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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe ENRIQUE LÓPEZ RODRÍGUEZ

Abstract: Natural Heritage constitutes one of the main assets of the territories. The basis of the conservation has been represented by the protected areas figures, being National Parks the maximum representation of environmental protection in a national level. In this way, we will try to show how the development of complementary socio-economic activities, such a tourism, can generate a valorization of natural resources and contributes to the socioeconomic development of rural areas included in Monfragüe National Park in Extremadura. Key-words: Natural Heritage, Monfragüe National Park, protected natural area, tourism.

1. Introducción

L

as áreas protegidas se han convertido en la piedra angular de la conservación de la diversidad biológica, del almacenamiento de material genético, del suministro de servicios esenciales de los ecosistemas a favor del bienestar humano, hasta la contribución al desarrollo sostenible. La conservación ha sido reconocida desde distintos ámbitos, desde los organismos internacionales y gobiernos nacionales hasta las agrupaciones locales y las comunidades: “el medio ambiente es un activo, y como tal hay que explotarlo y mantenerlo. Calidad de vida y bienestar no son incompatibles” (Foronda, 2002: 177). En los últimos años se ha producido un cambio en la concepción de los espacios protegidos, se ha pasado de una protección puntual en la que predominaban los valores naturales a una concepción más globalizada en la que se incluyen los aspectos humanos, sociales y económicos. Ese concepto ha ido avanzando, “tomando cada vez más fuerza la idea de conservación, de tal manera que ha pasado de ser un objetivo secundario, a estar el disfrute público o cualquier actividad de ocio supeditada a la ARKEOS 38-39

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conservación o protección del espacio natural considerado”. (Hidalgo S., 2006: 15). Es por ello que la promoción del turismo rural es una de las propuestas más atractivas que se pueden llevar a cabo para la valorización de los recursos naturales y culturales del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe. Creemos que este territorio ofrece una serie de oportunidades para el turismo rural, entre otras:

– Valorización de los recursos naturales y culturales. No nos cabe duda que el conjunto de los recursos territoriales del Parque, no sólo los naturales que tienen un elevado valor ambiental, sino todos aquellos que, ligados de una u otra manera, a la cultura y al patrimonio local deben ser los garantes de una oferta turística de alto nivel y dirigida a todos los estratos y segmentos sociales.



– Posibilidad de compaginar la actividad del turismo rural con actividades educativas, cursos, organización de reuniones, incentivos, etc. y otras tipologías turísticas como el turismo ornitológico, activo, etc.



– Interés por el medio rural y conciencia medioambiental. Cada día más la sociedad está tomando conciencia por los espacios rurales y naturales, nada mejor que una buena oferta de turismo rural como para enseñar la Naturaleza del Parque y su rico patrimonio cultural a estos potenciales usuarios.



– Enfoque del desarrollo rural de base local. El turismo no es sólo una actividad generadora de riqueza para las comunidades locales de los espacios naturales protegidos sino también un factor que determina la conservación de los recursos naturales y culturales de los territorios afectados. Por tanto, esta actividad debe ser estratégica para el desarrollo rural de los términos municipales del Parque, ya que no sólo ayudarán a diversificar sus debilitadas economías sino que también debe suponer un instrumento para llevar a cabo estrategias de desarrollo local que contribuyan a conservar y recuperar el patrimonio.

Mejora de las infraestructuras de transportes y comunicaciones. En la actualidad las autovías que unen Navalmoral de la Mata con Plasencia 504 |

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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

