and it
assembly,
to
Sole".
the
segmentary
terms
one
He criticized
a fallacious
between dichotomy
of a continuum,
study
as inevitable,
have not
Early
segmentary
demonstrating
comfortably
and useful theory
of segmentary
and synchronic, not
that
been
l09
up a typology
They did
107
theorists
drawing
merely
than
distinction
into
for
in
solely
more practicable
out
"a society
for
levels
come
of mechanisms
has pointed
conceive,
at all
lineages
criticism
offers.
does not
and flux
an ideal-typical
instead,
must be regarded
of ideal
were static
organized
erecting
But a more telling
content
equilibrium.
for
types;
taking
its
Smith
of Corporations
terms
He argued,
intermediate
were When the
segmentarity
the Maghreb.
and segmentary
1o8
to
arose
of segmentation
around
in
corporations in
similarly
one level
the variety
with
society
group
who
institutions.
of contingent
by a government
coordinate
organized
type
and authority
characterized of
ideal
segmentary
of people
and potentialities.
satisfactory-terms
entirely
can,
they
were solved;
contacts
administrative
consist
they
Such assemblies
standing
chose
administration
its
a 'pure'
than
rather
activated
to concretize
misread
when these
and disbanded
colonial
tried
sub-groups".
who represent
problems,
lo6
hand,
other
involved,
are
groups
have of
they
group;
On the
or records.
).secretariat
of
and generally
solve
other
of that
that
than
fit
a real
of
theorists societies.
neatly world
heuristic concerns were Their
contrapuntal with
"actual
242
competition society
limited
with
fission,
or lineages
among segments
breeds fails
segmentary
model
"Given
the
of lineage
of
this
lineage
fixity
formal
organization
retain
its
segmentation, further
The major
terms real
the
towards
the
However,
fusion,
certain for
a would-be
areas
studied
he (the usurping the
vain
fact
chief)
cannot
and real of
was never
aspire
any tendency leadership,
be counteracted and fission.
the
"within
unlikely
of
possibilities
the rules
to becoming
and their
In
solved.
in
circumscribed;
the
moreover,
and make any such aspiration, or at any rate
that
powerful
neatly
of time,
example,
power;
forces
its
characterized
time')
were drastically
for
to
such hegemonies were as much their The absence. problem of as
duration
chief
coming
that
and leadership
by Gellner,
strength
of
to
in
assumption
egalitarianism,
life
a certain
permanent
rules
the
emergent
transient
relative
formal rules,
for
areas,
order
as an explanation
which
('over
eventually
of Maghreb
imbalance,
conflict,
bland
particularism,
obscured
features
chronic
difficulty
of segment hegemonies, would
of clan
this
was this
was a rather
establishment
forces
theory
and tensions
conflicts,
There
the
by fission
segmentary
process
dynamic
and wide-scale by the
of static
political
operation.
in
rise
giving
question:
same order? "112
the
of
weakness
African
with
itself
the
so,
how can the minimal
process,
and position
character
when continually
segments
of North
of
to
interdependence
and the
morphology, on segmentary
fixity
being
a fundamental
to answer
Any
by disposition
This
such competition.
static
status".
and characterized
resources,
inevitably
of unequal
ill
lay
out,
of the
a tyrant,
general
to
the
any hope of breaking fulfilment".
game,
situation,
reinforce
113
the
But in
the other
243
areas,
at
other
clans,
if
not
political
times,
and fusion
to
compete
for
enable
the
vailinct
fnrcas_
m1oht
even the
kharadj
ind4ging
in
forms
of a standing
authority
were further
ascendant
spiral,
vicious
circle
ambitions
this words,
of
conquests
Montagne's static,
hegemonies,
typological
and the
liable
not
paradox
simply
scarcity
torches".
provide
wherehj jealously
infidels115
and setting
of
the
game.
'central' The into
a
of descendantSor of resources in
spiritual
made
Berque's or dynastic
116
an explanation egalitarian
of the clans
up
of authority.
to degenerate
chiefdoms,
away like
taxes
conquered
by this
WOUJJ
clients
executing
of agents
The competition
personal
up or died
work did
from
"The Maghreb powers",
probability.
flared -
offered
was always
segments,
its
and
replacement
or attempted
fragmentation.
counter-
consumption',
army and networ1
course,
of rival
tribal
'conspicuous
weaker
against
imposing
only
then
might
and property,
and gaols,
possibilities
of
a long-term "-
to,
opposition
clan
land
to be levied of
tribe
fractions
other
short-circuiting
nrivinal
fortresses
might and from
of
adherence
an alliance
process,
by seizing
or clans
of a 'tribe',
the
in
disposition
circumstances
a neighbouring
the
supposedly
various
rudiments with,
ha fhaf
building
Local.
it
this
emphasizing
individuals
ambitious
gain
join
this
of
ascendancy
leaders,
'to
to
in
fraction
over
rivals
end result
tk&xx
entrench:
'core'
victory
potential The
the
mode of the
He showed how the
hegemony.
diplomacy,
Armed
tribe.
tribes.
encourage
ever-widening
by astute
encourage
Links
could
to doninate'a
a clan base,
114
of Maghreb politics.
aspect
fission
the
dominant a was -
important
work was extremely
to
rival
leaders
among
process.
dynamic
in
hegemony - certainly
for
contest
among-individual
Montagne's
this
the
were
244
juxtaposed
with
transformative to
model.
comprehend
'pure'
segmentary
states':
those
independent
toward
Though lacking
the
interpretative
framework
political
Berque Though his in
study
Moroccan
the
High Atlas
was 'typical'
of other
the
of those
stability
Instead,
he treated
an overall complex of
rise
Maghreb
social
points being,
of North
and neat envisioned
to
which
and in another
and weak points, Africa".
encapsulate in
over
place
"strong in 121
the
in is
he stressed
that
in
Berque
the
'interaction types
different
is
discordant
found
to a
response
of
"the as space and
one place
institutional
in -
moment'
120
and transitory".
history, segmentary
transformative
stable,
coherent,
moments and weak moments,
the many-sided
the Maghreb.
time
this
was most unusual.
he called the
communities that
'privileged
groupings
(what
existing
he declared,
-
He treated
and space').
time
over
model.
imply
not
Indeed,
communities.
competitive
of an operation
were,
Seskawa - he did
pressures
formation
and energetic, There
of
of the
account
of Berber
organization
formations
social
and fall
time
inequalities
Maghreb
Montagne's
transformative
sweeping
them as one 'moment'
of environmental
structure,
the -
*118
119
less
on the
away
apparatus, dynamic
Leach's
Burma.
a subtler,
focussed
intrigue"
anthropological
foreshadows
of tribal
now sliding
and fraternal
rivalry
semi-
of
centres
guidance
point,
some apical
sophisticated
provided
the
almost
'segmentary
to
among scattered up under
in Highland
process
was possible between
and approximations
balances
local
jealousy,
it
and interaction
now building
ritual
a dynamic,
out
framework,
this
oscillation
communities,
power,
clan
Within
"delicate
myth and civic into
117
total
the
He sketched
'empires'.
tribal
in
strong
the
very
language
too
structure
static
which
he
245
Gellner dichotomy
tried
between
he injected
'well
dynamic
He pointed
time'
he described
integrated
the
concept
Truly
effective
would
have brought
'systems
become institutionalized,
system
also
of the
system
for
this
with
internal
stable
the
where
itself
is
offer that
was not
cannot
in
in paradox, have
or order
emerged,
The effective
"the
functioning it
that
had actually
blissfully M aghreb
would
collapse; to
periodically but
balanced,
seething
was "a comparatively
composed of discordant
stability
own ruins.
he explained,
to fear
which
or traditions,
parts
sense be called
any natural
an
23 model not
inexistence the purely stable
of a society
with
of political ideal
It
organization....
or logical
this
runs
fluidity
with
or cross-cutting
a sense
it
facts.
observable
"obsession
approach
destroying
constantly
The danger
static.
Gellner's
But in
features
system
Overall,
nevertheless
contact
other
communal life
uneasy
equilibrium". This
the
pattern
power would
participants
contradictions.
society
on its
-
Instead,
either
122
well".
to be credible,
Thus,
collapse.
its
required
fear
illusion".
"So as to work at all", work too
must not
balance
revelling
and corporate
have evaporated.
model.
he argued,
to a halt:
system
segmentary
fission-fusion
itself
maintenance',
the
change,
as a complex
process
and reconstituted
the
of the
veins
amount to an "optical
- could
collapsed
and social
of perpetual
the Maghreb political
constantly
would
the
Rejecting
approach.
societies'
into
theory
that
out
'over
even
a somewhat different
nature
of being
useful
too
dynamic
has been argued,
(leads
for
even the
and with
124
because
example,
exaggerate and to ignore
of Maghreb political precisely
to
apparent
him to)...
of segmentarity",
features is
is
and reinventing
actuality. it
does ignore
246
'real'
facts
concedes
that
certain fully
suggests ing
the
kinks
His major holy
ideal
work in
fact
The most promising in
inspired
by theoretical 127
anthropology, Montagne's
it
structural
of individual and groups rather
logic
"ecological,
than
terms This
survival.
demographic
insights
in
of the
could
Though Asian
in
by
lies
of
struggle
strategies classes the
relate'.
eventually
its
in
of the
terms
to
theory
conflict
of Maghreb life.
context"
and sociological
-
dynamics
offered
interest
and dynamic
of segmentarism
VI.
SACREDNESS
An important North of
in
kinks
126
and Bailey
particular power less
for
competition
economic
abstract
Its
analysis.
'politicians' for
some of'the
125
of social
'games theory'.
of
highlight-
environment.
investigation
made by Barth
reclaims
in
one of these
segmentary
terms
advances also
to examine
efforts
in
but
societies".
segmentary
of recent
vein
Maghreb has been cast
the
the
to the
relates
cheer-
neat,
primarily
useful
on precisely
concentrates
men - and how it
is
'real'
of
himself
and excessively
abstract type
and unevennesses
Gellner
life.
African
model is
the "'pure'
his
that
of North
Africa
centred was deeply
society
among petty and the
local
painted
or complex
around
saints,
the
powerful
'blessed' religious
authority leaders,
moslem brotherhoods. on the
of Islam
in North
which
of
in
ties
The structure
or baraka.
distribution
tribes,
concentration role
a picture
special
social
of cross-cutting
'sacredness',
marked by the
widely-scattered
Excessive obscures
'kink'
was almost
mechanics Africa. wholly
of tribal Montagne,
secular.
segmentation for
example,
He focussed
on
-
247
among the
relations
administration,
without
of unity"12$ suggested authority)
"of
the
latter
One of his
Robert -
sociology
Berber makhzen and -
BERBERESET LE MAKHZEN, one sometimes
his
one is
in
a moslem country
at all".
Maghreb
model to the
segmentary
129
principle has
critics
Montagne
retains Reading
sociology.
in Morocco,
whether,
wonders
Transplantation
the pure
of
same distorting
to have the
threatens
central
(central makhzen
- moslem sociology,
Berber and
two sections
"moral
the
interactions.
tryptich
sociology,
the
only
these
them and the
or indicating
examining
underlying that
and between
tribes,
various
effect. Much of in
colonial
the Maghreb.
not
It
fundamentally
lay
doctrine.
In
and North
Africa
alized
between
conflict
autochthonous of the
and Customary Heterodoxy
in
regarding
Islam
involved
different
and nomads,
Law ('Urf), 131
130
or between Apparently
deeply
impregnated
with
margin
They were "part enthusiastically
of a wider European
specifically
society,
observers local
between
and firmly
with
to look in
of
religious
Islam
(Sunna)
and
were not
merely
of values
and and they
civilization,
Islam.
They were on the 133
and concentrate behaviour.
but
structure,
and non-tribal". for,
"the
of
Law (Shar'ia)
system Islamic
Islam"
Koranic
and a common lineage
universalistic
ingredients
"folk
tribes
of a wider
tended
the
Orthodoxy
"a universalistic
the Middle
and occasionally
expectations
autonomous
interdependence
identified
and the
were
institution-
throughout
interaction
roots
of the
lip-service
as a single,
between
traditions:
had shallow of behaviour
the
civilization
constant
by economic
norms".
patterns
despite
linked
132
age-old
by Islam,
and scholanlegists",
(Bida).
that
Islamic
fact,
peasants
caliphs
that
disturbed
The mistake
tribes.
East
was held
Islam
implied
ethnography
on,
the
They contrasted t
248
them with East
'alien'
and enshrined
lawyers),
of discovery, between
Islamic
of their
belief,
incarnate
here
the
local
the
friendly,
the
larger
whereby
into
orthodoxy, single
observance
which that
rite,
Sunni
four
of
fasting,
in
most parts to
the
was,
vast
of the
tribes.
The Islam
its
this
world.
found
Piety
a periodic
of North
Africa,
from
their
the
one alternation
only
between
oscillates
the
with
striking
of
aspects
Within
rigour.
observed,
of communities
and abstinence
Islamic
fundamentalism
One of
Maghreb practice
sex segregation,
of
what might
identification
prevailed;
of
or autochthonous
represented
fact,
majority
of Malik,
schools.
in
words
against
base constantly
136
other
the Maghreb tribes
and enthusiastic
of faithfuls".
in
particularistic
tribal
favour
135
and practice
"the
itself,
community Islamic
faith
the
most
in
"prejudice
analysable,
to disassociate for
content
concrete
A particularism
'models',
incomprehensible".
their
dynamic
the
joy contrast
undeniable
and the
suggests,
universalist
the
with
of
wisdom opposed holy
concrete
reconcilable,
the
practice.
Berque
was,
heritage, in
withdrawal
of the
ideology;
was a distortion
the
their
was an element
"spotted,
believers
(civil
Community),
of the
There
Middle
the
cadi-s
leaders
reality:
so-harsh of these
its
evasive,
ingredients
appeals
There against
universalistic
the
this
witness
opposed
fact
seem hostile,
local
in
ulema
Europeans
contrast:
from
(jurists),
'authorities'.
urban
this
the
and Spiritual
and above all
134
exaltation".
of
in a crack
the
It
the
and other
thinking
wishful
Koran,
(Temporal
Ca_ liph-s
universities,
precepts
and universalistic in
brought
the 137
Sunni a
was the most austere entailed
stricter
from
forbidden
was deeply
of
observance foods,
respected,
and rapid
echo in
even its
expansive,
the
than and faith
249
universalistic it
was lived
as an inescapable
inseparable
from
Islam was largely targets social
this
"needs....
to be recognized
is
validity imputed
descent but
sherif),
genealogically,
in practice
(genealogically
qualified)
manner befitting
The manifestations miraculous
powers
disasters,
have
and
the
-
with
In
sanctity
return,
food,
valuables,
sign
of
the
if
its
or were
shorfa is
sherif
-
defined
to those
only
in
of and live
a
provide and
bring
lifestyle
expected
livestock.
accumulation
of
good
weather,
good
luck
a saint
of
with
otherworldliness reverence,
included
of sanctity
sick,
visions,
or
that
faithful
were thus
rights
in
and
with
to
individuals
combined
practical it
prevent
diplomacy.
donations
Expectations
of
some wealth
could
of
asceticism itself
be a
baraka.
Baraka kinsmen
heal
brought land,
139
141
generosity,
the
notwithstanding,
to
The
asceticism
the
divine
claimed,
to be applied
tends
the
and attributed.
the
"although
and requirements
predictive
community.
prophet
who claim
a sherif".
(they
in
with
beholder",
Many saints
suggests, it
claimed
of
community
14o
the
as Gellner
same time
merely
part
were those
eye of the
the
by the
from
an active
played
the
to become established".
to have,
was
environment,
These were not
or wali-s)
"in
lay
tribal
the
138
but
(murabit-s
sanctity
in
'saints'.
was at
It
reality.
and behaviour.
veneration,
Baraka
above or outside;
everyday
particularly
local
Saints
(baraka).
Ultimately
sing.
in
posthumous
process.
blessing
it
Africa,
embodied
for
of
part
communal solidarity
in North
from
transmitted
was not
aspects,
was hereditary;
or disciples.
Often,
it
passed indeed,
from
one holy
'holy
tribes'
man to his existed,
inheriting
250
and transmitting the
after,
tomb of a supposedly
be saintly
villages
scattered
Holy men and holy the
segmentary
lineage
so to be.
feud),
they
be settled
not
disputes
a crucial
Holy
men usually
tribal or more . saintly
ancestor,
segmentary
a more abstract example,
or holy settlement
Holy life. for local
acted
near
the
became arbitrators which
neutrals, between
the
tribes,
trials
two
of
veneration
individuals
for
or tomb provided for
rivalries
boundaries
for
as a shrine
a location
not
145
territorial
a sanctuary
(did
The surrounding
as "mediators
and another,.
provided
or elections
tribe
they
segmentary
through
machinery
or
area,
pacific
they
men were "professional
as well
sense;
the
with).
Holy
The residence
conflict.
feuded
of ritual
resided
this
were largely
within
the pure
from
apart
counterbalance;
section
sections;
stood
to
to
part
144
one tribal
'outsiders'
to them when segmentary
by natural
mediators";
and between
(not
turned
were channeled.
arbitrators,
they
respected
of functions
immigrants they
Because
community
or peacemakers,
for
Consequently,
were largely
or neighbouring
in
143
or litigation.
rivalries
could
were invariably
they
indeed,
might,
142
a variety
They were
and looked
near,
There
a wide area.
performed
system.
lived
saint.
ancestral over
tribes
political
structure;
imputed
They usually
baraka.
diffused
of a
fleeing
neutral
ground
by collective
oath,
of inter-segment
chiefs.
Often,
a saint
disputed
property
as part
of the
was entrusted
with
of rivalries. men and tribes
Their example, trade,
arbitration
were also helped
or the parcelling also.
Markets
often
closely
to regulate out
often
of land stood
in
involved
transhumance or crops. the
in
economic
and irrigation,
They facilitated
shadow of
their
shrines,
251
and the
latter
luggage
146
offices.
to outsider involved loaded
They offered
in
valuable
Because of their the
Book,
saints
documents
interpret
general
sense,
and local
were often
They were also
largely
fellow-tribesmen, Some were pious
these
twin
wide
a local
for
calling
and prayer saint
saint
Other
holy
dear
was particularly 'Sacredness'
was then
to their closely
minds.
and holy
men performed
Some of these
requirements
required
display
both
in
settling
of abstinence
disputes
centres
great the
the
through
organized
"and kept 148
centuries".
over
a
worship
dead founder
149 every
aspect
of
of roles.
sense of balance:
and neutrality,
and conspicuous
tribesmen
routine
a multiplicity a fine
of
or pious,
mystical
bound up with
communal life,
involvement
the
to
The memory of the
festivals.
illiterate
as teachers.
and proselytizing
men, more mundane,
and periodic
world.
They acted
remarkably
faith,
a more
custom,
has been suggested,
dimly,
proved
of the
purification
area.
it
communal
in
their
"They taught
world.
of
- and would
outside
for,
live
example.
even if
burning,
of written
example
the
with
or made it
and religion",
lights
Occasionally,
Islamic
language
the
They were,
who had travelled
the
learning
to,
for
areas
147
communal history,
links
through
scholars,
throughout
to respect
cases
the Koran
in
literacy
of dispute.
of unwritten
custodians
They transmitted
learning
in
in desolate
of robbers".
rights,
protection
some were actively
and guardians
scribes
or pasture
these
wisdom.
fear
or supposed
real
- genealogies
have to
Indeed
without
goods,
and spiritual
and "travelled
exchange,
commercial
with
hospitality
and travellers.
tradesmen
or left-
warehouses
as collective
served
sometimes
for
consumption
example,
active the or
were potentially
252
To fulfil
contradictory. a race
them all but
of philosopher-kings, a few of
performed
were viewed
with
them,
with this
criteria,
mixture
living
in poverty,
their
and peter
inherited;
it
or tribe
who was not
'saint'
was not thus
and divine
created
"The marabouts
being are
in
foreigners
was not
one
simply
to
claim doing
from
A
so.
and an ineffective by the
acceptance
contiguous
of ruthless
pragmatism
the
guarantee
those
'asymmetrical' 155
In
the
West,
they
(thereby,
frontiers),
tribal
did, not
pattern
certain
instances
concurs,
they
to which,
from
were very
"were
"They
154 the
indeed,
153
helping
to neither".
was distinct
model.
suggests,
belong".
incidentally,
belonging
kinship
segmentary
system,
',. Gellner
tribes!
tribes
the pure
Evans-Pritchard
lifetime",
outside
from
between
in
anomalies
members of the
frontiers
system.
in
arise
a 'genealogical'
on a combination
their
as standing
not
was the
family
prevented
His
respected.
Gellner
Some members of a holy
was ineffective,
respected
depended
could
of
grace.
Sanctity
regarded
be totally
152
poised
Baraka
a successor.
activate
would
'saint'
community
in
out
effectively
others
it
and how quickly
151
in
reversal
blessing.
how finely
had to be activated.
might
holiness;
of divine
men
of a 'joking'
by a strange
yet,
Holy
mundane tasks
to ijCLVQ something
and entertainingly
individual
150
only
and condescension".
performing
community;
phenomenon of saintliness
murabit-s
effectiveness. of respect
become a sign
could
incisively
portrays
varying
manner - appeared
relationship
individual
fact
"a curious
Some - illiterate, inconspicuous
with
in
have required
would
effectively
"They
live
on the
to Their
surrounding
wealthy,
living
in
an
253
prestigious
from
Gellner
indicates,
sometimes
the
very
holy
they
tasks in
contributed
political
segmentary than
ascendancy...
legitimation
words,
in the
rest
evaporated.
"vox
dei
were not
corporate
is
In
over
a long
'clients'; dispersed
their
had to
other
among several
time
it
minor
over
Gellner's
they
on the
in
on corporate Baraka
reverence
other
had to be
and clientship there
of effective
entrenched
in
one family
population
rooted,
a
pretensions
Accordingly,
a large
once
celebrated
were not
and distance,
was weakly saints.
and political
Saints,
tribes.
was strongly
and extended areas,
159
for
They
structure.
intimately
competition".
over it
some areas
in
limitation
compete
of
They evaporated
own right;
number of available
period, in
extent,
vox populi".
was a marked ebb and flow, sanctity.
To this
"saintly
calls
and saints
among a limited
'served'.
persons,
158
depended
they
A fundamental
was what Gellner activated,
really
a power in
group.
bond".
and wealth
community
tribal
"moral
their
as a cementing
their
and to be contained.
place
of division,
In
and absence
of the
to take
it.
from in
prestige
egalitarianism
lineage
segmentary
detached
were not
to the
prestige
of the
confidence
tribes
conflict
served
Sacredness,
phrase,
fact
as a source
uneven and
and prestige
the pure
outside
and concentrating
specialization
enabled Rather
standing
men and holy their
performing
of wealth
as
157
latter)"".
though
with
organization,
concentrations
a lifestyle
- with
They were thus,
population.
"an inegalitarian
the
However,
of the
rest
sharp
(particularly
system,
'castles' even -
accommodation
different
156
vacillating,
of and
254
Although
they
moslem community,
saints
segmentary
environment.
and fusion.
Saintly
fierce
for
struggle tribes
baraka
16o
ancestor. itself
in
they
warfare;
'secular'
the
Saints
occasionally
inspired of
raids
the
faith,
binding
and intensive
together
resistance
to
for
'holy
call which kind large
Christian war'
led
with
history
were founded
However,
like
were subject Intimately
to
great
was a phenomenon found
with
throughout
motive.
for
or
a purification means of
in mobilizing their
active;
cohesion
Often,
of domination feudality"
hegemonies
this
over or
in Maghreb
men and 'holy'
'sainthood',
became a
enemies,
161
rivalries.
forces
of
supra-segmentary
and manifestations
countervailing
connected
a higher
of "religious
by and upon holy
ascendancies
all
role
establishment
Many of the
state".
rivalries
were effective Their
intestine
some appearance
the
was particularly
aroused
to the
segmentary
thus
calls
proselytization,
colonization
of involvement
in
of attributed
Their
segments.
('i7 had)
to manifest
to external
resistance
confederations.
traditional
"maraboutic
it,
large
transcended
area,
these
rival
required
groups
than
behaviour
coordinated
against
saintly
'pacifism'
of
a physical
of a revered
and manipulated,
The criterion
into
where two maraboutic
oases,
men was often
in,
of objective
describe
whole their
them directly
led
client
the
of fission
to processes
remains
of their
became involved
less
Ziban
to reflected
closely
example,
the
of holy
armed success
tribes.
description
for
the Algerian
in
The baraka
the
tribes
frequently
and DeVos,
loyalties
wider
They were subject
body-snatched
alternately
for
and saintly
competition
Miner
feuds.
a focus
provided
tribes.
162
of leadership,
of fission. and an extension
most of
the Maghreb,
of the
a
255
fraternity.
religious Orders
163
was characteristic
the Middle
East,
They were,
as Berque
then
but
the
adopted
took
the
ascetic
mortifications.
centres
in many countries;
the
Qadriyya
Dahra mountains, Each Order burial
place (or
spiritual
was directed
biological)
(sheikh),
or possibly
zawiya
was often
a centre
the
sphere
(sheikh,
director Order.
Zawiyas
sanctuaries, they
such establishments particularly
a network
by the
centres
charitable
foundations
to
with
helped
trade;
to spread
such outposts
The parent of the
in
Islam
as West Africa.
was headed by a leader(s)
of
Often, this,
with
an organized Thus,
the
schools,
and shrines.
conjunction in
sect.
throughout
of learning,
as monasteries,
associated
claimed
by an overall
spread
or mogaddem) appointed
usually
leaders
of leaders.
lodges,
Ouarsenis-
(zawiya),
lodge
zawiya-s
acted
the
by adherents
local
in
165
was directed
pilgrimage of
in
Centre.
Each of these
hostelries,
were closely
It
limited
The Rahmaniyya
from whom its
by a group for
influence.
of
the
Saint
descent.
leader
was affiliated
in
with
the main sects
the Taibiyya
from a parent
Founder
of'the
spiritual
and occasionally
fringes,
Saharan
Derkawiyya
and the
sought
to a very
Century,
the West,
in
164
were widely-scattered,
were confined
on the
propagations,
a) of practising
rituals
Nineteenth
early
(tari
(ikhwan)
Many fraternities
By the
Moslem West.
the
spiritual
'way'
adherents
other
throughout
spread
in
'sufi'
or
the Maghreb territory".
of
Its
they
from vast
a particular
were the Tijaniyya
Kabylia,
"born
medium of strictly-patterned
neighbourhood.
To it
deep root
faith.
by the
the
particularly
suggests,
ecstasy
Algeria
Islam;
propagated
and understanding
'dervish'
of
of mediaeval
cornpartmentations
Each brotherhood
in
The establishment
fashion,
zawiya-s
256
on a larger
performed The income
of
during
collected
from
client
features
segmentary
tribal
appearance
was deceptive,
closely
treated
which,
intimate
from not
Sanusiya! ',
other
fact,
the
of this
into
devotion
to
and the from
the
of orders
Saint
identific-
Grand Sanusi
that
were simply
and Brotherhoods
of the
Ordernot
"Beduin
and his
derived
"springs family,
his
he was a marabout revered
saints
the
attachment
of Cyrenaica,
Grand Sanusi fact
whole"'168
Marabouts
of adherence.
the
Maghrebi
by "duality
institutions.
explained
(Oriental)
distorted
a wider
(umma).
it
as alien
custom and passionate
or rival
focus
Evans-Pritchard
founders
were
pre-Islamic
dichotomy
the Founder
was the
power,
they
was characterized
incompatible
way round, his
must
indicated,
brotherhoods
to local
saintliness;
personal
and thereby In
As Berque
moslem community
as such,
their the
in
corporate
between
of indigenous,
phrase,
attachment
roots
the
doctrines
distinction
and integration
were not
organization to the
context.
Both prongs
the whole
fraternities
trust
or transcended
In particular,
drew a sharp
Valensi's
between
had their
local
and religious
167
self-sufficiency
ation
in
of land
much of their
and fraternities.
between
with
(ziara)
universalistic
men as manifestations
in
tours
gifts
across
However,
ethnography
imports.
often
the phenomenon of saintliness.
with
anthropolatry",
Islamic
cut
clearly
and their
the
(saints)
holy
"berber
Islam
to
associated
'marabouts'
saints.
of devotees,
and missionary or from
sect,
structure.
related
Colonial.
the donations
fund-raising
of the
by local
performed
communities.
Many of these
be firmly
role
came from
periodic
leaders
by one of the (habus)
Order
the
the
stage
166
sanctity, ,.
169
who
and
257
widespread
attracted proselytization, This
like
build
this
the
We should
local
the
and the evasion".
Moreover,
adherence
with
segmentary Orders
different
the
to extract
'soffs'
for
the
go-betweens Derkawa, whereas
for the
for
the
coordinators
localization
ikhwan
was
as a whole 173
linked
tribes
also,
between
in
a determined the
with
a sense,
the Taibiyya in
fraternity
acted
the
as
The
tribes.
anti-Turkish Turks;
potential
to particular thus
rivals;
and dissident
of AbdelKader's
by enlisting
out
used adherence over
South
the
in
divisions
and exploiting
insurrection
between
and Tijaniyya
- were played
whereas
The
The rivalries
Qadriyya
example174
French,
Bou Maza's
were major
the
cooperated
force
alternation
was inextricably
influence
pursued
with
behind
particular
authorities
collaborated
though
saintliness.
fraternities.
Brotherhoods
Rahmaniyya
baraka,
concrete
segments
maximum advantage
central
example,
Tribal
competing
were developed.
in
by the
and :. alliances.
- between
Conversely,
enemies. Orders
with
of key tribes,
support
172
conflicts
and West of Algeria,
He attempted
his
of
as "a specific
to brotherhoods
of brotherhood
and fall
an expansive
170
origins
between
As
171
to be associated
rise
its
general,
by ascription.
predominantly
founded
foundation
on the
men and Orders
holy
and sentimental
tended
or
zawiya-s.
competition.
saintly
Rahmaniyya".
the
transcended
never
regard
game of
and
several
one or
who succeeded
Sanusiyya
peregrination
zealous
establish
the
marabout
up an organization
organization
between
to
in
"any
suggests,
fraternity to
decided
and
was one potentiality
Berque
through
adherence
policy, Tijaniyya.
threw
their
the Dahra,
and the
resistance
to conquest.
Qadriyya
258
A measure 'core'
of an Order's
tribe
to
kind
and "was possible the
uniting into
The corporate in proper
During
perspective. or leader,
Satellite
zawiya-s
central
depended
attributable
to 176
colonists.
expanded
The authority descendants
rested
on
in
would
break
and went
up into
by an indecisive
Order,
see-saw
cogs in
partly
and Italian "any
time,
separate tours major
fraternity
was split
struggle
for
177 waned;
spheres to
there zawiya-s
for
supremacy
each elected
of
finance did
a well-articulated
example,
Suf and Ain Asahdi oases;
long-lasting.
particularisms".
archaic
of the
funds
and deeprooted.
Turkish
a short
of
of worship;
a circumstance
evolved
The heads
for
and coordination
same forms
ziara
an energetic
controlled.
Head or Heads rapidly
Saint
closely-supervised
The Tijaniyya
tightly
respect,
within
on independent
178
under
of growth,
to the
Fraternity
of the Founder
remain
this
to be placed
requires
be far-flung
might
But normally,
also
phase was rarely
common hostility
of the
activities.
the
This
expansion
were unusual
in
and enmities,
unity,
initiative
the
followed
all
The Sanusiya
long
existed
and a common lineage
was often on the
a common pool.
some Orders,
their
feuds
political
periods
organization
zawiya;
into
influence
of their
Orders
of the
nature
founder
which
already
real
175
structure".
With
lacking
system
a common way of life,
common sentiments,
flowed
though
which,
spite
even the than
was more apparent
a tribal in
tribes,
However,
links.
unity
because
only
different
a society
the
of wider
to push beyond a
ability
trans-tribal
establish
of this
novelty
was its
success
not
for
machine.
several
generations
between
the
rival
zawiyas
supreme Heads
259
for
and vied zawiya
of the
c6ntrol
mogaddem-s could
in
the surrounding for
reputation shrine zawiya
'Aissaoua
in
follows
intestine
slowly affairs true are
typical
this
directives
interests which
gradually
to control
his
are
lost
or would-be apart,
not the
powerful
disappearing
is
independent
Zawiya-s.
for
lack
or to lets
As a result,
but
a multitude
Thus the
It
the
a brotherhood
This
fragmenting.
'Aissaoua...
religious
seeks
of the brotherhood
no longer
leader,
to the
by himself, Everyone
of.
unchallenged
dismembering,
confined
Zawiya
sight it
of
Sheikh
of the
and
each influential
those
over
priority
authority
the process
chiefs.
spiritual
totally
a single
falling
of all
sect;
of his
in
sect
to a single
of its
descendant
the
has any cohesion;
around
is
in
by
as described
responding
is
chronic of the
"The'Aissaoua
today
organism
role
take
Century,
dissimination
Every
seeks
The fragmentation
organism,
the
to the
were subject
pattern:
a robust
rivalries,
independent
become a of hereditary
a succession
Twentieth
early
Following
no longer
grouped
the
perhaps,
as a whole,
for
out a
had a
then
tomb might
and fusion.
energy.
the
his
Lesser
was effective
chief
when he himself
themselves
fission
a preponderant
personal
sect
Orders
a fairly
Moqaddem similarly ignore
A zawiya
and a focus
disintegration.....
complete to play
of
sect
of
to carve
conflicts
primarily
qualities;
death,
words,
was formerly,
180
zawiyas.
181
both
tendencies
source
saintly
directors.
In other
Brunel,
community
his
after
these
utilize
themselves.
measure of autonomy
satellite
various
179
is
congregations of discipline...
sect
is
state
of
pretty of Islam, ".
of
182
well which
260
In
the
'moment'
overall
offered
of a 'new'
emergence to provide
The classic important is
Maghrebi
Islam
unit
beyond its
look
theory
the
of the
in
after
the
revealed
authority
was not
purely
spiritual
as well
as military
to obey their
guide
exist
in
secular;
it
sense.
and protector,
sought It
whose powers
of
Caliphs
and duty
was
of the Moslems
187
to defend
was the
in terms
to this,
enemies,
were observed".
185
Africa".
North
function welfare
itself
or obligation
According
and external
(Shari'a)
exercise
them.
no right
and temporal
them from internal
to
- perceiving
Their
Prophet.
spiritual
laws
186
and the
claiming
the Maghreb were cast
Caliphate.
of the
successors
itself
do not
tribes
and obligations
by defending that
a world
also
we mean a self-sufficient
and recognizing
= then
limits
rights
were the
of mankind
powers over
unto
but
communities
segmentary
by tribe
between
('umma),
moslem community
"if
suggests,
constituting
as the whole
general
interrelationship
leadership
184
'marginalism'.
: its
of hegemonic
another
englobe
society
between
and temporal
As Hermassi
Sunni
larger
and activities
spiritual
Wider
only
and the
does not
segmentarism
the
interaction
pretensions
social
of
of Algerian
meant not
concrete
local
model
feature
By this
"to
expansive
a nascent,
MARGINALITY AND CENTRAL AUTHORITY
VII.
the
for
of
moqaddem -
even a zawiya
man - perhaps
of and drive
the nucleus
kind
183
Order.
the
holy
this
among them was the
but
possibilities,
various
Islam,
of Maghrebi
structure
and by seeing Central the
political
faith
in
obligation
of all
were given
by God.
a moslems
261
The fragmentation had resulted
in
separate
Caliphate
of the
In
faithful. for
competed
the Maghreb, the
as Caliphs,
influence
Almohad hegemony in authority
divided
times,
for
between
rival
and Tunis. Islamic
Often
tribes
Atlas,
in
the
during
the
little
in
13th
more
However they stepped
out
from
began to develop of the
local
Often
desire
they
Western
Sahara
the
in for
the
example
Western
Maghreb
framework
some sense of their
as with
some attributes designated
the
They centred
Idrisids
at Fez,
architecture of
special
central
'ministers'
188
hegemonies logic
administration
and secretaries;
and
as leaders
obligations
and scholarship
High
in
segmentary
founding
or
Marinids
early
originating
their
from
more
were
these
of pure
Tlemcen,
the
of
opportunism.
once established
narrow
was
Century,
11th
the
and military
pillage
Spain.
Almoravids
the
-
the
Fez,
communities
for
as with
imbued with
pre-eminences
other -
the
in
of
Southern
puritanical
sedentarized
But
originated,
- and patronized
developed
the
moslem community.
- often,
capital
the
inspiration
Century
than
example,
radius
central
at Marrakesh,
for
and fell
authority
were strongly
overlordships
from
Century,
control:
of
Century.
12th
'secular'
clearly
of
Almohads
rigorous
towns
these
fundamentalism;
among nomadic the
centres
this
and indeed
the rthid-15th
example,
of the
authority:
Their
Centuries,
provinces authority
rose
On occasions,
the Maghreb,
throughout
which
or as Sultan-s.
and 13th
the
and temporal
considerably.
12th
separate
community
hegemonies
spiritual
as Emir-s,
the
extended
At other
of this
varied
of the
sector
tribal
the
exercise
as Imam-s,
effective
local
into
to exercise
claiming
governors
their
over
Caliphate
Abbasid
of the
authority their
on own
there.
They
(makhzen). they
established
262
a Treasury
and a tax-collecting
(caid-s)
agents appointed
to represent
Other absolute,
features
of these
personalized
'households',
a 'palace
with
by violence:
executions,
physical
power to repress central
the
these itself
; he could
interpretation
of the
the
ruled
example,
could argues
depose a leader defend accused
the
held
that
the
apply
this,
only
that
this
veneration
with
deeply
an extremely
his
of leader
the
not
the
respect
interests. the
Kharidjite
textual
glosses,
On the heresy it
is
whether
for
right
to
or effectively hand,
of the certain
so,
Lahbabi,
had the
Shari'a, other
form
made the
and if
mandate. always
the
came from God, the
this
contractual,
xk
community
(in
his
chosen by the
whether
on a leader's
and in
opinion
powers
was actually
and ruled
was bound by
leader
public
The
'theocratic'.
truly
change it,
not
to consult Although
ruler
who did
community
the
expeditions,. of
spiritual
community's
has been some dispute
foreclose
of reviving
But whatever
force
auxiliary punitive
suggest
were never
jurists).
between
relationship
and the
dynasties
position
There
community.
was underpinned
The combination
was regarded,
he was expected
of ulema - learned occupant
of this
and ruthless
resistance,
quasi-
They developed
a swiftly-mobilizable
regular
of
authority.
theory
Shari'a
in
authority
In practice, Caliphian
All
and expropriations.
central
entrenched
core.
mentality'.
involved
prisons,
the
tribal
bodyguard,
a standing
of makhzen troops
which
inner
into
evolved 189
They
tribes.
development
the
suggest
of
law.
civil
of
They invariably
power..
based on a small
dynasties,
among the
in matters
hegemonies
a series
nominated
authority
central
as judges
to act
cadi-s
they
network;
7th that,
he has been 8th and in
Centuries.
practice,
263
Maghreb hegemonies Caliphian
The practical administrative
territorial
the
191
in his
maintain
light
the
tribe,
which
occasionally
from West Africa
functionaries into
the
it
alliances
of the
'recognizing' others, their
not
surrounding
indirect;
or forming
to are
compacts the
Ju d).
direct
its
with
was or mercenaries
193
control
of. the of the
- physically
threat
was a process
represented
(the
Control
tribes
oppositions.
The makhzen
and the hierarchy
towns,
extend
on a core
centred
of captives
by manipulation
segmentary
trying
where there
segmentary
this
Europe
countryside.
was effected
This
of
usually
and counteracting support.
which
or Mediterranean
did
be
can best
a situation
contingents
with
on a handful
usually
centred
force
supplemented
they
a shepherd
metaphor:
transcended
and military
were
of which
out
was invariably
the makhzen,
had successfully
The bodyguard
of
192
and wolves.