(EX-A1) y ésta con Cáceres (A-66), además de la A-5 que une Madrid con Badajoz, hacen del Parque un lugar mucho más próximo a los grandes núcleos de población. La carretera EX-390 une Cáceres con el Parque y enlaza con la EX-308 a la altura de Torrejón el Rubio. Esta carretera procede de Trujillo y pasa por el corazón del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe para llegar a Plasencia. Por lo tanto, el sector turístico se configura como una de las actividades económicas que mayor crecimiento y dinamismo generan en torno a los espacios rurales donde se desarrolla. El turismo es una de las bazas principales y fundamentales por la que se ha apostado en los últimos años, tanto para el dinamismo económico como para el desarrollo en todas sus facetas, dentro de las cuales cobra especial importancia el desarrollo de los espacios rurales. Estos espacios, han sabido aprovechar las demandas que la población ha suscitado de ellos, convirtiendo los entornos de los pequeños núcleos de población en verdaderos destino turísticos. Tal es el caso de la zona de estudio. Tras la declaración de Reserva de la Biosfera y con la declaración de Parque Nacional, Monfragüe y su entorno han visto en ello una nueva oportunidad de desarrollo. Un desarrollo basado en ofrecer servicios turísticos ligados a lo rural y la naturaleza. Que un ámbito territorial sea declarado bajo alguna figura de especial protección, puede traer consigo la dualidad que suscita, por un lado, la imposibilidad de generar muchas de las actividades tradicionales que esos municipios venían desarrollando y, por otro, la posibilidad de orientar las actividades económicas hacia la perspectiva del turismo motivado por dicha figura protección. Con lo cual, lo que en un principio pudiera considerarse como una amenaza para la pervivencia de los pequeños núcleos, puede verse transformado en una potencialidad que genere una auténtica fortaleza en el sistema territorial. Con todo, Monfragüe se ha convertido en uno de los destinos turísticos más importantes y demandados en los últimos años en la región extremeña. El total de 14 municipios que integran este ámbito territorial, de carácter rural y escasamente poblados, han suplido la imposibilidad de ciertas actividades con una ampliación de la oferta turística general y del turismo rural en particular.

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2. Objetivos y Metodología La motivación fundamental de este estudio radica en la necesidad de poder establecer un vínculo o relación entre el patrimonio natural y el desarrollo socioecónomico de su entorno. Este apartado es muy importante puesto que pone de manifiesto la necesidad de relaciones sinérgicas y equilibrio entre la conservación y el desarrollo. Algo muy a tener en cuenta dada la creciente tendencia a la categorización y puesta en valor de los espacios naturales, mediante la declaración de alguna de las múltiples figuras de protección que tanto a nivel nacional como internacional existen. Todo ello, para poder ver en qué modo la demarcación del espacio por parte de alguna de las figuras de protección ha resultado ser un valor añadido para el entorno y constituyente de un auténtico proceso de revalorización del espacio natural, siendo además garante del desarrollo económico a través de la actividad turística de los municipios rurales cuyos términos comprenden esta estructura. Por lo tanto, este macro-objetivo se sintetiza en tres aspectos principalmente:

– El desarrollo del turismo de naturaleza vinculado a espacios especialmente protegidos.



– La potencialidad y el impacto que genera el desarrollo de la actividad turística en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe y los municipios que lo albergan, y la consecución de los objetivos de un desarrollo territorial sostenible.



– La tendencia y evolución de la actividad turística de Monfragüe y su entorno. Para ello, la metodología empleada parte de una primera aproximación teórico-reflexiva a modo de introducción, sobre las relaciones entre el patrimonio natural y los espacios protegidos, donde se hará referencia a la importancia de la puesta en valor de los recursos patrimoniales y cómo éstos pueden constituir un eje vertebrador para la asunción de nuevas actividades socioeconómicas de los municipios rurales, especialmente aquellas relacionadas con el turismo de naturaleza y el turismo rural. Por otro lado, y para poder asumir de forma práctica los objetivos propuestos, se llevará a cabo un análisis de las variables fundamentales de la actividad turística: oferta y demanda. A través de la obtención, 506 |

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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

explotación y presentación de una batería de datos seriada anualmente podrán establecerse comparativas y marcar qué tendencias y pautas rigen la dinámica turística en Monfragüe con especial atención a:

– El número anual de visitantes del Parque (2004-2012).



– El número mensual de visitantes del Parque (2004-2012).



– El número de establecimientos turísticos por municipio (2008-2012).



– El número de plazas ofertadas por tipo de establecimiento turístico y municipio (2008-2012).

3. El Área de Estudio El Parque Nacional de Monfragüe (declarado por Ley 1/2007 de 2 de marzo) ocupa una superficie de 18.118 ha, y se localiza en el centro de la provincia de Cáceres (Extremadura, España), en un territorio donde se combinan los espacios de penillanura con la media montaña, los riberos y las vegas aluviales del río Tiétar, constituyéndose el eje central de la Reserva un conjunto de sierras y serretas de baja altura que tienen una disposición NO-SE en el denominado Arco de Cañaveral (Alvarado, 2004). Mapa 1. Zona de estudio.