The shepherd,
a succession
relations
of makhzen-tribal
by manipulating
of the makhzen;
own perspectives from
environment
of Gellner's
authority
sheepdogs,
their
"its
and its
the goals
affected
"a
faced
affected
which
of centralization,
for
segmentary
centralizing
government
the Maghreb were not
in
The logic
had coalesced. understood
also
nation-builders, by the
determined
degree
It
authorities
ever-frustrated
sheep,
its
sovereignty,
central
tribal",
essentially
means of stability".
Central
were immense.
limitation,
of
an efficient,
of establishing
problems
hierarchy
interpretation
the strictest
190
and duties.
rights
structural
from
deviated
the
of constant
very
far was
countryside and
rivalries intimidating
powerful
of potential
of
some,
leaders rivals
diplomacy
of
by splitting and violence.
264
Though hegemonies or more,
they
chiefs",
for
the
were often
But since
by those
provided implied
the
tribes
domination
The physical makhzen tribes, freedom
from
functions
the
ruling
tribes
over
with
associated
favoured
"The army outside
predominantly
army consisted
a century
states.
administrative
of the
power - the
taxes,
tribes,
collect
liable
to revolt
or the
taxes
'Submitted' supervision
of the
of contingents
dynasty, those
the
that
sense
their 'invested'
example,
were taxed
the
sheikhs distribution
recalcitrant
were occasionally when his
particularly
(caid),
core
affairs.
Caids
the
in
tribes
from
order
by the
were free
to
administrators:
to gather decided
was usually
by the makhzen
taxes,
for
by the
tribe
itself. With
taxes
many,
other
tribes,
the makhzen had less
the makhzen had to discuss
or tribute.
It
might
get
token
assured
or fight recognition
one
They were sheep in
were not
segments
indirect
occasionally
and kept
however,
of which
but
segments.
regularly
tribal
the
appointed
tribe
this,
from
for
military
to punish
who came under
most prominent
own internal
-
from others.
of authority
from
tribes
In return
provided
The sheepdogs
master,
dynasty's
Apart
they
expeditions
booty.
were those
group's they
makhzen tribes.
With
rule...
who were
on privileged metaphor.
of land,
their
challenge
tribes
Gellner's
mounted
and seize
among the
submitted
govern
they
of an agent
from
usually
in
granting
and savage
was under
authority
of the makhzen centred
sheepdogs
In particular,
support.
they
the
for
195
not".
the
"exercised
example,
capital.
bureaucratic
centralized,
were not
lasting
stable,
extremely
every
relations. year
of the
to get authority
265
but
of a caid, tribes
in
and was difficult
question,
Some communities it
or helped being
left
Algerian
the
Other
alone.
groups, fierce
and the
were sufficiently
direct
neat
hegemony could dissident
It
in
central they
weakness, in it
what
the
that
they
dynasty
on 'submitted' total
of If
represented.
of lions
s metaphor might
be overthrown,
pretenders
coming
down vigorously
desert, claims the with
to replace
the
to become the
purification them their
former
of Islam own core
threat;
times
But:
annoyance
of makhzen were not
-they
into
inroads tribes
Here,
from
dynasty. often
the
allies
for
or out
The wolves
thus
a burning sheep.
and victims.
eventually
indeed,
hills,
slumbering
area
the
by new
circulated
with
and
the
might
seems appropriate,
and power
among the tribes,
at
authority.
tö
new shepherb,
communities
a standing
in making
and foxes
equilibrium
of makhzen control
'Dissident'
of dissident
claim
and
to the makhzen system
successful
laid
periods.
A powerful
frontiers
tribes.
escape
A strong
not merely
outsiders
groupings
a hegemony which
Pareto!
an active
to
strength
area.
coast.
constituted
but
preyed sense
on the
Saharan
territorially
was not
communities.
push back the
effectively major
long
the relative
a large
sway over
townships
of makhzen authority, found
to
the
of access
makhzen control
according
its
movement could
were wolves
wolves
varied
enforce
to a few scattered
the
direct
of
authority,
on the
communities
the
control.
for
in
example
or difficult
powerful
of the makhzen and dissident
solidarity
for
and demands of the makhzen for
attentions
or static.
in return
groups,
nomadic
one of
of the makhzen's
recognition
those
from
the makhzen to
for
dissident
rival
against
The 'boundary'
to
token
offered
massifs
fringe,
he would have to be appointed
usually
of the staked dedication
They brought
to
266
Fierce leader
of the
faithful,
'dissident'
was a conscious
political
from
the Holy
themselves various
central
in
the mountains
that
territory
Prophet
during
envoy;
alms) of it;
worthy he can.
and the he is
ready
Nobody has the
The Islamic beyond
for
his
for
right
out,
the
unity
the
war,
other
the
and the
on this
Djebala
nothing
more
than
to to
obligation
defence
in
community
"asks
of the Djibli
the
of God, and recognizes he fasts
prayers;
Zakat
the
to whomsoever
is
and goes to Mecca if
to ask any more of him". and loyalty
to
recognized
by giving tithe)
to
from
capitalize
the
(koranic
dynasties
least
defenders.
the ritual
holy
and they
at
obligations,
property
identification
individual
opters
no other
religious
he performs
Achour
or officials
moslem community,
him in
with
he professes
Ramadan; he purifies
(koranic
spill
part
of the
out
orders
example,
and- admits
Except
no other: as hjs
for of the
infidel
of taking
of Islam.
understands
Morocco,
the administrator the
its
The dissident
terms.
dissidence
opted
moslem community,
wider
any makhzen to
for
sense that
still
communities
were acceptedýas
temporal
him against
him than
the
dynasties
of Northern
Sultan,
defend
to the
was difficult
recognition
the
.
But
raids.
custom known to differ
Dissident
as belonging
But it
of
196
of
out morally,
opted
the
of
steadfast
groups
to accept
they
a tribal
of observing
Law of Islam"
if
with
role
of the makhzen's
were dissidents,
they
The same was true
extent
the
tribal
and refused
authority,
in
"if
the
authority
a projection
suggests,
system,
central
knew it.
simply
not
the
'marginal'
were
As Gellner
viewpoint. wider
act,
be combined
or to accept
tribes
for
and respect
thus
could
to pay taxes
re4. L uL even
to Islam,
committment
of the leaders
197
tribes in
could
the moslem
267
world;
one community
centres Holy the
Moreover,
of authority.
dynasty
central
to
Both-these
Maghreb,
fragmented
factors
day Tunisia
urbanization
the
on
eyes of the of a
authority
Historically,
the marked by
In the
of influence. the
by contrast,
Eastern of
embryos by denser
were characterized
dynasties.
longer-lasting
and more stable
the
was particularly
pulls
and Morocco
VIII.
corrode
dissidence.
Maghreb,
of the
parts
an obligation in
could
of the
as upholders
functions
Algeria,
present-day
command and rival
and Western present
those
of two rival
claims
imposed
faith
and justify
dynasty,
particular Central
fulfil
the
between recognition
of the
law and as defenders
community.
THE TURKISH REGIME
Algiers,
province
since
arrived
from
outside,
internal
power the
entered
of North
Africa
the
which
their
tribal survived
had original
had been to
However,
the
into' threat
and methods
from
by sea,
the
the
segmentary
they
which
in Morocco. 197
preceded
But in
other
them in
respects,
it
In a environment
emplacements
adopted
in
similar
to
the
of
by
desert.
of Christian
which
rule
as a result
arriving
were in many respects
authority
features.
arriving
'called
counteract
dynasties
than
rather
a sense,
dynasties
The goals
coast.
extending
in
of a
Turkish
Century.
Sixteenth
early
capital
filled been had vacuum as power
same local
Turks
the
sense,
the
crystallization.
indigenous
successive
on the
the
had been the
and Tripoli,
Tunis
like
Turkish
of
be torn
could
Maghreb, Turkish
those and rule
268
By the had only
a weak moral
influence
exercised
no practical
control
and purposes, Algiers, the
suserainty
Sultans,
on the
from
Ottoman
in
goodwill
in
times
199
of war.
But diplomatic
The local
Turkish
regime,
service
married
provinces.
They had no real home.
Porte
in
into
essentially
recipients
needed to retain the
Levant,
contingent
military
of Anatolia,
roots
illustrious
Turks
as Julien
their
leader,
the
the
chief
offices
in
caste,
dey, the
providing
the
it,
a household
commanding provincial
odjak
hierarchy,
201
of
different
janissary
"were
signors".
slaves,
Empire.
Ottoman
who unloaded
puts
and magnificent
an urban-based
for
Algeria;
in
caste
a tradition
with
and moved between
"The tatterdemalion harbour"
the
throughout
among themselves,
the
freed
These were originally
and turbulence
They mostly
Algiers
were all
was based on a small
odjak)
from among the peasantry
recruited
of the
But
were essentially
niceties
(the
Janissaries.
of a few thousand
was their
acknowledged
200
"a fiction".
military
a token
of
office.
from
Janissaries
the Sultan
sent
they
in Algiers
The rulers
to recruit
order
they
and occasionally
198
Porte".
the
"...
them in
contrary
intents
Dayis
elected
who confirmed
He
to all
Gibb and Bowen explain,
none of them was tributary; of gifts
Algiers.
which,
a regime
Constantinople
at
Regency in
"The locally
and Tripoli", of the
the
over over
was autonomous.
Tunis,
Sultan
the Turkish
Century,
Nineteenth
corps
the
vessels
transmuted They were bodyguard
garrisons,
holding
and involved
in
racial
were the
overseas
trade. The other Koloughlis,
the
of this
constituents offspring
of
small
Janissaries
caste
and native
at
Arab women.
269
They formed for
return
tax -
Ambitious
their
At its
this
height,
calculates
its
indigenous
when the
Turkish-appointed Janissaries,
Pasha in
in
dey was virtually
30 deys held
after
by violence this
threat,
the
perilous
of wealth:
from
presents
from domainal
consuls,
and a share
"a man of wealth,
but
without
a husband
children,
liberty,
king
the
far
of slaves
divan
- which
the
Army,
and the Navy,
booty of his
from master without
and slave
The dey was assisted the
in
a wife, of his
by the higher
included
ministers
appointed
in by the
204 predecessor. moved into
from
To
the Despite
Janissaries.
fees
land,
'
of whom 14 were imposed
1816,
away from
the
perpetually
deys commanded considerable
situation, revenues
Indeed,
corps,
of their
dey in
beys
or assassination:
1671 and 1818,
Khoja,
Ali
by the
succession.
deposition
assassination
Kasbah of Algiers,
fortified this
office
the
the Hesseinite
unlike
janissary
of the
between
2- million.
had replaced who ,
succeeded,
revolution,
at a time
2-
Deys were elected
1711.
posts.
of 15 - 20,000.202
numbered approximately
a prisoner
by palace
threatened
odjak
6,000,203
1800 as only
a hereditary
establishing
Turks;
consisted
caste
odjak
was the
odjak
imýprtant
extremely
in
population
and had never
of Tunis,
reduce
total
strength
The head of the
U
with
lands.
as full
aim was acceptance
were entrusted
were accorded
from domainal
or revenue
and in
odjak,
they
duties
military
exemption
and proud,
they
Julien
their
of the
troops
infantry
permanent
performing
privileges
often
the
resources officials,
and trade.
He was
treasures;
a father
a despot
subjects". council charge
without 205
of the of the
odjak
-
Treasury,
dey. ' The administrative
270
included
apparatus (shawsh-s). of
to prosper,
and piracy
pease for
the
Turkish
inflow
of Koranic
tribes.
Thetdey's
moslem justice, The major which
levies,
role
was also
territory
land,
directly
In
structure
was weaker
Algeria.
Military
than
rather three
area
Constantine in
of the
the
Mascara
until
cads-s.
household,
public
Turks,
which
in
by the
districts
tribal
conventional
than
by
were worked
the
rest
of
Agha of the (watan-s)
each
Caid. Regency -a with
each under
and the 1792,
into
of domain
consisted
the
dar-es-sultan
immediate
and its
This
dar-es-sultan.
the
dey was a smallish
by the
town of Algiers-
was divided
to the East,
centre,
of
of
Considerable
dey's
the
navy,
and more fragmented
a territory
provinces,
by a network
command was exercised
headed by a Turkish The rest
submitted
administration
and trained.
administered
the
labour.
and the
the
ensure
owned by prominent
and estates
Arabs,
by the
of the
- called
indigenous
from the
an adequate
administration.
consisting
hinterland
and to ensure
coast,
was the upkeep of the militia,
well-equipped
absorbed
permitting
a modicum of internal
he was assisted
of government
and general The area
to
thus
and sea,
and tribute
taxes,
was relatively
works,
on the
and bailiffs
were to keep open lines
odjak
to maintain
caste
in which
expense
sums were also
of the
and commerce by land
communication
trade
secretaries
a variety-of
The main tasks
(kho a-s)
fluctuating
precise the
beylik
frontiers
authority
the beylik
Oran).
the
of influence
divided was -
of a bey:
of Titters
of Oran in
and thenceforth
sphere
the
(centred'
into
beylik
of
on Medea)
West (centred?
on
The beys were Turks
271
or Koloughlis 'joyeuse
of
appointed
candidate.
retained
control
help
exercised
to the odjak
had to visit
in person
Algiers
elaborate
of
to correspond Fmerit
abjection.
Constantine
in
the
any initiative
slave
So be it,
reason
for
They had
this to
and keep
most
the
odjak
affairs
an acceptable beys
were
powerful at of
reasonably autonomous, assembled
abreast
did
beyliks,
and acted imperial
long
this
as the
machine.
World". not
as tax
sense, real Links
the
Between
by the
dey.
On the
other
control
cogs the
in-fighting,
odjak
in.
were
between
appointed.
flowing
beys
your
was some
vagaries
in
fear
your
of
once
flowed
executive
of
am only
of
a close
of
apparent
There
secure
periods.
exercise
so long In
assured.
not
206
and 16 executed
for
bey
"I
tribute
of
deposed
the
prolongation
turbulent
quantity
survived
Algiers
the
of
us the
he
office.
manifest
which
were
the
for
servility:
the
of
beys
servility;
keep
and 1825,8 the
0 Lord
years
by horsemen
accompanied
from
letters
utter
May God grant
three
the dey in the language
Century
and protest
relations,
the bey was required
and every
and account
cites
the
with
over tribal
denouch),
with
19th
early
and servant.
existence.
(the
On
the provinces. troops,
Treasury,
to pay tribute,
chiefs,
Bey-s tended
-s)
who
and koloughlis
Twice a year,
to send tax proceeds
and native
in
supervision
general
the payment of taxes.
and ensured
to the dey,
the bey commanded these
of the odjak, of an agha,
(bord
fortresses
a gift
went to the most
of Janissaries
of the contingents
for
return
the post
The bey was responsible
in various
stationed
in
usually
indeed,
often,
avýnement';
generous
behalf
by the dey,
over
and order
207
1790
Only
hand, the was
practically in
three
the
loosely-
provinces
were
272
and each bey was free
tenuous,
extremely game vis
a
this
them to grow ambitious,
led
themselves the 19th
the tribes
vis
as independent Century,
for
for
the Busseinite
to establish
the bey of Constantine
mortality
particularly game,
of the
among incumbents
rate
By
was a dangerous
But this
up as the head of a dynasty,
No bey managed to set himself
post.
On occasion,
of key tribes.
the help
own right.
the high
or to try
to revolt,
example,
own political
area of command.
powers with
had become a power in his and accounted
his
within
his
to pursue
beys had done after
as
the dey of Tunis
overthrowing
in
1705. Though fairly
links
the
this
slender,
an administrative which
were
of
to the
offered taxes
help
levied.
khalifa
the
independent,
them.
Turkish
rule
with
and money,
by the
Eastern
and had
part
the
of
developed
beyliks
the
of
into
divided
khalifa-s -
agents
These
19th
Century,
Oran
beylik
relations
to
tended
in
a proportion
off
and raked
agents
early
Areas were
controlled
securely
and tax-farming.
policing
these
beys
were
above
odjak
bey nominated
the
Inevitably,
influence;
of
him
the
beneath
which
bey gifts
autonomous
in
under to
and the
beyliks
the
mean that
not
apparatus
(watan-s),
caid-s
turn
did
effectively
territories and
between
for
develop
semithe
example,
was virtually
with
dynasty
Alawite
the
Morocco.
The depths military from under revolt.
to which
apparatus area the
to
bey's This
penetrated
area,
and
from
command were resource
of
of the beylik
the roots the time not
power
tribal to
time.
numerically
tax-collecting
undergrowth
varied
The garrisons large,
was supplemented
of
and greatly militia
and prone by the
granting
to of
273
tax
land,
or other
cavalry
troops
privileges,
These provided submitted
tribes
bey would
lead
in out
They made forays
heads,
makhzen tribes
tribal
backgrounds, in
natural
communities these
privileges; at
the
South,
disposal for
itself
contented what it
with 210
wanted".
The remainder tribes,
groups
of demand from
equitable,
it
resources,
but
of the
Apart tribes
regime;
in
inverse
from taxation,
under
the
"not
authority
from
had to pay for the
sign
of cäids,
of the
the the
which
and did
were firmly
to the
their
controlled.
being or real to
or ability of the
strongest".
nominated
and
These tribes
power
of submission
taxes,
circumstances
burden
expense
211
Some
to pay Koranic
to their at
loosely
uncommon.
to supposed
in proportion
proportion
with
was variagated.
was subject
and
were
nobility
was not
garrisons,
so far
diverse
were only
to pay from below.
nomads were spared
the weakest
populations;
This
Others
to Algiers,
year
were obliged
too.
was based
Warlike
resist.
(ra'ias)
Some of
makhzen tribes
environment
above and ability
were milch-cows
per
Turkish
near
levies
non-Koranic
tribal
exemplary
Douair-s
the
a military
a hox
exacting
from
together
of makhzen tribes
Revolt of the
('aman).
209
Yet others
reality.....
sending
those
especially
These submitted often
were "in
off
had been rewarded
the nomadic
odjak;
tribes,
examples.
were notable
(mehalla). camp
mobile
Domains:
on State
the
annually,
cutting
brought
were more scattered.
example,
kept
as his
whose faithfulness
of the
which
assets,
were artificially
Oran beylik
the
a force
of submission
and settled
Smela-s
'.
and semi-dissident tribal
ceremonies
these
tribes
usually
makhzen troops
plundering
and forcing
'makhzen
(mokhzani-s),
among dissident
and tribute,
taxes
to
Periodically,
order. these
benefits
208
sedentary
212
was the placing by the
beys,
of
usually
274
Koloughlis.
These were cogs in
their
office
mainly
different
tribal
the from
tax
of
tions
levied
itself
was left
tents,
its
regulated
age-old
their
taxes
"the
reason
administration". Turkish
rule
Turkish
rule.
their
Dissidence above all caids
tribes
from
all;
(or
and attacks
"The Bedouin
time
to time,
to lead
their
ancient
point
three
strike);
alternatively
217
refusal
on the mehalla within
and/
the bey's
and for
Turkish
point
were little
about by
affected
towns were doubtless but
the
tribes
way of life
the
Turkish they
as a whole
and settle
sphere
were
to recognize
of these
caids
or on allies
of
influence
'dissident'.
to pay taxes
: refusal
refusal
by the
deys
,
of view,
things
customs".
subjects
the
214
of
216
came within
odjak's
involved
zones nominally
coastal
from
hardly
the
a tax
the
their
of troops,
affected
of
assemblies
"providing
their
group
community
manner;
makes a similar
among themselves"
own affairs Other
at
Evans-Pritchard
community
the
this,
amount
representa-
village,
the passage with
after
the
but
from
was little
Those nearest
must have continued
above,
suggests,
interfering
countryside
to pay taxes
compelled
from
customary
hinder
not
Cyrenaica:
in
its
As Julien
in
215
Apart
in
affairs
and did
interested
were not
pay.
213
appointed
The total
odjak.
was fixed
with
were representatives
of the
how much each fraction,
intact.
survived
paid
this
should
sheikh-s
armed resistance,
to decide
links
on sheikh-s,
these
agents
who treated
machine, For direct
relied
elders; than
rather
including
or family
elders
segment
on each community
below,
from
they
fractions,
communities
tax-farming
of revenue.
as a source
among prominent
of their
the
("Revolt
odjak-appointed to obey the
of the
command were too
odjak); Many
odjak.
remote
and
is
275
difficult
for
of access
As a result,
Other
They offered
nominal
Where possible,
turned
it
the practical
the
between
struck Gana in In these
the
boundaries
weakness, would
coalesced
topography over
clan,
a holy
terms
with
ignore
it,
for
Thus,
in
the
systematic
turn
of
Oran beylik domination
way.
the
was never
and
enlist their
Ben
were
beys pushed of
odjak
Ottoman
caste alliances. tribes
of an energetic
The bey might feelers,
for
could
example,
been extremely
possible.
come to
by trying
insurrections
long
to
on earlier
influence
Century,
had for
hegemony,
Periodically
diplomatic
19th
the
of
the
Serious
the
as the
At times
brotherhood. out
the
currency.
tribes
strength,
or renege
under
but
were periodically families
turbulent.
areas,
218
and Zouaoua in Kabylia.
conflicts
was itself
by putting
the
for
strengthen
and individual
side,
to revolt,
or by armed attack. at
beys to
Ferdjioua
intestine
for
attempted
Thus alliances
back a long
man, or religious this,
years;
presence
sizeable
tribes
of powerful
odjak
key tribes
encourage
The tribal
the
fringe,
exploited
and struggles
and diplomatic
to the
cases,
tangible
odjak
and such influential
of control
however,
the
feuds,
oases or the
to rally
encouraged
and
Saharan
suzerainty, into
this
convert
game.
of military
Sahara
of vassaldom".
of Turkish
conversely,
segmentary
Saharan
of the thread
strength,
support
the Turks
times
of
advantage;
Saharan
the
to
a position
or moral
in
Sheikh
slenderest
of alliances,
to its
position
by the
in periods
field
segmentary
of many fortified
acknowledgement
in
was never
to approach.
decades.
Ouled Sidi
- the
groups
"attached were -
example
odjak
for
control
or dare
the nomads of the
inhabitants
and the
Turkish
to penetrate
of Kabylia,
the highlanders
the High Plateaux, escaped
the mehalla
the
to rage Turkish
tenuous.
276
On the in
the
other
resistance
Turkish
interference;
Turks.
the
with
Even though
defeated,
militarily
fission,
Kabyle
the
or their
territory
the Maghreb
economy made them dependent
communities
whom the their
for
outlets the
Turks
the
coast.
Consequently,
exchange
Turkish
indigenous
school
than
strict
less
moslems,
and active
Caliphate legists, the
they
influence
on the
behaviour
interior
of the
of the
claims
as defenders
fringes the
in
the
of the odjak
segmentary
Moreover, of the
they
Hanifite
were neverthe-
of Algiers in
faith the rival
but
over
to
and against
West,
and the
poles
of
a considerable
had moral
relation
pious
to the
by scholars
provided
Regency,
tribes
Ottomans
in
which
rite
laxer
of the
dynasty
East,
South
grain,
of new mosques and other
The Alawite
dynasty
for
a Sunni
school),
to
and token of the
(the
and
those
of membership
as somewhat spurious
(roumi).
Husseinite
of the
the
merchandise,
tribes
followed
Malikite
were respected
Christians
Turkish
area
were regarded
They needed
the North.
aspect
in
part
neighbouring
including
population
patrons
Even though
foundations.
with
and dates
with
Turks
the
from the the
their
the
livestock
was different rather
penetrated,
had to be paid,
on contacts
Although
moslem community.
were never
routes,
was an integral
presence
communities
on links
Similarly,
wool,
made them reliant
which
trade
219
their
come to some arrangement
and other
some taxes
acknowledged.
needed to
and figs,
oil
important
controlled
suzerainty
the
olive
one thing,
For another
collapsed.
had managed to control.
Turks
caste
or without
with
had to
tribes
even the most dissident
thing,
to
menaces often
growing
For
threatened.
seriously
prone
was always
Ottoman
of the
presence
overall
towns was never
coastal
tribal
the
hand,
sway. it
The
was 'marginal'.
277
Thus the Turkish It
many of the
shared
segmentary
states,
superficial existence state
structure
It
internal
territorial
archical
network
taxation
and tribute methods
was exercised
subject
extreme
of officials violence
and assassinate fortresses, the
dominant
whole
had authority
to Koranic
in
Law.
and vast foreign
other
called
and slaves,
racial
apparatus
caste.
hand,
or revealed
weaknesses.
the
Regency came up against
Turkish
a hier-
a system
the
bureauauthority
dey ruled
to the
as the theory
accepted
and temporal
matters
of Turkish
features
rule
are
Despotism":
"Oriental
of
the
awe before
authority;
infraätions,
repress
insurrections,
seraglio,
bodyguards,
palaces,
of
As Hermassi
life-style
the
"the
suggests,
an extension
of
of the
private
221
many novel Like
and
framework,
this
was considered
power".
frontiers
and certain
were by-products
estates
of ministers,
agents,
Treasury,
Other
embryonic
army and navy,
spiritual
was used to punish
domain of the men in On the
stable
was one of unutterable
enemies;
government
fairly
who according
the
indigenous
a council
Within
The
implied Its
ruler,
pretensions:
Sultan,
of the
Maghrebi
rule
earlier
and executive
communication. theocratic
in
paradoxes.
elements.
authority.
a standing
a central
of what Wittfogel
suggestive language
with
with
only
than
state,
of governors
Caliphate
the
of
divisions,
of
representative of
absolute
had an elected
departments
specialized
of Turkish
and some components with
certain
novel
some wholly
was more marked
220
hegemonies.
cratic
importing
of a quad-state
presented
of the mediaeval
characteristics
while
style
Algeria
in
regime
other
features
of Turkish
Maghreb dynasties the
'structural
rule before
limitation'
caused it, on
278
its
power and stability it
which
from
apart
racial
This
profit.
assimilated,
and became a relatively
townships
showing in
the
piracy
than
latter
was regarded
Moreover, it
fragmented; dey himself
established
had no strong
and
in
than
were confined
the
to a few outwards,
trade
and The
hinterland. of
a source
taxes
of
part
were facing
of the
firmly
a stable
dynastic
one imposed described
basic
by the
this
from
and
in place,
in
and the
was also
crucial
feature
a small
territory
and came
the Regency of Tunis had
Husseinites
into
split
whose governors
of Turkish tribal
janissaries,
The Regency
succession.
The
focus.
of the
of Algiers,
three
sprawling
were subject
from below.
above and dissidence
weakness
was extremely
or centralizing
and only
provinces,
segmentary
as the
odjak
By contrast,
counterpart,
autonomous
to harassment
central
revolution,
was kept
Eastern
its
Algerian
to the pressure
command.
The final,
Tunis:
more than
of the
his
and virtually both
the power
of palace
under
militia
unlike
office
in Mediterranean
industry
as little
jealously
kept
were gradually
they
strip;
interest
agriculture"or
was vulnerable
threat
directly the
Turks
which apparatus
and integrated
settled
coastal
greater
Turks
where the
levers
governmental which
in
context
trouble.
periodic
the
their
and monopolized
The Algerian
on the
and ports
so to speak,
to
222
community.
of the
was more marked in Algeria
isolation
Regency of Tunis,
local
several
lacked
of the population
neighbouring
the
tribal
of a few thousand,
caste
the rest
segmentary
They confined
had.
hegemonies
to a distinct
Turks
But the
operated.
indigenous
by the
created
rule
context. of Turkish
was the
structural
De Montety
has
administration
in
279
"To this there
corresponded
tribes
lived
tribes
did
in
draw their
of the
a subdivision it.
In
short,
whose architecture
by local
or lesser
The Turkish without
having
facade,
its
the
with
sovereign
regime the
in
Cý"
no corps agents
of paid
there
nominal
'hierarchy'.
link
State to
plunged,
central
"structurally
loyalty
incapacitated"
absenteeist".
225
than its
to
ministers"
own troops.
administrathe 224
The
.
own administrative
Which caus. ¬d state
funds
of effective
cope with tribesmen;
the
of any administrative
no centralized
of authority",
and unamenable of its
absence
and potential
decentralization
of inaccessible
over
off
Behind
authority.
rather
of tax-farming,
hiving
duality,
structural
The men surrounding
state.
control
This
this
functionaries;
clerks
by a system
shared central
by the
paid
retained
"dyefunctional
on the
- was not
of an all-powerful
was "virtual
haemmorhage of authority the
tribal
the Husseinite which
tentacles
all-powerful
were glorified
framework
of
into
Algiers
characteristic
apparatus;
centre
depths,
the
of
in Modern States
situation life,
anarchy
chiefs
even have any precise
not
the
the
223
authority".
tion
to
The
nature
and ethnic
regional
embraces
was characterized greater
and did
as opposed
the Prince;
from
authority
state,
but
framework,
social
was of a familial
- which
of arbitrariness,
organization.
administrative
a hierarchical
not
organization
with
no local
to the point
strong
power,
central
the it
Government
a severe at
this
control, rendered
endemic could
not
rung
every
the
regime
dissidence even rely
was "fragmentary
and
280
Yet the from without, no doubt
Turkish
the great the
the
Empire,
extent local
into
226
distant
by the
religion,
economic
environment.
traditional
forces
but
of imagination Builders.
no real this
functions levying
of the
state
officials and to let
the
and no overt that
might
While
the
the most part
control act
bring
the
social
was committed them to
the
to sit
in
to
Turkish
the
so long
against notice
"the
Evans-Pritchard
"The local
interior,
at
and reduced
229
Cyrenaica:
Nation
attempt
simplified
in
was
and lack
greatly
security".
their
conqueror,
(were)
for
Sanusiya
its
on much as before,
approach
were content
Algeria
carried
public
respected
227
228
building".
as a
upon the
"no real
out,
points
was
to transform
They were not
Turks.
by
interfere
tribes
and ensuring
an analogous
authority
of the
to
an incapacity
reflected
or state
segmentary
taxes
were paid
duality
regime
Tribal
him".
with
contact
on the part
unification
of the
nor
against
no grudge
They made, Hermassi
societal
noted
bearing
the
was predicated
rule
were to a
this
with
attempt
of the moslem Maghreb.
having
In a sense,
life
Turkish
territory,
equally
for
and customs,
of
the Empire
of
were content
and made no real
provinces
whose stability
units,
suzerainty,
lies
up the subject
vicissitudes
organization
other
viability
were supervised
split
populations'
and nominal
social
"conquered
they
autonomy...
its
and tribes
councils,
naturally
political
The 'subject
their
their
with
As in
many semi-independent
presence
(shared)
though
and was overthrown
for
reason
dualism. village
their
governors;...
affected
whole".
"guilds,
centuries,
of the
structural
autonomous,
populations little
very
three
Part
within.
not
in
for
survived
regime
the
of the
towns... as taxes
Sultan's court".
230
281
But this the
lack
Turks,
Evans-Pritchard
successful
not
colonial
also
confuse
the
"well
understood
but
government
no less with 231
were considerably
inattention
bureaucratic The philosophy different.
for
side,
more positive
of administration
art
regeneration".
rule
had its
concluded,
to some things,
the name of moral French
of
practice
on attention They did
of imagination
that
depends
not
the only
to others. interference and methods
in of
282
NOTESTO CHAPTER THREE
(eds. ):
AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS
1.
M. Fortes and E. Evans-Pritchard (London 1940) p. 5.
2.
C. Geertz: ISLAM OBSERVED- RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENTIN MOROCCOAND INDONESIA (Yale 1968) p. 9.
3.
DES GENRES DE L'EVOLUTION VIE ET LES X. BUREAUX ARABES Yacono: cf. 1953) esp. 127-145. INDIGENES DANS L'OUEST DU TELL ALGEROIS (Paris in V. Monteil: "Les Bureaux Arabes au Maghreb (1833-61)"
ESPRIT (300) Nov. 1961, p. 575-606
General surveys of the methods, myths, and contributions of include: early Maghreb ethnology kabyle? " C-R. Ageron: "La France a-t-elle eu une politique in REVUE HISTORIQUE (223) 1960, p. 311-. 52J. Berque: "Cent-vingt-cinq maghrebine" ans de sociologie in ANNALES - ECONOMIES, SOCIETIES, CIVILISATIONS (11) 1956,
p. 296-324.
in BRITISH JOURNAL OF E. Gellner: "The Far West of Islam" SOCIOLOGY (March 1958) p. 73-82. G. Nicolas: "La soc, ologie au maroc pendant les rurale (Oct-Dec. MONDE 1961) TIERS dernieres in cinquantes annees" P- 527-543. 4.
J. Berque: "Quelques problemes de 1'Islam Maghrebin" in DE SOCIOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS (Jan. -June 1957) 3, p. 4.
5.
(Paris BERBERIE A. LA EN 1938) Bel: RELIGION MUSULMANE cf. E. Dermenghem: LE CULTE DES SAINTS DANS L'ISLAM MAGHREBIN (Paris 1954) J. Desparmet: COUTUMES, INSTITUTIONS, CROYANCESDES MUSULMANESD'ALGERIE (Algiers 1948) E. Doutte: MAGIE ET RELIGION DANS L'AFRIQUE DU NORD (Algiers 1909) E. (Paris
Doutte: 1900)
NOTES SUR L'ISLAM
MAGHRIBIN:
ARCHIVES
LES MARABOUTS
E. Michaux-Bellaire: LES CONFRERIES RELIGIEUSES AU MAROC (Rabat 1923) L. Rinn: MARABOUTSET KHOUAN (Algiers 1884)
E. A. Westermarck:
(London RITUAL AND BELIEF IN MOROCCO
1926) Michaux-Bellaire was one of the prime instigators of this "As one penetrates approach in Moroccan anthropology: more deeply into the Moroccan organism, one gets behind the veil islamic which covers it with a uniformly appearance, and one that a great number of the institutions realizes which make to the islamization up this organism have an origin anterior One finds of the country.... a whole social organization which was not only not established but on a Koranic basis, has not really been influenced by Koranic precepts".
283
5.
"La sociologie Marocaine" in ARCHIVES E. Michaux-Bellaire MAROCAINS (XXVII) Paris 1927, p. 293,295. The same urge to get back beygnd Islam also perhaps partly interest European archeologists the inordinate explains have shown in Roman architectural ruins in the Maghreb.
6.
J. Berque: "Cent-vingt-cinq in ANNALES (1956) p. 313. option".
7.
kabyle? " C-R. Ageron: "La France a-t-elle eü une politique in REVUE HISTORIQUE (223) 1960, p. 311-52. R. Ageron: LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1871-1919) (Paris 1968) Ch. 10 - "Le 'mythe kabyle' et la politique (1871-1891) "La kabyle de kabyle politique and Ch. -31
maghrebine" ans de sociologie He calls this myth "the Berber
1898 a\ 1918").
Burke has recently of a examined the development Burke III: E. in Moroccan similar myth ethnology. "The image of the Moroccan State in French ethnological Berber literature: of Lyautey's a new look at the origin (eds. ): ARABS AND C. Micaud Policy" in E. Gellner and BERBERSTLondon 1973) p. 171-200. This whole volume is laying the ghost towards finally an important contribution of the Berber myth. 8.
ALGERIA - THE TOPOGRAPHYAND HISTORY, POLITICAL, J. R. Morrell: SCIENTIFIC AND NATURAL, OF NORTH AFRICA (London 1854) provides in a typical vulgarization view: "The Kabyles differ of this live under roofs, The first from the Arabs. the all things in preference last under tents; the Kabyle fights on foot, The Their languages have no"analogy. the Arab on horseback. Arab flies to come the Kabyles.. do not hesitate our contact, the Kabyles are the and seek labour in our towns... In short, hereditary hence their conquered and the Arabs the conquerors, hatred"... "The Arab detests idle; work; he is essentially during nine months of the year, he thinks only of his immensely, The Kabyle labours and at all times; pleasures. idleness is a disgrace in his eyes.. "... ".. The Arab is vain; The Kabyle he appears humble and arrogant alternately. The Arab is a liar; remains always wrapped up in his pride... the Kabyle considers The Arabs usually lying a disgrace.. The Kabyle acquaints proceed.. through surprise and treachery. his enemy with his intentions.. ".. ".. The Arab does not know how to increase it in the the value of his money; he buries The Kabyle, his flocks. ground or uses it to increase to mussulman law, puts it out at large interest"... contrary "They agree on only one point: the Kabyle detests the Arab, (pp. 271/3/8/9/6). the Arab detests the Kabyle" The comments of A. Wilkin: AMONGTHE BERBERS OF ALGERIA (London 1900) p. 3-4 are equally "The nomad Arab revealing: is the curse of the country. Indolent, vicious, and burn a mile of forest he will to provide unprogressive, a
5
284
8.
9.
10.
11.
If only the destructive for his flocks... few acres of bad pasturage to their be Arab and his locust relegated could of goat*swarms There he can safely be left to Sahara... the habitat natural his fanaticism on of nature, spend his fury on the forces Of the Berbers, there is divergent sects of his own religion.... Whether in the olive-clad mountains of much good to be said. Aurasian fastnesses, their Kabylia the terraced of valleys or they are white men, and in general white men. Among act like hospitality them the virtues and good nature are of honesty, ". conspicuous... its indicative treatise, long G6n6ral Bremond's with muddled cf. LA BERBERIE-EST UN ET ARABES BERBERES E. Br4mond: sub-title PAYS EUROPEN (Paris 1942). in the between Desparmet, wars world regularly writing IUAFRIQUEFRANCAISE, journal, was an active a colonialist should regard of the view that French policy propagandist true Berbers as merely skin-deep moslems, _=-. "so-called the into the believers" driving them arms of and avoid "Le panarabisme Cf. J. Desparmet: et la moslem Arabs. in RENSEIGNaiEITS COLONIAUX (1938) (8-9) p. 194-9, berberie" and COUTUMES, INSTITUTIONS, CROYANCESDES MUSULMANES D'ALGERIE (Algiers 1948). L-J. L-J.
Duclos: Duclos
"Reflexions marocain" sur le nationalisme (Paris MAGHREBINS LES NATIONALISMES et al:
in 19- 6).
LES SIECLES OBSCURSDU MAGHREB- L'ISLAMISATION E. F. Gautier: DE L'AFRIC. UE DU NORD (Paris 1927) provides one of the most celebrated expositions of this theme. A INTRODUCTION L'HISTOIRE M. C. Sahli: DECOLONISER cf. This book offers L'HISTOIRE DU MAGHRREB(Paris 1965). a loosely exposition rather scissors-and-paste coordinated historiographical myths concerning and refutation of several . the Maghreb.
12.
"In the past these two traditions were sometimes insulated E. Gellner: This is no longer true". from each other. SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (London 1969) p. 64.
13.
The major ethnological works of Robert Montagne are: LES BERBERES ET LE MAKFIZENAU SUD DU MAROC- ESSAI SUR LA TRANSFORMATIONPOLITIy; UE DES BERBEzES SERE TAIRES (GROUPE CHLEUH) (Paris 1930) - LA VIE SOCIALE ET LA VIE POLITIQUE DES BERBERES (Paris 1931) (trans. and ed. by D. Seddon, as THE BERBERS - THEIR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORG-UTIZATION (London 1973) D'ORIENT NCMADES LA CIVILISATION DU DESERT: ET D'AFRI%UE (Paris 1947). He also published the 1920's a number of monographs during in HESPERIS (ARCHIVES BERBERESET BULLETIN DE L'INSTITUT DES HAUTES ETUDES MAROCAINES) - "Le regime juridique des tribus in HESPERIS (4) 1924, p. 313-331 du Sud Marocain"
285
13.