Fuente: Alberdi Nieves, V. (2011)

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Afecta a los términos municipales de Casas de Miravete, Jaraicejo, Malpartida de Plasencia, Serradilla, Serrejón, Toril y Torrejón el Rubio. La Zona Periférica de Protección alcanza una superficie de 116.160 ha, la que ocupa actualmente la ZEPA de Monfragüe y Dehesas del Entorno, y el Área de Influencia Socioecónómica alcanza las 195.502 ha, incluyendo los municipios de Casas de Millán, Casatejada, Deleitosa, Higuera, Mirabel, Romangordo y Saucedilla (Leco, 2010). Tabla 1. Términos municipales afectados por el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, 2012.

Municipios

Porcentaje

Superficie (ha)

Casas de Miravete

8,1

1.468

Jaraicejo

11,9

2.156

Malpartida de Plasencia

4,8

870

Serradilla

26,5

4.801

Serrejón

17,4

3.153

Toril

11,5

2.084

Torrejón el Rubio

19,8

3.587

100,0

18.118

Total

Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de datos del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe.

Además de la categoría de Parque Nacional, son varias las figuras de protección que convergen sobre este territorio, siendo ello prueba ine­ quívoca de su valor ambiental y cultural. En 1991 fue declarado Zona de Especial Protección para las Aves, figura que posteriormente fue ampliada en mayo de 2004 hasta la actual ZEPA, Monfragüe y Dehesas del Entorno, hasta alcanzar las 116.000 ha actuales. En el año 2000, una superficie algo mayor que la del actual Parque Nacional es declarada Lugar de Importancia Comunitaria (LIC-Monfragüe). Posteriormente, en julio de 2003, como el ulterior reconocimiento de la cordial relación secular que en estas tierras existe entre el hombre y el medio, el Programa MaB (Man and Biosphere) de la UNESCO declara como Reserva de la Biosfera a una superficie de 116.160 ha, donde quedan incluidos los siete municipios del Parque Nacional y otros siete más, ocupando el mismo territorio que la ZEPA Monfragüe y Dehesas del Entorno. 508 |

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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

4. Resultados A continuación se procederá al estudio y análisis de los datos relativos a la cobertura turística del Parque, entendiendo esto como el resultado de las interacciones entre al número de visitantes mensuales y anuales que ha recibido el parque (periodo 2004-2012) y el número de plazas ofertadas por cada uno de los distintos tipos de alojamientos que pueden encontrarse en el área de la Reserva de la Biosfera que circunda y comprende al propio Parque para el periodo 2008-2012 y sus municipios. Análisis del registro de Visitantes en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe El registro de visitantes apenas ha sufrido variaciones interanuales de marcada importancia como puede observarse en la Tabla 2. Desde el 2004 al 2012, la media se sitúa en un total de 73.107 visitantes, siendo el año de mayores visitas el 2007 con 83.819, coincidiendo con la declaración de Parque Nacional. Si bien desde el 2007 al 2012, estas visitas se han ido reduciendo notablemente hasta situarse en 65.508 para este último año, lo que deja una pérdida bruta de 18.311 visitantes, lo que supone una reducción del 21,85%. Cabe destacar que esta reducción, siendo más acentuada desde el 2008 y siendo este año el inicio de la actual crisis y coyuntura económica, puede haber sido motivada por este importante factor. Tabla 2. Evolución del número de visitantes al Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, 2004-2012.

Año

Visitantes

2004

70776

2005

68959

2006

76281

2007

83819

2008

78272

2009

73308

2010

70482

2011

70560

2012

65508

Media

73107

Fuente: Elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Dirección del Parque.

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Junto a estos datos, se presentan los relativos a la variabilidad intermensual obtenidos directamente del conjunto de las medias obtenidas para cada mes por cada año de estudio. Esto es representativo puesto que permite observar la tendencia existente por parte de los visitantes, una tendencia que se traduce a efectos prácticos para el estudio del sector turístico, en la predilección por cuándo efectuar la visita, siendo esto de gran ayuda para entender el “por qué” o la motivación existente: Figura 1. Número medio de visitantes al mes, 2004-2012.

Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Dirección del Parque.

Como puede observarse, existe una marcada tendencia a la concentración de las visitas en primavera, entre Marzo y Mayo y siendo Abril el mes que por promedio concentra mayor número de visitantes. Esto sin duda alguna se explica por el período de Semana Santa y por el “Puente de Mayo”, que atrae más visitantes. Durante este periodo, se concentran un total 36.681 visitantes, repartidos en 10.357 para Marzo, 16.036 para Abril y 10.288 para Mayo; lo que supone el 50,2% del total de visitas del año. También es conveniente destacar el pequeño repunte de visitas que suponen los meses de Agosto y Octubre (coincidentes con el fin del verano y comienzo del otoño respectivamente), los cuales suponen el 18% con un total de 13.158 visitantes para ambos períodos, coincidiendo con las vacaciones veraniegas.

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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

Análisis de la oferta de alojamientos en la Reserva de la Biosfera de Monfragüe. Comparativa 2008-2012. La oferta de plazas en su cómputo total se ha visto incrementada a 1.343 con una media general de 447,7. La razón fundamental de este último dato viene dada por la incorporación del bloque de apartamentos turísticos con un total de 16 nuevas plazas en la zona. Tabla 3. Distribución del número de plazas por sectores y año de estudio.

Agrupación de plazas en establecimientos hoteleros y extrahoteleros

2008

2012

Hoteles, Hostales y Pensiones

609

503

Apartamentos rurales

127

231

0

16

Casas rurales

147

188

Suma Camping (1 establecimiento)

441

405

Suma alojamientos

1324

1343

Medias

441,3

447,7

Apartamentos turísticos

Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.

Como puede verse en la Tabla 3; la oferta general de plazas se ha visto aumentada en el año 2012 respecto a 2008. No obstante, los datos presentados en un pequeño desglose muestran que, pese a este último hecho, algunas tipologías de ofertas de alojamiento han visto reducida su capacidad de acogida traducida en número de plazas. De ellas, los hoteles, hostales y pensiones han pasado de 609 plazas en 2008 a 503 en 2012, un reducción neta de 106 plazas. El otro sector que ha mostrado un descenso en su capacidad ha sido el camping con 441 plazas en 2008 a 405 en 2012, una pérdida de 36 plazas. Pero no todo es negativo en esta primera aproximación a los datos turísticos del ámbito de estudio. Los apartamentos rurales, turísticos y casas rurales han visto aumentada su oferta y capacidad de acogida. Los apartamentos rurales han pasado de tan sólo 127 plazas en 2008 a situar­ se con 231 en 2012, un aumento de 104. Los apartamentos turísticos ARKEOS 38-39

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constituyen la novedad en los datos de 2012 con un total de 16 plazas. Por su parte, las casas rurales han visto incrementada su capacidad de acogida en 41, pasando de 147 en 2008 a 188 en 2012. Un análisis pormenorizado de los datos recogidos del sector ofrece una mayor visibilidad a la hora de analizar el sector turístico de la zona. El desglose general ofrece una perspectiva más detallada acerca de cómo ha sido la evolución de los establecimientos turísticos (alojamientos de todo tipo) en el marco temporal de los 4 años transcurridos desde el 2008 al 2012. Otro aspecto fundamental es el cálculo de la media de plazas ofertadas por sector, que resultará de gran utilidad para una estimación de la capacidad de acogida en relación con la posible demanda del sector. Lo más destacable de la tabla anterior es la posibilidad del análisis del componente turístico de alojamiento y su evolución por sectores y municipio. Es de notoria importancia el hecho de que no todos los municipios de la zona de estudio van a poseer algún tipo de las variables expuestas, con lo cual serán prioritarios a la hora de ejecutar cualquier programa que posibilite el desarrollo en la zona. Entre esos municipios están: Casas de Millán, Casas de Miravete, Higuera y Mirabel. Dentro de los municipios que sí ofrecen algún tipo de oferta turística en alojamiento, cabe destacar que desde el 2008 hasta el 2012, han sido varios que han visto modificada su oferta, de tal modo que pueden agruparse en este análisis temporal en las siguientes clases: Municipios que mantienen su oferta: Casatejada, con 1 hostal de 28 plazas y una casa rural con 12 plazas; Deleitosa, con una casa rural con 12 plazas; Jaraicejo, mantiene un hostal con 23 plazas; Malpartida de Plasencia, mantiene su oferta en casas rurales con 4 y 41 plazas; Romangordo, mantiene una casa rural con 5 plazas y Torrejón el Rubio, que mantiene su oferta en hoteles con 2 establecimientos y 144 plazas, en pensiones con 2 establecimientos y 26 plazas. Municipios que reducen su oferta: Jaraicejo, en 2008 poseía un hotel con 22 plazas que desaparece en 2012; Malpartida de Plasencia, poseía 2 hoteles con 146 plazas en 2008 y ahora tan sólo uno con 122, ha reducido el número de plazas en el camping situadas en 441 en 2008 y 405 en 2012; Saucedilla, ha reducido su oferta en hostales pasando de uno con 29 plazas a ninguno; Serrejón, que ha disminuido la oferta hotelera pasando de 2 hoteles con 104 plazas en 2008, a uno con 88 plazas; Toril, deja de tener un hotel con 40 plazas en 2008 a ninguno. 512 |

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Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.