Massat" in HESPERIS (4)
Marocain": Sud "Un du berbere tribu 1924, p. 357-403
"L'Aghbar les et HESPERIS (7) 1927,
hautes vallees p. 1-32
du Grand Atlas"
de "Un 1'Anti-Atlas: magasin collectif in HESPERIS (9) 1929, p. 145-266
1'Agadir
in
des Ikounka"
XVIIIe les "Les leff-s du debut berberes siecle chez au Masmouda" in HESPERIS 1941 Cf. also other articles by Montague (Grand Tagontaft de "Le du des developpement caids pouvoir Atlas)" in MEMORIAL HENRI BASSET - NOUVELLES ETUDES NORD-AFRICAINES 1928) p. 169-184 ET ORIENTALES Vol. II (Paris (C. M. A. 18 H. E. doct. "Le Berberie" des no chefs en pouvoir October 1941) 14 pp OF AFRICAN JOURNAL in Morocco" in "The the chieftains power of ADMINISTRATION (I) 1949, p. 114-119 14.
in following: found the be to Montagne's work are of L'AFRIQUE ET L'ASIE (32) 1955 J. Berque: "Cent-vingt-cinq maghr6bine" ans de sociologie in ANNALES (1956) esp. p. 30,9-11 J. Berque: "Les societes vues du Haut-Atlas" nord-africaines in CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1955) P" 59ff 1955) J. Berque: STRUCTURESSOCIALES DU HAUT ATLAS (Paris J. Dresch: COMMENTAIREDES CARTES SUR LE GENRE DE VIE DE LA MONTAGNEDANS LE MASSIF CENTRAL DU GRANDATLAS (Tours 1941) BULLETIN DE in J. Dresch: "Dann le grand Atlas calcaire" 1949) L'ASSOCIATION DES GEOGRAPHESFRANCAIS (March-April in BRITISH JOURNAL E. Geliner: "The Far West of Islam" OF SOCIOLOGY (March 1958) esp. P. 76-8 Assessments
E. Gellner: p. 64-8, p. 88
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) esp. p. 26-7,
Jacques
major
G. Nicolas: "La sociologie au maroc pendant les rurale (Oct. MONDE 1961) TIERS in derni'es cinquantes annees" -Dec. esp. p. 533-40 D. Seddon: "Introduction" to R. Montagne: THE BERBERS THEIR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANISATION (1973) p. xiii-xl 15.
Berque's
ethnological
writings
on the
Maghreb
comprise:
(Tangier ETUDES D'HISTOIRE 1938) MAGHREBINE RURALE (Paris STRUCTURES SOCIALES DU HAUT 1955) ATLAS -
(trans. LE MAGHREB ENTRE DEUX GUERRES (Paris 1962) J. Stewart as FRENCH NORTH AFRICA - THE MAGHRIB BETWEEN TWO WORLD WARS (London 1967))
"Qu'est-ce " EVENTAIL in DE 'tribu' qu'un nord-africaine? L'HISTOIRE VIVANTE: HOMMAGEA LUCIEN FEBVRE Paris 1953) Vol p. 261-271 "Les Haut-Atlas" in du societes vues nord-africains CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1955) P. 59-65
I
286
15.
16.
etude des Afrique "Vers du nord" in en une comportements REVUE AFRICAINE (1956) "Quelques in ARCHIVES DE 1'Islam de maghrebin" problemes SOCIOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS (3) 1957, p" 3-20 Maghreb" "Droits in integration des terres sociale au et CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1958) "gaýýýeýt Maghreb" la daps les debuts du r6ligieux au rýformisme in ZTUDES D'ORIENTALISME DEDIEES A LA MEMOIRE DE LEVI-PROVENCAL Paris 1962) 471-94 II, vol. p. in "L'Afrique deux les du mondiales" guerres nord entre CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1961)
Maghreb "Le d'hier SOCIOLOGIE(1964)
a demain" in CAHIERSINTERNATIONAUX DE
Discussion of some of E. Gellner: "The "La and G. Nicolas: dernieres cinquantes
Berque's ideas and methods appear in: (1958) loce cit. Far West of Islam" au maroc pendant les rurale sociologie (1961) 540-3. loc. esp. p. cit., anneees"
'segmentary' Some of the most important to this contributions debate were: J. A. Barnes: POLITICS IN A CHANGINGSOCIETY (London 1954) P. J. Bohannan: JUSTICE AND JUDGEMENTAMONGTHE TIV (London E. E. Evans-Pritchard: THE NUER (Oxford 1940) L. A. Fallers: BANTU BUREAUCRACY(Cambridge 1956) M. Fortes and E. E. SYSTEMS (London 1940)
Evans-Pritchard
(eds.
):
AFRICAN
POLITICAL
M. Gluckman: THE JUDICIAL PROCESSAMONGTHE BAROTSE (Manchester 1955) H. Kuper: AN AFRICAN ARISTOCRACY - RANK AMONGTHE SWAZI (London 1947) L. P. Mair: PRIMITIVE GOVERNMENT(London 1962) ): (eds. RULERS WITHOUT TRIBES J. Middleton Tait D. and (London 1958) I. Schapera: GOVERNMENTAND POLITICS IN TRIBAL SOCIETIES (London 1956) M. G. Smith: GOVERNMENTIN ZAZZAU (London 1960) A. W. Southall: ALUR SOCIETY (Cambridge 1954) E. A. Winter: BWAMBA-A STRUCTURAL-FUNCTIONALANALYSIS OF A PATRILINEAL SOCIETY (Cambridge 1956) Important included: articles L. A. Fallers: "Political sociology and the anthropological in ARCHIVES EUROPEENNESDE study of African polities" SOCIOLOGIE (4) 1963 M. Fortes: Descent Groups" in "The structure of Unilinear AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST(55) 1953 M. G. Smith: "On segmentary lineage systems" in JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICALINSTITUTE (86) 1956. 17.
E. Gellner: "Tribalism Change in North Africa" in and Social W.H. Lewis (ed. ) FRENCH-SPEAKING AFRICA - THE SEARCH FOR IDENTITY (New Yor1 1965) p. 110.
1957)
287
18.
P. Bourdieu: SOCIOLOGIE DE L'ALGERIE (Paris 1958). An expanded (Boston, THE ALGERIANS Mass. version of this was published as 1962). Cf. also P. Bourdieu: "The sentiment of honour in Kabyle society" (ed. ): HONOURAND SHAME in J. G. Peristiany THE VALUES OF MEDITERRANEANSOCIETY (London 1965).
19.
Ernest
Gellner's
include: main publications (London SAINTS OF THE ATLAS 1969) (ed. with C. Micaud) ARABS AND BERBERS (London and the following articles:
1972)
"Independence High Atlas" in the central in MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL (Summer 1957) "The Far West in BRITISH JOURNAL OF SOCIOLOGY of Islam" (March 1958) (April "How Live to in Anarchy" THE LISTENER in 3rd 1958) "The Morocco's for Past' in MIDDLE EAST JOURNAL struggle (Winter 1961) "From Ibn Khaldun Karl Marx" to in POLITICAL QUARTERLY (Oct. 1961) "Patterns in Morocco: tribes of rural rebellion as in ARCHIVES EITROPEENNES DE SOCIOLOGIE (3) 1963 minorities" "Tribalism Change in North Africa" in W.H. Lewis and Social (ed. ) FRENCH-SPEAKING AFRICA THE SEARCH FOR IDENTITY (New York 1965) (paper "A Islam" theory to pendulum swing of presented I. P. S. A. Round Table Meeting, Istanbul 1967) 17 pp mimeo.
"The Great Patron" 1969
in ARCHIVESEUROPEENNES DE SOCIOLOGIE(1)
"Political and religious of the Berbers of the organization (eds. ): High Atlas" C. Micaud in E. Gellner central and ARABS AND BERBERS (London 1972). 20.
The work of several of them, is included and J. Waterbury, ARABS AND BERBERS (1972). -
21.
For example, J. Favret: "La segmentarite au Maghreb" in L'HOMME (6) 1966, p. 105-111. J. Favret: "Relations de d(pendance et de (3) dans la Kabylie L'HONNE in 1968 violence pre-coloniale" J. Favret: "Le traditionalisme par exces de
modernite" P. 71-93.
D. M. Hart, J. D. Seddon, including in E. Gellner and C. Micaud (eds. ):
in ARCHIVESEUROPEENNES DE SOCIOLOGIE(8) 1967,
22.
P. Bourdieu:
THE ALGERIANS (Boston
23.
G. H. Bousquet:
24.
G. Tillion: "Les societes berberes in AFRICA (2) 1939, p" 42-54.
25.
B. G. Hoffman: THE STRUCTUREOF TRADITIONAL MOROCCANSOCIETY (The Hague 1967) 63. p.
LES BERBERES (Paris,
1962) 3rd
83-4. p. edition
dans 1'Aures
1967)
p.
108.
meridional"
288
26.
P. Bourdieu:
THE ALGERIANS (1962)
27.
B. Montague:
LA CIVILISATION
28.
LA TUNISIE ORIENTALE - SAHEL ET BASSE STEPPE J. Despois: (Paris, 1955) p. 175. 2nd edition
29.
"L'evolution A. Latron: berbere: les Beni M'Tir"
30.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
p.
12-13,
p.
DU DESERT (Paris
18-19. 1947)
p.
50-60.
dans un tribe. ' d'un groupement rural 1938). inI1AFRIQIIE FRANgAISE (March-April
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (Oxford
1949)
p. 54-61. 31.
AFRICAN POLITICAL Cf. M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard: THE ALGERIANS (1962) SYSTEMS (1940) p. 285, and P. Bourdieu: (p. 86-7) Bourdieu 100. segments compares the existing p. (Hodna) legendary their Rechaich Ouled the tribe with of family tree.
32.
Cf. M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard SYSTEMS (1940) p. 277, and J. Favret: Maghreb" in L'HONNE (1966) p. 108.
33.
E. Gellner:
34.
Ibid,
35.
Ibid,
36.
"Thus; 'he adds, THE ALGERIANS (1962) p. 84. P. Bourdieu: Algeria eastern "on. the eve of the French occupation, was dominated by the sheikh of the Hanencha of the Harar family in in the East, the sheikh el Arab of the Bou Okkaz family the South, and the sheikh of the Medjana of the Ouled Mokran family in the West".
37.
Cited
38.
J. in
39-
This kind of enterprise as 1967 as recently was undertaken for Morocco, by B. G. Hoffman (THE STRUCTUREOF TRADITIONAL MOROCCANSOCIETY - 1967). His book is ambitious, and indeed laborious from the painstaking, consultation results ignores His completely of countless account monogrammes. this alone would give coherence to any segmentary dynamics; his accumulation of names and references.
40.
" in J. Berque: "Qu'est-ce nord-africain? qu'un 'tribu' HOMMAGEA LUCIEN FEBVRE - L'EVENTAIL DE L'HISTOIRE VIVANTE (Paris 1953) Vo. 1 I, p. 263.
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
p.
44.
p.
42.
in
P. Bourdieu:
(eds. ): AFRICAN POLITICAL "La segmentarite au 42. p.
THE ALGERIANS (1962)
Berque: "Cent-vingt-cinq ans de sociologie ANNALES (11) 1956, P" 320-
p.
85. maghr4bine"
289
41.
Ibid.
42.
J. in
43.
E. Geliner: SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) p. 90. They even invented the name 'canton' for it, he points out.
44.
M. Fortes and E. E. Evans-Pritchard SYSTEMS (1940) p. 22.
45.
R. Montague: THE BERBERS- THE SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION (1973) p. 46.
46.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard: "The Nuer of the Southern Sudan" in (ed. ): AFRICAN POLITICAL M. Fortes and E. E= Evans-Pritchard SYSTMES (1940) p. 284.
47.
E. Gellner:
48.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard: loc. cit. p. 274.
49.
J.
50.
M. D. Sahlins:
51.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard: "The Nuer of the Southern Sudan" (1940) loc. 'Nuerland' He incorporates cit. p. 279. and wider layers "We must beyond it into his concentric model of loyalty: that the whole Nuer people form a single community, recognize territorially and feeling unbroken, of with a common culture Their common language and values permit ready exclusiveness. intercommunication. Indeed we might speak of the Nuer as a But, he goes on, this is "only in the cultural nation". sense, for there is no common political organization or is all the more This reservation central administration". in that he includes "Dinkaland necessary and other foreign countites" on the outer rim of his nest!
52.
E. Gellner:
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
53"
P. Bourdieu:
THE ALGERIANS (1962)
54.
D. M. Hart: "The tribe in modern Morocco: two case studies" (eds. ): in E. Gellner C. Micaud ARABS AND BERBERS and FLondon 1973) P" 33-
55-
Cf. J. Berque: loc. cit.
p.
271.
Berque: "Les societes nord-africains vues du Haut-Atlas" CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1955) p. 63-
(ed. ):
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
Middleton
"The Nuer of the
and D. Tait:
48-9. p. Southern
(1940)
Sudan"
TRIBES WITHOUT RULERS (London
TRIBALISM (New York 1968)
"Qu'est-ce
AFRICAN POLITICAL
qu'un
p.
'tribu'
p.
p.
1958)p.
16.
48-52.
12.
nord-africain?
" (1953)
8.
290
56.
R. Montague: LA CIVILISATION DU DESERT - NOMADESD'ORIENT ET D'AFRIQUE (Paris 1947) p. 49.
57.
G. Tillion: "Les in AFRICA (1939)
58.
R. Montague:
LES RFRRERESET LE UZEN
59.
R. Montague:
LA CIVILISATION
60.
G. Tillion: "Les AFRICA (1939) p.
61.
P. Bourdieu:
62.
" HOMMAGE in J. Berque: "Qu'est-ce A 'tribu' nord-africain? qu'un LUCIEN FEBVRE - L'EVENTAIL DE L(HISTOIRE VIVANTE (1953) Vol. I.
63.
J.
64.
L. A. Fallers: "Political in of African polities" p. 314.
65.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
66.
M. Fortes: "The structure of unilinear AMERICAN ANTHROPOLOGIST(1953) p" 36"
67.
North J. D. Seddon: "Local politics East and State intervention (eds. ): Co Micaud Morocco from 1870 to 1970" in E. Gellner and (p. 109-139) ARABS AND BERBERS (1973) p. -122. This article provides on and an extremely subtle account of the constraints for economic resources. modes of competition
68.
J. Berque: "Cent-vingt-cinq ANNALES (1956) p. 297.
69.
It affected for example. the nature of land-utilization, Cf. J. Berque: "Droits des terres sociale et integration Maghreb" in CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1958).
70.
Middleton
societes 43. p.
societes 53.
berberes
berberes
meridional"
AU SUD DU MAROC (1930)
DU DESERT (1947)
THE ALGERIANS (1962)
and D. Tait:
dans 1'Aures
p.
dans 1'Aure"s
p.
p.
49. in
meridional"
12.
TRIBES WITHOUT RULERS (1958)
p.
5.
study and the anthropological sociology ARCHIVES EUROPEENNESDE SOCIOLOGIE (1963)
THE NUER (1940)
p.
65-
descent
ans de sociologie
groups"
in
maghrebine"
in
au
J. Berque: "Cent-vingt-cinq in maghrebine" ans de sociologie "an (1956) p. 298. SALES "In the countrysidd, he suggests, economy of prestige and counter-gift, and homage, of gift of trade regulated by the weekly souq, strongly prevailed over the monetary phenomenon". The interrelationship between the 'sacral' is a constant theme in Berque's and the 'soil' work. Cf. J. Berque: "Quelques problemes de l'Islam in maghräbin" ARCHIVES DE SOCIOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS (1957) P" 3-20, and, in form, J. Berque: FRENCH NORTH AFRICA - THE a more diffused MAGHREBBETWEENTWO WORLDWARS (1967).
149.
291
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
42.
71.
E. Gellner:
72.
R. Montagne: LA CIVILISATION DU DESERT: NOMADESD'ORIENT ET D'AFRIQUE (1947) p. 60-62. R. Montague: THE BERBERS (1973) p. 36-43.
73.
See note
(14)
above.
To this
list
p.
should
be added:
J. D. Seddon: "Local politics and State intervention: North East Morocco from 1870 to 1970" in E. Gellner and C. Micaud (eds. ): ARABS AND BERBERS (1973Tesp. p. 120-30. D. M. Hart: "The tribe in modern Morocco - Two case (1973) ARABS AND BERBERS in esp. p. 33-34. studies" A. R. Vinogradov: "The socio-political organization of Morocco" in Pre-protectorate tribe a Berber 'Taraf' ARABS AND BERBERS (1973) esp. p. 79-83" the Ait Atta Expansion R. E. Dunn: "Berber Imperialism" in South East Morocco" in ARABS AND BERBEES (1973) p. 85-107OF THE FAITHFUL (London 1970) J. Waterbury: THE COrIIJIANDER 61-80. p. SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
66.
74.
E. Gellner:
75.
R. Montagne:
76.
Ibid.
77.
Ibid.
78.
P. Bourdieu:
79,
Cf. also A. Adam: LA MAISON ET LE VILLAGE DANS QUELQUESTRIBUS (1951). DE L'ANTI-ATLAS Montague himself noted some regional (1973) BERBERS THE Morocco in in p" 38-43. variations e. g.
80.
J. Dresch: in BULLETIN DE "Dana le grand Atlas calcaire" 1949). L'ASSOCIATION'DES GEOGRAPHESFRANCAIS (March-April
81.
D. M. Hart: "The tribe in modern Morocco - Two case studies" (1973) ): (eds. AND BERBERS ARABS in E. Gellner C. Micaud and
LA CIVILISATION
p.
DU DESERT (1947)
THE ALGERIANS (1962)
p.
13, p.
p. 61.
16.
p" 33-
82.
E. Gellner: Change in North Africa" "Tribalism and Social W.H. Lewis (ed. ) FRENCH-SPEAKING AFRICA - THE SEARCH FOR IDENTITY (1965) p. 109-
83.
For example, Montague treats 'leffs' LA CIVILISATION synonymous at times:
84.
"Montague plays relatively to such factors little attention as between economic and political ecology or to the relationship little He gives the reader relatively structures... apart from 'political' data, and in his analysis changes in political in terms of political structure primarily explained process... are J. D. Seddon 'Introduction' to R. Montagne: THE BERBERS (1973) pxxxi-xxxii.
in
and 'confederations' as DU DESERT (1947) p. 59-62.
"
292
85.
J. D. Seddon: "Local Politics in and State Intervention" ): (19773) (eds. E. Gellner ARABS AND C. BERBERS Micaud and p. 125n.
86.
J.
87.
Ibid.
88.
J. in
Berque: "Les societýs vises du Haut-Atlas" nord-africaines CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1955) p. 64.
89.
J. p.
Favret: 105-
90.
G. Nicolas: cinquantes p. 538.
IE HODNA (Paris
Despois: p.
1953)
p.
112-129.
123.
(6)
1966,
"La sociologie au maroc pendant les rurale (Oct. TIERS MONDE dernieres in annges" -Dec.
1961)
"La segmentarite
in L'xobME
au Maghreb"
91.
M. G. Smith: "On segmentary lineage systems" in JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICALINSTITUTE (86) 1956, j-. 39-80.
92.
J. D. Seddon: "Local loc. cit. P. 121.
93.
J.
94.
J. D. Seddon:
95-
A. R. Vinogradov: "The socio-political organization of a Berber 'Taraf' Gellner tribe Morocco" in E. Pre-Protectorate and C. Micaud (eds. ): ARABS AND BERBERS (1973) P-73-
96.
J. D. Seddon: loc. cit. p.
97.
E. Gellner:
98.
L. A. Fallers: "Political sociology and the anthropological study (4)(1963 SOCIOLOGIE EUROPEENNES DE ARCHIVES in of African polities" p. 316.
99.
VFRAREh l,;FQRfbütrkAM D. F-4, 6(t 1Y4rk 1965)SEEon: (tAe ýPo(i{; 1. Falýers: L. o ithre okj cal Sitdj cal soctojocU u.hd Aý'r; (Igb3ý polikißs' Cav% of p 316
100.
Waterbury:
Politics
(cited Ibid.
"Local 121-2.
and State
Intervention"
J. D. Seddon Ibid* p.
p.
(1973)
125n).
125-
Politics
and State
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
101.
M. Fortes and E. Evans-Pritchard SYSTEMS (1940) p. 14.
102.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
103.
E. Gellner:
Intervention"
p.
(eds. ):
42.
AFRICAN POLITICAL
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
p.
(1973)
82.
p.
59.
293
104.
L. Milliot: "Les institutions ISLAMIQUES (1932) p. 127-174.
105.
E. Gellner:
106.
Ibid.
107.
M. G. Smith: "On segmentary lineage systems" in JOURNAL OF THE By ROYAL ANTHROPOLOGICALINSTITUTE (86) 1956, p. 67. 'Corporations Sole' -a term he borrowed from Maine - Smith means groups in which offices are held by duly selected by the whole commuhity aggregate. than performed persons rather
108.
(the) "Segmentary theory", he argues "simply continuity avoids definition of of governmental systems by a specialized centralized government which equates it with explicitly administration, on the one hand; and by an opposed definition towards of segmentary systems which obscures the tendencies functions and their such differentiation of governmental in Sole, which are inherent developments of Corporations 68. Ibid. lineage the societies, other". p. on
109.
'Group B' Fortes and Evans-Pritchard themselves subdivided into societies societies was determined structure whose political (transient by kinship bilateral families) and by relations (permanent unilateral lineage descent groups). relations Southall, in his ALUR SOCIETY (1954), suggested that an intermediate 'segmentary type was needed, called state', where contingent lineage administrative structures with a rudimentary coexist Balandier apparatus centred around a he ed4ar ýFauzhority. fxýique (1959) in his !'Le contexte noire" ue°^en sociolog` loc. typological for where category cit. argues new a Centralized but where machinery is absent, governmental lineage kinship but to tied or political relations not are to such authority or village councils. age-groups structureSas Evanstypes, Apart from developing a gamut of intermediate Pritchard's between Group A distinction idealized original has proved useful and Group B societies as a rule of thumb Middleton and Tait adopted against which to measure reality. African "The chief this approach: that differentiate factors in political organizations are the degree of specialization ideas that enter into political activities, and administrative the number of structural is exercised, levels at which authority funct16nary between political and the principle of relationship TRIBES WITHOUT RULERS (1958) p. 2. and subject".
110.
Despite his attack dichotomies, and "circular on ideal-typical Smith himself systems of definition", cannot avoid making use He distinguishes between political of them. and administrative functions, 'bands' that for example, asserting act internally but externally as administrative as political groups, groups. Yet he admits that, (i. in practice, competition over policy e.
p.
kabyles"
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
in REVUE D'ETUDES
p.
89.
90.
294
110.
behaviour) them, and that competition political may occur within between opposed bands may be latent, than or ritualized rather (i. e. administrative (p. 51). behaviour). Thisis actual distinction, certainly a useful and gives rise to interesting comparative work, but it too is arbitrary and idealtypical. Fact-ordering formulae or 'sensitizing' are so of necessity, to attack them as such, except in as and it is wasted effort far as they claim not to be. Even to say, in opposition to the assertion that x=y, that x and y are different, is to is useful in my make a persuasive statement meaning that "it to consider The statement opinion x and y as distinct". to a research points programme, to a field of interest, and it is in relation to these that its value must be judged. Fortes and Evans-Pritchard's Group A/Group B distinction was of great value in that it led to the treatment of Group B societies as political systems in their own right, whereas had previously tended to equate absence political analysts features of state-like with the absence of a political system.
111.
M. G. Smith: p. 41.
112.
Ibid.
113.
E. Gellner:
114.
R. Montagne: THE BERBERS - THEIR SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION (1973) Ch. IV "The Origins and Development Power among Temporal Leaders".
p.
"On segmentary
lineage
systems"
(1956)
loc.
cit.
40. SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
p.
82.
of
115.
imposed the The Almohads, in the 12th and 13th Centuries, kharadj of the on the dubious basis that the majority Maghreb population had lapsed from observance of 'pure' (Cf. C-A. Julien: HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA - FRCS Islam. London 1970 THE ARAB CONQUESTTO 1830 (trans. J. Petrie) p. 115).
116.
" in J. Berque: "Qu'est-ce nord-africain? qu'un 'tribu' HOHLSAGE A LUCIEN FEBVRE - L'EVENTAIL DE L'HISTOIRE VIVANTE (1953) Vol. I, p. 269.
117.
"Up until aspect, at the static now we have been looking It remains if we might call it that, of Berber society.... the dynamic for us now to describe what we might call (1973) THE BERBERS R. Montagne: Berber aspect of society" P. 57.
118.
Present: C. Geertz: Past, Politics "Politics some notes the new states" the use of anthropology in understanding in ARCHIVES EUROPEENNESDE SOCIOLOGIE (8) 1967, p. 2-3.
on
295
119.
E. Leach: POLITICAL SYSTEMS OF HIGHLAND BURMA (London 1954). "dynaxc Montagne's discussion An interesting model", of David in is found Leach's including work, with a comparison THE BERBERS, p. xxx-xxxvii. Seddon's Introduction to Montagne's:
120.
J. in
121.
Ibid.
122.
E. Gellner:
123.
"The Far West of Islam" E. Gellner: SOCIOLOGY (March 1958) p. 81.
Berque: "Les societýs vues du Haut-Atlas" nord-africaines CAHIERS INTERNATIONAUX DE SOCIOLOGIE (1955) p. 63-
p. 65.
Favret: 110.
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
"La segmentarite
in
au Maghreb"
p. 53. BRITISH JOURNAL OF
in L'HOMME (6)
1966,
124.
J. p.
125.
He does SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) p. 54-5" E. Gellner: kinks than fewer Africa has North that however, suggest, most other segmentary societies.
126.
in this interesting The work of David Seddon is especially Cf. his "Local politics field. and State intervention North East Morocco from 1870 to 1970" in E. Gellner and C. Micaud (eds. ): ARABS AND BERBERS (197337 esp. p. 120-8, THEIR BERBERS THE R. Montagne: "Introduction" his to and SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ORGANIZATION (1973), esp. p. xxx-xxxvii. OF THE FAITHFUL - THE MOROCCAN THE COMMANDER J. Waterbury: POLITICAL ELITE, A STUDY OF SEGMENTEDPOLITIES (London 1970) shares many of the same perspectives.
127.
theory the "Segmentary F. Barth: of games" and opposition (89) INSTITUTE ANTHROPOLOGICAL in JOURNAL OF THE ROYAL 1959, p- 5-21.
F. G. Bailey: 128.
129.
AND SPOILS (London 1969). STRATAGEMS
SOCIAL Q"Moa1a TPEGERSERSý-VEIR J. D. Seddoni,K qAt: (1913) ýý&GtANI2A'RoN ACID I oýtricv L les G. Nicolas: "Ia sociologie pendant maroc au rurale (1961) p. 533. MONDE TIERS in dernieres cinquantes annees" 'alien Islamic the By contrast, Desparmet, of champion of the 1930's reformers veneer' school, accused the Islamic of any influences of "systematically making an abstraction (J. Desparmet: the than that religion" other moslem of
"Le panarabisme et la Berberie" (1938) (8-9) p. 198). 130.
COLONIAUX in RENSEIGNEMENTS
M. Halpern: THE POLITICS OF SOCIAL CHANGEIN THE MIDDLE EAST AND NORTHAFRICA (1963) Ch- It p. 3-24.
296
131.
G. E. von Grunebäum: "The Problem - Unity in Diversity" in G. E. von Grunebaum (ed. ): UNITY AND VARIETY IN MUSLIM (Chicago 1955) p. 17-37. Cf. also R. Brunschvig: CIVILIZATION "Perspectives" UNITY AND VARIETY in G. E. von Grunebaum (ed. ): (1955) p. 47-62, and R. Le Tourneau: IN MUSLIM CIVILIZATION "North Africa: Rigorism in Ibid. and Bewilderment" p. 231-260.
132.
E. Hermassi: LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH AFRICA (California 1972) p. 13.
133.
E. Gellner: "Tribalism Change in North Africa" and Social in W.H. Lewis (ed. ): FRENCH-SPEAKING AFRICA - THE SEARCH FOR IDENTITY (1965) p. 110.
134.
J. Ber que: "Quelques problemes de 1'Islam ARCHIVES DE SOCIOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS (3)
135.
Ibid.
136.
E. Hermassi: LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH AFRICA (1972) p. 20.
137.
Except for the small Shiite the Mzab oases in Algeria, Tunisia.
p.
in maghrebin" 1957, p. 10-
6.
(Kharedjite) and the island
populations of Djerba
of in
138.
In addition E. to sources cited at note 5, see especially Gellner: SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969). Also A. Berque: "Les capteurs Ulema" in REVUE DE LA Marabouts, du divin: MEDITERRANEE (43-4) 1951 J. Carret: "Le maraboutisme et les confreries (Algiers 1959) Alg4rie" rýligieuses en J. Berque: "Quelques problemes de 1'Islam maghrebin" (1957) loc. citt J. Berque: "ca et la dans les debuts du reformisme religieux au Maghreb" in ETUDES D'ORIENTALISME DEDIEES A LA MEMOIRE DE LEVIPROVENCAL (1962) vol. II, p. 471-94 C. Geertz: ISLAM OBSERVED- RELIGIOUS DEVELOPMENT IN MOROCCOAND INDONESIA (Yale 1968) espe p. 43-55.
139.
E. Gellner:
140.
J.
141.
E. Gellner:
142.
Evans-Pritchard describes the operation kinds of two different in Cyrenaica: the mrabtin bil baraka (holy tribe of holy tribe (holy tribe with the blessing) al-Fatha and the mrabtin of the Both were tolerated, treated prayer). as special, not taxable (conqueror) 1E. E. Evans-Pritchard: by the powerful Sa'adi tribes. THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949) p. 51-3. See also E. Gellner: SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) passim.
Abun-Nasr:
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) THE TIJANIYYA
(London
p. 74.
1965)
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
p.
p.
166.
72.
297
143.
P. Bourdieu: THE ALGERIANS (1962) origins of Aures marabouts.
144.
E. Gellner: "Political Organization and Religious of the Berbers High Atlas" in E. Gellner of the Central and C. Micaud (eds. ): ARAB AND BERBERS (1973) p" -9-
145.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
146.
Ibid.
147.
J.
148.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
149.
"Their fanaticism, to read and write, asceticism, ability and thaumaturgical powers, impressed the simple Bedouin, who accepted them as holy meh and magicians, and used them to write in charms, to formerm religious rites, and to act as mediators (E. Evans-Pritchard: inter-tribal disputes". -E MM SIOR fN4IC S)P. 66).
150.
E. Gellner: "Political Berbers of the Central
151.
E. Evans-Pritchard:
152.
B. Terhorst: WITH THE RIFF KABYLES (London 1926) provides a description naive tourist's of this phenomenon in the small (North Moroccan coast): "In the middle of the port of Arcila crowd sat a venerable were in rags and his man. His clothes hair hung in loose strands In front about his head. of him tin boxes, was spread out a collection articles, of useless bags made of rag; and so on, and something wrapped in little to which was at the side was a stick stuck in the ground, An idiot, I said. No, not attached a piece of white cloth. too, for all the an idiot, a holy man, yet he Was an idiot lunatics are venerated as holy men.... Every now and then another man came up, apparently more ragged than a servant, his master. He brought food or mone he had collected. gifts , Old women threw coppers on to the mat. Yet this idiot had a fascination certain not altogether about him which Icould He stretched his thin arms above his head, his escape. In his eye-sockets form seemed to grow bigger. ascetic was a glimmer, as in the eyes of the people Van Gough painted His mouth moved unceasingly, when his mind was beclouded. In a dull his dry lips. with his tongue he licked voice, he crooned, "La ilahah, ilallah Muhammudun wa rasulu ilah" "There Mohammed is God God, but is his no and Prophet". The people stayed there under his spell".
p.
p.
27 points
out
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
the
foreign
p.
67-8.
p.
68.
66.
Abun-Nasr:
THE TIJANIYYA
(1965)
p.
2-
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
Organization and Religious loc. High Atlas" cit. p.
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA, p.
and the 60. 83.
(p. 1?3-4).
153.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
p.
67.
298
154.
Organization E. Gellner: "Political of the and Religious (1973) 65. High loc. Central Atlas" the cit. p. of
155.
E. Gellner:
156.
Cf. the Ihansal
157.
E. Gellner: "Political High of the Central
158.
P. Bourdieu:.
159.
E. Gellner:
160.
H. M. Miner and G. De Vos: OASIS AND CASBAH - ALGERIAN CULTURE The AND PERSONALITY IN CHANGE (Michigan 1960) p. 18-23. saint's mortal remains was a physical control of a revered two zawiyas In the 19th Century, frequent source of dispute. (Hamma, Rahmaniyya the brotherhood, and Ait near Algiers, of for the Ismail in the Djurdjura) for example, fought bitterly AbunFounder Saint, body of their Sidi Abdul Rahman. (cf. Nasr: THE TIJANIYYA (London 1965) p. 8).
161.
E. Gellner:
162.
(16th-17th Centuries) The Sa'adians and the Alawites (17th-20th in the Centuries) were both Shorfa dynasties (11th-12th Centuries) Western Maghreb. The Almoravids Centuries) were both dynasties and the Almohads (12th-13th founded on moslem reforming zeal.
163.
In addition to the sources cited at note 5, see especially THE TIJANIYYA -A SUFI ORDER IN THE MODERN J. Abun-Nasr: THE SANUSI OF WORLD (London 1965) and E. E. Evans-Pritchard: CYRENAICA (1949) Cf. also: P. J. Andre: CONTRIBUTION A L'ETUDE DES CONFRERIES RELIGIEUSES (Algiers 1956) ESSAI SUR LA CONFRERIE RELIGIEUSE DES R. Brunel: AISSAOUA AU MAROC (Paris 1926) "Le maraboutisme J. Carret: et les confreries (Algiers Algerie" 1959) religieuses en G. Drague: ESQUISSE D'HISTOIRE RELIGIEUSE DU MAROCCONFRERIES ET ZAOUIAS (Paris 1951) LES CONFRERIES MUSULMANES 0. Depont and X. Coppolani: (Algiers 1897) M. Simian: LES CONFRERIES ISLAMIQUES EN ALGERIE (RAHMANIYA TIDJANIYA) (Paris 1910) J. Berque: "Quelques problemes de 1'Islam in maghrebin" ARCHIVES DE SOCIOLOGIE DES RELIGIONS (1957) J. Berque: 1!9a et la dans les debuts du reformisme religieux au Maghreb" in ETUDES D'ORIENTALISME DEDIEES A LA 471-94 MEMOIRE DE LEVI-PROVENCAL (1962) Vol. II, p.
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
p.
Berbers
69.
(saints) the J. fortified dwellings MzMen of of (1969) p. 162 ff THE E. CF ATLAS SAINTS Gellner: Organization of the and Religious (1973) loc. cit. Atlas" p. 69.
THE ALGERIANS (1962)
Berbers
89. p.
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969). p.
SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969)
p.
151.
46.
299
163.
M. Emerit: "Le conflit des ordres religieux" in M. Emerit: L'ALGERIE A L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (Paris 1951) Ch., III, p. 199-234.
164.
J. Berque: "Ca et la dans lea debuts du r4formisme 472. (1962) Maghreb" loc. r6ligieux cit. p. au
165.
M. Emerit: "Le conflit des ordres religieux" in-M. L'ALGERIE A L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (1951) Ch. III,
Mnerit:
p. 199-234. 166.
"Like the Christian of Europe in the Dark monasteries Ages, Sanusi lodges served many purposes beside catering They were schools, for religious caravanserai, needs. forts, of commercial courts centres, social centres, law, banks, storehouses, and burial poor houses, sanctuary besides being channels through which ran a grounds, They were the centres generous stream of God's blessing. in a wild country of culture and amid a and security in a country fierce people, and they were stable points E. E. Evans-Pritchard: where all else was on the move". THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA'(1949) p" 79-
167-
J. Berque: "ca et la dans lea debuts 472. au Maghreb" (1962) loc. cit. p.
168.
L. Valensi: p. 36.
169.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard: THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949) p. 65. In this "the Bedouin are familiar sense, he continues, with saints and ignorant of Orders".
170.
J. Berque: "ca et la dans les debuts 472. Maghreb" 1962) loc. au cit. p.
171.
Ibid.
172.
(paper E. Gellner: Islam" "A pendulum swing theory of Istanbul '1967) to I. P. S. A. Round Table Meeting, presented between membership of mimeo. p. 13 differentiates "In the tribe, fraternities in towns and in rural areas: in is by group and is a kind of ascription; affiliation the town it is individual and elective".
173.
The Beni Hachem of AbdelKader, for example, were solidly L'ALGERIE A to the Qadriyya. attached cf. M. Fmerit: L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (1951) esp. Ch. 3.
174.
Cf. J. Abun-Nasr: THE TIJANIYYA -A SUFI ORDER IN THE MODERNWORLD (1965) p. 62-8, and M. Pmerit: L'ALGERIE A L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (1951) p. 199-234.
du reformisme
religieux
LE MAGHREB AVANTLA PRISE D'ALGER (Paris
du reformisme
1969)
religieux
300
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
69.
175.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
176.
Evans-Pritchard was not admits that the Sanusi organization "Unlike the Heads of most typical of the moslem world: into disintegrated Islamic Orders, which have rapidly contact and common direction, autonomous segments without this organization they have been able to maintain and keep (THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA - 1949 - p. il). it" control of
177.
J. Berque: "9a et la dans les 472(1962) Maghreb" au p.
178-
ESSAI SUR LA CONFRERIE RESIGIEUSE DES AISSAOUA R. Brunel: AU MAROC (1926) p. 52.
179.
J.
180.
for sawiya of the Aissaoua Order in Algeria, Collo the over supremacy established a measure of example, them to become independent and Constantine zawiyas by helping (R. (Morocco) Brunel: Meknes Order Head Zawiya in the the of of ESSAIISUR LA CONFRERIE RELIGIEUSE DES AISSAOUA AU MAROC (1926) p. 54.
181.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
182.
R. Brunel: ESSAI SUR LA CONFRERIE RELIGIEUSE DES AISSAOUA AU MAROC (1926) p. 53-4.
183.
J. Berque -'a religieux et la daps les debuts du reformisms au Maghreb" (1962) loc. cit. - suggests other potentialities the Colonial-Situation. and outside within
184.
E. Gellner: (1965) loc.
185.
E. Hermassi: LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH AFRICA (California 1972) p. 11.
186.
Cf. THE CAMBRIDGEMEDIAEVAL HISTORY vol. 3 (Cambridge 1913) 440-2 ("The J. K. Cooley: BAAL, CHRIST Western Caliphate") p. AND MOHAMED- RELIGION AND REVOLUTION IN NORTH AFRICA (London 1967) p. 84-6. H. A. R. Gibb: "Constitutional (eds. ): Organization" in M. Khadduri and H. J. Leibesny LAW IN THE MIDDLE EAST (Washington 1955) THE FURTHER THE CAMBRIDGEHISTORY OF ISLAM vol. 2(Cambridge ISLAMIC LANDS: ISLAMIC SOCIETY AND CIVILIZATION 1970) OF THE MAGHRIB HISTORY J. A M. Abun-Nasr: cf. also (Cambridge 1971) p. 67-234 passim HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA - FROM THE ARAB C-A. Julien: (London 1970). CONQUESTTO 1830 (trans. Petrie)
Abun-Nasr:
THE TIJANIYYA
debuts
(1965)
p.
du r6formisme
p.
religieux
72-82.
The Blida
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
"Tribalism and Social cit. P. 110.
Change in North
p.
82.
Africa"
301
187.
(cited al-Mawardi (1967) p. 85)-
188.
J. M. Abun-Nasr: A HISTORY OF THE MAGHRIB (1971) p. 92-118, p. 120-37 C-A. Julien: HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970) p. 76-137, p. 161-205.
189.
Even within the Almohad hegemony, for example, the Muminids C-A. Julien: base cf. power. of established clan a narrower HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970) p. 134.
190.