Tabla 4. Distribución del número de establecimientos y plazas por municipio, tipología y año.

Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

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Municipios que aumentan su oferta: Malpartida de Plasencia, aumento de la oferta en hostales, que pasa de tan sólo uno con 24 plazas en 2008 a dos con 48 plazas en 2012, así como aumento en la oferta en apartamentos rurales, pasando de dos con 36 plazas en 2008 a 4 con 96 plazas en 2012; Serradilla, aumento en el número de plazas del único hotel disponible pasando de 23 en 2008 a 24 en 2012, incorporación de dos apartamentos rurales con 11 plazas y aumento en la oferta de casas rurales pasando de 2 con 22 plazas en 2008 a 5 con 55 plazas en 2012; Toril, pese a que desaparece su oferta hotelera, incorpora una nueva oferta en apartamentos turísticos con 2 establecimientos con 16 plazas; y Torrejón el Rubio, que aumenta el número de plazas disponibles (de 91 a 124) en su oferta de apartamentos rurales manteniendo el número de establecimientos en 5, asimismo aumenta la oferta en casas rurales pasando de 5 con 55 plazas a 6 con 63. Finalmente, para entender cómo ha cambiado la oferta turística por alojamientos en la zona de estudio, se ha hecho un cálculo de la media de plazas totales por tipo de alojamiento: Figura 2. Comparativa del porcentaje de la media de plazas por tipología de alojamiento en la zona de estudio.

Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de los datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012

En la Figura 2; se muestra una reducción de la media de plazas ofertadas en hoteles entre los dos años de 7,2 plazas de media; en hostales de 0,3 y finalmente en campings de 2,6. Por otro lado, existen tipos de 514 |

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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

alojamiento que han visto aumentada su media de plazas, tales como los apartamentos rurales, en 7,4; los apartamentos turísticos, en 1,1 y las casas rurales, en 2,9. Por último, las pensiones constituyen la única tipología de alojamiento cuya media de plazas ofertadas ha permanecido invariable en la comparativa de los dos años de estudio. La distribución espacial de los datos presentados muestra, como se ha podido observar con anterioridad, una clara variabilidad que se traduce no sólo en una distribución entre municipios (algunos poseen una suficiente oferta mientras que otros no poseen ninguna), sino también a nivel comparativo-distributivo entre los años del periodo estudiado. Como ejemplo de ello, se muestra la siguiente cartografía correspondiente a la zona, donde por un lado se analiza la distribución del número de establecimientos por sector y municipio; y por otro, la distribución del número de plazas disponibles por municipio y tipología de establecimiento. Todo ello refiriéndose al alojamiento, una de las piezas claves en el desarrollo turístico de un territorio ya que alberga la disponibilidad y la posibilidad de permanencia, estancia u hospedaje en una zona concreta: Mapa 2. Número de alojamientos por tipología. Comparativa 2008-2012.

Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de los datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.

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Mapa 3. Número de plazas por tipología de establecimiento. Comparativa 2008-2012.

Fuente: elaboración propia a partir de los datos de la Consejería de Fomento, Vivienda, Ordenación del Territorio y Turismo de la Junta de Extremadura. Marzo 2012.

5. Conclusiones La protección del patrimonio natural es un aspecto importante ligado a la conservación y puesta en valor de cada uno de los recursos que componen las señas de identidad del territorio, en este caso, la de sus valores físicos y medioambientales. No obstante, esta valorización no puede quedar exenta de una consideración hacia los núcleos y municipios que componen este espacio, puesto que proteger y delimitar un espacio puede constituir un proceso de degeneración de los propios núcleos al ver limitada su actividad productiva. Es por ello que el desarrollo complementario de actividades ligadas a la conservación y disfrute de estos espacios protegidos ,como es el caso del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, han permitido que las actividades tradicionales hayan dado paso a una mayor apuesta por el turismo de naturaleza y el turismo rural, mediante el desarrollo y consolidación de establecimientos de alojamiento que 516 |

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Patrimonio natural y turismo en el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe, Enrique López Rodríguez

permiten a los visitantes no sólo la posibilidad del hospedaje, sino también el poder disfrutar durante más tiempo de la calidad de vida de los pequeños municipios rurales y a su vez revalorizar aún más los aspectos del patrimonio cultural de los mismos a través de sus núcleos y paisajes. Bien es verdad que la concurrencia de visitantes al Parque se ha visto notablemente reducida durante los últimos años (hasta un 21,85% del 2007 al 2012). Pero es de destacar que esa misma fecha, 2007, supuso un importante hito al ser el año de declaración de Parque Nacional y tuvo su correspondencia con el máximo de visitantes registrados para ese periodo, con lo cual, declarar un espacio bajo alguna figura de protección tiene un doble efecto, por un lado la conservación y por otro la oportunidad de una mayor puesta en valor de los recursos de los que dispone el espacio. Por su parte, la oferta de cobertura turística ha experimentado crecimiento durante los últimos años, sin duda un ejemplo práctico de cómo los territorios han ido apostando por el desarrollo socioeconómico complementario a las actividades tradicionales de la zona. Permitiendo además que surjan multitud de modalidades de alojamientos como hoteles, hostales, pensiones, apartamentos rurales, apartamentos turísticos, casas rurales y cámpings; con una oferta total de 1.343 plazas en la zona de influencia socioeconómica del Parque. Por lo tanto, queda patente que los conceptos de protección y desarrollo son compatibles, siempre y cuando se esté dispuesto a apostar por la complementariedad. El desarrollo de la actividad turística no está exenta de producir impactos sobre los entornos donde se desarrolla pero, hasta la fecha, el Parque Nacional de Monfragüe y su entorno, aún tienen mucha capacidad de acogida puesto que la demanda existente está lejos de constituir una auténtica presión sobre los recursos del propio Parque así como en los municipios que lo integran. Bibliografía ALBERDI NIEVES, V. (2011). La gestión de las áreas de uso público en los espacios protegidos de Extremadura: el ejemplo del Parque Nacional de Monfragüe. Tesis Doctoral. Universidad de Extremadura. ALVARADO CORRALES, E. (2004). Reserva de la Biosfera de Monfragüe. León, Everest. FORONDA ROBLES, C. (2002). La intervención de los programas de desarrollo rural en el Patrimonio Natural andaluz. Universidad de Almería. ARKEOS 38-39

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HIDALGO MORÁN, S. (2006). Uso público en Parques Naturales. Análisis comparado de Andalucía y de Castilla y León. Tesis Doctoral. Universidad de Granada. LECO BERROCAL, F. et al. (2010). Reserva Mundial de la Biosfera de Monfragüe. Caracterización geográfica y visión cartográfica. Cáceres, Ministerio de Medio Ambiente y Medio Rural y Marino. Universidad de Extremadura.

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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo

For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge EVERLYNE ELITWAZA MBWAMBO

Abstract: This paper is a problematique of the marriage of (in)convenience between the Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA) and Department of Antiquities (DoA) in managing Olduvai Gorge (OG), one of the world’s most renown paleontological and archaeological site. Until early 2013, OG was adminis­ tered by DoA, the cultural heritage wing of the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism in Tanzania. An ambiguous management scenario unfolds over OG when the beleaguered DoA signs a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with its presumably high-performing sister, NCAA (natural resources management and community based wing). From the onset, the fate of OG gets shrouded in the two departments’ parallel core-businesses, incompatible human resource capacities and deployments, and uncertainty of management policy. Without sounding rather pessimistic, the paper raises issues of sustainability and queries the effect, on cultural heritage, of institutional ambiguity arising from radical transformation of cultural heritage institutional frameworks and policy in favour of widely diffused management techniques and models in the tourism sector. This paper explores the propensity of such a top-down institutional transformation over Olduvai Gorge to leave heritage, its grassroots managers and the local communities lost in the transition. Finally, the paper poses several questions. Is the Tanzanian model of radical translation over OG exportable to other African countries as a tool in negotiating the thin line between African heritage as an exploitable economic resource on one hand and an asset for posterity on the other? Is it a threat to cultural heritage, heritage managers and local communities? What (if any) opportunities and windfalls do the institutional management ambiguities so created bear overtime? Is it for better or worse? Keywords: Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority, Olduvai Gorge, Institutional transformations, policy and local communities.