MAROCAIN A LAUBE DU XXe. M. Lahbabi: LE GOUVERNEMENT SIECLE (Rabat 1958) F. Benbrahim: KHALIFAT SULTANAT ET MONARCHIEAU MAROC Paris (Fondernents traditionnels politiques) et realites (unpublished) These Droit 1966 I. W. Zartman: DESTINY OF A DYNASTY: THE SEARCH FOR INSTITUTIONS 1964) esp. IN MOROCCO'SDEVELOPING SOCIETY (South Carolina p. 1-15 (London 1970), FAITHFUL THE OF J. Waterbury: THE COMMANDER esp. Ch. I EAST MIDDLE in E. Gellner: "The struggle for Morocco's past" JOURNAL (Winter 1961) E. Gellner: SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) p. 24-6.
191.
E. Hermassi: LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH AFRICA (1972) p. 19-
192.
(paper Islam" E. Gellner: "A pendulum swing theory of 1967) Istanbul Meeting, Table I. S. Round P. A. to presented mimeo E. Gellner: SAINTS OF THE ATLAS (1969) p. 3-4.
by J. K. Cooley:
BAAL, CHRIST AND MOHAMED
193.
cf.
Julien:
HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
p.
49.
194.
J. M. Abun-Nasr:
A HISTORY OF THE MAGHRIB (1971)
p.
135-
195.
E. Gellner: (1965) loc.
C-A.
"Tribalism cit.
p.
and Social 110.
Change in
North
Africa"
196.
Missions Scientifiques flu Maroc: VILLES ET TRIBUS DU MAROCRABAT ET SA REGION Vol. 4LE GHARB (LES DJEBALA) (Paris 1918) p. 185.
197.
in the following Analysis is found in Algeria Turkish rule of works: J. M. Abun-Nasr: A HISTORY OF THE MAGHRIB (1971) p. 166-201 1951) M. Pmerit: L'ALGERIE A L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (Paris Bey de M. Iknerit: "Les memoires d'Ahmed, Dernier
Constantine"
M. bnerit:
65-125 (93) 191+9, AFRICAINE in REVUE p. "Les
tribus
privilegi4es
en Alg4rie
dans la
302
197.
du XIXe siecle " in ANNALES - ECONOMIES, premiere moitie 44-58 SOCIETES, CIVILISATIONS (21) 196, p. C-A. Julien: HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970) p. 302-335 C-A. Julien: HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE CONTEMPORAIRE(Paris 1964) p. 20-105 J. Morizot: L'ALGERIE KABYLISEE (Paris 1962) p. 45-68 L. Rinn: LA ROYAUI D'ALGER SOUS LE DERNIER DEY (Paris 1900) L. Valensi: LE MAGHREBAVANT LA PRISE D'ALGER (Paris 1969)Ywcste, (Atris 0AL&ERIE PRESENTCh-4f6 P137-232 Prenanr: 1360 A. ET A.0evuhi, -PASSE Interesting from other Turkish material comparative is provided by: H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen: ISLAMIC SOCIETY AND THE WEST IISLAMIC SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY, 2 parts vol. (1950 and 1957) E. E. Evans-Pritchard: THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949) esp. p. 90-103 J. Ganiage: LES ORIGINES DU PROTECTORATFRANCAIS EN (Paris TUNISIE (1861-1881) 1959) H. de Montety: "Structure du Protectorat administrative Fran ais en Tunisie" in AFRIQUE FRANCAISE (Nov. 1937)
p. 545-50. 198.
H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen: ISLAMIC SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY (1950) loc. cit. p. 25.
199.
M. Fmerit:
200.
L. Valensi: p. 90-92.
201.
C-A. Julien:
202.
M. Emerit: "Les premiere moitie
203.
C-A. Julien:
204.
Ibid.
205.
J. Cano (cited p. 323-4).
206.
M. Fmerit:
207.
L. Valensi:
208.
M. E}nerit: "Les tribus dans la privilegiees en Algerie (1966) XIXe du loc. premiere moitie siecle" cit.
209.
M. Fmerit: L'ALGERIE AL'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (1951) four letters from Ahmed Bey of Constantine reprints
L'ALGERIE
A L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (1951)
P. 9.
LE MAGHREBAVANT LA PRISE D'ALGER (1969)
HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
p.
284.
tribus daps la en Algerie privilegiees in ANNALES (1966) p. 45. du XIXe siecle"
HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
p. 320-
p. 321.
C-A. Julien:
HISTORY OF NORTHAFRICA (1970)
L'ALGERIE A L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER (1951)
p.
LE MAGHREBAVANT LA PRISE D'ALGER (1969)
p.
244. 87.
p. 243-52 to
303
-
209.
Hussein Dey, in 1828-9, giving a graphic account of the He reported with evident progress of his mehalla. pride that one individual had harvested 500 heads expedition 600 2000 2000 the sheep, cut off, of capture goats, and THE TIJANIYYA Abun-Nasr: oxen, 70 pack animals, etc. (1965) p. 60 recounts the mehalla of Uthman Bey of Mascara, in 1788, which included 2j an unsuccessful On the other month siege of the oasis-town of Ain Mahdi. hand, J. Ganiage: LES ORIGINE DU PROTECTORATFRANAIS EN TUNISIE, 1861-1881 (1959) p. 119 describes the me alla of the bey of Tunis as a ponderous "open air circus". It is also interesting to compare these accounts with the striking description mehalla of the Alawite provided Morocco at the turn of the century, in central operating by Dii. F. Weisberger: AU SEUIL DU MAROCMODERNE(Rabat 1947) p. 46-60,85-98.
210.
M. Emerit: "Les premiere moitie
dans la tribus en Algerie pri`ilegiees (1966) loc. cit. du XIXe siecle" p. 53.
211.
J. M. Abun-Nasr:
A HISTORY OF THE MAGHRIB (1971)
212.
J. Ganiage: LES ORIGINE DU PROTECTORAT FRANCAISEN TUNISIE, 1861-1881 (1959) P. 103.
213.
L.
214.
C-A. Julien:
215-
J. M. Abun-Nasr:
216.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
217.
C-A. Julien:
218.
Ibid.
219.
J. Morizot: L'ALGERIE KABYLISEE (1962) provides Kabylia See esp. p. 5-8. under Turkish rule.
220.
LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN cf. E. Hermassi: NORTH AFRICA (1972) p. 8-55. He argues that the Turkish regime was slowly becoming more. ' patrimonial' and 'territorial' He suggests in outlook. that exactly the indigenous the purely same evolution was taking place within Alawite regime in Morocco.
221.
E. Hermassi: LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH AFRICA (1972) p. 23.
222.
C-A.
Valensi:
Julien:
64-5.
p.
LE MAGHREBAVANT LA PRISE D'ALGER (1969) HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
P" 325-
A HISTORY OF THE MAGHRIB (1971)
p.
176.
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
P" 35-
p.
90.
p. 326.
data
p. 332-3"
on
30+
223.
du Protectorat "Structure H. de Montety: administrative (Nov. 1937) FRANCAISE AFRIQUE in Tunisie" Frangais en LE MAGHREBAVANT LA PRISE D'ALGER (1969)
Valensi:
p.
54586.
224.
L.
225.
E. Mermassi: LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH AFRICA (1972) p. 25, p. 49.
226.
H. A. R. Gibb and H. Bowen: ISLAMIC SOCIETY IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY (1950) loc: P. 159cit.
227.
C-A. Julien:
228.
LEADERSHIP AND NATIONAL DEVELOPMENTIN NORTH E. Hermassi: AFRICA (1970) p. 49.
229.
L. Valensi:
HISTORY OF NORTH AFRICA (1970)
p.
86.
THE SANUSI OF CYRENAICA (1949)
p.
92.
E. E. Evans-Pritchard:
231.
Ibid.
90.
333-
LE MAGHREBAVANT LA PRISE D'ALGER (1969)
230.
p.
p.
p.
305
CHAPTER FOUR THE ADMINISTRATIVE STRUCTUREOF ALGERIA UNDER FRENCH RULE I.
CONQUEST J. ii.
II.
Fall
306
of the
Military
Regime
Turkish
defeat
306 310
tribes
of segmentary
317
MILITARY GOVERNMENT i.
ii. iii.
Early
i. ii. IV.
Arabes
The Senatus
Consulte
European
GOVERNMENT
Settlers
Assimilation
328
of 1863,
333
and Metropolitan
and native
France
333 341
policy
THE COMMUNEDE PLEIN EXERCICE
347
i.
347
ii.
Establishment Council
The Municipal
The administration
iii. iv. v. V.
318
The Bureaux
THE ORIGINS OF CIVIL
III.
317
improvisations
and Maire
of native
douars
350 353
The Caid
357
Douars
360
and Jemaas
THE COMMUNEMIXTE
365
i.
365
ii. iii.
Establishment The Municipal The Native
iv.
v.
Commission Code
and Administrator
370 372
The Caid
376
Douars and Jemaas
383
Fou TO : cHAPMER 211.5 '
B95
306
I.
CONQUEST
The-Fall Regime1 of Turkish -i. ------------------------37,000 French troops, led by de Bourmont, Ferruch
on 19th
4th on
capitulated with
June 1830, July.
the property
rapid
collapse
this
of
By treaty,
the
of
odjak,
enabled,
and in
sovereignty
in
own name.
in
and Morocco,
Tunisia,
nominal odjak
Turkish
the Levant. in
Algeria
Despite scale
physical
deliberately heralded
the
in
merchants, committed
would-be
and extent
ports:
settlers,
of
of
regimes with
bey and hundreds
had been deported
imposed
even
The
rulers.
a form of
to
direct
four of
retention colonial
Bourbon
the
Oran in
the
West,
and established in
Algiers
the
from Metropolitan
army command gradually
a permanent
occupation
whose
monarchy
had still
Complex pressures
of
presence,
by indecision
the French
or
urgently
of French
years
were marked
and the
the large-
sovereignty,
Regency was not
the
collapse
the East.
them to the
existing
1830 the
titular
By 1834,
three
and Bone in
centre,
of
had been,
only
colonial
outset.
immediate
chaos.
the
end of
The first
2
to assume
was established
the French
assumption
invasion
administrative
nature
from
pursued.
scheme the
themselves
sense,
The
government
later
the
along
state.
the French
and Janissaries
occupation
by the
of
and by the
this
this
Turkish
forced
Unlike
The dey
sovereignty,
to the French
of
a sense
suzerainty
officials
In
layer
at Sidi
Algiers.
lawful
no 'protectorate'
the
was abolished,
of other
rule
for
respect
his
passed
topmost
encouraged,
their
towards
and marched
landed
foothold,
were determined
but only
the slowly
307
by the
interaction
economic
of these
of the
of a deeply-embedded the disintegration and taxes
did
odjak
political
and
itself.
heights',
In terms
discovered
that 3
kingdoms". beyond that
they
were dealing
Not only the
the
level
provincial
and grappled
administration
"sovereigns
with
In this
with.
was something
which,
revealed
without command, but
tribes,
sense, if
facade
the French
of Turkish
segmentary
the
authority
of government,
of indigenous
network
to be contacted
of fragmented
concepts
With
of rents
Behind
forthwith.
a:: situation
control
machine. inflow
command, the ceased
of European
to the French
administrative
centralized
from beys and tribes
deliver
not
and well-oiled of
'commanding
direct
local
with
conditions.
The demise
of
pressures
remained levels,
these
at
required
sought,
construction. The French three
Turkish
point
nominally
beylik
had been racked
Derkawa
Mahi-ed-din.
It
reasserting
his
so far
being
from the
the in
was largely authority
that
the
loss
Hachemi
tribe
a firmly-established
bey turned
over
of the
the
new focus
of the
of
Qadriya
and the holy
to the
those
by the
notably
intermediary
or even speak on behalf
conquerors'
decades
the hope of assistance the
the
of control
an aggressive
impulsion
Oran,
province,
from
coordinated
years,
under
around
support'
the beys of the
For several
authority.
In recent
centred
total
by dissidence,
had developed
fraternity,
'deliver
his
under
fraternity.
opposition
his
reflected
tribes
over
Unfortunately,
submission.
this
of view,
to win
Bey Hassan of the Western
provinces.
to proffer
was quick
initially
sought
man
in French. able local
Thus,
to segmentary
308
them.
Turkish
the
population,
The French direct
attempted
In the Initially
command was rapidly
induced
with
groupings
contact
central
some of the
he claimed
Titteri,
hindrance
help
expedition
the
nominated
to replace
him,
qualified
to deliver
the
into led this
the
resistance
and in
context,
captured
and divested
the
remained
area
1836,
Of the
three
fragmented to
the
of the
indigenous were drawn
centre
in the
West,
its
indeed,
new incumbent
hapless
French
tribesmen.
now
in
of bey was an irrelevance
beyliks,
its
in
as in
exemptions
from land
of mounted
native
tax
Eastern
the
auxilairies
rule
West by the in
within
the remnants
control
was of
fact,
of
the
had become least
there
was not
delegation
characterized
of power to big
bey Ahmed had suppressed
the province. and infantry
5
of Constantine.
province
of government
Turkish
In 1826,
tribes.
the
core
and most stable.
privileged
from
resistance
place
same extent
of the
to be asserted.
took
regime
he was even less
had developed
by incursive
The most prolonged Turkish
rule;
Moor was briefly
'loyal'
tribes
any
him in November 1830,
against
support
The office
without
of their
movement which
by Abd-el-Kader.
though
establishment
though
these
To this
as a potential
effective
Increasingly,
population.
the hope of
dey.
bey,
A prominent
but
in
ambitions
was organized
and he was deposed and exiled.
and
04
recently-divested
his
in
to abandon him,
possibly
the Eastern
over
perceived
than
rather
a punitive
of the
suzerainty
from
protection
bey Bou Mezrag prevaricated.
the Frenci,
to
powers
The French
response.
native
province,
he made overtures
assuming end,
bey was in need of French
Moreover, was feared
his
all force
and respected
309
by subject
tribes
influential
clans
on the
beys of Constantine Algiers. this
of. direct
fringes
had established
The downfall
of the
this
strengthen
in
a sense,
important
Arab and Berber
The French
Ferdjioua. of the
and instead
Ben Gana of
the
bey of Tunis
expedition
from
of autonomy
promised
to
stubborn
hostility,
consummate
A year
20,000
Once more, assured
vain
did
demise French
into
flee not
hands.
and network
of alliances
ascendancy
had depended.
The process
of coming
segmentary
Algeria
French
discovered
tribal coalition.
on granting notables
the
title
whom they
Even the
limited
the East
of khalifa,
rule
ambitions
force auxiliaries.
caid
thus
campaign,
yield
the
It
destroyed
reins
to grips as in
the
established
the
with West,
office
of
'bey'
and relied
or sheikh from
of
his
on which
no replacement,
had managed to lure
'indirect'
this
tribal
of the
usefulness
They appointed
lever.
as a political instead
the
In
begun.
the
of the
south.
of personality
had only
of the
on a better-organized bey to
with
sent, military
by Ahmed's
were sent
control
to mobilize
eventually
retreat
the
a coalition
the Mokrani
In November 1836,
Ahmed's
however,
together
of
and the Ouled Achour
then
and forced
governmental
force
into
troops
Constantine,
captured
him,
Constantine.
and driven
later,
in
To
cooperation.
few garrisons
notably
Bibans,
the
attempted
was decimated
for
the
patched
families,
against
against
with
he expelled
resistance,
janissaries,
arrival
of and requests
offers
turbulent
Medjana,
French
the
tentative
and refused
the
Successive
control.
some measure
dey,
with
independence. Bey Ahmed greeted
very
had been established
and a modus vivendi
to
those
the hostile was precarious.
310
Though they menace in holding
the West,
the French
had effected
conquest,
or
series
6
a to
dawned on the French
and local varying
and metropolitan
hesitation
capitalists
and in
enthusiasm
as to whether
a handful
fortified
of
the
opened up for speculation settler
the in
philosophy
of
the Mediterranean into
occupants further
most of
its
campaign
was forced
of
presence.
communication
ominous
conquest.
At
the
with
The security
outside
fate
the
of
land
as a
however,
the to
back the native for to
army eventually
the immediate
same time,
which
of
Feverish
Enormous pressure
the French
were constantly
development
be
settlement
and pushing
drove
by the hostility
the French
greeted
of
land
should
territory's
the the
native coast
population and its
menaced by incursions, pale,
to
outlets
tracts
emigrants.
limiting -
- was paramount. of
be confined
larger
two decades,
first
and valleys,
Tell
sequestration
the
occupation'
coast the
plains,
decided the
far
or whether
of European
with
project
as controlled
serving
littoral
settlers,
was initial
should
fertile
'restricted
the
presence
the mid-1830's
colony.
accepted
the French
settlement
For
The army,
There
commerce,
especially
slowly.
senses.
towns,
'total
of
and concept
different
coastal
trans-Mediterranean
Algeria,
quite
Algeria
segmentary
of
The need for
occupation'
by the
more than
tribes
conquests
and piecemeal.
lines
growing
were required
segmentary
of
was gradual
issue
little
expeditions
Military defeat of the ----------------------------------------
The
extend
on the
the East.
-ii.
for
to concentrate
later
Several
operation.
'Pacify'
free
were temporarily
of large
blocs
and of
311
indigenous
solidarity.
political
and move, beyond the
tribes
in
built
After
colony.?
faithful)
of the
Christians.
By a traditional
mixture
welded
together
French
commanders were prepared
hegemony,
indeed
order
among the
treaty
of Tafna
throughout
but
of the
tactical
influence,
the near
than the
dealt
with.
of truce
and particularly Abd-el-Kader's constituted
his
intransigence Similarly,
the
against
the
an eventual
and even parts these
however,
of the
French. on the
Emir took
of these
advantage
extend against
most of the
threat
only
and colon
settlement
Derkawa and Tijaniya over
not
East
campaigns
suzerainty
the
example,
of bey Ahmed in the
and further
energetic
for
to have been of a
appear
of European
consolidation
growing some
a few towns
on the part
nature
this
suzerainty
In hindsight,
and treaties
and
Some
establishing
of Titteri
beylik
Algiers.
enemies,
with
In 1837,
(excluding
former
to consolidate
conducting
in
role
interior.
strategic
the
and enabled
periods
clearly
in
to come to terms
province
and
domination.
of political
the Emir's the
divided
rivals,
on the
war)
diplomacy
of astute
recognized
understandings
rather
be first
of
explicitly
also
They permitted coast,
tribes
dar-es-sultan tacit
early
welcomed
the Western
centres),
basis
a strong
to
challenge
Beni Ameur and Gharaba
'iýhad (holy
he submitted
the West by
of
flnir-el-muminin
Hachemi,
declared
intimidation,
physical
by the
to look,
the hinterland.
potential
proclaimed
Abd-el-Kader
1832,
into
tribes
powerful
being
the French
Algeria'
up among the
posed a particularly
the nascent (commander
'useful
zone of
The confederation Abd-el-Kader
These drove
to the
his rival
area
of
tribes,
fraternities. Algerian
French
interior
presence.
to
312
Periodic
ambushes and serious
in
were evidence
1835,
fragile
truce
are in
dispute,
less
in the
coastal
'total his
a wholesale
and the French
A vigorous
and pitiless. was designed
war'
involved
the
sequestration
Abd-el-Kader
had been forced
a few months
other
on the
French
warfare
had resulted
territory
throughout
Northern
Tell.
It
form
widespread
his
him.
against
to Morocco,
them to
had rapidly
Tell
mountains
a final
was forced lengthy
serious to
surrender of
period of
and garrisoning
and much of the
lowlands
conceive
erected
power.
His
was an unusually
of land
tax
seems in particular
of hitherto
unified
'subject'
of khalifa-liks,
him a tightly
seizure
the Mediterranean forced
This
to France. French
the
but
within
although
the Western
in 1845,
also
By 1843,
He inflicted
the plains.
prisoner in
9
to retreat
Brahim
It
support.
of land.
to
destroy
of supplies,
confederated
in
of mobile
of a more systematic
and
of domination.
Abd-el-Kader
hierarchy
is
settlements
campaign
of huge tracts
at Sidi
1847 and was taken
alliance
troops
earth
Flair
the
insurrections
serious
him to return
encouraged
in
in
poured
circumstances
confrontation
on French
assault
scorched
to deprive
and split
communications,
defeat
immediate
of this
The
strength.
60,000 Under 1846 108,000. by and army numbered 8 (or Bugeaud, this was attack counterattack) of
leadership
drastic
the
and though
inevitability
led
zones,
and his
the French
By 1840, the
1839,
the ultimate
Abd-el-Kader
so.
in
was broken
hostility
of his
both
of Macta
battle
such as the
clashes
disciplined
confederation.
to have welded tribes.
agha-liks, system
of
structure
a sophisticated
His
together
abolition a strong
A carefully-assembled caid-ats
of internal
and sheikh-ats communication
gave and
3i37"' *''''
administration.
However,
in
the Emir did not
bequeath
a strong
with
Maghrebi
previous
hegemony were his the physical
war,
particular fringe
itself
the French
by Abd-el-Kader,
exercised
their
not have
'iýhad in
attempts to
especially
to erect
manifestation European
in
occupied
until
Julien
the highlands, mystical
of a widespread
Bou Maza, the
was necessary at a time
their
Three
to protect
this
around
Abd-el-Kader
years
when Abd-el-Kader
Tell
later,
Atlas,
was still
for could
order, 11 in
a threat,
problem. one to
example, be forcibly
not revolt
swept
and led
by the
A fresh
campaign
the
10
and
of resistance
full-scale
settlements
or fear".
was only
pattern
of the hour'.
the
same structural
massifs,
by the Taibiya
French
was money, overlordships,
and complex
'master
"because
confronted
The Western
replace
not
The new men did
motive
indigenous
centred
encouraged
to
out,
points
ingredient.
vital
new ones,
1842.
created
"One could
a vacuum.
the Dahra and Ouarsenis
particularly
system
These new commanders
blood;
implantation.
the
success.
'recognise'
The confederation
groupings.
segmentary
had little
system",
their
frpLgmented
and agha-s
of the men was the
prestige
the
key elements,
khalifa-s
'authority'
the men and keep the
the
'loyal'
appointing
commands, they
and the drew in
which
employed
of holy
appeal
authority
constituent
experimentally
analogous
Future
Political
crumbled.
As in his
tribes,
core
of these
destruction
the
once more among the
Although
of the
1847,
elements
to the
related
of power possibilities
With
inevitably
edifice
baraka,
in
apparatus.
the major
power and energy
conjunction tribes.
governmental
ascendancies,
personal
to the French
submitting
Cheliff
and the
valley, repression
314
was of startling insecure,
refuges
years
force
was fierce,
by,
leaving
This
to normal. 1871,
token
European
the Metropolis,
in
broke
lasted
insurrection
was destroyed
repression
months
to restore
the
of land
sequestrations The whole Southern
if
piecemeal
was a zone of in
provoked revolt area
again
in
Berbers at
of
the Hodna mountains
in
1860 with
Ouled
Sidi
large-scale Rehab.
Saharan
expeditionary
and the
methods
armed columns fairly
much
fourteen
barely
in
erupted
the
13
Kabylia. crisis
of resistance
A massive during
years
national
and flames
Atlas,
for in of
close to
opposition
insecurity
1916,
the
Large-scale
position.
mountains
1859 and again
among the
to
populations.
the Monts des Ksour
from
the Aures-Nementcha
bitter, It
Algeria
1857,
influx
of few
ensuing
punitive
resulted.
of the
range
until
again
were required
French
columns
returned
overnight,
out anew among neighbouring and severe
Turkish
weakened by the
there
presence
Kabylia,
with
Yet once the
'pacification'
elsewhere.
contact
was prolonged,
life
remained
and Lesser
Reaction
few garrisons,
troops
to
12
brutal,
when wholesale
The flimsy
by French
armed resistance
were extremely
had passed
had had little
hostility.
of watchful
conquest
of Greater
the massifs
penetrated
long
mountains
of insurrection
outbreaks
which
finally
were not
until
Tell,
of communities
after
of
to
and responsive
On the Eastern
rule,
These Berber
severity.
the
decades.
stretching
the Aures;
another responded
time
to Tunisia,
armed resistance,
also
Stern
insurrection
led
offered
repression
ßahmaniya
threat
border
of military
assertion
of French
to the
the Moroccan
near
1879 when the
across
control, was inspired
order
threatened
weakness.
the
The tribes
of European by a marabout
colonization of the
315
In addition French
to the
army had great
the Saharan the South
of the Oran province,
throughout
many recently-pacified
'African
in
by insurrection
racked
of Saharan
cases which
East,
to Ouarghla,
Sefra
in
run
effectively
the
and obliged The same region
strength.
The subjection
the Mzab and Laghouat
in the
where the makhzen's
was
of the
writ%
chain
in
the and Ain
Centre,
and lasted
painful
in
of renewed dissidence
highlands,
- was extremely
of
Sheikh,
from El Cued and Touggourt
ran
tribes
nomadic
Ouled Sidi
sparks
1881.14
West - areas
the
lit
the
communities,
the
insurgent
the
in
to intervene
army'
mountain
in pacifying
difficulty In 1864,
fringe.
of these
conquest
had never 1850 to
from
1890.15 Military prolonged.
The resistance
coordinated
over
political
reaction
of bitter
presence
often
and signs French
communities "settling"
local
of
'marching
for
inevitably or attempting
what was a widespread
"organize"
armed
short-lived:
'pushing
gave way to a more careful to
large
and small
had passed
them.
back'
previously,
the
As a consequence, or
down.
broken
clans
where it
revolt. through'
weaponry,
men, fraternities,
individual foci
of
nature
was eventually
needed to be reasserted invited
was rarely
of numbers,
of holy
and
violent
segmentary
Nor was this
hostility.
of weakness
tactics
it
notables,
provided
groups
imbalance that
both
communities
due to the
assortment
powerful
alliances,
egalitarian
area,
ensured
a complex
were thus
of native
The great
and supplies
Nevertheless, tribal
a wide
action.
training
Algeria
in
operations
early
dissident
strategy
of
316
To break mingle
force
physical into
entered
rivalries,
privileges
of alliance
tactic
the moslem odjak, segmentary
logic.
and imported, 'organize'
in
sense,
government their down. by the
They bore
posed massive
as they
envisaged
and impose
rapid
delicate
of European
colons,
environment
according
administrative concretized
of much of
to
basic
directly
of a bureaucracy,
of odjak
effective
were obliged
to build
from the
so to speak,
'useful
to
was greatly Algeria'
top
complicated by thousands
to shape the political
and economic
their
needs and world-view.
The
which
grew out
determined
structure several
them,
with
of government,
To implant
work of construction
settlement
of or sympathy
ambitions
the French
game Unlike
strategy.
The discovery
problems. it,
segmentary
facade
the
although
to the
conceptions
territory.
beneath
reality
own foundatiorb This
the
tribal
operations.
as a long-term
novel
means
of these
turned
European
the
of the
nature
by
could,
indirect
other
understanding
locally,
and 'administer' segmentary
than
they
of implantation,
companion
had little
or developed
teeming
task
the French
rather
they
segmentary
the French
offering
and using
the
a constant
the Turks,
unlike
as a short-term
this
facilitated
greatly
was necessarily
However,
the
extent,
as best
collaboration,
to
were obliged
the Turks,
politics
to key clans,
To this
of conquest.
force
encouraging
invaders
Like
diplomacy.
with
the game of segmentary
exploiting
environment
the European
down resistance,
contradictions.
of these
conditions
317
MILITARY GOVERNMENT
II.
Early improvisations -i. -------------------The first elements of regular Algeria
(ordinance) in
of 22nd July
North
the
Minist're
de la
locally As the
head both
for
the
commanders in
expenditure
of
tribes
crucial
sections
of the 16
policies
General).
command and of administration, long-term
refrained
rights
and usages.
Africa
developed clan
advance
against
were invested,
in
troops
rivals.
'native
potential
were recruited
and indeed
for
affairs', collaborators,
the
to
to
In return,
was promised
of such operations, in
to win over
order
of a campaign
and respect
As a result
'Turkish'
with
were made to some tribes,
neighbouring
from attack,
rivalries,
and native
on the
economise
some areas
status
overtures
in
to
and sheikh-s
privileged
population,
specialists
In order
was made in
khalifa-s
'submit'
developed
to circumstances
according
adopted
field.
the
Diplomatic
campaign
troops
on 'age-old'
Responsible
(Governor
of the moslem population
control
experiment
caid-s,
them to that
laws.
and shape them to the
campaigns
were granted
as auxiliaries.
in
force,
'Loyal'
certain
join
was to be governed
It
by parliamentary
of operational
of makeshift
by military
persuade
the French
under
colony,
possessions
colony.
a series
methods.
French
was a Gouverneur-G6nkral
coordinate
Arrangements from
than
colonial
ordonnance
"the
of War).
rather
War Ministry
was to
of the
goals
(Ministry
ordinance
military
task
as a military
Guerre
to the
An executive
1834 established
of Africa"
by executive
his
by the army.
were provided
in
administration
French
customary
Army of
who became expert powerful
318
families,
and likely
tactics to
of divide
Out of this
enemies.
strategic
and rule,
The Bureaux Arabes17 -ii. -----------------The first by the real attempt coordinate
administrative August
began in Bugeaud,
1841,
military
of Bureaux
up a hierarchy implantation
This
command post,
with
a squad of mokhzani The network
25 years, fewer
but
than
it
fifty
never
provided
local
Bureaus
peak in
organizational
1869,
Algeria
numbered approximately
Bureaus
were committed
influence; regime".
"it 19
was not
Their
Bureaus)
fortified
building, officers,
disposal.
gradually
over
195 officers
the
next
There
were
even at
the
dense coverage.
and only
when the moslem population
23 million.
18
Inevitably,
of vicarious
administration
modus operandi,
an Arab
developed
a time
provinces
each with
at his
very
wherever
The three
horsemen)
to techniques direct
(Arab
further
by one or two junior
assisted
of Arab Bureaus
than arr9te
a stage
a small
a team
rather
the process
Arabes
in
housed
(native
(Arab
arabes
proper,
and 'circles',
was headed by an army officer
Marechal
been effected.
had already
'subdivisions'
into
were split
1844 took
and
population
The Gouverneur-Gen4ral's
se.
February
develop
The aim was to build
pacification
with per
the native
des affaires
Daumas.
General
concerned
of 1st
by setting
Bureau.
began
policy
out,
Gouverneur-General,
when the
operations
(regulation)
towards
policy
under
of army officers
military
native
army to sketch
the Direction
established Office),
with
for
goals
and harden.
evolve
Affairs
and the
surveillance,
above all,
but
control
of
Arab and
a protectorate
was to
contact
local
3 319
them as intermediaries
and treat
notables,
Many were invested of Bugeaud expressed always
administered commandants
in his
secondary
by Arabs,
reserving
us,
and far-ranging the
about regular
through
Its
personnel
too
often
all
obstacles its
interests,
have required erected
customs
against
and religion.
the
motives
which
will
help
to indicate
revolts
domination it".
to accept
natives and the
the
the
most effective
of
from us
and analyzing
and least
Finally,
which
they in
force
they
onerous should
both
minimum of repugnance
of government
elements
which
overcoming
military
employing
to be adopted. with
welfare.
of the Arab population,
behaviour
methods
the
and at the
country,
and enable
bring
of difficulties
By studying
case of insurrection, of repressing
solution
ways of
and
the protection
security,
the
bring
our colonization
sd different
best
the
way for
us by a society
the
underlie
"to
goals:
of native
use of force;
the
its
multiple,
improvement
the peaceful
must aim at
to the French
by means of fair
tribes
of public
and the
to be
to perform
as to pave the
as well
the maintenance
legitimate
of all
of the
perhaps
21
was expected
pacification
will
direction
overall
the philosophy
the Arabs
In 1840 Daumas outlined
administration,
and trade
in
organization
tasks.
lasting
the
and subdivisions".
of provinces
The Arab Bureau
to leave
tasks,
communities.
with
"good policy
1844 circular:
in
require
in accordance
and aghas,
as caids
indigenous
with
our
are needed to affirm
22 Much of the workload
was over-ambitious, routine. contradictory.
resulting
and other
Many of the Security
goals
parts
from of it
this
consisted
were ill-defined,
was always
philosophy
a paramount
of action
of inconsequential and indeed
inconsistent, concern
in
the
action
20
320
They sought
Bureau' Arabes.
of the
and up-to-the-minute
the
against the
threat
same forces
Their
will
us remain
sentiments 1865, in
their
in
the
middle
admirably
in
their
for
organized
defeated
it
has never in
"In
1669:
society
to be in a permanent
25
country".
With
from
separate
the
make a constant officer,
their
detachment
mounted
of mokhazni-s.
of
order,
and had wide discretionary
groups
whom he deemed to have disturbed
was expected order
energetically
to prevent
serious
to
infractions
this. contact from
made a native us...
entirely
was required
army,
Its
for
head,
accompanied maintaining
occurring.
by his public
individuals
reliable
to
a uniformed
or
More important, with
They
the
of
though
to punish
powers
foster
Deligny
inspection,
He was responsible
camped
and although
against
'presence'.
tours
in
and
I consider...
the Arab Bureau,
of military
We are
it,
Gdneral
of the
Such
habits,
in their
to chase us out
wing
you
an army of a hundred
than
of conspiracy
opportunity
"operational"
display
,
23
adventurous,
my experience,
state
in mind,
this
made regular
24
it...
centuries;
declared
it!....
extremely less
been submitted"
assertion
awaiting
is
Nothing
war.
similar
are merely
is
Bugeaud was needed to defeat
and Marechal
thousand
de Clonard
G4ngral
which
for
by arms".
the Koran wills
of a population
"roughly
them by arms;
You submitted
of insurrection
heart:
preparedness
1842 that
last
will
of submission
echo.
"The virus
example: blood,
state
frequent
received
for
this
The
be needed to maintain
will
our religion
among them...
strong
keep them in
only
conquest
us and for
for
antipathy
so let
made the
which
to
order
military
Bugeaud warned in
of rebellion.
in
of revolts'.
on the need for
stress
constant
surveillance
information
'repression
and facilitate
army command laid
constant
and political
military
'insurrection'
prevent
to provide
he
notables
in
321
In addition, it
supplied
local
it
provided
statistics
taxable
detail
on local
and deaths; of the
for
who did
caid,
for
the
the
Gourvernement-Gen6ral.
execution
of
demands began to
in
par
1848:
to look its
suffocates the worst
Part
manner.
of the
of
keeping
their
taxes, local
and ensuring
projects. 28
agricultural
improvement,
public
and community
For
works
these
activities,
26
they
filing
and thirty
with
paperwork,
As a result,
one of
many were
to perform
it
in more
of the Arab Bureau,
collection Bureau
Various fostering
their
activities
of statistics
and
heads became involved
schemes for local
development30 earned
the political
over
the
as suggested and trade".
colonization
our
surveillance
many of the more energetic 'development'
complained
27
pave the way for
careful
charges,
it
unable
function
original
by Daumas, was "to Besides
and indeed
work,
men of
the Arab Bureau and
kills
our times".
of
bureaucratic
those -
in
and
down to him from
As one officer
desks.
half
ownership;
of petty
officers
by surrounding
activity
a perfunctory
the host
(with
the delimitation
for
passed
to be filled
This
after!
with
their
registers
afflictions
overwhelmed than
to -
"Thirteen
cabinets
regulations
of births,
liability
of tax
and communal land
many Arab Bureau
excellence
property.
the registration
collecting);
Indeed,
especially
of indigenous
for
the
countless
fix
resources,
establishing
of individual
and registration
action
the
and demography;
ethnography
status
precise
information;
of regular
economic
head was responsible
marriages aid
on topography,
and on the
ones,
The 'circle'
the
Bureau was a source
the
trade,
nestled nickname:
in
promoting 29
and encouraging
under
their
"Robinsons
wing. in
braid".
31
322
In some respects, in
colonization, of
extensive
grazing
these
Their
to lie
at the
one officer native leisure
time,
1849,
during
farming be too
and we cannot Such plans they
are
of its
of its
task
impact
and the
it
benefit
to perform to
our interests 32
such enterprises". of
logic,
colonial
The flimsiness
life.
work load,
and localized
inadequate
was immense,
which
any labour
excessive
sporadic
rendered
their
of view,
on indigenous its
total
to roam and
traits
exposing
the
of
has time
of particular
infrastructure,
for
the
nature
dealing
with
and ultimately
complex,
Sedentarization of nomadic 1846: this
and semi-nomadic
is
first
undoubtedly
in
as a key strategy
was regarded
"One of the
country
work was more important:
'developmental'
of this
purpose
pacification
observing
in
is
the Arabs
we oblige
in preparing
energetic
The ambition
in Arab life
point
seems
33
Another
observed-in
is
efforts,
self-destructive.
security.
periods
resources,
officers'
a self-willed
which
real
Arab Bureau
paucity
utility
of interest
had little
From this
use'
often
urge which
imagination
their
us.
'rational
or
seemed to be to occupy enemies
of
capitalistic
undertaking.
example,
against
patterns
some of the projects
behind
colonial
which
or private
slack
the
for
during
can be exploited of public
of the
as
methods
established
transformative
"One of our great
year:
'inefficent'
'valorization'
The thinking
'totalitarian'
same direction
of intensive
those
was the
goal
heart
in
the
aimed to replace
with
resources.
smacked of the
in
pointed
(particularly economy
and cultivation)
of local
of
they
peasant
enterprise.
but
that
efforts
populations.
things the
to strike great
the
Thus Richard anyone
scattering
of the
323
the
over
population deprives
the Arabs
makes it
impossible
to
between
slip
the
first
for
the
together
attempts magnets evidence
34
of the
welfare".
This
of
distress
role
their
resulting
led
from agitators organizing
permanent
our establishing
Arab Bureaus
made numerous
and residential
centres
There
groups.
'notables',
with
to
population, to stave
developments Officers
which in
is
as
no real
of European
the
and to
"improve
the
perceived
that
created
of indigenous
life,
should
be positively
shored
tribes.
It
develop
was this
kind
specific
economic the
social
insecurity
political
Many came to argue
fabric
would
native
or counteract
threatened
rule.
legitimate
"protect
off
post
from such disruption
instability the
locally
strove
them to try
acceptance
intermediaries, contact
for
first
(militarily-supervised
zemala-s
surrounding
indigenous
charges.
socio-political of
also
and general
and hindered the
"the
of success.
interests"
ruin
fanaticism
of population,
markets
permanent and fix
Arab Bureaus
projects
limbs
spirit,
the hands of
their
situation
into
has another
he suggested,
potential
a condition
In this
construct
to attract
to exploit
Accordingly,
scattered
this
them into
which
them somehow
and allows
of aggregation
delivers
we. have submitted
them". to
".
the
and making
peace with
lack
who comes along
to remove this
tribes
hamlets),
it
that
pillage...
is
to-do
by grouping all
in
on them,
This
of affairs
them a mobility
gives
a hold
our fingers.
adventurer
and thirst thing
to lay
state
unfortunate
of any cohesion,
disadvantage,
serious
This
soil.
the
particularly up:
and the
without
French
of thinking
that
such
would
that
lose
brought
324
the
Arab Bureaus
the
colons
and the
of European
Initially,
keys
the
then
emerged,
of the
embodiment with
the
colon
large-scale
land
"Wherever
the
towards
the
36
Many officers influence
and growing to voice
this
kind
them land
chicanery owners,
of of
'the
and that
possession
of fine
they
of the it
to prove should
properties
alienations
and indignation
"it
is
when
clearly
from
demands
incessant
Robin was
Colonel
party'.
are insatiable",
"The colons
Domain had been exhausted,
from
the natives.
that
the
latter
be expropriated. which
that
has been taken
at the
in 1901:
feeling
meant to take
was employed
ancestors
colon
was a
the view
hatred
1848,
in
became irritated
"Once the resources
he wrote, give
the bones of his
polemics
to pacification.
frenetic
Richard
wrote
conqueror",
bearing
soil
in particular,
obstacles
have borne
vanquished
as one
in bitter
piecemeal
population
differences
The Bureau Arabe,
began to propound
were fundamental
were not
policy
question,
the
as the immigrant
itself,
and subsequent
sequestration
of native
him".
The land
press.
colonization,,
indispensable
became involved
policy,
Many army officers
catalyst.
the
However,
and widened.
army's
resources
Similarly,
The two interests
and established
hardened
of
as one of the
tribes,
35
army as the
living-space.
dramatically
the
with
and security.
opposed ab initio.
diametrically
Of local
of European
growth
population
upon the
looked
of their
guarantors
the
domination
settlers
'valorization'
the
interests
the
with
settlement.
of this
to long-lasting
earliest
variance
army regarded
intermixing
swelled
to hasten
who wished
spread
and the
into
increasingly
would
Every were not
manner of the
To see Arabs have suited
to
them,
real in the
325
felt
colons therefore their
as if sought
1850's
against
the to
sought
After
policy
It benevolent In
this
basic
concern
took
as 1847:
the
administration is
nationalities the
Arabs,
population for of
the the
of the
without
special
"It
in
is
Europeans".
place.
39
third
and the
of this
resistance. were individual
to register
the
Long after
its
to which
the
other
precise
point "that
he explained,
believed",
Europeans
of all
our domination
first
for
no security
over
European
the
as a second priority, and administration
government
and the
colonization the
policy.
native
Bugeaud made this
I put
place,
colons
security.
the
administration
were pressing
and breathing
army spokesmen emphasized to preserve
policy,
Arab Bureau and-colons,
of colonisation;
'liberalization'
conditions
in
thousand
is
there
I place
fruit
security,
generally
the main thing. which
to European
the army was fundamentally
that
between
of the ninety
the
the
which
Bureau Arabe officers
remained
second
same reasons,
'normalization', activities,
former
nor progress
Arabs;
Kingdom"
developmental
of views
of the
considerations
"Arab
to pressures
be wrong to conclude
or far-sightedly
fervently
38
property.
polarization
as early
responding
nationally.
(cantonization), land
was partly
to defend
began to press
of native
protective
in
native
would
quantities
had been undermined,
unenergetic
and collective
they
The army
ways,
laws decided
of land
"cantonnement"
programme of
III's
obstructive
example,
legislation,
reform
this
impact for
open up large
of spoliation".
countless
full
and 1860's,
Napoleon
notably
in
the
colon
purchase. 1863 land
had been victim
locally,
from
charges
In the
they
37
space
continuing For this
for
for their
need for reason,
they
326
long
opposed the
strip.
Partly
of losing it
its
in
role
by a basic force
only
forseeable itself
that
situation
evolution,
under
a protective In reaction,
'aristocratic'
for
the
"the
of the
army with
"feudalism"
"native
with
of the
in
of authority they
in his
notable
clan"
of as "the
command of administrative
functions
are
legatees
past,
either
42 our regime". officers
of an irrational
However,
made a similar
to the
Some officers
in
intrigues,
segmentary
also
segmentary
from
its
of its
between
by native
became active
and enthusiastic
"the
conceived
chiefs
creations
some Bureau
a
communities;
and what they
examples
and
reflected
was some justice
and when clumsy
terms
because
this
or abusive
that
of
with
population
there
confusion,
allegations.
extent
favour
as aristocratic,
distinguish
not
could
in
and Republican
sword"
Often
chiefs".
of the
name of preserving
Arabes
of civilian
the
found
gradualist
realities rule
in
spoke
in
the
terminology,
influence
of it
was
and that
drives
the
also
situation
Arabe
often
officers
indigenous
of the nature
to use Berque's
in -
of the
of associating
misunderstanding
natural
the
the prospect
at
together
Bureau
liberation
They identified
it
hold
charged. the Bureaux
colons
coastal
and conquered,
exploitation
conceived 40 aegis*
the
But partly,
fundamental
usually
for
corps
colonial
the
one of the
They stigmatized
government.
the
conqueror
Though its
contempt 41
policy
the
that
paradoxically,
military
beyond
and administration.
army - could
- economic
they
native
sway.
the
situation.
colonial
and called
in
to restrain
attempting
colonial
of a proud
between
Thus,
future.
reaction
world-view
conflict
- embodied
government'
government
the military
reflected
riven
was the
this
'civil
of
extension
who of
Arabe in
colon
participants
came to light
the -
327
Doineau
Scandal
royally
by the Perhaps
of 1856-7, settler
however,
of the
policies
were, the
lightly
were not
Second Empire
Third
Republic,
the
with
of the
was swiftly
square
220,000
By the
latter
contained network than
'miles
in
1869,
by 1880, in
1869,
date,
this to
the
than
had withered role.
half
but
12,100
1,890,000
square
"Military a million
dramatically,
scores
Beginning curtailed
army was systematically
rule
miles
square
miles
were banished, covered
only
by 1873, by 1891.44
even more dramatically:
1882 and 3,050,000
Territories
of the
moslems. and it
of
sympathetic
drastically
Civil
expanded in
the
Arab Bureaus
49,400 and area
of the
revenge.
Tell.
they
The fall
of the
from which the
vituperation
to settle
1870 which
legitimate
though
establishment
the power
throughout in
miles
fewer
a vestigial
October
this
settlers.
a prolonged
extract
territory",
The Arab population from
and the
of
'protective,.
limited
period,
by the
Arab Bureaus,
extended
square
28,400
to
of 24th
"Civil
reduced.
4,700
1870,
in
brought
gave them an opportunity
decrees
role
of this
the
of the
1860's
the
forgiven
and indeed
rapidly,
the
army during
role
"Arabophilia".
to thwart
flowering
militarism.
on the
attack
alleged
of a conspiracy
The measures
to a height.
their
The brief
were inflated
of backward
and revealing
concerned
of France.
- they
example as evidence
press
They were seen as part interests
for
the most bitter
Arab Bureaus,
43
by 1891.45
South"
The Arab Bureau
never
recovered
more
328
-iii. There
was a temporary the
during
policy
study.
It
finance
houses,
immediate
and that
institutions
piecemeal
form
more stable the
'association'
was sought
indigenous
the
who visited change the
life
property. (Arab
forward
pushing
a acknowledge
would
of
became known as the a speech
by Napoleon of the
One of its
action.
policy III,
need to
prime
46
Urbain,
was Ismael
a
some protection
following
in Metropolitan
settlement,
'assimilation',
1860 and became convinced
in
colony
emphasis
Kingdom)
than
which
and offer
This
over
establishing
with
and pursuing
of tribal
"Royaume Arabe"
Algerian
Rather
capitalism
- prevailed
smaller-scale
society.
of thorough
French
scale
expropriation
of
particularities
remaining of
land
The Metropolitan
subject
merchants
were concerned
indigenous
with
of larger
and food
manufacturers
these
been the
apparently, interests
the
colonial
Second Empire.
of the
demands of existing
modus vivendi with
has not,
seems that
of Algerian
reorientation
decade
last
to this
background
the
of 1863
The Senatus-Consulte
publicist a moslem-Christian 47 included its thought, influenced by St-Simonian protagonists and 48 began The Bureau Arab large which policy officers. a number of
architects
to
this
emerge during
thought, full
but
was not
The crowning
It
radically
process land
achievement (Act
affected
of cantonnement
as Public
for
long-lived
sufficiently
strands
contradictory
of
them to receive
in practice.
expression
Senatus-Consulte
contained
period
of the
the French
of the
status
belonging
of 22nd April
Senate)
1863-
land.
Hitherto,
had treated
all
of native
(cantonization)
Domain land,
Arab Kingdom phase was the
to the
conquering
49
the
indigenous French
-
329
state,
Consequently, more land large
than
they
dismemberment
although
to round
up the
Domain,
it
Moreover,
indigenous
land
categories
the
protected.
ostensibly it
door,
made no attempt into
absorbed to settlers,
was not existing
confirm
really
the
them into
three
- which,
at least
cultivation (melk)
appropriation
that (melk)
be alienated
of
common land
Commission,
dimensions
individual
natives
property;
collective
with
these
possible.
All
titles this
the
was vested
known as the
and classify
and until
of European
context
operative
only
profiteers.
flaws,
had several
common pasturage,
insisted
A roving
continuing
- collective
the
control
against
('arch),
individualized could
title".
already
not
have permanently
so much as reclassify
them into
The Act
did
they
which
or alienated
Act
the
land
Nevertheless,
the nature
though
laws
only
of all
alienate - property
'owners',
its
was set
of native
and
douar.
the
up to register
landholdings,
no transq, ations
down private
sales
by the
colons
reviled
of property.
- or undivided
cadastre,
slowed
potentially,
a communal unit,
had been delivered certainly
could
consent in
off
Article
first
rights
and individual fitted
horsesi
sequestrated,
returned.
it
those
of
had carved
its
whatsoever
one stable
closed
escaped
lands
nevertheless for
occupation
The Senatus-Consulte
Land Act provided
blessing
a mixed
of usufruit.
state
of Algeria",
under
lands
of tribal
the 50
of the
this
which
Firstly,
Public
"The tribes
enjoyed,
The bulwark
a right
use',
settlement.
proprietors
and traditionally
and proved
'fully
could
this.
"are...
exercised
were deemed to be in
European
for
an end to
declared,
merely
where tribes
slices
put
tribes
on which
were to settler for
these
330
reasons,
of individualized categories
in
and,
to
'positive'
its
exploit
Second Empire July
and its
land
overthrow
Arab Kingdom policy
the
land
From the point
of view
aspect
douar
total)
was assigned.
as the
to which
unit
The first
up indigenous
to the
their
by the
administration.
schematic It
with
assembly. fluid the
world 'douar',
through
views
in
and imaginative
thought
static This
in
that
the
boundaries, was an alien
of segmentary meaning
of many potential
laws
to repeal
of 26th of 1863
the
douar
into
designation (about
cadastre these
of 14th
of its
a circle
of political
and
appointed
both instigators.
complex
traditional
of tents, action.
douars
quasi-corporate
on to the
In its
commissioners
as a territorial
was conceived
projection
20% of the
common land,
revealed
on the part
of the
1863,
(assembly) 'emaa a
policy
most
douars.
July
and a permanent,
Algeria.
literally
levels
was the
of the
colonial
the
administration,
the management of
new development
was schematic
unit,
task
groupings
for
were to voice French
of the
quantities
common land
(regulation)
arrete
were to be responsible
This
of colonial
1863 reform
the
of
native
According
having
than
were able
the
without
of
51
Senatus-Consulte.
was to divide
less
settlers
1887 opened up large
other
pressures
After
to speculation
significant
indirect
the
years,
aspects.
1873 and 22nd April
native
in
by the Act proved
offered
subsequent
constitution
registered
to the
vulnerable
The protection
comprehensive,
to wide-scale
Even property
property.
was rendered
the market.
in practice
le64
registration
and
context,
was merely
These levels,
one
331
were defined
moreover, level
segmentary
level
and the
disarming
The natural
irrelevant. in
Algeria
areas, the
of the
new douar
was largely
units
resulted,
communities,
Despite 1863 did Urbain
these
French
sought
sedentarized
were ignored
the
import
a pattern
work of the
Some extremely
artificial
and hostile had
which
groups
apart
by
in
traditional
disparate
splitting
in
was to
moreover,
together
grouping
remaining
particularly
the
with
and peremptory-53
fundamental
which to
they
to sow seeds of Rather
saw as both
come to terms
to the
purpose.
of revolutionary
had planned
with
The colonial moslem reality.
Senatus
the
weaknesses,
and moslem Algeria.
communal institutions. be adapted
Kabylia,
congruity
ingredients
contain
"assimilation", they
like
it
rendered
54
in particular,
between
latter,
The
armed conflict,
or,
of these
up the
areas
or alternatively
ties.
cohesive
segments.
In practice,
either
All
52
organization
clans,
big
corresponded,
'peace'
the French
fractions,
To set
was hurried
commissioners
of major
of segmentary
and its
illusory.
times
levels
sedentary
institution,
in
this
solidarity;
douar
the
which
freeze
were too
a maximum of two.
under
structure.
densely-populated
into
tribes
and village
villages
foreign
only
were more intimate:
Douars or political
economic
4b.
of segmentation
had been mobilized
at all,
of
most tribes
split
commissioners
chose to
inappropriate.
ties
to have close
traditional if
authors
The particular
territorially.
Senatus-Consulte
of the
was especially
reality
and unwieldy the
the
at which
hot
agnatically,
than
foster
framework, The douar
Its
of
authors,
"association"
insisting
on
and disruptive,
unrealizable
and to
Consulte
autochthonous in
their
was conceived
view,
must
as a
332
transitional
structure
the
tribe
Algerian
to interact
the municipal
mentality
anachronistic
aspects
acknowledged,
were justified
to generate the recognition
to
embrace existing
alien
all
its
little which
attendant opportunity entrenched
were at best a transformative cot.
the
Even the
in as far
as they terms:
55
emaa, the
were as tending
In the meantime traditional
assembly of the need
an acknowledgment
nodes of legitimation
of
towards,
commune.
developmental
of a
loyalty
agnatic evolve
of solidarity.
constituted
from
structures However,
in
levels
Algeria,
segmentary
douar,
the
and perhaps
of the French
of the role
of
with,
of the
'higher'
induce
would
which
to impose
rather
than
in
1863 reform,
above.
developmental
potential
inconsistencies, to test itself
tangential. system
itself.
from
anachronisms For the
1870 onward,
In particular, of native
the
the problems
administration
had
and contradictions,
settler-dominated
the
with
douar
regime
of "association"
as a base cell
was stifled
in
for its
333
Algeria years
of
colon
By 1836,
region.
This
Algeria.
of the
surrender
framework
around
erected
command or the Metropolitan
military
The priorities
'exceptional
and control
this
as an obstacle
merely
an expansion
'normalization', They cast In
I
demands in
one sense, settler
this
life
than
concept
of
of this
the
either
also
required
an Once
powers'.
settlers
perceived
They sought
interests.
for
on security.
centred
the
but
of
of
by the
and pressures
'emergency
terms
time
600,000
of
exercise
government
population
by the
population
of colonization,
inhabitants
government.
bourgeois
of civilian
these
European
to their
Mediterranean
the
of administrative
had been established,
a modicum of security
communities,
of the native
and the
regime',
French
administration
of military
The pacification
type
political
native
by much of
and had reached
on the
influence
greater
abandoned
European
concepts
the
littoral
on the
100,000
over
The interests,
century.
had far
group
to
1847,
in
facilitated
throughout
32,000
were already
number had swollen
Abd-el-Kader's turn
there
earliest
groups,
sizeable
began to burgeon
the
and property,
and artisans
soon developed
centres
from
of land
Oran and Bone,
of Algiers,
moslem population,
and small
immigration
seizure
traders
of peasants,
The ports
France
of many native
and exodus
settlement
their
State
Extensive
expulsion
plains.
European
for
was a magnet
conquest.
and the rapid
and MetroEolitan
EtzroEean settlers
-i.
the
GOVEMIENT56
THE ORIGINS OF CIVIL
III.
the
development,
the European
not or
population.
"assimilation".
of political exclusively.
"assimilation" It
contained
concerned at
least
334
two ideas, led
to different
simply
in
the
of social
legal
a similar
similar
of European
expatriates
constituted
an assertion
the
same political
of the
extension
of analogous
"French
life
actually
required
their
Oscillation settler
tendencies half
century
this
terms right
it
to this
certain
of the
to ensure
hand,
institutions
and special
to loosen
pressed
Paradoxically,
latter
this the
of'assimilation',
a
of Algeria
conditions
settlers
French
to demand the
on which
of Frenchmen'
was
practical
part
other
within
question
and France
arrangements
reason,
government
argument
settlers
to participate
in
own affairs. between
politics,
enterprise.
local
the
and
was
be incorporated
Algeria
colonial
prevailing example,
Country;
attitude
On the
the Metropolis. in
Mother
a constituent
special
'fundamental
the
and control
the
those for
between
basis
of
"assimilation"
of
one hand,
rights.
different
be pursued
also
demanding
with
to
Algeria
was a logical
them and, for
ties
certain
On the
civil
in
style"
to supervise
could
it
analogous
The settlers
from remaining
in particular
in Algeria
of their
between
"assimilation"
of
residents
version
European
that
instrumental. resulted
One notion
relationship
and that
relationship
fundamentally
polity;
the
about
system.
political
advantages
Another
frequently
which
institutions,
governmental
framework,
a theory
'
life
and political
essentially
coterminous,
to French
extension
Metropolis:
the
never
conclusions.
practical
entailed
conditions
but
confused
often
these
and indicates
To an extent, appears of the
to
was a constant
a problematic
the
correspond
colony's
poles
dominance
of
to temporal
existence,
the
at
feature
the heart
one or other stages. settlers
of of their
of
During
the the
were chiefly
first
335
concerned By this
means they
head of Algerian institutions the
sought
affairs,
legal
and individuals
Once assimilation later
colons
calculated the
first
level
highest
Eventually,
the
Bugeaud,
'mixed',
and 'military' "in
57
the
future".
the
Orleanist
opened the
way to the Its
status,
"French but
1848.58
instead
to that
the
to send elected
right
The three
former
Turkish
out with
beyliks,
in
given
of
1848,
to
decrees
was proclaimed
was not
in
fall
institutions
Algeria
deputies
and the
the Second Republic
'republican'
of France.
akin
184?,
assiqiilative
was fitted
European
or to be organized
already,
of Bugeaud in
It
structure
area was defined
was the
territory".
'civil',
into
numerous
a sufficiently
of
the military
Gouverneur-Gdn4ral,
The civil
of
the
at
until
1845 divided
and advent
consummation
a
was widespread.
of the
was in
spread
the
or defending
'assimilation'
impact
had little
territories.
monarchy
however,
from France.
demands for
The departure
November-December of
of demanding
to have been organized
population
expatriate
the Mediterranean.
across
and settlement
is
for
status
a policy
opposition
there
the
at
and to achieve
had been achieved,
the
Algeria
which
levels,
forms
of government
despite
direction
to representative
and Algerian
of autonomy phase,
France. -
with
civilian
and administrative
into
Mar. chal
part
open access
became established
position
Algeria.
to
in these
measure
In
as that
establish
as was current
shifted
links
political
to
at Metropolitan
same political,
groups
their
tightening
with
of
an integral
special
colonial
a politico-administrative
French
citizens
there
were given
to the
French
National
Assembly.
hitherto
called
provinces,
were
336
'civil'
into
split
d4partements
parts.
on the Metropolitan
pattern,
by and responsible
appointed Paris.
and 'military'
into
Finally,
(municipalities) The area
the
otherwise
Metropolitan
coordination
of military
organization
corpus
of Metropolitan for
specifically his
Paris
execute
Algeria.
of this
rungs
hierarchy.
institutional
in
levels
Algeria
in
than
was a transplantation
this
schema was the
France,
of the
suspicion
and provided
a focus
designed
pressures
to thwart
became almostexclusively
GenýraL% were btill
appointed
for
the
in Algeria
local
The task
administration. both
the
decrees
general issued
he had considerable
end,
often
and disgruntlement
was a manifestation
colons
to it
of the
powers
(regulations).
arretes
for
He was
by President the -
and those
To this
continuing
59
in Algiers.
Gouvernement-General
of the
it
and civil
legislation,
considerable
role
larger
situated in
was to
own local
The role
its
number of communes
1870 - and was responsible
of his
seemed to
in
Gouverneur-Gýnlral,
from
Originally,
'anomaly'
by the Executive
appointed
to issue
of
each to be headed
each of these
framework
in
structure.
of the
Republic
subdivision
bottom
was far
colonial
The most notable role
as the
which
to administer
was expected but
an increasing
was planned
and population
the
de 1'Interieure
(districts),
arrondissements
by a sous-prefet.
in
became
headed by a prefet
Ministere
to the
The same model was followed
departements
The former
for
provoked
among the and against
of military their civil,
from military
rule,
settlers, 'assimilation'. and thus
interests.
After
yet
certain
Gouverneurs-
backgrounds,
which
1870,
337
caused
was an outsider,
more than view
five
for
occasionally
with
plans
instructions
from
Paris.
or
in
appeared Paris
from
of Paris For the
to
theory
in
these
the
reasons, for
stages
separately
Algerian
Gouvernement-Genoral,
PrIfets,
complicated
elected colons
preferred
incapable Algerian
but
municipalities, token
of developing policy,
buteaucracy,
in
capable
of
this
suited
policy.
services
directly
to Parisian
short,
Gouvernement-G4neral.
in
in Algeria Ministries,
Paris
on a remote
of
regard.
between and local The
bureaucracy, and energetic
a coordinated
on an intermediary
and actively
this
interests.
settler
and
The decree
satisfaction
Metropolitan
dependence
In
voice
in
pressed
Ministries.
of authority
forging
the
be directly
services
French
dependence
coherent
of the
the role
administrative
or imposing
to real
activity
to render
community
settler
1881 gave them considerable distribution
his
of authority
threatened
Algerian
to specialized
the
capable
affairs.
a reduction
attached
August
local
although
was
of sympathy',
organization
decentralization it
in practice
more effective
They demanded that
It
the
to Algiers,
early
26th
exemplify
of
to settler
more threatening
words,
ideas',
a flow
'lack
a specialized other
a
Gouverneur-G4neral
'ignorance',
In
action.
for
office
"Algerian"
too
received the
extent,
he controlled
local
of effective
To this
in
'preconceived
with
and all
What was perhaps
was that
developing
of Metropolitan
a symbol
interests
reform,
from Metropolitan
usually
few remained -
to arrive
'Some appeared
! interference'.
their
- prevented
years
of policy.
potentially
of incumbents
turnover
Gouverneur-G4n6ral
the
perhaps,
Metropolis,
by the
appointed
The rapid
stock.
Above all,
unease.
continuing
Algiers
implementing
"assimilation",
in
ministries,
offered
this
sense de facto
a of annexing autonomy.
338
The Gouvernement. -Gen4ral, 1858 and 1860, tion.
Yet it to
opposed rarely the
in
fact
settler
between
Gouverneur-General
and functionaries for
political
interest
organized
institutional
delegation
vocal the
of
there
forms for
their strict
This
three.
Metropolis for
was a bloc almost
extreme
'Republicanism'
of the
the deputies interests
of the
their
The French
July
1881 had by the to
Second World
Republic. with
61
War,
Assembly,
In any case, found
and At
constituencies.
the National
welfare
on
have been limited
colons
Third
of
by an active
which,
settlers.
Algerian
linked
colonial
by the in
l'oeil
politicians
took
era.
influenced
would
deputies
the
no divergence
law of 26th
grew:
by French
exclusively
and commercial
voice
of 30 Algerian
elected
among most of
logic,
assimilative
"a trompe
actually
representation
parliamentary
the
with
but
Algerian
the
suggests,
orders"*
most of the
Algerians,
was
60
and Algeria
representing
disproportionate
colony,
was that
was greatly
example,
phase it
initial
administered,
of affairs
administra-
of Metropolitan
constituted
gave the
really
state
of French
to six
operation
apparently
of deputies
instigation
doubled
Paris
colonial
As Ageron
and the
lynch-pin,
of
the
between
abolition
imposition
the
the Metropolis
between
Assembly,
for
and after
apparent
this
feature
hostility.
of Algeria
One reason
temporary
settler
as its
in which
construction
lever
in Algeria,
of unremitting
relationship
its
a permanent
a powerful
policy
an object
National
remained
wqs never
from
apart
the
a natural
echo
A web of
financial
that
of the
Metropolitan
bourgeoisie. Policy
differences
between
Metropolitan
Executive
were also
Ministry
dealing
with
Algerian
settler
representatives
minimal.
affairs
The absence
meant that
and the of
one specialized
responsibility
was
as
339
between
dissipated and several seeking
which
the
Interior
of
during
opposed
to
lacking.
Resident
incessant Algerian Moreover,
the with
only
than
pressing
it
of
in
the
replacement
of
of
firm
fairly
provided
When the
concern.
radically
policy
the necessary
machinery
made for
a separate
Cabinet;
indeed
arrangement
colon in
no stream
Mediterranean His
pressure.
French
was
this
the Gouverneur-G4ndral
as Metropolitan
as well
organs
at
the
by a
a small
established
implementation
each conseil-general or conseil
du gouvernement.
comprising
high
Algerian
This
on the Algerian
including
the
bodies,
they
were
was vital
projects.
was an all-European
functionaries,
were
settler
cooperation
of many departemental
had representatives
great
among these
Essentially
and their
propagadists,
with
moslem members,
number of unrepresentative
and powerful
level
Foremost 1858.
had important
colons
departemental
in
interests.
to settler the
channels
to
French
was predominantly
sympathetic
local
on the
he was subject
that
on to
directives
realities
political
ensured
Gouvernement-General.
on the
Metropolitan
own staff
and thus
composition,
successful
but
Gouverneur-G4n4ral,
conseils-generaux,
energetic the
was there
of the
side
representative influence
rather
Minister.
desk of the
Algerian
the
involved
Not only the
a seat
with
the
area
settlers,
Ministry
within
impose a Metropolitan
1956 was a hasty
in
of Algeria, reform
a limited
by the
advocated
Only
Ministry tardy
that
was no easy route
Gouvernement-Gen'ral,
to
1950's
the
politicians
section
or prestigious;
over
supervision
and passive
need arose
large
upon the
policies
there
The Algerian
them.
was not
that
found
policy
of War,
Ministry
the
Metropolitan
departments.
colonial
to channel
comprehensive lax
in
changes
Interior,
of the
specialized
other
through
the Ministry
conseil consultative
for
In addition, superieur body
Gouverneur-G&n4ral,
340
as well
delegates
as elected
an Algeria-wide
for
platform
and was a further
were set
up to debate
the
single
These organized colon if
press,
could
he disagreed
expatriate
were immediately
$
ire
or lost
in
appointment
the
settler
expecting
by the
of force
to the
the-colons often
him to understand
the
with
welcomed and defend
Gouverneur-Genoral, interest
great
of advice,
settler
the
and
provoked
excessive
to have owed their Many in In
government.
effect this
sense,
of the Gouverneur-General,
role
its
among the
delegations
cause.
French
even
and new arrivals
when they
seem partially
other/
by the
orchestrated
appointments,
had to be replaced
to known sympathy
community
ignored
to an avalanche
confidence;
became spokesmen for
priorities
more significant
demands,
political
Gouverneur-General
subjected
settler
the
which
'colon', one -
sections
financial
There was invariably
them.
Some Governees
pressure.
for
be lightly
not
community
budget
section. outlets
with
Algerian
and were an infinitely
Native
d6ligations-financieres
The two French on the
Executive, Additionally,
assimilation.
special
influence
great
Gouvernement-Gendral,
than
the
demanded.
one 'non-colon'-wielded
'pure'
provided
on the
pressure
War, Algeria-wide
and supervise
had successfully
colons
colon
of
1898 and the Second World
between
the
terms
It
conseil-g4neraux.
sustained
in
anomaly
the
from
interests
vis
a' vis
the
remote
Metropolis. Thus the ambivalent. important
concept Defence
ingredient
favour
of
in
name of
the
were
local
an essential
tax
of
"assimilation",
of
or
of
their
demand
political
privileges
encouraging aspect
for
and settlement;
of
this.
in local
'anomalies'
close Towards
and
was an equally
They
position. financial
hands, was complex
settler
long
argued
in
subsidies
from
the
Metropolis
financial
ties
with
Franct
the
end
of
the
19th
Century,
341
however,
the
Algerian
was changing. Accordingly, budget direct
settler
in
62
including
the
cost
Algerians
more of the
Yet in
so doing,
of the
army,
They alleged of Algerian attacked
surfaced
resentment
political search
faced
which
solutions
Europeans.
The settlers
64
to then
an ironic
reached
fran5ai.
-ii.
Despite 'domestic' From the
the
in
of
their
began
warfare, of the
"assimilationist"
issue outset,
of rule
concerning it the
European
committed
"Algerie
was inextricably indigenous
the mid-19th and the
and their
interwoven
with
of French
fought
political
a purely
homeland.
questions
of Algeria.
population 65 Century, which
extension
was never
emigrants
of
The 'colon for
to
expatriate
terminology
slogan:
"assimilation"
appearances,
and
resistance
a paramilitary
emotive
onward,
embarrassment
programme became increasingly
)whose
and
These elements
mid-1950's
privileges
developed
expansion
own interests
financial
of guerilla
harm the
the
and native-policZ
certain
towards
programme' military
its
among
tendencies.
se! "
Assimilation
policy
development
stunting
from
growing
outbreak
would
climax
by the
affairs.
colony's
The ambivalence
separatism.
to be borne
63
the
with
rapidly
O. A. S.
the
organization,
items',
saw the
Algerian
colony's
'special
to protect
order
the
caused by the
crisis for
in
the
and even separatist
most dramatically
again
when the Metropolis,
fact,
prosperous.
a separate for
that
was deliberately
in
'interference'
urged
in
for
wealth
continue
century,
and industry
trade its
should
the Metropolis
that
they
of advantage
had grown extremely
colony's
autonomist
certain
of
balance
began to press
retain
of the
the
and trade
agriculture
The turn
Metropolis.
that
perceived
representatives
to
order
benefit.
French
community
settler
the
end of
norms and
of
342
institutions
to Algeria,
to be included
a central
The concept ideological that
for
separate
Within
this
forces' settlers this
at
to adapt
himself
this
could
'spreading
civilization',
fr
same time,
access
to protections
to vote,
laws
insignificant experience, the
colonial
ddpartement.
for
in but
In the
modern world. in
this in
though
terms
meantime,
of
same life,
'market
of
was 'expected'
the native
the
put
principle progressively
objective
'destroying
feudalism', ideals
such progressive
which
share
of the
significant
situation.
'Compensations'
of government denied level
as
as a small The conseil
or
of assimilation such as the
a minor level
illustration
contributed
example from
the
from
The right
of the
debated
right
or freedom
'postponed'.
of this
general
in practice,
native,
expenditure,
was only
remoteness
The moslem population
the
process
a genuine
him.
at d1partemental view
deprived
devices
various
were systematically
moslems to vote
Naturally,
the
settler
operation
advantage,
practical
to have offered
an equitable
arbitrary
free
to
and fraternity'.
equality
appear
and expressed
or fostering
At the
might
of the native
as controlled
be rationalized
exploitation
'liberty,
ý o. J
to
or protection
institutions
to the
It
exploitation.
support,
dismantled.
temporary,
was an
uncompromisingly
obstacles
an overwhelming
a grudging
of moslem Algeria and disguise
community
was not
be exposed
should
be deliberately
be only
would
bnterprise.
settler
and traditional
customs
new framework,
should
the
be no toleration,
should
autochthonous This
justify
of law and government
organs
the
framework.
"assimilation"
The latter
population.
of
goal
of the
there
for
pressed
civil
weapon used to
implied the
this
within
but
concession
also
real
this,
moslem
mechanics
budget
a significant
of
for
of share
of each of
343
these
between 55% and 65% of departemental resources: 66 Yet at the same time, it had virtually example.
financial
in
1890,
in
the
for
of this
allocation
conseillers-generaux 1870,
the
on the
Not only
conseils. but
they
without these
285 French
moslem conseillers
proportion two-fifths.
Moslem participation throughout
restricted
At higher
levels
du gouvernement. ideology
It
the
'naturalized'
French
renunciation
cut
stipulation
neatly
parliamentary extended established devices,
could
barred
only
in
September
such as twin
situation
to deprive
National the
ordonnance
electoral
but
rolls,
Assembly,
of 17th
August
involved for
the
1945,
'generous'
franchise
of
nongistration
a few 'logical'
apparently
notional
short-lived
the
but
all
from their
a multitude
conseil
to moslems who became
this
1947,
the
moslem population
'naturalization'
to the
1947
was thus
to
or nominated
communal solidarities,
elections
and in
was even more
step
A more
the
era.
be granted
natives
was 1919,
level
an unthinkable
the
In
one quarter,
the French
the
Since
representation.
to moslems for
to
until
citizens.
from
off
the
served
of moslem status,
individuals
colonial
were elected
was insisted, to vote
right
the
elections
of assimilation
of any vote. that
As for
franchise
at'dtpartemental
of government,
No moslems at all
exclusive.
the
natives. to
was raised
of moslem conseillers
carefully
very
'acceptable'
of socially
Thus in
conseillers, 67 From 1908
219 865 moslem taxpayers. but
sit
'loyal'
figures
1890 chose the
were made elective,
to a handful
From to
of the membership. in
electors
Century
population.
unrepresentative
one-sixth
of the
any consultation
accorded
only
no say
moslem 'assessors'
nominated
were these
formed
the Nineteenth
by the French
only
administration
Akbou district,
the
to
were elected
colonial
to France,
Throughout
money.
income
was ultimately
Algerian formal
to
right
Assembly
and informal of voters,
344
gerrymandering, flimsy
the
framework
to bear.
verbiage
of
participatory
crudely
traded
special
protection
native
off
against in
Tirman
in
This
1889,
in
"We must not
time
the
will
come when all
benefits
as of now act in 69 operation".
Once again,
their
efforts,
which
they
President the
that led
often
about and the of
openly the
destined
the
impossibility
live
'separate
ultra-assimilationist
of Constantine to
concept
of truly
with
felt the
able Arabs,
specialized
fact
that
enjoy
future
day, then
will
they
the
the we must
be in
was of temporary
value
was instrumental.
was about
Instead
derided.
of
which
rules
day"
future
desirability
this
for
of
by the
to
to assimilation
them to abandon
the hitherto
däpartement
"we are
"this
be brought
will
however,
of transition, cd m the attitude
and refusal
to improve of the
in
were thus
was made explicit
sight
evolution
implicit
future
of duties
lose
the
with
the
refusing
To prepare
conformity
The terminology
threat
natives
life.
of municipal
in
extraction
the present.
his
obligations
of rights
actual
As yet,
insufficiently
In the meantime,
him to the
Vague promises
the
with
unprepared,
rights.
moslem administration:
native
this
be brought
not
of transition.
sub-ideology
by subjecting
Gouverneur-General
theories
even in
was reconciled
was factually
full
new framework.
Any real
that
of moslem numbers would
by the
the
be accelerated
only.
to ensure
of exclusion
mechanisms
ran,
for
evolved, would
weight
"assimilation"
argument
the
full
helped
68
These various
the
fraud
and electoral
of
to dawn, despite "assimilation",
uttered
Europeanizing
alternative the
intractable
Thus the
development'.
conseil-g4n4ral to declare to use their
in
of
1893 that special
capacities
345
for
the
their
exploitation
strands
Metropolitan
feature
endemic
in
of
colon-Metropolitan
between
Paris
and Algiers
Many complex
the
from France
in
the
of European
rigours
bound Algeria
institutions
specialized the
own affairs
to maintain
order
while
moslem population;
'case'
The Metropolitan was little settler separate
more than dominance. political
ambitions. its
structures
right
Metropolis
a subdued
bloc
The colonial concretized
actively situation settler
order
itself
using
channels
to protect
or At other
to determine
Algerian sought,
in
the
we can trace
terms,
the Metropolis
controlling in Algeria interests
name of to moslems.
through
counterpoint
their the
laws affecting
common law rights
logical
In practical
affairs,
'as Frenchmen'
special
which
them to
the moslem population.
fundamental
to extend
assimilation,
the
in
polity, for
demanded the
settlers in
the French
to
autonomy
found
the Metropolis
in Algerian
fundamental
and subject
natives
conversely,
more directly
to intervene
times,
the
and
population.
of local
demanded a measure
settlers
law;
WOW this
churned
"assimilate"
to
order
accorded
cross-currents
indigenous
to the
the
struggles
on who was to determine,
centred
treatment
ideological
On occasion,
provide
in
bound up with
The occasional
relations. usually
the
whose interests,
which
them was an
deep contradictions
were intimately
policy
native
question
seeking
or
situation.
colonial
issue.
These two
between
and revealed
politics
of settler
These conflicts
in
Alternation
to respect
of local
strategies
of natives.
exploitation
70
of assimilation".
different
rationalised
is
duty
first
and our
country, any idea
by banishing
customs
propaganda
the
of this
to
these the
currents
reality
was not
or confronting
a
colon
was colon-centred, and concerns.
of
This
and was
346
not true Ao ly at the
the
at
local
segmentary
the
levels
level life
of
central
where European of indigenous
and regional administration Algeria.
government, directly
but
also
impinged
on
347
THE COMMUNEDE PLEIN EXERCICE71
IV.
Establishment
-i.
Algeria
in in
institutions
of European a handful
rule,
akin
of self-administration of civil
establishment
47, were
By 1856 there for
and confined
of French
conditions designed
for
the
But although
all
they
nucleus,
European
to predominantly municipal
direct
Originally
designed
extended
indigenous
population.
around
and incorporate
came to affect
the
They were not
communes centred
newly-established
With
of government.
they
areas,
of the
administration
increasingly
hierarchy
to expatriates.
life
powers
in France.
of 126.
total 1873 by a and
Oran,
communes began to
these
of the European
as the base cell
proliferate
1845,
ih
territory
firsttwo
certain
- acquired 'communes'
of
the
Algiers, -
townships
initially
to those
of municipal
During
settlement.
of colon
Bone and Philippeville
Mostaganem,
colonization.
needs of
development
haphazard
rather
centres
of French
decades
the
of tribal
administration
by the
or distorted,
were moulded,
They originated
local
the
made for
The arrangements
an immigrant large
numbers
of moslems as well. The Algerian full which
commune was later in
attributes)
became the pattern
machinery
was closely
following
the
April
1884,
significant county
order
both
the
modelled
(law)
passed
were regulated
amendments affecting
councils,
introduced
loi
into
municipal Nigeria
suffixed it
to distinguish for
remaining
from parts
French
on its
by the French by the
the
British
rule.
exercice
commune mixte, Its Indeed'
counterpart. National
same statute,
or rural
(with
of Algeria.
moslem participation.
boroughs under
de p4ein
district
Assembly
from a few
apart 72
on 5th
It
councils
was as if had been
348
The commune de plein Responsibility
property. elected
conseil
decisions
and his
on behalf
by-laws,
subject
a representative central
de l'Interieur
civil
supervision
of the
commune, however;
In Algeria,
to safeguard
registration,
(rural
and ensure
police), this
Into
structure,
life,
huge numbers
eager
to include
their
fledgling
apparatus
indigenous A deliberate
As a result,
virtually
half
exercice
was moslem by 1873;
by 1939,
and to three-quarters
a commune rose
1955 (when there place
despite
the
of the this
were 330). formation
of
of
population proportion
This
overall
of separate
which
larger
extensive.
concepts
of municipal
Settlers the
were
aegis
"annexation
of
of douars"
1870 and 1914.
communes de plein
had risen
The average
1881 (when there
he was
champetres
quite
between
feverish
to the
conduct
In
within
groups
of
the Ministere
mairie,
squeezed.
policy
by 1954.
450% between
both
rangers).
to French
of moslems were rapidly
and became particularly
as an agent
to
gardes
was often
merely
specialized
the
unit,
(forest
corresponding
communes.
acted
with
secretaries,
forestiers
neighbouring
He was not
welfare,
public
a
of local
government,
liaison
effective
was pursued,
in
foster
elected
drafting
both
of central
administrative
administrative
this
he also
turn
made executive
conseil.
and through
assistants,
and Bardes
the
a directly-
made him responsible
this
order,
public
one or several
townships,
of the
As an agent
He headed a small
included
The maire
to the
and communal in
in
which
commune, including
in France.
services.
(deputy).
budget
was vested
council),
the Gouverneur-Genoral,
and to
expected
(municipal
the
these
managing
adjoint
of
government.
4fet rp
for
municipal
(mayor)
maire
had a separate
exercice
to
two-thirds
moslem population
ware 192 communes) and
"nativization" communes mixtes
process in
the
took
349
The commune of Mekla and only
Once annexed,
this
the
the
provisions
of
of the
douars
to a European
principal
source
new regulations management. from
Fees for
the
jurisdiction
of its
resources. rent
to
Non-payment
in
paying
or its
of the property,
enforced was the
the moslem population from a massive
resulted
repertoire
of
and forest
as pasturage
services
the
of income
source
were another
population. of native their the
to
agreeing
to it.
of Cannot,
commune status containing
in
at
for
during
its
stimulated with
example,
moslems;
it
the
19th
viability
considerable
jurisdiction
received
Century. the
financial
a population
for
possible
of a commune, indeed,
1884 and claimed
9,000
least
had to guarantee This
made it
actually
establishment
by 'granting'
douars
douars
budgets,
often
douars
Century.
the
75
excise and a
under
part
lands.
such matters
Gouvernement-General
for
Nineteenth
themselves
find
In addition,
municipal
one quarter
established
traditional
which
finance.
and various
between the
74
to pay municipal
once within
to confiscation
fines,
of
communes to balance
centre
for
even in
could
their
tenant.
The annexation
colon
were liable
became an integral
groups
to annex native
eagerness
(prestations)
levy
accounted
concerning
the native
Before
of a douar
property
lead
9098 moslems
contained
of municipal
had communal property,
farming
could
source
1863 Senatus-consulte;
the
imbalance.
was a striking
indeed
communal budget
for
such cases
example,
municipal
indigenous
municipality
for
were a major
direct
commune, this
As a result,
result
willingness,
inhabitants
typical
Moreover,
the
1914.73
These contributions of the
sale
in
they
the
both -
duties. half
for
was simple:
taxes
Kabylia,
in
140 Europeans
The reason douars
Often
moslem areas.
exclusively
The
greed. of 117,
over
applied
surrounding
commune status,
but
was
350
'allowed'
only
Algerian
smallest
with
markets, France
abbatoirs
for
have to do without 25% and 30% of
general
running
European
and other
financial
decree to
of 27th
chose their
hand, only
to
all
retired
employees
large-scale primary
February
of the
studies,
members of
in agricultural
prizewinners
90 000 moslem voters proper. rather
out
The ordonnance further,
development
but
it
the
franchise,
restrictive
'loyal' this
or local traders,
of 7th remained
of armed insurrection
over
in
short the
right other
reached voters.
slightly, or
active landlords,
certificate
of
and Commerce, and This
reform
1 000 000 moslems in
March 1944 extended well
the
on the
only
army veterans,
of
the
'evolved'
or
category
Chambers of Agriculture 80 (sic). exhibitions
of well
by the
which
administration,
holders
of
a restricted
Moslems,
suffrage.
25 who were either central
in
were granted
residents
1919 enlarged
licensed
farmers,
for
salaries
generous
of them only
unrepresentative
over
by the
swallowed
commune was made elective
French
an extremely
males
the
by universal
of socially
6th of
include
of
December 1866.79
The decree
'members'
were
conseillers
a handful
From 1890 onwards,
the moslem inhabitants
contributors,
municipal
were accorded
was being
wash-houses,
so many communes in
77
reasons".
up
and the Maire ----------
exercice
The conseil
itself
78
employees*
The-MuniciEal-Councill -ii. --------Although major financial communes de plein
"sets
1892,
which
including
mairie,
"Even
facilities.
drinking-water,
streets,
communal budgets of the
costs
in
and luxuries
- commodities
tax-payers
of these
on public
Jonnart
wrote
and paved
between
sense.
lavishly
commune",
tree-lined
squares,
maire
The contributions
communes to spend fairly
enabled the
3 000 moslems.
76
left
communes
the municipal
of universality 81 midi-1950'x.
up until
vote the
351
Moreover, "Second
these
College",
"First
varied
but
to the
according
1884,
was adjusted
to 25%; this
1944.
no matter
Thus,
there
were,
the
council
Algerians.
as the
together
those
82 voters.
This
kind
of
Moslems who became municipal been elected
by and belonged
stratum.
proceedings, docile World
were conducted
War, a few determined on behalf
remained
firmly
conservative
in
with 83
bourgeois-nationalist
Representatives),
founded
destinies
of 22 537 decided
by
the more striking
Their
role
by their
in
the
the
Federation
the
Bendjelloul,
First
to voice
reins
Second World de Elus
the
after
endeavoured but
conseil's
was generally
circumstances
8
had
conditions
collaborationist
in French,
Before
by Dr.
these
both
contempt
of the moslem community, hands.
the
and often
moslem conseillers
European
controlled
composed of native
under
entirely
Under changing
and self-effacing.
grievances
Elected
which
had
increased.
to a narrow
and by the Europeans.
coreligionaries
voters
always
were effectively
councillors
They were regarded
voters
College
became all
anomaly
to 40% in
or qualified First
example,
whom 1311 were voters)
of moslems to Europeans
ratio
social
for
In
moslems alone
and again
of French
A handful
commune,
to choose up to
for
1914,
the European
1881,
of the
could
maximum percentage.
communes overwhelmingly in
own distinct
were allowed
to 33% in
of
majority.
(of
moslem inhabitants
a fixed
exceed
was raised
In Tizi-Ouzou
236 French
to
the
roll,
Second College
whom the
how many moslem inhabitants
built-in even in
their
constituted
the maximum percentage
the representatives
a comfortable
electoral
number of moslem inhabitants
allowed
in
conseil;
a separate
conseillers
Jews and foreigners
moslems,
33% of the
voters
The number of
in no case was this
1866,
formed
French
while
College".
elect
few voters
of power War, the
(Federation began to
of
352
orchestrate Increasingly, leader
a handful the
of
became
expansion
of
local
this
in
and
years
later
order
to
to
agree
use
kind
of
declare
election
were
French
both
parts
became
and of
any
invariably council.
deputies. even
the the
in
this
thereafter
The quintessence settler,
he was technically
the
of
He and his
procedure moslems
were
French native of
the
and the
majority to
become maire. was his
maire
focus
a representative
made it
of
the of
88
the
he was by the
disbarred
from
January
becoming
impossible
1914,
maires in
or
practice
90
Frenchness;
expatriate the
of
the
boycotts,
of
1st
of
from
disqualified
method
Communal
elected
were
decree
parties
accused
council,
were
College
to
commune remained
municipal
the
until
the
in
deputies
Second
the
of
The built-in a naturalized
person
agree,
were
and the
organization 89 councillors.
powerful
composition
Representatives
institutions
the
for
to
right
Nationalist
and furthermore 87 ballot-rigging.
existing
most
a Frenchman.
participating and even
of
86
on
explained
game,
a focus
their
who became
The alternatives down".
municipal
for impact
the
had
made
groups
1945,
in
the
with
war,
example,
only
resign.
wholesale
chiefly
the
for
Marnia
everything
a sterile
of
of
case,
Whatever
maire,
prominent
the
mass resignations
In
turn
to
or
to
du Manifeste
had little
minority
we had
disagree
administration
elections
"we the
future
as a platform
activity
home town
the
nationalist
radical
Ahmed Ben Bella, his
Abbas,
After
elections
political
that:,
that
more
communal
for
everything,
came to
for
to
councillor
twenty
the
even
councillors.
Democratigue
councillors.
as such.
government
municipal
Union
municipal
suffrage,
But
as Ferhat
men such
of
these
of
85
attempts
views.
among a few
pro-assimilationist
Algerian,
sporadic
demands
organized
whole
he was a
community. municipality,
Though
353
including
the
and agent
of
in
the
highly
often
butchers were
did
not
With
the
position
French size
his
of
As a result,
"feel::. moslem
commune could
96
communal benefit
except financial
on their
budget, to
of
largely
was the
expenditure
trade.
of
useful
on the
patronage,
since
was lax,
a large
or
depending
or
non-existent.
become
often
his
provided
was far
mairies
92
and offered
The supervision
in
the
of
unlike
maire,
workforce
a considerable
entrepreneurs.
93
from
very
controlled
moslem
areas
douars
native
designed
framework,
population, 1919
mayoral
95
municipal
At home".
for
practice
Administration This
generously,
and illegal of
business
Algerian
the
and Gouvernement-Genlral
The maire
indeed.
-iii.
of
local
to
corruption
94
powerful
support
could
prLfectorat
unknown.
and often
as
seeking
accumulation
He had many opportunities
contracts
by the
was paid,
commune.
resources
lucrative
Moreover,
maires
and occupation
the
and
prestige
for
a former
of
continuation
honour.
of
Motives
was
competence
dismissed
affairs,
personal
social
went
counterpart,
communal
for
the
preclude
and debts
contacts
to
related
often
post
cafe-owners".
and
required.
were
administrative
sweepingly 91
He was
training
or
his
he was
responsible.
qualifications
Sabatier
spokesman
He was European,
he felt
communes,
questionable:
"illiterate office
rural
the
respects
alone.
Europeans
to
no special
more
important
all
community
and
for
an amateur,
Especially
until
European
the
by Europeans,
elected also
he was in
moslems,
the
neglected in
the
matter
to
of
needs;
by the were
settlers.
sponsored,
French of
administration
contribution specific
make the
revenue of
douars
community its
Not
collection. in
any way earmarked
it-disappeared
into
As a result, a situation
growing
which
the few projects Ferry
354
as "daylight
described
robbery".
upon communes the
devolve
or foster
distress
was to
condemn them to delay
budget
in
closed
1865,
but
demands of the municipal legitimate
written
laws
largely
last
the
electoral
Algeria
in
is
to
any less
expansion
"the
of our
nothing
but
hands the
of
have
their
fate
outlook
of the
expose them to injustice this
99
influence".
and
behind
immoral.
profoundly
is
and the
activities...
colons
Disguising
exploitation.
make it
the
to safeguard, their
are unfortunately
considerations
he added,
in
who cannot
Virtually
and determine
interests To place
best
to exercise
decades for
responsible At a time
the
French
This
It
delays,
view
went
unheard.
maize
square
that
"No doubt",
the
average
19th
an impracticably typical
and Paris size
effective
of the
when the
miles,
in
will
One result
moslem administrees. the
the
of a few dozen voters...
be called
does not
Even with small
before
argued
preoccupy
living
even jeopardizes,
of them had
As Jonnart
is
communal
ten
of death;
a heavy
of
all
was a kiss
The fact
limited.
can only
the
burden,
and respectable
to what
to
schools
who bear
politics
3 500 000 natives
Franco-Arab
and indeed
councils.!.
necessarily
The transfer
oblivion.
of the Natives,
Native.
local
to
"The interests
interests
to the the
98
to relieve
1893:
in
must pay,
done for
example,
deigned
to
among the moslem population,
welfare
free
Gouvernement-General
of measures
and often
for
years.
Assembly
sacrificed
is
for
five
within
National vote
social
responsibility
For the
execution
social
financial
97
the
world,
of an Algerian
was difficult
supervision of the
Century large
extended
over
greedy
was the
Metropolitan itself
it
the
the
interests
scramble
for
establishment
of its
douars of
in
communes
ara6tand population.
physical
commune covered over
for
only
'commune de plein
less
than
30 square
miles,
exercice'
in
6
1879 was
355
34 square covered
Some were enormous;
miles.
290 square
over
lived
the moslem population in
incorporated
example,
75 separate
Despite from
colon
the
of social to his
Such a state gradually
"though
area
103
of the
proportion
autochthonous
The fundamental commune de plein
weakness
exercice
money to moslem welfare, European-inspired mindedly, to
over
come to
stifled:
terms.
the
but
because
if
it
common law",
it
all
hopes
the
colonial
limited
of
to a have
certainly
With
did.
further
commune de
settler-centred for
area".
were imprudently
an ever-increasing
its
reality
its
reluctance
very
institutional
was-flung with
to devote
time
it
almost
from above of a specialized
absent-
made little
were systematically
attempt
ignored, corps
or A
character.
loosely,
which
the
within
administration
of native
Two possibilities
development
within
will
native
community.
net
a segmentary
the
framework
was not
territorial
spread
growth, colonial
prevented
Algeria
for
the
and methods
administered
(this)
patches,
Nevertheless,
became the
exercice
small
consequences
and demographic
annexations plein
in
and scattered
to spread".
allowed
worst
today,
102
to abandon him
the
under
population
noticeable
in
"a maire
new tasks
was actually
the
precisely
very
1919, for
commune freed
him in
placed
indigenous
the not
disastrous
extremely
area
the
he went on to argue,
assimilating
in
douars".
the
that.
result
general
"is
1879,
of affairs,
framework: small
its
"The native
in
claimed
to visit
effect
not
groupings,
of 30 000 distributed
and tutored
'feudalism'
own devices.
Marchal
to the
construction,
segmentary
Moreover,
as Chanzy admitted,
or time
ability
of
example.
population
Inevitably,
propaganda
evils
for
100
The commune of Tizi-Ouzou
101
hamlets.
1881,
scattered
a native
has sufficient
rarely
in
townships.
agglomerated
in
miles
commune of Oued Zenati
the
of
or
35b
and the
administrators, from of
Failure
below.
the
administrators for
in
short-lived
From time
and coordinated
during
to be established
in
had been military
institutions,
These
The purpose
of the
mairie,
they
were also
groupings For
military answerable
military forces
to hasten
expired
rapidly
in
only
action
was actually both
from
Arab Bureaus
began
Hitherto,
they
of military
areas
rule.
departementaux",
arabes
were
personnel regular
d4partemental
than
rather still
paid
their
of links
thought
the
replace
disaggregation municipal
requirements,
was intended mounted
municipal with
native Yet
of segmentary institutions. they
other
T)ey
prefectorat.
on the
were not
one hand to wear
of inspection
tours
on the
command.
work
in manpower or finance.
either
but to
to have been poorly
of European
ambivalent
counterpart,
to the
kind
these
that
of communal development. the
resources,
(mokhazni)
of this
some kind
projects
framework
endowed with
and go on the
its
to form
of these
somewhat hybrid
uniform with
the
fulfilment
generously Their
intended
within
the
douars
and the affected
and to encourage
notables,
Inevitably,
In 1854,
appears
to supplement
They were expected
taxes.
a centrally-supervised
communal control.
"Bureaux
Bureaus
these
of
in
civilians.
recruited
They were designed
out.
as
responsibility
organizations
neglect.
found
known
by specially
but
of civil,
areas
new organisms,
staffed
experiment
and external
weaknesses
settler
Second Empire,
the
and
administrators.
from
A half-hearted
was paralyzed.
it
and to vest
fate
104
politicians
to withdraw
plans
of hostility
by the
Arab Bureaus.
Metropolitan
mairie
communal growth
was illustrated
civil
of specialized
corps
met such a torrent
internal
with
tentative
from the
indigenous
of
respect
liberal
time,
to
produced
implemented
first
the
experiment
douars
native
encouragement
associated
hand lacked
remained
any
closely
Accordingly,
the
settlers
357
them with
viewed
to
cooperation with
their
life
in
the
though
thesis
civil
this
that
claimed
to defend
their
The unhappy
interests.
their
Arab Bureaus
illustrates
administration
which
native
life
in
native
In the
the
communities
death
towards
to cripple
was also
bureaus
assimilationist
and rapid
indifference
the
these
participation
means for
adequate
on native
been halted.
influential
and the
afforded
before
token
development
impact
In 1868,
had long
growth
the
has been made of
study
was instituted.
councils,
of municipal
and gave little
to have had no appreciable
moslems had been accorded
same year,
election
appears
communes where it
were disbanded, the
Though little
scepticism.
it
experiment,
and hostility,
The army command treated
efforts.
condescending
the
of derision
a mixture
of the
specialized
work of indigenous
caids.
The CaidlO5
-iv.
In life
theory,
of their
in
commune the
a link
provide social
role
between in
groupings,
between
central
of local
up within
the
traditional
colonial
Maghreb
and local caid
segmentary
decrees of
tribes.
was minimal. communities,
called
of 1866 and
these
agents,
seem to have intended new civil
framework
of
the
They were to
caid.
administration
same way as caids
government
traditional
confidence
the
the
creators
by the
performed
by the
the
supervise
intermediaries,
The function
1919.
to
continued
indigenous
special
Their
to take
assistants'
exercice
Assistants)
was ill-defined.
'native
the
(Native
and renamed caids
however,
to
through
douars
indigenes
adjoints 1868,
communes de plein
and autochthonous
had been intermediaries However,
their
resemblance
They neither
enjoyed
nor were they
recipients
the
358
of
effective
that
from the
authority
state
were very
and those
segmentary
from
societies
had different
not
The appointment
rule.
intended
to afford
Rarely
were they
either
of lowly
the
colonial
district
origin,
was frequently
As a result,
service. the
with
of
commune caids
many spent
douars
where their
sought
to attract
have difficulty
of the
menial
French
never
with
title
of
intended in
in
the
'notables'
the
'adjoint to attract
view
into
their
As their
nonentities.
Their
than
centre
Even had the
notables'
in
they
the
French would
tendency
1866 suggests
the
in
role
to
The choice that
the
To rename the
participation.
1919 was to recognize
nickname suggests,
administration.
indigene'
contact
The latter
caid-ships,
of those
colonial
intimate
of yes-men)
colon lay.
responsibility
so in
doing
contact
'caids'
incumbents
deficiency,
without
it.
The 'native supplies
authentic in
from
remedying
nominal
from
as collaborationist more time
military
communities.
tribe
to the
strangers
commune assistant
of
regime.
the
in
career
especially
of douar
was
Many were-
were complete
off
of
notables.
families.
The post
meaning
were regarded
was parasitic;
to douar
of a humble
settler-dominated
(literally
"Beni-Oui-Oui"
withdraw
the
new situation.
to the mairie
most of them were cut
them with
the
assistants
'loyalty',
proven
representatives
authentic
associated
for
a reward
makhzen,
as a framework
security
were appointed.
of
designed
local
or indeed
administration, they
the
traditional
needs in
of authority
from prominent seeking
the
of
of native
positions
chosen
to which
those
was not
exercice
The expectations
state.
different
The commune de plein indirect
colonial
assistant'
of authority
or
'caid'
from above to
did
not
compensate
acquire for
his
alternative lack
of roots
below.
359
He was
treated
as a minor
simply
he was nominated
by the
maire;
the
when
even
from
cry
Furthermore, petty: and
the
minor unable
even
in
the
terms
of
commune was not
have
even his
the
limited
right
The appointment commune. merely
that
ideal
had
been
201
to
appoint
not
was
financial;
and
moslem
administration.
institution
did
not
trouble
communes
budget
"in
be appointed is
caid
of
he did
indeed In
short,
not even
settlers
was not
to in
to appoint
178
communes
1913-
were
A more perceived
de plein
to
reluctant
for
a single
salary
a caid's
for
communes de plein
and the Supposedly,
devote
developmental
but
by
exercice
such reason
many
Only 46 caids
said,
this
for
numerous
each douar,
was payable
fundamental in
of 1884 stated
decree
implementation.
its
One motive
the
of
The Metropolis
for
press
discretion
sufficiently
was to have one caid
appointed
278
municipal
population
native
to the
was left
to be necessary".
situation
communes did
the
council.
municipal
prestige
as a political
initiative;
of
Algerian
should
adjoints
Gouvernement-G4n6ral the
sit
sense
positive
Many were
real
all,
permits
of
paid,
Above
extremely
issuing
of
was
mairie
were
the
sources
by the
authority.
was assigned
few
powers
of caids
surveillance
special
any
on the
5 of the
where the
exercice
in
the
of
the
was under-utilized.
potential
Article
decided
rationality.
no real
to
essentially
He was poorly
so had
employed
He had
intermediary.
responsibility
as a source
caid
example.
bureaucratic
assumed
of
1919,
of
recommendation
registration,
civil
write,
or
read
the
which
Until
commune.
principality
makhzen
for
work,
to
colon
taxes,
of
police
even
to
tasks
collection
were
appointments
traditional
the
simple
Gouvernement-Gene'ral
The small-scale
municipality. a far
prefet
individual
thereafter,
on the
the
of
employee
1878,
and to
reluctance the
from
communal
resources
to
was that
the
terms.
It
was not
360
regarded
as an effective
municipal
undertakings,
destined
survival, Although
itself
which
Instead
importance.
prime
involving
means of
the
was not
he performed
acknowledged
as necessary,
he did
special
in
the
role
Haphazard caids, staved took
the protection, This
interests.
native
off
by the
over
effort
life
to breathe
The number of caids Indeed,
1919,
of
the
into
further
reform
douar
a separate
link
Long before
the
this
a belated
was unsuccessful.
the
20th the
Century. caid's
designated
the
rule,
presidents, and the
institution both
so by indifference
106
role.
population
native
end of colonial
rendered
was otiose,
commune caid
the
but
funds,
undermined
between
of
and imposed
of caids,
jemaas with
corps
Gouvernettir-General
1919 the
during
steadily
of
was consistently
salary,
institution
ailing
a
of assimilation.
spirit a regular
from Algerian
payable
of elective
forged
municipality.
appointments
dwindled
a simultaneous
The establishment in
for
guarantee
to the
in
to play
or development
establish
Eventually
were reluctantly
destined
and a reEsonable
communes.
responsibility
minimum salary
be contrary
from above to
standards
entry
of civilization.
which
appear
not
of
as an anachronistic
process
chores
in
population as a goal
regarded
representation,
would
pressure
with
the
with
interim
in
native
was treated
caid
to disappear
the
from
above and below.
Jemmasl07 Douars and -v. ----------------ideology Assimilationist communes de plein population
for
exercice
new forms
moslems from participation
often
contained
were schools of public
which
the
vague assertion
prepared
council
indigenous
Exclusion
responsibility.
at municipal
the
level
belied
that
of this,
361
but
was the
even more significant Attempts
from
below.
life
within
fate
of douar
the
to generate
douar "jemaas
amount of
entirely
of the
be consulted
should
that
at
in
communes
existed
municipal
institutions
indigenous
in
notion
and
Urbain
of the douar of the
douar
defensive,
but
positively
Even in
the
into
jemaa,
former
The status
the
unless
The role
was
seems to have been that
such
before
In
in
into
evolution
1881,
for
community
administration
ensured
of preparatory should
be not
nucleus
example,
that
Wholesale
of indigenous
he felt,
quasi-
a natural
to settler-communes.
a sort
other
Some more liberal
providing
argued
any decision
patrimony.
eventual
own right,
smothering
he suggested,
trsformation
their
to annex douars
and the
exploitation
statutes
mechanisms.
their
solidarity.
was wrong simply
Metropolitan
of these
were to be protective
seem to have envisaged
aborted.
of authority
blessing
already
by the municipality
reformers
result,
channels
an official
make use of a douar's
or otherwise
they
framers
The guiding
clear.
to alienate
it
a
to be
administration,
where they
douar
be endowed with
of traditional
be maintained
regard.
every
December 1870 reaffirmed
of 24th
The
where t1 y: did not".
assemblies
for
this
that
should
and in a sense given
would
The intention
words,
The survival
use.
A decree
established
not
by the French
social
thwarted. in
declared
common property
appointed
of douars
land
on native
acknowledged,
level.
of native
instructive
on its
was thus
foci
jemaas was particularly
(assembly),
consulted
separate
were systematically
a significant
jemaa
of
commune framework
The 1863 legislation with
communal developrent
stifling
life
would
'the
prior
commune"* merely
108
passively
developmental. sense,
of douar
the
role
of the
jemaas remained
douar
was effectively
one of the
haziest
areas
36?
jurisprudence
of administrative
of 1863 and 1870 failed
statutes for
Nor did
them to perform. was left
this
the
douar
in
douars
Throughout
wettlers. Century,
they
interests
were
indigene,
while
theoretically the
in
neither
the
of douar
little
effort
advice
circulars,
and indeed
indisted
on and denied
before alarmed
alienating by the
the
1890's
his
efforts
for
councils
the
colonial
August legally
need for
property.
109
from
1918 and the obliged
to
in
to
the
sole
by
the
20th
of
the
Their the
adjoint
representative jemaas
douar
part,
in practice
below
consult
the
control
made very
Century,
end of the
the
by Algerian
contradictory
courts,
alternately
a douar's
jemaa
the maire
to
A liberal
Gouverneur-General,
Cambon,
lands,
during
6th of the
consult
pressed
as protective
by the
the French
decree
to
them to seek
encourage
of douars
establishment
group
ignored
by
mairie
most
of douar
spoilation
widespread
most
omissions,
Gouvernement-G4neral
decisions
conflicting
were resisted
above by the of 1st
its
Century
Towards
the
the
continued
and the
19th
on this.
indigenous
the
at
For
council
the
of
consulted.
property,
during
made no mention
'sections'.
commune
remained
commune.
The settler-dominated disposition
shadowy
council
nor
constituted
laid
significant
for
also
broad
which
systematically
and
represented
municipal
body
and managerial were
than
no more
were
Century
19th
the
these
of
the
1884
of
exercice
were
exercice
mandatory;
under
The decree
As a result
de plein
communes
functions
establishment councils
de plein
The
period.
out any specific
spell
of municipal
whatsoever.
colonial
make their
they
communes
of
constitution
assemblies
the
Gouvernement-GLneral.
the
of
to
discretion
to the
supervision down
throughout
hard
but
mechanisms,
communes and hampered from
Assembly. February
douar
Not until
the
loi
1919 were municipal
jemaa in matters
affecting
363
its
interests, in
was vested
the
settler
resistance
jemaa into
douar
These efforts
life.
grew out
that
lack
was the
bring
bring
It
legislation,
but
only
made it
by all
chosen
who attended
not
and that
this
of important
of this
aspects
fraction
clan,
of 1918 and 1919 accordingly the
closer
the
Its
body.
an elective
Second College council
douar
with
to
authochthonous
jemma in Algerian
chose its
involving
meetings
sought
members were thenceIt
voters.
or
and thereby
open'
association
of
tribal
clandestine at
European
was because
One sign
commune.
processes;
re-established
municipal
all
between
particularly
into
framework
colonial
links
organisations'into
clandestine
structures.
forward
example,
The legislation
these
the
for
met,
levels.
village to
still
of some
regulation
segmentary
social
awareness
associative
settler
to
efforts
of indigenous
cell
were lacking, of the
by traditional
assemblies
of dispute
cases
subsequent
growing
real
'unofficial'
continued
life,
native
the nature
despite,
not
the
of
and moslem communal structures of,
greeted
an authentic
and bureaucrats
politicians
in
of adjudication
the prefet.
Even greater develop
the power
with
his
own President, douar's
interests. However, were set
the
up made them far
of an "authentic instruments property.
to
the
Yet again,
population constitute
215 of them,
under from
which
they
protection
110
between
assemblies;
communes. At best
was laid
only
makes them useful". native
'official'
they
They were not
size
form
of native
they
be
and interests
Many communes continued by 1945 there
296 communes de plein
was a grand
exercice
nuclei
were passive
down that
"when the
jemaas
elective
of a fast-disappearing
no obligation
were required
these
embryonic
communal reform".
for
established; that
terms
of
to refuse total
each with 7
of
several
364
ill
douars. College
In any case,
in
provision their of
of
role
jemaa;
indeed
Accordingly, dominated in
1945,112
elections
the
whole
or dismiss
the
president
they
never
Despite
remained
were exercises
escaped
piecemeal "purely
in
the
inconsequentiality.
In this
required
the
field,
assent
or Gouverneur-Ggn4ral and any member of the if
deemed recalcitrant.
stranglehold
extensions
fictitious
of pasturage,
matters.
be dissolved
could
did
responsibilities
most decisions prRet
douar-jemaas commune.
economic
the
assembly
and usually
distribution
Finally,
council.
power to suspend
their
property,
narrowly
consultative;
was purely
Second
of the
unrepresentative
In addition,
character.
and other
credit,
the municipal
had the
socially
the management of douar
go beyond
not
franchise
restrictive
institutions
made these
collaborationist
the
of
their
bodies"9113
of the
settler-
responsibilities and jemaa
365
V.
THE COMMUNE MIXTE-t
Establishment
-i.
Throughout Algeria
the
lived
Alongside
outside there
these
Algeria.
It
temporary
status
for
its
from
guerilla
to
evolve
the
warfare came to
majority
thewýof
of
the
large
The
to
territory",
open
Not
entrench,
tree itself".
the 115
the
chaos
inability
and
colonial
douars
for
regime
the
of
army
supreme
and in
one palm
As a result
of of
these
law.
1879,
"should
tree the such
Arab at
should great feelings,
all.
pressed in
regions, "No
civil
areas into
scattered
colonization
in
control
most
divided
nevertheless
colons
de Roisey
effort
of
communes annexation
In
hitherto
centres
of
the
as possible.
by
policy
of
and
supervised
and
settler
constitution
however,
settlement
even
of the
agglomeration,
no significant
up to
the
for
Atlas,
Lambert
command. this
native
eradication
them
thrust
a European
weight
argued
military
was
pre-Saharan
the
survived
amid
the
of
schemes
it
rigidity
a
groups.
government
political
for
'fixism'
initial
were
Its
only
periodic
disintegration
mid-1950's.
circumscriptions
there
growing
order
under
and
its
the
had
and
despite
to
unique
disappearance,
rapid
until
the
above,
around
military
strongly
the
as many nearby
Tell
Bureaus,
in
Yet
local
of
institution
an.
of
exercice.
structure
another
life.
population
de plein
communes
of
or
1874
moslem
organization,
its
in
the
of
commune mixte,
symbolize
civil
centred
to
established
indigenous
of
expanding
proper,
was
transformation
As suggested of
framework
throughout
conception
of
most
was a hastily-improvised
gradual
its
era,
the
on the
based
government,
colonial
part
be kept
be excepted, native
chiefs vast
tracts
of
the
under for would of
366
territory
military year of
the
of
were
fall
exactly
form
what
remained
the
of
forms
colonial
authority
purely
of
commune should
the
head
of
these
Gouvernement-Glnnral,
immediate
term,
problems
of
would
or neglect
such
communication
zone
However,
to
organize
in
the
raison
d'etre
within
a
the
question
these
areas
that
establishment
was both finance,
of
maires
Some kind
might
be
politicians, in
the
major far
as
exploitation
of specialized
colons
were concerned,
government,
was sufficiently
new
in
to the
indigenous
these
posing
and undesirable,
of
yet
provide
population
until
an such
to permit
extensive
the
communes proper.
A Gouvernemental these
of 22nd July
arrete
conflicting
de plein
exercice,
network
of special
a significant
parts
maire
representatives
populations
the
proper
the
Metropolitan
to
the
structure
impractical,
as the
for
that
of
colon
of military
evils
settlement
of
corps
most
As far
means of patrolling
with
to
and
and
over
But
was required.
as European
communal argued
a special
groups.
the
the
districts.
for
was inconceivable
authority
settler
avoid
it
extent
abandon huge scattered
administration
effective
to
a solution
of remote
should
centres,
be given
even
to
terms
civil
1870.
Some settlers
or
at
time
in
government,
populations.
placed
this
the
of
government
municipal
territories,
as it
civil
immediately
native
a distant
the
Empire
of European
absence
existing
civil
Second
part
problematical.
In
to
the
of
proclaimed
of this
network
mixtes,
44 by 1879,
to be founded,
still
(mixed
communes mixtes
concentration was rapid:
Alongside
criteria.
and those
of French within
1874 attempted
and 79 by 1884.
existing it
there
come to communes
instituted
communes) in
areas
a without
The construction
settlement.
a year
to
were 10 such communes
These new civil
dividions
were
367
extremely miles
Those established
large.
square
miles,
essentially than
rather
and their
personality
population
administrative municipalities
in
the
or communality
of
interests.
to the
respects,
was inspired
by the of 20th
arr6te
similar: acting
as local
consultative
tax
judge,
least,
respects,
however,
particularly
was a very
conceived native,
the mixed
of taking
him from
communal autonomy. the
need to
gradually
issued
"develop
limit
the
One of its indigenous influence
ingredients
of its
'Arab
of the
by a and
important
future
supervision
Urbain,
municipal of the native
Kingdom'
structure
military
authors,
head,
evolution,
body.
different
close
by
were
aided
In other
commune as a transitory fairly
territory
army officers
question
as part
plus
institution
new civil
registrar,
appointed
The 1868 arret4,
comprising
existed,
in military
comprising
the
of
consultative
commission),
this
and civil
agent
and moslem representatives.
1868 commune mixte
a purely
formal
European
the
in
range
was commanded by an Arab Bureau
municipale
commission
a wide
administrator.
Some of its
1868 commune mixte
the
corps.
for
population
commune mixte-established May 1868.
were
from above -
Algerian
him,
European
in name at
Thus they
900
Each was headed by a civil
by the
appointed
moslem representatives
the
municipale
to
They had no real
sense.
(municipal
of whatever
representatives
certain
true
Alongside
was a commission
In
- superimposed
Gouvernement-Genoral
and quasi-functions.
elected
40 000.
over
this
had risen
size
average
from a specially-formed
recruited
He was responsible
capacity,
to
divisions
administrateur,
executive
their
feature:
was an even more striking
By 1926,
20 000 inhabitadls.
and enclosed
on average,
440 square
by 1881 each covered
life
pressed in
programme, for
the
towards upon Napoleon
such a way as to
aristocracy...
We must
III
368
the
allow
supervision
the
hastily
framework
distribute
the
European natives
by the
be exploited
mixed
commune as a separate, it
"only
life:
the
French
among
its
local
into
of communes de plein
ranks
We should liberality disposed
not
to do.
eventhal
reform evolve
118
which
phrase,
have been built it
to be called their
enjoy
into
contain
Nevertheless, construct
in
colonization that
There this
communes mixtes
European
a sufficient
seemed to
exercice", progress the
a special
of
1868 commune mixte vehicle
for
appropriate
that
commune mixte
too,
Article
population
imply
immigration.
the
within
evolution;
the
however,
respects,
was confusion,
were only
contradictory
huge and artificial
other
douars
somewhat
to have envisaged -a
in
exercice; separate
is
were confused,
commune mixte
communes.
separate
on the
ü
as Ageron
appears
example,
of the whole
and 'associative'
far-sightedness
intentions
for
seems to have
communes de plein dependent
its
one commune de plein
explained
"do not yet
to
Many of
Lapasset,
of European
role
Lapasset's
and to
scheme of 1868,
short-lived
transiti6n
into -
the
exaggerate
this
of
or impractical.
to
the
a developmental
with
enable
exercice,
they
117
rights".
the
to
generated...
revenues
where
he envisaged
in
form,
up too
not
communes,
institution,
initial
and sufficient
unit
"we must
Thus
it
be swallowed
not
the day when enough bonds of solidarity
until
the
116
indigenous in
survive
would
should
municipal
the
under
he suggested,
about,
life
immigrants".
would
purpose;
this
municipal
of
interests
own communal
To bring
indigenous
that
their
manage
State".
the
of
was vital within
to
natives
the
about
2 of the in
arrete,
areas
to be erected eventual
which into
autonomy
119 was unmistakably
indigenous
evolution.
an attempt The settlers
was
369
it
greeted their
distrustfully
interests
They regarded the
under
it
as a stopgap
plein
exercice
from
temporary
They voiced
than
a stepping
ever-larger
areas
become too rather
as this
concern,
dense.
than
a big
of
involved
swelling
redrawing
their
boundaries, ones.
the
Thenceforward,
and indeed
of
existing merging
The number of mixed
spread
to
it
not
did
communes mixtes
was for
upon the
of compact
the
extensions
financial
colony's
formation
From the mid-1880's
size
that
ensure
this
Their
natives.
number of big
was to prevent
the
native
become an obstacle,
was to
fell
territory
on
to prevent
administration
administration
was halted.
douars,
insisted
colons
of the
'civil'
Algeria,
municipalities.
additional
'assimilation'
Partly
of communes mixtes
creating
institution
the
ones.
it
was
annexed
separate
potentially
number of small
But fundamentally native
to
outset
a small
budget. embryonic
lest
network
of native
was
there
with
the
They favoured
the
cost
from the
into
of indigenous
reasons;
as the
communes.
anxiety stone
as
to communes de
communes proper,
sought
community
Then,
From 1874 onwards,
sense,
120
future.
commune mixte
as annexations
In this
from developing
communes mixtes
earliest
out
of mixed
status
The immigrant
communes.
carve
communes mixtes.
existing
rather
to
pressure
commune
such time
until
the
of
moslem population
be implanted. 1887,
in
121
become possible".
the
placing
could
indicated
expansion
of the
view
administrator
dismantled
to be steadily
continuous
arrangement
the
The civil
different
quite
colonization
Tirman
Gouverneur-G4neral
to
obstacle
government.
of a civilian of
centres
"destined
civil
from their
supervision
sufficient
'full'
and of
of 1874 spring
mixte
the
as a potential
proliferation of
civil
communes mixtes, existing
ones,
communes actually
but
not fell
370
to
73 by 1891,
of
communes de plein
and never
-ii.
Executive in
the
p. ein
Unlike
met only
membership
by the
others
by First
elected
The latter
This
the
the Algerian era.
Moreover,
of the
commission
colonial
membership non-elected in
communes with French
belonged served recruited decades, others
almost
in
entirely
many were former
by the
123
residents.
at
the
and jemaa the
great
majority
throughout that
elected
inferior
to
moslems were never
were French
even in
In any case,
the
proceedings,
This
service.
communes mixtes,
army officers posts
the
exercice,
from among French
came from administrative
and
pr1fet
as caids
commissioners
community,
moslem community.
be numerically
never
professional Algerian
European
representation
of a commune de plein
a full-time,
exclusively
the
administrator,
instigation
even the nominated
dominated
the maire
to
should
half
the
of 1874 stipulated
arrete
no French
virtually
administrateur
Unlike
but
At least
a majority,
the
so that
membership,
a consultative
commune mixtes,
of any elective
population,
commune de
and of the
ex officio
moslems in
of the
of the
nominated
or sat
deprived
from
both
residents,
were either
entirely
was purely
the administrator's
College
was vested
council
Apart
a year.
at
instigation,
presidents. of
prefet
commissioners
administrator's
municipal
representatives
comprised
some nominated
commune mixte
commission
times
four
the
numbers
122
and Administrator
the
the municipal
exercice, It
in
responsibility
administrateur.
body. its
Commission
same time,
to grow.
continued
exercice
The Municipal
At the
above 78.
rose
with
civilian
and its
Algerians. Arab Bureau
in the
administrator corps
members were In
the
early
experience,
Gouvernement-General
371
Career
and prefectures. few posts
of the
commune mixte
training
was there
a coordinated
General
or Berber,
Arabic,
and regular
'provisional'
in
level;
or prefectoral
of
nature
very
they
many respects,
Nor
upon.
supervision
of
calibre.
qualifications
insisted
were not
system
were
isolated
the
and even such desirable
was rudimentary,
and written
Gouvernement-
at
were abandoned
to
own devices. However, in
numerous
and wide-ranging.
registration
to
exercise
and industry;
foster
public
short,
regulatory
broad
As an agent
of the
welfare
he was "Jack
though
these
124
and the of his
parts
local
over
safeguard
Like
work.
agriculture, health;
public public
a maire,
needed the prior
he
The civil
and initiate
education);
were
government,
of statistics
schemes;
Trades".
of all
tasks
locally.
oversight
credit
(including
colonial
were important
general
have specialized his
field,
regulations
furninhing
supervise
arretes,
its
laws,
of property
He was expected trade
the
of moslems,
administration
this
implementing
for
did
administrateur
Within
moslem affairs.
was responsible
the
the maire,
unlike
interest
In
Both
chronically never
onwere
as spoken
their
and the
as there
Asa £,ad itnisfrators entra4s. resu.! were nevi adeterrenttoinstititi. the highest
of the Their
itself,
job
limited,
hierarchy.
no promotional
and virtually
conditions
were fairly
prospects
works.
he could
approval
of
issue
the
sous-prefet. In addition
to the
had a political energy
to perform.
role
in making
paperwork
regular
thus
He was supposed
inspection
developing
contacts
authority,
and as such wore a uniform
differed
from
that
with
of
his
generated,
tours
douars
physical and
He was a representative
of military chiefly
administrateur
to display
to outlying
administrees.
the Arab Bureau
the
in
appearance. the
colour
This of its
of
37ý
cap braids
He was responsible
role. to
in many respects
for
this
heard
effect
Though regular the
normal
powers
magistrates
the
the
security
caused
disproportionate
junior
financial the
supervision
one administrator have set
-ii.
extremely
of native
Code
in in
up a protectorate
The 'civil
usually
commune.
and safeguard inevitably a vocal
took
It
of well-trained
up a
had the
this
help
of
area.
had
To deal
one of two
of native
factotums.
As an inevitable
inadequate. was lax
"really,
would
commune mixte
a wide
over
was unrealistic,
officials
The typical
affairs
1945,
in
and indirect.
certain
commune mixte".
As
respects,
we
125
126
administration'
paternalistic
the
within
inevitably
which
arose
established
and a handful
were equally
admitted
The Native
role
this
presence
scattered
a secretary,
resources
of
disciplinary
colonization
inhabitants,
cope with.
the Administrator
action.
due processes
resided
facilitate
corps
douars,
native
administrators,
result,
to
and
time.
elite
impossible
fiteen
of
these,
with
His
it
the
had an enormous workload.
administrator
and even a large
have found
police
an administrator's
commune mixte
amount of his
Thus the
upward
the
order,
Code'.
A European
of loyalty. within
for
settlers
of European
and welfare
conflicts
fact,
was to
function
of public
had special
of a 'Native in
institution's
immediate
administrator
number of European
pressure-group
in
and took
complications
of his
part
the
provisions
a significant
Since
the maintenance
were responsible
law,
Some additional
if
for
complaints,
criminal
under
he had assumed that
in
of natives style.
in
Fundamental
communes mixtes neglect
was
was combined
373
with
of arbitrary
an assortment
(Native
"Code de 1'Indigenat"
Code),
The establishment
"civil
of
disappearance
of
the disciplinary
the
Arab Bureaus;
it
simply
the
corpus
led
common law,
of the
(professional
magistrates),
'exceptional'
criminal
communities.
The loi
directed
the
salute
bureaucratic; without in
prior in
it
performance
non-registration
incurrance of
of rent
arrears
of labour
on forest stipulation obtained
service
usage127
before
leaving
into
of tenancy
the
oppressive: at
the
holding
abol; shed in the
territory
Certain
obligation
administrator's
of the
and meal
without
this
slackness included
delay
sections
to perform the
commune.
various
restrictions
meetings,
a travel
in
and the other
request,
of religious
1914 - that
refusal
and dancing
instance,
agreements,
debts.
and other
include
a public
acts;
for
and
was expressly
Code transformed
criminal
Code).
act
celebrations
the
and divorce,
and on the
finally -
singing
in
of moslem
were petty
unauthorized family
or
(Native
to
to hold
at
de paixr
long-existent
duty"
example,
duties
civic
contravention
Code were clearly
the
kinds
of
these
be construed
provisions
of marriages
of taxes,
payment
in
in
by
'special'
disrespectful
restrictions
for
firearms
Other
notification.
the
Other
to indulge
'iuges
activities
even off
of authority,
was an offence,
or to detonate
"every
puerile;
administrator.
the
result
Alongside
Code de 1'Indig4nat
could
not
exercised
a body of
1881 organized
a so-called
and this
1874 did
by French
concerning
April
of 10th
example,
permission,
cafes,
of the
formalization.
developed
regulations
at an agent
for
to their
administered
Many of them were exceedingly
to
hands
formerly
powers
there
into
controls
forbidden,
the
in
government"
the
speech
in
placed
of the
was an example.
administrator,
piecemeal
The operation
regulations.
permit
and the be
374
The
Code resulted
the
and
throughout was
enforced
the
him
important
groups
define, or
of
with which
omission,
there
that
record,
to impose
power
discretionary time
situation supervision community Thus, was not end
to
ensured
the
Paradoxically,
the
judge,
open to abuse,
from above,
of
and the
evidence
or' proof,
even a requirement had the
administrator
within
Thus he was at of the
and executor
in
particularly absence
commission
quasi-political
of imprisonment, Code.
to
specific
nor the
individuals
view
the
same
The
law. of the
slack
to the
of responsibility
below. in
the
sense feature
a notable the
down in
laid
prosecutor,
was wide
rules
periods
This
was extra-judicial:
to representation,
or short
judging
difficult
often them
Finally,
to
the
charge
to
as
he judged
be present.
for
were
which
no formal
no right
fines
He could
attitude
by
mixtes,
administrateur.
a questionable,
by which
limits
policeman,
of
hearing,
an interpreter
to
by French
magistrature
authority
it
however,
communes
the
'offences'
as much were
to
powers. of
pertained and which
sole
infractions
a multitude
process
the
applied
actually
judicial
confined
gave
disciplinary
was no public
no written
1881
and
and
exercice,
In
insecurity
about
de plein
invoked.
offences
The procedure
nature.
communes
June
special
campaign
community,
conventional
28th
of
common law
punishment
gave or
loi
native
infrequently
was
and
ordinary and
to
according
magistrates contrast,
In
Algeria.
civil
an orchestrated the
discipline
to
need
from
"Turkish
of separation of
communes
methods"
entrenchment as Ageron
of
of
the
mixtes.
army,
'emergency'
points
out,
real
of powers,
the
While
rule
of
government for
pressing had
settlers
regulations "the
civil
in
an
simultaneously
native
common law
administration. resulted
in
375
the
legislative The ideology
'exceptional'
In
bode
the
seven year
this
deputies,
operation
colonizer's
domination
rational
fears,
of insecurity
life
until
effectively
froze
the
him in
be retained
of the
to the
Code:
permanent
ensuring in of
perpetuity. the
justice
1890 when it
in
"These they
needs;
name of
many claimed
persuaded view
the
access
From the
and should
to this
a
native's
and institutions.
Senate,
1944.
project:
colonial
a
by the
extensions
by protestations
to transient
conform
for
measure
means of
extension
to respond which
as an emergency
effective
French
was
self-discipline.
ending;
gave credence die
a sine
as security
was never
only
this
are
are
not
mere
logical, of the
exigencies
129
In
important and lax
often
in
Code,
and the
perhaps
for
measures
milieu".
remote
commission
designed
expedients
'crisis'
of the
disuse
exploiting
rights
justify
the necessary
which
while
were the
Code was a temporary,
the
of the
nature
crisis,
this
that
short-term
active
the moslem population
settler
argued
the
(f those
of view,
An investigatory
openly
successive
symbolized
regulations
over
of Algerian
only
its
to
learned
initially
prolonged
employed
into
each accompanied
universality
emergency
fall
would
and institutions
point
argued
native
or artificial
rights
pretended
that
it
respect,
certain
the
Assembly,
National
holding to
and the
However,
period.
by Algerian In
which
was passed
powers".
was often
community
arrangement established
fact
Frency
of transition
The European
situation.
ultimately
of exceptional
consacration
128
rather
a fumbling
than
of practical
than
in
of
the
implementing
of psychological
administrator
was paternalistic,
The specific
manner. role
rule It
authoritarian.
ineffective
administrator's
the
however,
respects,
benefit
provisions them, to
was but of
the
were less
the European
community.
376
As Ageron During
the
the
Century,
20th
transferred
Code over
1944 completed decade before hurried
'emergency'
the
imposition
Native the of
disappearance
of power between
The administratepr
miscellany of about
was inevitably of the
landscape
segmentary
If
15 douars.
structures
colonial
important
than
here
in
the
lacking.
The arretg
of 22nd July
indigenes
in
be said
the that
in
shift
a
the
the
balance
society.
the on -
subsequently
following
recommendation
of personnel Many caids
Gouverneur-Gengral. confronted
or adjoints
were open collaborators,
of the
figure
remote
He was responsible by the French
grouped
milieu,
were to
it
into
until local
the
by the
administrator
From the
with
system even more
However,
of ad joints
tradition
1916,
a
terms
was perhaps
a system
the
an average
support
communes proper.
in
in
for
come to
an effective
was crucial;
1874 instituted
They were appointed,
by the
an isolated,
settler-dominated
communes mixtest
of Arab Bureaus.
this
intermediaries
was essentially
choice
only
brought
cannot
administration
of
and processes native
Pr4ýfet
But it
commune mixte.
communities,
of scattered
of specialized
it
insurrection
Code marked a noticeable
and colonial
native
of 7th March
Code altogether,
the
took
The Caid132
-iv.
the
law.
of martial
1927 they
in
The ordonnance
of guerilla 131
Code was gradually
finally
administrateur: by abolishing
process
indispensable".
truly
of the
of magistrates;
from the
this
than
rather of sections
enforcement
jurisdiction
to the
whole
were "symbolic
they
suggests,
130
outset
of the
caids
departemental - and however,
the
many problems. indigenes
and to
this
initially extent
invested lacked
intimate
by the
French
contact
with
377
the In
the
earliest
illustration had
clan
leader
been
men,
actively
women,
Plissier
buried
everyone
own clansmen, Gautier
"this
deserved
certainly administration Gautier these
people
which
their
have
In
lost
not
were
Equally
was totally
unaware
other
without
not
fortunes
administrees.
of
cases,
responsibility.
in
1920's
the
facilitating acceptance collaboration,
in
on a family French
Ziban,
from the
penetration
of a caidship, and the
in
of
by his words
property
for
to
his
sixty-five
of us,
French
the
of
family.
years
tragic
caves had
on
their in
administrateur
1914
which
over
Ouled Djella It
was an example.
Tunisian
Djerid,
the Eastern
leaders
by
of collaboration
the
of
any case,
authentic
fruit
communities
The caidship
the Algerian
and
the
form
of
episode.
was the
to the
in
be sure,
can
local
the
but,
the
of
one
historical
a caidship
accorded
tribes,
Nor,
disowned
caidship
"for
personally
sealed,
been
the
local
one day
for
based".
took
the
community
were
his
all
that
reason,
sight
this
who were outsiders
lost
the
and
significantly,
families
Khaled
who had
during
he had
exits
133
Fraichich
a whole
destroyed,
crops
land
troops
subsequently
The reward
both
French fact,
untypical
mountains.
a local
'the
refuge;
wholly
of
In
for
a reward
Dahra
the
in which
caves
and
a reward".
suggested,
in
year.
khalifa,
granting
not
that
taken
house
faithful
but
descendants
The man had
his
dramatic
with
of
had
alive. and
to
local
to
children
and
often
'
intermediaries.
as
was
cooperated
campaign
genocidal
General
1845
act
as a caid
Necmaria,
of
since
granted
who had
notoriously
guided
caidship
to
supposed
A fairly
conquest.
was the
This
were
designation
period,
French
assisting
whom they
with
communities
implied
of local
were
and Sidi was conferred
as a reward
Saharan the
they
oases.
promise
for
134
The
of future
communities
were
378
eager
usually
not
his
maintain
the
prominent
was the
as adjoint
appointments
Century
19th
some caidships
French
the
many from
distant
Inevitably the
1890's
token in
lost
to revive
1916)were
powerless
The French
status
slowly
traditional
of the
this
channel
declined
role
former
of this
circular
backgrounds,
was
process, The trend
notables.
such as Cambon's
of caidship,
official
soldiers
which
community
traditional
nature
the
indigenes.
and campaigns
era,
colonial
137
appelation
in
or such of
'said'
it.
to reverse
developmental
to
attraction
local
in
&oughlis
on
as adjoints
As part
caid.
restoration
compounded
as a potential
significant
His
the
as the
gestures
treated
the
throughout
continued
traditional its
Already
from humble
and others
among the
prestige
partly
socially
Increasingly,
were designated
the
of the
itself
office
petty
lacked
136
related
cause had b; en manifested
were bestowed
South
functionaries,
regions,
they
touchstone
the
the
army,
the
from Kabylia.
or Berbers
from Tlemcen, in
in
on less
Many were outsiders.
fashion.
a more individualized
and the
Increasingly,
French
to the
steadily.
organization;
segmentary
of
were conferred
whose loyalty
figures,
influential in
indigenes
declined
notables
transformations.
of economic
result
to
wants
a few quite
included
of pacification
result
levels
of the widest
disintegration
of these
role
but
our agent
caidships
of
was the
this
no doubt,
Partly,
the
is
us among
serves
135
us".
recipients but
families,
faithfully
whoever
betrays
to such a role.
openly
"Whoever
respect;
popularity
Originally,
it
their
loses
natives
themselves
commit
by Sabatier:
was noted
paradox the
to
The
by neglect.
situation for in
towards
local the
that
indirect
colonial
already
rule,
The nor
administrative
achieved
was not
caid
accorded
a
scheme.
by his
counterpart
349
i
the
commune de plein
assessment
due to disappear
vestigial
use.
This
this
reason,
of a menial
civil
directives
of minor
obsolescent, purely
of taxes,
and collection
implementation
that
exercice:
as native
the
and the
registration,
from
attitude
for
agent
above.
He was treated
society
progressed,
verged
as
and of
on self-fulfilling
prophecy. Partly, Algerian
for
budget,
1913"
Prior
to that
of the
taxes
they
douars
were indigent
fees,
but
levies,
to build
served
also
argument,
this
World
War to transform
corps
of Algerian
neglect
up a bank of the
colon feudal
for
thwarting
with
were very of
administrees.
its
against
caids, that
conviction This
attempts
of poor
extortion
grievance
vestiges.
percentage
salaries
their
in
press
commune mixtes
functionaries,
from
until
caids
1913,
community
parasitic,
a small
was widespread
labour
the
salary
As a result,
Even after
and forced
paradoxically,
received
5%.
themselves.
to confirm
were backward,
simply
usually
of
any Official
accorded
they
gathered,
'gifts'
helped
they
date,
A side-effect
modest.
This
were not
caids
to save money from
and partly
became an the
after
caids
into
entry
standards
First
a regular,
well-paid
and effective
supervision. Even as potential mixte In
was treated
caid
theory,
a variety
each of
douar
In
practice,
douars.
At
the
should
mixtes
have
one
caid of
had
covered
by
20th only
had
champetres,
oversight
Century, 85J
ire
caids.
of
1015
locally kho
two
douars
As the
commune
neglected.
- assisted
caid
one Bardes
often the
the
administration, Appointments
auxiliaries:
beginning were
of direct
half-heartedly.
indigenous
wakafs.
communes
agents
as,
or
by and
more
in
moslem
civil
38D
in
population caids,
so far
World
War their As in
role
of
douars
these from
increasing,
communes de plein
1919 which
Each jemaa was given
direct
link
deprive
him of that
of
The trend
authority. weakened his
World
the
local
was Marcy's. that
Under the the
reason,
functionary,
He compared of his
Moroccan
head of a big
the
another
Protectorate tent,
from
the region,
traditional
local
oligarchy
or simply
feared,
part
of
and linked existing
he can always
jemaa president.
obtain
the
before
these
voices
Algerian
Caid Morocco.
the Maghreb,
by family the
obedience.
Second
of authority
"the
as a grand
before
devolving
for
One of
he argued,
man living
had
'representative',
crisis
of the
role
regime,
a rich
originating
140
Caid".
feckless
the
namesake in
of "the
effective
caids
incentive
many observers
Montagne,
with
of
not
representative
sap his
to
on to the unpaid
therefore,
War were speaking,
facing
with
functions
did
additional
"as the
as an indigenous
status
only
The decree
helped
clearly
had
caid its
gave him the
how had a financial
more bureaucratic
the
providing
emma meetings it
commune mixte.
on the municipal Hitherto,
it
the
of 6th February
every
'functionarization'
towards
and the Administration
Not without
but
dubious
already
in
populations. fact
all
139
the Administration",
even his
and in
seat,
of observing
responsibility
jemaas
commission,
douar
the native
with
decree
chosen president.
member of this
been an ex-officio
by the
representation
automatic its
through
commission
douar
elective
established
600.138
of developing
prospects
undermined
Second
By the
was approximately
exercice,
were further
caids
number of available
declined.
actually
strength
numerical
the
grew steadily,
caid
is
usually
seigneur,
ties
with
the Respected
conquest. Also,
usually
of
capital
381
importance, Sultan,
the Moroccan
the
Algeria,
the
native
massif,
caids,
among their could
The local 143
him".
against
of Rabelais
Gautý, ier
in
French
1914,
however
the
caid
was simply
phenomenon became all declined
and their
This in
the
"it
is
their
far
commune mixte. through douar".
work with
the l46
increasingly
the
indigenous
population
often
144
Caid". ignored
More often
145
Necmaria
centre
of
The latter
number of caids
an ineffective
some caids Montagne rather
the
the
eldest
expanded.
caid
147
by
his
as at
near
as the
jemaa president
authority-less
time
was so bad,
that
gap.
was steeped
lifestyle;
supervision
The situation
administrator
region,
moslem flock.
made the
conspiracy
as described
parasite,
of his
of nominal
of the
the
an incompetent
from his
feels
a cultural
away at Mostaganem.
Many administrators,
the help
the
to
a European
far
of authority'
administrees.
an undercover
example,
the more prevalent
area
'crisis
for
the majority
administration
of France.
stemmed from
stranger
College
spending
- many indeed
"immediately
Dahra,
the
which
as aliens
out,
this
communities
enjoy
pointed organize
In
administration,
his
leaders
the
141
of authority
with
and had adopted
a French
example,
European
in
Berber
of touch
Berque
was a total
cultui,
son attended
out
from
Empire".
lack
- and as servants
Occasionally,
The caid
"the
They were regarded
caid,
investiture
among the
French
by the
was typically
of place.
for
him with
even speak Berber
not
The newly-appointed
in
impressed
142
tribes".
The caid
out
experience
nominated
his
the moslems of his
of
Marcy's
by contrast,
the Aures
of
leader
religious
has received
caid
Berque learn
claimed,
Similarly,
that
the news about
explained, than
intermediary
with
"do their that
Parant
Caid and went,
of
observed, if
at
all,
382
to the
straight
in
any basic
having
their douar
could
certainly
Bromberger
from him",
elected
decisions often
'representative
own affairs".
in
administrateur the
meeting, discussions
onwards what role Algerian
systematic
of
combination
in
culminating condemned the
context.
he was paralyzed
caid caid
Behind by the
The outcome was observed
a campaign to might the
place
conceivably flapping
contradictions by the
dismayed
capacity
All
last
the communal
Gasmi Said's nor
even notified". and indigenous from clear
have played
in
of the
as
(jemaa) a
was never
folds
jemaas
to
leasing in
real
complaining
diffidence,
It
the
for
of assassinations
impotence.
action
made the
him to hold
about
French
and milking
Kabý.ia,
in
been present
and I have neither
"The
elected
me to attend...
have taken
inhabitants
a 'potent'
pathetically
to be held
you required
Bath-House,
This resistance,
which
and channeled
supposed
One caid
allow
as far
caid
official
"When you order not
will
full
nevertheless which
in his
caid
rather
1951:
president
to douar
property Moorish
the
"without
administrative
"but
Even the
and
institutions.
slightest
the Administration'.
of
the
from existing
caid
Kabylia,
150
was to be discovered
example,
to the
jemaa alongside
to circumvent
contrived
an obstacle
social
the
in
a clandestine
on its
to Marcy,
They ignored
needed the
observed
a nuisance
him where unavoidable,
with
prevent
not
best
of
according
own authentic
when they
administrees
village
their
is
149 activities".
into
energies
it
itself,
The institution
as at
estimation,
came to terms
could,
as-hey
action.
communities
their
utility
of local
expansion
his
by native
a blight;
at worst
his
administrator
was viewed
caids
for
148
of his colonial
1954 ,
indeed
the
official
burnous,
situation.
Gouverneur-G4nlral
151
383
Soustelle,
of Algeria,
(local
and a few wakafs life,
but
in
fact
controlled
-v.
piles tens which
lunar
of
in
turn
communes... as vast
as Metropolitan
154
to
terms
evolved
situation,
particularly
lived
within
there
was considerable
in
close
context
In
association
than
position in
with
the
the
since these
old
of
areas,
in
which
virtually least
forms
of political
of
the
douar
settler-dominated
majority free
fractions
douars, or
this
new
population
rambling
on
framework
colonial
of Algerian
moslems
of European
settlement,
organization
was of greater
by
conglomerations.
in principle,
colonial
cyclopean
inhabited
the Algerian
for
great
superimposed
across
the native
contained
at
with
departements,
to generate
or attempting
potential,
indigenous
intermediary
I felt
them was makeshift.
with
associated
was of key importance
eventually
specifically
local
10 and 20 native
and unwieldy
The direction
basis.
Sahara,
10 or 20 segmentary
loosely
it
communal solidaritjes,
it.
between
were heterogeneous
Rather
a 'provisional'
douars,
described
(open countryside)
Each comprised
organization
as the
bled
each contain
might
coming
as far
and wild
The administrative than
step
facade
As Soustelle
mountains
Thus they
hamlets.
the
large.
High Plateau
thousands".
of
their
to supervise
At every
at all...
to grow up behind
were extremely
from the
stretching
from
absent
and Jemaas153
were "giant
they
of nascent
152
Communes mixtes them,
areas
were supposed
nothing
a void
administration".
Douars
mostly
assistants),
how much we had allowed regular
inspecting
after
"A few caids,
insurrection:
guerilla
1956,
in
for to be fostered The
structures. significance
and smaller-scale
in
this
commune de plein
384
The prolonged
exercice. century
provides
colonial
the
within
the
to its
noncommittal
the
settlers,
provides
into
shift
European
settlement petered
Century the
to press
the
to dissolve
programme in
of their a state
lie
of the
of these
the
final
They originally
19th
Century,
to withdraw
from
the
Thus the
settler
sought
interior
to obstruct
own, they of permanent
wished,
lost
temporariness.
the
any incentive Instead,
indigenous
development
effect,
of
communes mixtes
of autonomous
in
However
during
communes mixtes.
For want of any long-term
it
and concentrate
community
the
of
parts
and indeed
any scheme allowing clusters
a result
grew.
late
of
The
who would
as colonization
in
of
second.
populations
on
resistance
conceived
economically-valorisable
into
the
the
less
dismemberment
centred
was largely
commune mixte
for
and
and that
circumstances, of
of
set
itself
douar
explanation
1870's.
as 'premature'
municipalities.
contradictory
in the
rapid
they
was the
ante-chamber
the
of
Another
communes proper
155
coast.
opposed
In particular
mixte
out
tended
for
gradually
into
the
sets
opposition
a partial
of administrative
eventually
they
in
three
was the
nature
of
in
efforts.
The first
pressures
as a kind
nearer
the
and artificiality
settler
20th
the
these
of associative
societies.
size
One of
between
relationship
Algeria
in
a
emerge as an 'associative'
to
was rooted
development.
nature
segmentary
of
almost
contradictions
douar
commune mixte
circumstances.
settlers
Algerian
of the
interrelated
very
over
situation.
nucleus
of
existence
suffocating
of
evidence
The inability
the
of its
sterility
of douarjemaas
alternative to
cells.
freeze
evolutionary the
commune
385
The forces life
breathe
to
half-hearted for it
proper,
of
for
called
the
case in
authority,
and given he rarely legislation
available 1895 sought official
As in
fell
into it,
to seek its
advice
collective
property.
However
'safe'
men.
They rarely
behind
which
the
established resources of the
those It
to manage these to
obliged
communal
consult
to diminish
his
communes de plein
exercice,
the
An arret4
of 11th
in
intended
the
each douar, disposing
before
nominated
practice
jemaas
and at
best
continued
own
an the
and enjoining of
this
September
to appoint
prdfet
whole
specifically
also
of douar
authority
administrator's
commune
role
these
met in
the
which
merged with
on the
was
a douar's
Reluctant
requiring
notables
that
sporadic,
half-century
first
1874,
was not
disuse.
jemaa from 6-16
the
assemblies
guidance
so.
douar in
municipalities.
constituted.
to reactivate
administrator
than
settler
little
did
during
administrator
even when formally
jemaa,
jemaas,
the
the
counterpart
provision
of douar
nomination
However,
resources.
important
were
commune mixte
of 22nd July
managed rather
commune as was the
its
and
of resistance
principle
neglected
The arre^te
made the
be separately
should
wholly
in
than
role
kind the
of
Though
active
Republic.
commune mixtes,
body
ambivalent.
a more
down this
febrile
the
was almost
Third
the
into and
earmarked
to break
seeking
common or consisted
of
were facades to
operate
unhampered. A quarter-century a more serious living
entity.
Despite this
the
effort As in
socially
later, to
the decree the
establish
was of some significance
in
that
February
commune mixte douar
communes proper, unrepresentative
6th of
nature it
1919 made
douar
as a
jemaas became elective. of Second College
provided
the
native
voters, populations
386
of
communes mixtes
body.
Following
years,
became widespread.
was severely in which
role;
'uncooperative' 'special of
these
156
to take
powers
vehicles argued, impotent,
and not
small-scale
at Municipal to block
the the
the
of
existence
plans
relevance
indifference
the
political furtherance
the
to the
groupings of local
role
and its
indigenous
and resistance
off
of
ingenuous
less
from exploited rivalries,
settler
argument
and legalized
'reactionary' deal
These
"assimilation".
jemaas perpetuated
the
douar
the moslem population
for
as a device
A great
to develop
separate,
They saw "association"
and even
of assimilation.
process
In any case,
other
'anomalous'
as
representation
rather
up of official.
setting
neither
elective
stave
concomitants
by the
were joined
surrounded
little
level.
Commission
the more positive
criticisms
to
a
liberals
to establish
that
assemblies'
designed
step,
was a retrograde
that
'official
value
Many Metropolitan
cause,
an
appoint
need be;
of dubious
jemaas
of
157
years.
subsequent
without
could if
face
suspend
could
functions
"association".
authentic
indeed,
its
made douar
These restrictions for
in
went unused
in the
Gouverneur-General
over
their
circumventing
property
prefet
potential
The administrator
means of
the
six
every
was communal property,
only.
douar
Moreover,
chosen
concern
capacity
and the
jemaa,
delegation'
sole
to alienate
able
opposition.
expressed
Their
elective
developmental
their
and had various
meetings,
he was still
jemaas,
However,
had a consultative
they
'official'
and only
'official'
decree,
circumscribed.
their
called
the
first
their
with
bodies
of ambivalence
hindering thus
of douars. jemaa proved
'official' environment,
below.
and met with
Occasionally,
them as additional 158
but
to have
essentially
clans
and
channels they
for
were ignored.
387
This
as suggested
earlier,
solidarities
of segmentary
the
1919 decree
Kabylia
in
in mind that...
Kabyle
dies
is
douar
supervised
by a caid,
is
of
segmentary
mechanismSof 'elders', alien the
voting
traditional
or
clan,
semi-clandestinity, colonial
douar.
the
in
exist
is
nothing
'heads
patrimonial
indigenous
radical
rights As de
plans
for
was to
160
the
municipalities
was an informal
of families'
owned
tradition".
To impose
problem.
formal group
introduce
of
other
different
was greatly
assembly
levels
other
anachronism.
of European
status
structural
The resultant
from
jemaa.
As a consequence, jemaas at
division
sense of territory
the
on what traditionally
'notables' concepts.
in
implemented,
towards this
with
compound this
does not
been seriously
have confronted
would
community...
jemaas at
institutions
'communal'
unit
of douars
political
was given
or indeed
jemaas,
was to
"the
by an administrative
evolution
of the
an administrative it
bear
not
the
horizon
small
jemaa which
as fixed
functions
Even had they
did is
which
of
sedentary
reform
douar
failure
159
of douar
suggests,
the
of
more than
and the
reality,
and managerial Preville
frontiers
nothing
body".
To conceive
the
of
was,
authentic
the
life
The political
commune.
at the
out
on the of this
not
the
explained
impact
village,
our rural
a useless
Milliot
It
douar.
from
remote
"The promoters
the
The Kabyle
but
unit
life.
of the
nature
an artificial
terms:
it
of
very
to have any real
these
equivalent
the
stemmed from
situation
fraction
traditional and village
unaffected Marcy's
processes
account
by the
levels, rather
of the
and institutions, continued
to
including operate
empty operations
situation
in
the Aures
of in
in the
388
1938 was echoed by observations "Alongside given of
the
modest
tribes,
tacit
in
secrecy,
agreement
of
everyone,
take
it
preserved in
penal
over
again
all
their
imposed
for
between
opinion
commune mixte
numerous
the
163
see taking profound of the
"North
shape... and durable,
tribe,
which
the
extending elsewhere
of 1930 were marked by of the
that
similarly that
of far
the
state "one
intimate
claimed
over
the
in
1933,
of unfinished cannot
at all
consensus,
beyond the narrow
presides
framework.
colonial
Mil]! ot
in
remains
beginnings
The
concern.
greater
pessimistic.
Marcy concluded
of the
and sterility
effectiveness
Africa
between
Metropolitan
mainly
far
of
Centennial
were extremely
that
example,
conquest".
of the
reappraisals
Many conclusions for
Algerian
the
of solidarity.
of liberal,
was a matter
162
with
contact
correspondence
inccngruency
the
wars,
structure
following
block
a growing
the
forms
in
role
administration'
from
of
to
their
a certain
'parallel
lack
the
also
ready
quite
play
withdrawal
and traditional
douar
However,
years
but
structure,
taken
and more seriously
of
determined
merely
them,
These jemaas have
even still
situation
the
traditional
opportunity.
they
This
their
now
with
councils,
obviously
are
functions,
economic
161
not
they
jemaas
Though they
escapes
proper
earliest
jurisdiction;
matters".
colonial
but the
at
'unofficial'
most of
control
authority,
civil
reflected
the
retain
by us and
created
'unofficial'
these
Only political
by French
douars,
have survived.
and villages
operate
over
of the
of Algeria:
parts
responsibilities,
administrative
attributes.
role
jemaas
official
fractions
have to
in various
nascent
framework idea
of a
389
opinion enterprise
involve
the
consolidation
more than
continuing
"association"
of
from taking
The approach urgings
"The problem from
below,
interests
up the
According
to
was to seek out, destroy,
to another
the
rediscovered
part
into
arbitrarily which
to have prevented
encourage, instinct"
task
we must make the
of the Maghreb. be approached
which
have public
of
flame
circurgscriptions,
of
central
colonial
power".
administration than
rather
to
"From this
life:
native
by
from above,
of the
and harness, in
contemporary
theoretical
are delegates
carefully
"associative
of legitimation
"must
and not
the most urgent
spark,
the
he insisted,
view,
this
it
The hitherto-practised
in
summarized
individuality...
bodies
administrative
colonial
channels
the human collectivities
territory
of
and sugjection;
indigenous
in relation
and an embryonic
cutting
flare
communal spirit
166 Such 'associationist'
extensions least
violence
organized
sharpened
current
and political
of
urgency
to this
pressures divergence
thought
However, in
unrest
such as those
legalistic
new in Algeria;
were not
Arab Kingdom period.
distress
of popular
views
of a submerged
to the
social
the
force
was thought
of decentralization", by seeking
of the
school
place.
was succinctly
of de Montety,
This
of government.
structures
superimposed
any such process
up".
contrary
of neglect-through-assimilation
policy
with
the
effective
required
the
with
that.
argued
should
Quite
State.
Western-type
164 º, ...
in of
the
the
which the
Constantine
'elite within
of widespread
- both
outbursts
region,
nationalists' colonial
were
went back at
growth
1930's
they
opinion.
and - added
165
391)
fundamental
In
programme.
Abbas,
"neither
the
the
for
They are artificial
suggest,
social
It
offers
by sedentarizing
country
The creation bring
post aid,
eyes,
169
down".
the
These opinions hostility
of the
'disintegration'
The native
had to wrestle
colon
It
stations.
side
community.
the
The latter
of communes mixtes
in
of the
face the
Western
cooperatives,
brings
into
suitably
associative strong
jemaa councils, hygiene,
population
of the with
he went
a new civilization,
means schools,
Such dreams, embroidered
optimistic
our
a well-localized
handicrafts,
peasantry,
police
to
or of a douar-commune...
centre
It
hand,
other
life,
and pastoral
populated,
of moslem
change the
to
1941 that
correspond
a new world,
chance
projects.
security.
social
expressed
a unique
future
douar...
of the
of which
a flourishing
offices,
But on the
true
not
nomadic
and housing
hospitals,
and settles
168
two
of the
the needs of
for
do not
which
in
and highly
the
for
required
of a municipal
about
corporations
medical
basis
on the
embryo,
can be built...
the
same is
Petain
created
nationalist
and sovereignty.
culture
big
too
exercice,
units
of communal life". "the
is
which
their
in
association
to persuade
tried
formulas
the
are
conceptions
will
of French
commune de plein
rural
society.
way.
framework
commune mixte,
colonization,
on to
a fraternal
groups
together
for
Petain's
world-view.
and well-entrenched
was reluctant separate
167
autonomous
bourgeois
by emergent
forge
example,
the
was a key element
douar,
were supported to
the
within
communities Ferhat
they
sought
who still
groups
nor
this
construction".
our
the need to foster
of the
potential
"the
that
for
basis
a solid
and in particular
Communal reform,
Parant,
with
agree
find
to
is
problem...
developmental
to
tended
'Associationists'
to accept
'douar-communes'.
391
The experiments tentative. Decrees their to
One of these
towards
Algeria. were
Moreover
still
the
or
'political'
communication
with
to
summon the
jemaa
to
approve
its
The pilot Municipal "nobody,
except
creation
of this
administrative
'decision,
different douar
from
minutes
to the 172
whose life
Meetings which
rambling
Parant
the
as was the
the
pr4fet
and
many did
for
right had
political to think
interested exists
in
only
not
douar,
pessimistically looking
for".
on
seriously
after about
formal; In
the
reported
which
he
with that
its
18
the
173
of douar-communes
proliferation
insecurity
the
understand.
of the
Centre
that
and extremely
and ignored,
we are
the
reported
Duplessis-Kergomard
nature
the
In
success.
were rare
concluded
framework
pressures
the Metropolis
jemaa
retained
Parant
is
president,
ineffective
jemaa was similarly
Growing
meeting,
of Tablat),
(Kabylia), Oumalou of
Nevertheless,
obliged
171 reports".
jemaa was "not
of
Municipal
forbidden,
a resounding
Centre,
Municipal
villages.
continued.
(jemaa)
the
chiefly
the North
'.
(Commune Mixte
for
Municipal
attributed
it
prevent
scheme was scarcely
jemaa members signed
the
to
small
of communal resources;
sphere
The administrator
jemaas.
and
each Centre
of
step
was a very in
douars,
were expressly
motions
other
of Seriet
four
on
eventually
was a first It
communes.
responsibilities broad
It
170
dependence
intended
councils.
only
affected
to the
restricted
'general'
Centre
it
and
Municipales.
from
centres',
of native
a network first
at
douars
a few native
of municipal
status
establishing
however;
step
full
the
of Centres
became 'municipal
they
commune mixte;
small-scale
institution
was the
1937 and 1945 freed
in
acquire
that
were made were inevitably
which
the
Second World
ways to render
War
39ý
Algerian
more effective
administration
An apparently
pijor
de l'Algerie"
of 20th
the
of
that
by a network
September
that In
the
this
gave the
communes de plein recasting mixte of
of
colonial
of Soustelle
one of the
Soustelle
was horrified
structure. he declared, France
superstructure kept
"emptiness
had tried
"to
remote
along
grassroots
was entrusted. its
seven years,
the proposed
until and
radical
The commune
place.
the
up until
mid-1950's
colonial
provoked
collapse
too
For too cheap".
of those
1955 began As he
self-examination.
of the
lofty
The
in January
the Aures
massif,
commune mixte
inhabitated
176
urgent
administration.
war of liberation,
on the
level
was body
power to defer
but
right
outposts
at
was to this
the next
took
flimsiness
reigned".
however,
a few new douar-communes
the
of the
of the
of
mid-1950's.
in
administer
"skimmed
down to the
During
never
by the
Beyond the
the
as Gouverneur-Gen6ral
cradles
and replaced
communal reform
and somewhat desparhte
of severe
toured
175
the
insurrection
of the nature
appointment a period
in
administration
reappraisals
for
existence
stubborn
Statute
Statute,
and it
community
structures
its
The growing
of the
government
of a programme
as part
were established,
exercice
maintained
regular
settler
the
the
were to be dissolved,
1954 insurrection,
of the
53 of
Assembly,
and agai. n.
again
outbreak
Article
the- timetable
up of
aimed to put
change.
"Statut
was made by the
which
provision
of an Algerian
implementation the
174
Another
drawing
effect,
1947,
douar-communes,
of small
establishment
direction
communes-mixtes
all
'decentralization'. the
this
on a new footing.
colony
proclaimed
in
stride
to social
and responsive
long, 177
by the
administrator,
he suggested, The colonial
a height;
it
who lived
and suffered
should
have
393
in
these
178
expanses".
become the developed
theme of into
His
cry
Metropolitan
countless
was to as insecurity
observers
and then
warfare
guerilla
'underadministration'
of
into
full-scale
armed
confrontation. The crisis schemes for to
Algeria,
made it remained
concrete images
thrown
Soustelle,
up by a feverish in
the
himself,
three
or four
A radical Algeria,
committment
Assembly
was disbanded,
suggested
by Soustelle
and replaced
was divided
exercice into
same status which a total
as
troubled tendencies
administration
each with
whole
a municipal
179
of
different
to transform
Others, should
council,
like be split
the new Minister
made under
The youthful
and a 'deconcentration'
to have the
communes de plein
between
June 1956.181
was announced
were dissolved,
most in
180
was finally
on 28th
the
each commune mixte
communes.
rural
Lacoste,
was intended
that
urged
wished
as the maire.
administrator
the
During
were torn
communes',
them;
of pathplogical
situation.
reformers
'grand
into
a civil
Soustelle
Algeria
colonial
in
significant like
nightmare,
Some, such as Mitterand,
with
mixtes
to implement
as illustrations,
than
confusion
situation
military
They were less
exercises.
paper
communes mixtes
for
and the
Metropolis
the
However
misgivings.
impossible
physically
Metropolitan
proposals.
into
settler
Paris,
in
possibilities
and blockages
but
them despite
a number of hastily-devised and impelled
communal reform,
deadlock
and political
inspired
mid-1950's
accelerated
to impose
try
fact,
of the
throughout
Algerian
programme
along
Algeria.
All
by 1162 'douar-communes'. and organization
were by then
in
as the
existence.
of 12 departements,
instead
lines communes Each
333 Furthermore, of the
3
394
which
of these
conversion
special
it
military
possible
they
presence
powers
to hold never
In February framework
assemblies in
to prepare
order
drawing
for
board,
even had the
hitherto
submerged
military
crisis.
The bankruptcy
of native
next
a loi took
the chapter,
in
of French
establishment
relation
needs,
the
oppositipn
of the
settlers,
belated
the
of the
to the
structural
concept
and
new framework
by the
"association"
and more general
European
These are
caused
clamour
schemes for
earlier
illustrates
framework.
from
been somehow restored,
the more general
of these
divorced
to indigenous
unrelenting
within
on the
expired
was wholly
even had security
the
elective
had effectively
government It
over.
grouped
of the new
The latter
civil
of reform
were dissolved,
eventual
time
by this
and with
municipalities
of government.
overall
process
Existing
juxtaposition
colonial
of made
15 departements,
into
(territories)
the
for
down the
by now abstract
the
was divided
administration, by the
six
(Law laying
cadre
as much as the
"deconcentration",
within
years
the
scheme corresponded
have met with
created
remaining
During
levels.
for
reality,
political
would
pacification
army had taken
ceased and the
Election
became operative.
hierarchy
comprehensive
purpose
until
territoires
at both
which
had to be postponed
Algeria
5 semi-federal
for
of security,
however,
reality,
mobilized.
of government)
even further.
working
were simultaneously
them.
1958,
182
into
The
history.
colonial
new arrangements
new bodies
proposed
into
most of
on the re-establishment
depended
the
throughout
had existed
and neglect
contradictions
and moslem communities
examined
more closely
of "underadministration".
in
the
395
NOTES TO CHAPTER FOUR
1.
the the discuss of The following replacement accounts general Turkish regime in Algeria: (Paris 1951) D'ABDELKADER L'EPOQUE A L'ALGERIE M. Emerit: "L'6tat intellectuel en 1830" M. Emerit: et moral de l'AlgSrie (1954) CONTEMPORAINE ET MODERNE p. 201-212. in REVUE D'HISTOIRE
H. Isnard: p. 587-596
G. Gautherot: C-A. Julien: (Paris 1964)
"ie
sahel d'Alger
(1937) AFRICAINE REVUE in 1830" en
1929) LA CONQUETED'ALGER 1830 (Paris HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE CONTEMPORAINE(1827-1871)
in bey" le dernier d'Alger "Le sous L. Rinn: royaume (1898) 5-21,113-39, (1897) 121-52,331-50 p. REVUEAFRICAINE p. 289-309 (1899) p. 105-41,297-320 (California 1967) ALGERIA IN COLONIAL POLICY LAND J. Ruedy: p. 13-53. 2.
3.
as a succession "Algerian can be-summarized policy lasting approximation" a improvisations at aimed (1964) CONTEMPORAINE p. 72. HISTOIRE DE L'ALG&2IE
of temporary C. A. Julien:
du nord" in de 1'Afrique frangaise "L'organisation L. Milliot: Some indication of what b!AFRIQUE FRAN9AISE (Nov. 1933) p. 617. COUP Liskenne: L. by is find to French the provided expected (Paris DEPENDANCES 1830). SES E1 D'ALGER D'OEIL SUR LA VILLE
4.
ä Oran, Tunisien de "Un V. Demonte`s: protectorat essai cf. (1923) COLONIES DES D'HISTOIRE p" 251-88. Fev-Aout 1831" in REVUE
5.
Constantine, Turkish the and of Some information province about by: the process of French i filtr. Ation is provided bey de Constantine" "Les m6moires d'Ahmed, dernier M. Emerit: 65-135 (1949) AFRICAINE REVUE in p. (1951) IV Oh. D'ABDELKADER L'EPOQUE IE A;. L'ALGE: M. Emerit: Ahmed' Hadj time the 'Constantine 235-262: of at p. al in de la conquete" la veille "Constantine A. Nouschi: CAHIERS DE TUNISIE (1955) P. 370-82 HISTOIRE DE CONSTANTINE SOUS LA DOMINATION R. Vayssette: 1869). TURQUEDE 1517-1837 (Paris
6.
the documentation on There is considerably published of quantity The various twenty years of French military first campaigns. include: letters and memoirs of participants (1031-33) DE ROVIGO ): DU DUC (ed. CORRESPONDANCE G. Esquer 4 vols (Algiers 1914-21) (1835-37) ): (ed. MARECHAL CLAUZEL DU CORR, ESPONDANCE G. Esquer (Paris 1948) DU GENERAL DAMREIONT (1837) CORRESPONDANCE G. Yver (ed. ): (Paris 1927) VALEE 5 vols. DU MARECHHAL CORRESPONDANCE G. Yver (ed. ): (Paris 1949-57) duc d'0rl"ns: (Paris 1870)
CAMPAGNES DE L'ARM: EE D'AFRIQUE
1835-39
396
6.
de Reynaud: E. Pelissier (Paris, 2nd edn. 1854) Secondary accounts include Gen. P. (Paris 1931)
ANNALES ALGERIENNES 3 vols.
CONQUETE ET PACIFICATION
Azan:
DE L'ALGERIE
L'ARMEE D'AFRIQUE DE 1830 a 1852 (Paris 1936) 1860) FRAN9AIS ET ARABES EN ALGERIE (Paris THE FRENCH CONQUESTOF ALGE IA (London 1909)
G6n. P. Azan: F. Hugonnet: G. B. Laurie:
Some general campaigns, and on resistance comments on the various in: to conquest, are contained L'ALGERIE - NATION ET SOCIETE (Paris 1965) M. Lacheraf: Very little on French 7.
appears to have been done in research methods of conquest.
recent
is skimpy and of variable Information about the Emir Abd-el-Kader quality: L'EMIR ABDELKADER- DU FANATISME MUSUIMAN AU Gen. P. Azan: 1925) PATRIDTISME FRANCAIS (Paris DESERT HAWK (London /) W. Blunt: (Paris L'EPOQUE D'ABDELKADER IE A 1951) L'ALGM Enerit: M. "Un probleme de distance M. Emerit: morale - La resistance HISTORIQUES INFORMATIONS ä in d'Abdelkader" 1'6poque algýrienne (1951) p. 127-31-
JOURNAL OF A RESIDENCE IN THE ESMAILE Scott: Col. 1842) ABDELKADER (London
K. Yacine: n. d. ?1949). 8.
BUGEAUDET L'ALGERIE
Bugeaud's
(Paris
)
19
(1964) HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE CONTEMPORAINE
C-A. Julien: p. 164-209
philosophy
of native
administration,
see note
(21)
below.
for massive spoliation So long as war offered the opportunity and "France had Ruedy argues, of native property, sequestration the to terms to by values, with not coming gain everything LAND POLICY J. Ruedy: Arab law tribalism". of and organization IN COLONIAL ALGERIA (1967) p. 66. HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE
10.
C-A. Julien:
11.
cf. Capt. C. Richard: (Algiers 1846)
12.
"Bugeaud en 1840" in REVUEAFRICAINE
cf. G. Esquer & P. Boyer: (1960) p. 57-98,283-321
For
OF
ET L'INDEPENDENCEALGERIENNE (Algiers ABDELKADER
Gen. P. Azan:
9.
decades
cf.
Marechal
Randon:
Col. N. Robin: 1838 a 1851 (Algiers
CONTEMPORAINE(1964)
p. 223-4.
ETUDE SUR L'INSURRECTION DU DAHRA 1845-6
MEMOIRES (2 vols,
Paris
1875-7)
NOTESHISTORIQUESSUR LA GRANDEKABYLIE DE 1905)
NOTES ET DOCUMENTSCONCERNANTL'INSURRECTION Col. N. Robin: DE 1855-7 DE LA GRANDEKABYLIA (Algiers 1902) LA PACIFICATION ET L'ORGANISATION DE LA KABYLIE M. Zurcher: ORIENTALE
DE 1838
a 1870(Paris
/10)
N
397
13.
Analyses C. L (2 vols.
by: of the 1871 Kabyle uprising are provided LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE 1871-1918 Ageron: Paris 1968) p. 3-36
C-A. Julien: p. 453-500
(1964) HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE CONTEMPORANE
HISTOIRE DE L'INSURRECTION DE 1871 (Algiers L. Rinn: 1891) L'INSURRECTION DE LA GRANDEKABYLIE EN 1871 Pol. N. Robin: (Paris 1901).
14.
cf. Armengaud: 1893)-
15.
cf. A. Bernard (Algiers 1906) Longobardi: (Paris 1938).
LE SUD CRANAIS- JOURNALD'UN LEGIONNAIRE(Paris & N. Lacroix:
LA PENETRATION SAHARIENNE 1830-1906
L'AGONIE DUNE MISSION - DEUXIEME MISSION FLATTERS
16.
"Au debut du XIXe siecle les cf. M. F}nerit: (21) ANNALES Algerie" 1966, p. 44-58. in en
17.
A considerable amount has been written about the work of Algerian 'Bureaux Arabes', including: "Les Bureaux Arabes - leur role dans la Gen. M. Bouch6rie: (July REVUE DE LA NATIONALE DEFENSE in l'Algerie" de 1957) conquete p. 1052-66. SOUVENIRS D'UN CHEF BUREAU ARABE (Paris F. Hugonnet: 1858) V. Monteil: LES OFFICIERS (Paris 1958) ch. 5 V. Monteil: "Les bureaux arabes au Maghreb 1833-1961" in ESPRIT (Nov. 1961) P. 575-606 NOTICE HISTORIQUE SUR LA MAGHZEND'ORAN L. Walsin-Esterhazy: (Oran 1849) LES BUREAUX ARABES ET L'EVOLUTION DES GENRESDE X. Yacono: ). VIEX INDIGENES L' OUJEýS e DU TELL ALGEROIS (Paris 1953 G; 5verneqlem ý. . 1qer. bocuMenlrs ks A1-GERI¬t4S rud Acf'v aý9Pnenný D4NB e f -G ,e' ýSýynt(Algiers 14ý8ý A 48Ea" ju-Dec. 1A47 SvriePott{; qup N_ lo _"{, e3 6uRýF4t(Jý C. R. Ageron: LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968) p. 133.
18.
tribus
privilegiees
19.
LES BUREfUX ARABES ET L'EVOLUTION DES GENRES DE VIE X. Yacono: INDIGENES (1953) p. 124.
20.
Ibid.
21.
L'ORGANISATION Circular of 17th September 1844, cited by M. Merlo: ADMINISTRATIVE DE L'ALGERIE (Paris Bugeaud's simple 1951) p. 170. philosophy of action, military with its mixture of force, colonisation, and contact with Arab notables, can be rapidly by others: gleaned both from his writings and from analyses G&n. Bugeaud: L'ALGERIE - DES MOYENSDE CONSERVERET D'UTILISE CETTE CCNQUETE(Marseilles 1842) Marechal Bugeaud: DE LA COLONISATION DE L'ALGERIE (Paris 1847) Gen. P. Azan (ed. ): PAR L'EPEE ET PAR LA CHARRUE ECRITS ET DISCOURS DU MARECEAL BUGEAUD (Paris 1948) V. Demontes: LA COLONISATION MILITAIRE SOUS BUGEAUD (Paris 1917) R. Germain: LA POLITIQUE INDIGENE DE BUGEAUD (Paris 1955) C-A. Julien: HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE CONTEMPORAINE(1964) p. 210-69.
p.
118-26.
ý"-.ý,
398
22.
cited by Gen. M. Boucherie: la conquPte de l'Algirie" in p. 1058-9.
23.
L'ALGERIE G4n. Bugeaud: CETTE CONQUETE(1842) p.
24.
cited by V. Monteil: p. 588.
25.
"L'Aat d'esprit des musulmanes d'Algdrie cited by M. Elnerit: 1847 ä 1870" in REVUE D'HISTOIRE MODERNE(Apr. -June 1961) p.
26.
by V. Monteil: Capt. C. Richard cited Maghreb" (1961) loc. cit. P. 591.
27.
F. Gourgeot explained in 1881 why Arab Bureaus were ineffective: "Organized task for which in essence to perform a purely military foundation, they were politics and command were the crucial this goal and failed in their from attaining task from prevented the day they became overloaded with the multiple and sterile The duties natives no longer understood administration. of red-tape F. LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE Ageron: C. them". by cited (1968) p. 132-3n.
28.
X. Yacono:
29.
Ibid.
Ch. 6 p. 333-63.
30.
Ibid.
Ch. 4 P. 211-78
31.
V. Monteil:
32.
cited
33"
X. Yacono:
34.
Capt. C. Richard: p. 188-9.
35.
Bugeaud originally argued that the intermingling of European settlers with the native was the only way to guarantee population (cf. L'ALGERIE - DES MOYENSDE CONSERVERET D'UTILISER security CETTE (1842) p. 31-7). However, he thought in terms of chiefly military settlements.
36.
I. C. by cited p. 101.
37.
by V. Monteil: cited loc. cit. p. 586.
38.
cf.
"Les Bureaux Arabes - leur role dans REVUE DE LA DEFENSE NATIONALE (1957)
DES MOYENS DE CONSERVER ET D'UTILISER 9,10,40.
"Les bureaux arabes au Maghreb" in ESPRIT (1961)
"Les
LES BUREAUXARABES,.. (1953)
bureaux
arabes
de 120.
au
Ch- 5 P. 279-331"
LES OFFICIERS (1958) Ch. 5LES BUREAUXARABES... (1953)
by X. Yacono:
LES BUREAUXARABES... (1953)
X. Yacono:
p" 98.
p" 365-90.
ETUDESUR L'INSURRECTIONDU DAHRA1845-6 (1846)
Ageron:
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
"Les
bureaux
arabes
au Maghreb"
(1961)
LES BUREAUXARABES... (1953) P. 147-209. 13'
399
39-
40.
Letter from Bugeaud to Genty de Bussy, HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE by C. A. Julien:
30th March 1847, cited CONTIMPORAINE (1964) p.
223.
The world-view of the Bureau Arabe can be glimpsed in the work of three of its most prominent officers: DU GOUVERNEMENT ARABE ET DE L(INSTITUTION Capt. C. Richard: QUI DOIT L'EXERCER (Algiers 1848) SOUVENIR D'UN CHEF DE BUREAU ARABE (Paris F. Hugonnet: 1858) MEMOIRES SUR LA COLONISATION INDIGENE ET LA F. Lapasset: COLONISATION EUROPEENNE(Algiers 1848) Interesting discussions the rationale of its contribution of colonial are to be found in: operations LES SAINT-SIMONIENS EN ALGERIE (Paris M. Etnerit: 1941) R. Valet: "L'administration de 1830 a 1870, et la militaire 'phobie' in REVUE ALGERIENNE, TUNISIE NE ET des bureaux arabes" MAROCAINE DE LEGISLATION ET DE JURISPRUDENCE (43) 1927 p. 78-87.
Y
41.
The contemporary Bureaux Arabes is J. Duval & A. (Paris 1868) J. Duval & A.
of the real dna alleged colon critique role of developed in: bitterly UN PROGRA11ME Warnier: DE POLITIQUE ALGERIENNE Warnier:
BUREAUX ARABES ET COLONS (Paris
1869).
42.
J. Berque, cited (1961) loc. cit.
43.
Doineau, an Arab Bureau officer in the Tlemcen area, murdered a His trial his deep involvemement in native notable. revealed intrigues, segmentary and his extremely authoritarian methods of "L'affair C. Martin: his 'circle'. Doineau" command within cf. in REVUE AFRICAINE (80) 1937-
44.
C. R. Ageron: LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968) p. 138, p. 162.
45.
Ibid.
46.
(pseud. ): Urbain's G. Voisin L'ALGERIE QTR LES book, cf. ALGERIENS (Paris Also C. I. Ageron: 1861) cf. LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968) p. 397-44.
47.
M. Fanerit:
LES SAINT-SIMONIENS ET ALGERIE (1941)
48.
X. Yacono:
LES BUREAUXARABES... (1953)
49.
Hirtz: "La portge politique du Senatus-Consulte en 1863" C. H. E. A. M. Doct. 737, (1943) C. R. Ageron: LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968) p. 67-78.
50.
J. Franc: LA COLONISATION DE LA MITIDJA (Paris 1928) X. Yacono: LA COLONISATION DES PLAINES DU CHELIFF (Algiers 1953) H. Isnard: "Le cpntonnement des indigenes dann le Sahel d'Alger" in MELANGESDE GEOGRAPHIEET D'ORIENTALISME OFFERTS A E-F GAUT.11SR (Tours 1937) p. 245-55.
P. 138,
p.
by V. Monteil: P. 586. '
"Les
bureaux
arabes
au Maghreb"
162.
passim.
p" 127-145.
400
51.
C. A. Ageron:
52.
By 1870,372 C-A. Julien:
53.
Ageron describes haphazard, techniques various rule-of-thumb used (LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANS to judge distances stake out and areas ET LA FRANCE p. 75).
54.
Ageron
55"
C. A. Ageron:
56.
Overall administration of Algeria accounts of the colonial are in: contained THE FRENCH IN NORTH AFRICA (London 1906) T. W. Balch: THE GOVERNMENTOF FRENCH NORTH AFRICA H. J. Liebeny: (Philadelphia 1943) L'ORGANISATION ADMINISTRATIVE DE L'ALGEaIE M. Merlo: (Algiers 1951) Etd. }pM4NISr0A17w L'ALGERIE (Cahiers LE GOUVERNEMENTADE L. Milliot: du 1930) Center air- No. 5) (Algiers FRANCE IN TUNISIA AND ALGERIA - STUDIES OF W.B. Worsf&,. d: COLONIAL ADMINISTRATION (London 1930).
57.
C. E. Ageron:
58.
LA REVOLUTION DE 1848 EN ALGERIE P. Boyer, M. Emerit, et al.: (Paris 1949) ä Alger "Les debuts de l'administpation G. Esquer: civile le personnel" in REVUE AFRICAINE (1912) p. 301-338.
59"
J.
Cambon:
S. A.
LA QUESTION DU GOUVERNMENT-G Lebourgeois: 17 bE iJ, LGERIef M0.tlarmr : l. ýoQýANºSAlioni 6jcud9d04
(Ibid)
LES AL4ERIENS rTSULMANS ET LA FRANCE (1968)
667 had been split tribes into a total douars. of HISTOIRE DE L'ALGERIE CONTEMPORAINE(1964) p. 425-7.
suggests
that
this
was often
deliberate
policy.
LEE ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
(Paris
LE GOUVERNEMENT-GENERAL DE L'ALGERIE
RAL (Paris ris /9oß
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
C. J.
61.
The exertions in Paris are described of the 'colon party' Ageron (op. cit. ), esp. p. 430-446, p. 981-1002.
62.
Ibid.
430-446. p.
63.
Ibid,
881-1002.
64.
On the activities of the Organisation and philosophy Secrete, include: publications M. Challe: NOTRE REVOLTE (Paris 1968)
p.
p.
139-44.
LES ALGERIENSMUSULMANS ET LA FRANCE(1968) p. 134.
60.
Ageron:
P. 78-102.
de la Gorce: "Histoire de l'OAS" Oct. 1962-Jan. 1963) p. 139-192 Gen. Jouhaud: A-P. Lentin: J. Soustelle: J-J. Susini:
1918) 1895)"
p.
184.
by
de 1'Armee
in LE NEF (numero special
19
0 MON PAYS PERDU (Paris 1968) LE DERNIER QUART D'HEURE (Paris 1963) L'ESPERANCE TRAHIE (Paris 1962) HISTOIRE DE L'OAS (Paris 1961) ýº
401
65.
C. R. Ageron:
66.
Ibid.
67.
Ibid.
68.
LES DROITS POLITIQUES DES INDIGENES D'ALGERIE P. E. Viard: (Paris 1937) "Le senS et la portee P. E. Viard: des elections de 1'Assemblee Alge/rienne" in REVUE DE POLITIQUE PARLEMENTAIRE (May 1948) p. 124-30 X.: "Double College ou college unique en Algerie? " in L'AFRIQUE ET L'ASIE (36) 4e. trim. 1956 p. 47-50.
69.
P. C. Ageron: by cited p. 199n.
70.
Ibid.
71.
Information is commune de plein on the Algerian exercice in addithn by the following to those cited provided works, at (op. C. H. Ageron 56 note above, and cit. passim): L'ORGANISATION COMMUNALEDES INDIGENES DE A. Bernard: L'ALGERIE (Paris n. d. ?1928) LES COMNTJN^ EN ALGEJIZ (Algiers M. Cham ? d. 1930). n. nistratýoo '!. des Mn ýýyenesdel Lyre' Rev GEUecaý b'A IMSTRAroJ(r)1902 X: 'adm P129-0,269-77 (decree) A decret 1884 applied the communal law of 7th April to Algeria.
72.
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
p. 37-55.
456n. p.
LES ALGERIENSMUSULMANS ET LA FRANCE(1968)
p. 575.
73.
C. Q. Ageron:
74.
Ibid.
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
p. 150-2,184-92,249-65,622-30,707-736.
the native population to the budgets of the
p.
622n.
In addition,
direct made large contributions, and indirect, Gouvernement-General and departements.
75.
In one celebrated case, the maire of the commune of Morris, near B6he, successfully the Beni Urgine Clane to pay rent to obliged the municipality for sowing corn on its douar land, after ) (op. 624. litigation. Ageron prolonged cf. p. cit.
76.
G. A. Ageron
77.
cited
78.
C. R. Ageron
79.
When first by the ordonnance of 28th September 1847, established Algerian Elections communes had a nominated conseil. were introduced in 1848, but suspended in 1851 and under the Second Republic three years later. From 1854 to 1866, the commission abolished municipale was nominated.
80.
C. R. Ageron:
op.
by Ageron (op.
cit.
p.
(op.
cit.
cit.
186.
) p.
) p.
191.
190.
LES ALGERIENSMUSULMANS ET LA FRANCE(1968) p. 1218. At
402
81.
82.
LA VIF. MUSULMANEEN ALGERIE D'APRES LA J-P. Charnay: JURISPRUDENCEDE LA PREMIERE MOITIE DU XXe SIECLE (Paris p. 219-220.
C. R. Ageron: p. 163-4.
1965)
ET LA FRANCE(1968) LES ALGERIENSMUSÜLMANS LES FILS PrA TOUSSAINT (Paris
1968)
1226.
83.
cf.
84.
For example, at a meeting of'the near commune of Saint-Ezgene, Ben Redouane in March 1935, the moslem conseiller Algiers, in labourers demanded to know of the French maire why native the commune, working were being paid only on the same site, LE TRISTE J. Melia: the wages of European labourers. half 1935) p. 114. SORT DES INDIGENES MUSULMANESEN ALGERIE (Paris
85.
in for his home town, Setif, Abbas became municipal councillor to assimilation 1935. His career and somewhat ambivalent attitude FERHAT ABBAS OU LES CHEMINS DE LA in A. Naroun: is charted 1961). SOUVERAINLTE (Paris
Y. Courriere:
p.
In fact, by resigning re-elected and getting on bloc three times, Marnia, the almost all of of councillors moslem on each occasion, FLN, the MTLD, the the to belonged of of predecessors one whom direct to share of administrative small a managed obtain +. .., (London 1967) p. 68-92. BEN BELLA Merle: Robert responsibility.
86.
87.
88.
These allegations and have been appear to have been well-founded, by several sources: corroborated "Chronique J. Amrouche: ou autod4termination alg4rienne: May April 1960 12th 1960 DEMOCRATIE 21st in and prefabrication" "L'Algerie A. Boumendjel: unanime" in ESPRIT Oct. 1951, p. 508-21 LA VIE MUSULMANEEN ALGERIE (1965) p. 220-223 J. P. Charnay: POLITIQUE in June "Les elections C. Dorizy: algeriennes" 1948, p. 540-7 1962) p. 110-111 LE F. L. N. ET L'ALGERIE (Paris C. Favrod: 1951) No. 5. LE PROBLEMEALGERIEN (Paris M. T. L. D.: C A}JuJien: OAFRIQUEby NoRh f+J MARCH* (Parts Ic) ) p32S-332 Algerien tried to arrange a moslem boycott The Amis du Manifeste From 1947 to 1949, the of July 1945. elections of the municipal 'legal the a and phase', municipal entered nationalist parties October 1947 in particular saw great succes¢ es for elections of Triomphe Libertds le des Mouvement the pour cdidates of (MTLD latter In October 1951, by contrast, the Democratigues . boycott successful of the communal elections. organized an extremely
89.
In January 1956, the FLN organized of existing a mass resignation Mouloud Feraoun moslem conseillers, success. which had widespread Cf. M. Feraoun: his resignation. was one of those who tendered JOURNAL 1955-62 (Paris 1962) p. 51,97-
90.
College and Naturalization for the First made a native eligible for candidature therefore Renunciation of moslem status, as maire. however, was not a step which a significant number of Algerians
403
90.
were prepared or even encouraged to of a former example of the election Dr. Boumali, the Socialist maire of L'ALGERIE DANS L'IMPASSE A. Wisner: (Paris 2nd Edition 1948) p. 51n.
91.
A. C. Ageron: in cited (1968) p. 187.
92.
Ageron, position
take. One extremely rare moslem as maire was that of Ain Beida in the 1930's. DEMISSION LA DE FRANCE -
LES ALGERIENSMUSULMANS ET LA FRANCE
to a moneylender for example, refers who used his Ibid. the payment of debts. as maire to enforce
p.
506.
93.
There were periodic but somewhat half-hearted to establish attempts inspectorate in communes de of native administration an effective In 1895, for example, the Gouverneur-General, plein exercice. Cambon, tried to set up a special secretariat at sous-prefectorat in 1900 established Jonnart three secretary-generals level. for Native Affairs included the work of mairies. whose responsibilities However, this kind of machinery was skimpy and usually circumvented. LAS ALGE121ENSMUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968) p. 623-4. Ageron:
94.
Several such cases Ibid. p. 501-5.
95.
Thus Courriere describes the maire of Batna, in the Aures "The hand of Alfred Malpel was to be found in in 1954: mountains, The personality fifty-year-old all the affairs of the town. of this 'Pied Noir' dominated the region. Though his personal undoubtedly for he was a large-scale insurance wealth was not inconsiderable, broker which is traditionally his power was a lucrative profession, President Radicale, due to politics. of the F4deration and right-hand titles man and frii of Rene Mayer, he had accumulated and jobs which Vice-President made him th of the Aures: veritable potentate of the Algerian Assembly, of the Commission des Finances of and President LES FILSIýrTJATOUSSAINT 1968)pi-3 Constantine". Y. Courriere:
96.
The Gouverneur-General Grd'vy declared in 1879 that his aim was to "a civil Algeria which the French regime within set up throughout He doubled the area of civil feel at home". territory during will LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA his two years of office. Ageron: FRANCE (1968) p. 160. (op.
came to light
) p.
at
the
end of the
19th
Centurd.
452.
97.
cited
by Ageron
98.
Ibid.
P. 319.
99.
LE TRISTE SORT DES INDIGENES MUSULMANESDE by J. Melia: cited LIALGERIE (1935) p. 234-5.
100.
C. a.
101.
Ibid.
p. 1214n.
102.
Ibid.
p.
151.
103.
Ibid.
p.
160-1.
Ageron:
cit.
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
p.
164n.
ýý ;,
404
104.
des Bureaux "La cr ation P. Boyer: REW AFRICAINE (97) 1953, p. 98-130
C. J'. Ageron: p. 136-8.
Arabes
ET LA FRANCE(1968) LES ALGERIENSMUSULMANS
105.
ET LA FRANCE(1968) C. I. Ageron: LES ALGM2IENSMUSULMANS p. 197-200,630-43,1215-7.
106.
RAPPORT SUR LE RECRUTEMENTDES CAIDS ALGERIENS M. Smati: (Algiers 1937)-
107.
H. Brenot:
108.
in
departementaux"
LE DOUAR (Algiers
1928)
(1968) LA FRANCE ET A. ALGERIENS MUSULMANS LES Ageron: C. p. 494-8,1212-5. cited
(op.
by Ageron
109.
J. P. Charnay:
110.
C. R. Ageron
111.
Ibid.
p.
cit.
) p.
163-
LA VIE MUSULMANEEN ALGERIE (XXXX 1965) (op.
cit.
) p.
p.
227.
1215.
1215n. L'ORGANISATION ADMINISTRATIVE DE L'ALGERIE
(1951)
112.
M. Merlo: p. 141-7.
113.
A. Wisner: (1948).
114.
to works cited at notes 56 and 71 above, publications In addition include: mixtes communes the of organization concerning (Algiers 1933) MIXTE COMMUNE LA M. Champ: A. M. C. H. E. doct. 1'Alg(ýrie" de "La Charavin: commune mixte (Oct. 415 1941) no. DES COMMUNES MIXTTES CREATION LA DE CINQUANTENAIRE Gerbie: (Algiers 1932). (ft, ýiq DES 1NDIGEIJES cwMaEK1 s g Gouvewcmaif Er wE MIX7ES ),x: L,, MMUNES ) (op. 55Ageron by p. cit. cited
115. 116.
117.
L'ALGERIE DANGL'lMPASSE- DEMISSIONDE LA FRANCE
Letter from Urbain (op. cit. ) p. 139n. Letter from Lapasset (op, cit. ) p. 140n.
to Napoleon
III
in
1863,
to Urbain
in
1862,
cited
cited
by C. R. Ageron
by C. R. Ageron
(1968) LA FRANCE ET MUSULMANS LES ALGERIENS
p.
139-44.
118.
C. H. Ageron:
119.
L'ALGERIE DE ADMINISTRATIVE L'ORGANISATION Merlo: M. by cited (1951)-p. 155-6 added emph.
120.
it legal form, to Ageron, "in its organization According and commune mixte, of the military appeared to be a continuation its in in but in its spirit particularly and practice to reduce the role of jemaas to a minimum - it was determination far from the ambitions of the commune and dreams of the inventors (1968) LES 155" ALGERIENS LA FRANCE MUSULMANS ET 1868". p. mixte of
405!;
(op.
by Ageron
) p.
188.
121.
cited
122.
SOUVENIR D'UN FONCTIONNAIRE COLONIAL TRENTE cf. N. Bugeja: QUATRE ANS D'ADMINISTRATION ALGERIENNE (Algiers 1939). LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA, FRANCE (1968) Also C. I. Ageron: p. 173-6,192-7,611-22.
123.
The commune mixte of Palestro had only 4 French inhabitants in 7 moslem douars. Nevertheless, 1874 for example, and comprised of the commission municipale was fixed representation at 7 for in from neighbouring and Europeans were brought each community, ) (op. Ageron for meetings. communes cit.
124.
C. A. Ageron
125.
"Evolution Hirtz: socia]e C. H. E. A. M. doct. no. -744,
126.
See esp. C.R. Ageron (op. cit. ) p. 165-76,239-47,650-71.
127.
The especially the use of restrictions concerning oppressive , 1. Berque by in his article J. Menaut forests discussed are (pseud. ): in1'AFRIQUE FRANýAISE Sept. 1935, "La foret algerienne" (1965) 542-50, VIE LA MUSULMANE J-P. Charnay: EN ALGERIE by and p. p. 127-9.
128.
CA.
(op.
cit.
cit.
) p.
196. du Djebel Amour depuis October 1945, p. 25"
1830"
LES ALGE_.IENS MUSULI"IANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
Ageron:
by Ageron
(op.
) p.
176.
p.
246.
129.
cited
130.
The Code, he suggests, Ibid. was "a symbol of colonial p. 671. between the paternalistic and authority, constantly oscillating the arbitrary".
131.
J-P.
132.
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968) C. R. Ageron: p. 197-200,630-43,1215-7-
133.
E. F. Gauj. PARIS 15th
134.
OASIS AND CASBAH - ALGERIAN CULTURE H. Milner & G. de Vos: AND PERSONALITY IN CHANGE (Ann Arbor 1966) p. 23ff.
135.
cited
136.
CA.
137.
Ibid.
138.
RAPPORT SUR LE RECRUTEMENTDES CAIDS ALGE,2IENS M. Smati: (Algiers 1937).
NE EN ALGERIE (1965) LA VIE MUSULMP.
Charnay:
"Une visite aux grottes er: June 1914, p. 729-59.
by Ageron Ageron: p.
cit.
(op.
cit.
) p.
du Dahra"
p.
in
209.
REVUE DE
633-
LES ALGERIENS MUSULMANSET LA FRANCE (1968)
630-3-
p.
198.
406
(1951)
L'ORGANISATION ADMINISTRATIVE DE L'ALGERIE
139.
M. Merlo: p. 170-2.
140.
"La fermentation R. Montagne: C. H. E. A. M. doct. Algeriet' no.
141.
G. Marcy: de 1'Aures"
des partis 609 (March
politiques 1937).
en
"Observations sur l'evolution politique et social Etrangere: de Politique in Centre d'Etudes
ENTRETIENSSUR L'EVOLUTICN DES PAYS DE CIVILISATION ARABS (VOL. 3) July 1938 (p. 126-49) p. 133. 142.
Ibid.
p. 133.
143.
J. Menaut: J. p. 346.
144.
"Une visite E. F. Gautier: aux grottes PARIS 15th June 1914, p. 729-59"
145.
Ibid.
146.
J. Menaut: P" 356"
147.
"La fermentation R. Montagne: C. H. E. A. M. doc. no. 609 (March
148.
Parent: "Les centres municipaux no. 796 (n. d. ?1939)"
149.
G. Marcy: de 1'Aures
150.
S. Bromberger:
151.
de la "Origines Lt. de Preville: et sociales politiques (Bone)" H. C. E. A. M. doct. Tlouladheim dans le douar r4bellion no. 3072 (1959) p" 15-16.
152.
J. Soustelle: p. 25-6.
153,
H. Brenot:
"La le2on des urnes" inlAFRIQUE FRAN9AISE June 1935, Berque. Menaut was a pseudonym for Augustin
"La 1S on des urnes"
"Observations (1938) loc.
du Dahra'"
inLAFRIQUE FRANCAISEJune 1935,
des partis 1937).
politiques
de 1'A1g4rie"
sur 1'evolution p. 136. cit.
en Algerie"
C. H. E. A. M. doct.
politique
LES REBELLES ALGERIENS (Paris
1958)
L'AIMEE ET SOUFFRANTE ALGERIE (Paris LE DOUAR (Algiers:
in REVUE DE
et sociale
p.
79.
1956)
1928),
ET LA FRANCE(1968) C. p,. Ageron: LES ALCEflIETS MUSULMANES p. 494-8,1212-5. 154.
L'AIMEE ET SOUFFRANTEALGERIE (1956) p. 26. J. Soustelle: "It was clearly he added, "to push contact necessary", with the population down towards the base, to much further its needs, and to fight investigate inch by inch for it and nature". with it against
407
155.
LE NOMADISME ET LA COLONISATION DANS Lehureaux: Cdt. cf. 1931), LES HAUTS-PLATEAUX DE L'ALGERIE (Paris (1965) LA VIE NUSULMANE EN ALGEIIE Charnay: J-P. Also p. 117-9.
156.
J-P. Charnay: LA VIE MUSULMANEEN ALGERIE (1965) p. 230 describes its jemma's despite the alienation property, of a douar's (near Bone). La Calle by the of administrator opposition,
157.
"Origines de la Lt. de Preville: politiques et sociales (Bone)" C. H. E. A. M. 3072 Mouladheim douar la dans rebellion between 1959, p. 15ff describes several years of conflict the administration and a douar jemaa, during which successive disqualified. to dismissed, resign, and obliged were presidents
158.
jemaa elections Examples of clan rivalries expressed through (Ibid. ) Preville de Lt. by are provided (Paris 1962) p. 117-8 KABYLISEE L'ALGERIE J. Aiorizot: CAISE "La lqon des urnes" inLAFRIQUE FRAN, J. Menaut: June 1935, p" 352-8 OASIS AND CASBAH - ALGERIAN CULTURE H. Miner & G. de Vos: AND PERSONALITY IN CHANGE (1960) p. 39-41.
159.
in REVUE DIETUDES kabyles" "Les institutions L. Milliot: he argued, In other respects, ISLAMIQUES (1932). sedentary to for 'ideal terrain' been have Kabylia attempts would European the into traditional solidarities convert 'municipal spirit'.
160.
de la "Origines Lt. de PrIville: et sociales politiques (Bone)" M. doct. C. H. E. A. Mouladheim douar le Bans rebellion p" 13. no. 3072,1959,
161.
"Observations G. Marcy: et sociale politique sur 1'evolution in C. E. P. E: ENTRETIENS SUR L'EVOLUTION DES PAYS de 1'Aurlbs" DE CIVILISATION ARABE (1938) p. 134-5'clandestine' jemaas the Other reports of survival about include: -INSTITUTIONS ET COUTUMESDES BERBERESDU G. Surdoni MAGHREB(Tangiers 1936) in REVUE D'ETUDES "Les institutions kabyles" L. Milliot: ISLAMIQUES (1932) p. 127-74 "Receuil de deliberations L. Milliot & A. Giacobettis des jemaa du Mzab" in REVUE D'ETUDES ISLAMIQUES (1930) p. 171-230, S. Rahmani: NOTES ETHNOGRAPHIQUESET SOCIOLOGIQUES SUR LES BENI M! HAMED DU CAP AOKAS (Constantine 1933)"
162.
'Parallel justice' is the phrase used by J-P. MUSULMANE EN ALGERIE (1965) p- 240.
163.
"L'organisation L. Milliot: inLIAFRIQUE FRAN2AISE Nov.
Charnay:
fran2aise de 1'Afrique 1933, p. 618.
LA VIE
du nord"
408
"Observations (1938) loc.
sur 1'evolution cit. p. 134.
164.
G. Marcy: de l'Aures"
165.
"Structure Administrative Bou Hasna (pseud. for H. de Montety): int. AFRIQUE FRANCAISE franjais du protectorat en Tunisie" Dec. 1937, p" 578 (cf. also Oct. 1937, Nov. 1937 and Jan. 1938). the Tunisian local de Montety criticizes government network for direct with remoteness. administration combining
166.
Ibid.
167.
"Les centres municipaux Parant: (n. 796 d. ?1939)no.
168,
Letter of 10th April ET LA FRANCE (Paris
169.
Ibid.
170.
by: On the Municipal Centre programme, there is information provided Le "La vie municipale Duplessis-Kergomard: centre en KKbylie (May 1938) M. C. 376 H. E. A. doct. in d'Oumalou: no. municipale r" V. Laurent: "Des djemaas de justice aux djemaas des centres in REVUE AFRICAINE 1949 d'Algerie" municipaux C. H. E. A. M. M. Lauriol: interne "Le r6onalisme en Algerie" doct. no. 50 (March 1957) p. 23
de 1'Alg4'rie"
by J. 1941, cited 1961) p. 282-3.
Parant: "Les centres municipaux doct. no. 796 (n. d. ?1939)
171.
politique
et sociale
C. H. E. A. M. doct. CINQ HOMMES
Lacouture:
rie" de 1'Alg
C. H. E. A. M.
MIXTE LES CENTRES COW.UNAUX DANB LA COMMUNE P. E. Viard: D'Aý,,GERIE (P r'S e 9 9)" de aij MR LC(rews-ý('ynýý Se ýcxu44 de (I U'ocverýeýen (q a 9eriehne(3o.io.ý9ýs- 3ý.:ý. ßl6} SP"If p131 `91' ýMiPrs 01939 Parant: "Les centres 1'Algerie" de municipaux loc. n. p.. cit. "La vie municipale en Kabylie (1938) loc. cit. p. 7.
Le centre -
172.
Duplessis-Kergomard: d'Oumalou" municipale
173.
Parant:
174.
LE PROBLEMEALGERIEN (Paris T. Oppermann: 1961) Appendix 1'Algeirie" de "Evolution Cf. also R. Le Tourneau: politique C. H. E. A. M. Doct. no. 3768 (1962).
175.
Algerian in the The settlers deputies half the were guaranteed Assembly, into two separate for which was organized election Wholesale voting fraud ensured that the indigenous colleges. vote for the remaining representatives was neutralized* "Evolution C. H. E. A. M. doct. de 1'Algerie" cf. R. Le Tourneau: 3768 (1962), the sources cited at note 87 above, and P-E. "Le sens et la port4e Viard: des elections de l'Assemblge in REVUE DE POLITIQUE PARLEMENTARE(May 1948) Algýerienne" p. 124-30.
176.
J.
"Les
Soustelle:
centres
municipaux
de 1'Algerie"
(21939)
L'Affi EE ET SOUFFRANTEALGERIE (1956)
p.
loc,
25.
cit.
n. p.
409
p. 26.
177.
Ibid.
178.
"to "It he Ibid. 26 push clea4º added, was necessary", p. down towards the base, with the people much further contact its needs, to fight inch by inch for it and to invesitgate nature". with it against
179.
J. J.
Chivallier: Soustelle:
NOUS, ALGERIENS... (Paris 1958) p. 129-31 L'AIMEE ET SOUFFRANTEALGE2IE (1956) p. 90.
180.
J.
Soustelle:
L'AIMEE
181.
"Des 4lections-temoin R. Lacoste: avant la fin de 1'annere" June 1956 in ENTREPRISE (77) p. 40-3,1st "Fonction M. Lenoir: administratives" publique et affaires ALGERIE du Gouvernement en Algd'rie: in Delegation-GSn6rale D'AUJOURDHUI (No. 7) g Biers 1960, p. 13-20. tt; aI ün 1arrme e' erl 'R¢fkxionssur com, F Cuactefor xunak &M Jaussemnd: 952Jpu4-62 IJ. (1961) Appendix ALGERIEN LE PROBLEME T. Oppermann: cf. Robert: la loi-cadre "Consid(rations sur un texte oubli6: PUBLIQUE ET LA SCIENCE POLITIQUE DROIT DE REVUE DE in algeri4ýnne" (Jan. 1960) -Feb. in DEFENSE DE de 1'Algerie" P. Fontaine: "Vers l'autonomie L'OCCIDENT (61) May 1959, p" 17-21. CoMMVNALE REFoRME ALG, ERIE Fcitvrt REVowfor! EN AtmirvW C. -LA flVE : vNE Cc E.A.M. doch.314c) 1459 .
182.
ET SOUFFRANTEALGERIE (1956)
passim.