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Introduction

U

nderstanding the impact of local, regional or national choices that we make and actions that we take has a paramount effect in influencing global change (that may be climatic, social, cultural and economic) is a huge step towards achieving global sustainability (adopted from International Year of Global Understanding-IYGU). It is with this spirit that the writer of this paper seeks to problematize and open up a healthy debate over sustainability aspects of cultural heritage arising from the radical transformation of cultural heritage institutional frameworks and policies. A case study is picked from the recent development favouring a joint management approach that the government of Tanzania adopted in the management of Oldupai Gorge cultural landscape through a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed between Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA) and Department of Antiquities. There emerges quite a number of issues that are at stake following this marriage of (in) convinience that are worth of examination and treated exeptionally. At the core of this reseach is an attempt to examine aspects of policy compatibility, human resources capacities and deployments, polarised partnership and funding opportunities between the two sister institutions whose core businesses are understood to be different. In the end, the author seeks to propose an alternative approach one that emphasizes the socialization of knowledge among stakeholders towards an integrated landscape management framework bringing into play local communities, researchers, cultural heritage managers, tourists, media and political fraternity. This approach is meant to make a difference between unilateral top-down changes in heritage management policies versus bottom-up transformations born out of interactive experiences.

Background information of Olduvai Gorge and current trends Olduvai Gorge which is found in northern Tanzania within Ngorongoro Conservation Area is an internationally recognized paleoanthropological site famous for its abundant richness of fossil human remains of our stone-tool using ancestors, and the diverse ancient lithic cultures. This site has made possible research and continuous studies on human evolution, 520 |

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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo

hominin behaviour, evolution of lithic industries, and reconstruction of paleo-environment and ecology over the last two million years. Research at Olduvai began almost a century ago being pioneered by the eminent Dr Luis and Mary Leakey in the early 1930’s. Their scientific works have produced inimitable wealth of archaeological and paleontological data for the study of all facets of human origins. One of the astounding discoveries that this far-famed team made was the hominin fossils of Zinjanthropus boisei (now Austalopithecus/Paranthropus boisei) in July 1959, a discovery that consisted of the upper part of a cranial (maxilla) of hominid (Leakey 1959). Also discoveries of a a skull of Homo habilis dating to 1.7 million years ago Homo erectus dated back to 1.5 million years ago and Homo sapiens dating back to 17 000 years ago were made (Leakey 1979; Carbonell 2005) Additionally, Olduvai was the first place where traces of an early stone tool culture were discovered, and gave its name to the Oldowan around two million years ago and is currently considered as the earliest human technology. Moreover Olduvai was also the site where the transi­tion from the Oldowan (a simple core-and-flake technology) to the Acheulean (defined by the appearance of handaxes, i.e. large pointed stone tools with heavy duty edges) was first documented, and where the earliest archaeological evidence of this new Acheulean technology was discovered. (IGNACIO et al., 2011-2012:90). Hay (1976) developed a comprehensive lithic stratigraph of Olduvai, an invaluable scientifc tool that has proved the test of time.

Physiographical Setting The Olduvai basin is located just south of the equator in northern Tanzania immediately adjacent to the Eastern Rift (Gregory) system. The modern Gorge exposes a two-million-year-long sedimentary record in an incised river valley that drains eastward from the Serengeti Plains. The Gorge cuts across a 50-kilometer-wide and rift-platform basin located between Precambrian basement to the west and the PlioPleistocene Ngorongoro Volcanic Highland to the east (Ashley et al., 2010: 704). The Gorge, which resembles a small canyon, branches into two gorges: the main and the side gorge. The side gorge is steep-sided and cuts into ARKEOS 38-39

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the Pleistocene sediments. It drains from Lemagrut Mountain and further downstream to join the main gorge about 8 km at the faulted trough-like depression, the Olbalbal depression. The side gorge follows the shoreline of the prehistoric lake and is rich in fossil fauna and sites that were used by Early Pleistocene hominins (Musiba 2014: 97-98) Figura 1. Exact of Olduvai Gorge within Eastern Rift System on the Serengeti Plain (After Hay, 1976)

Unfolding socio-cultural and scientific activities The scenic cultural landscape of Olduvai Gorge is home to the living Maasai community that forms a large section of the population. The major socio-economic activities in the region include pastoralism, traditional dancing, bead working and traditional medicine. Maasai’s livelihood predominantly depend on pastoralism (grazing large livestock in open free ranges) an entity for wealth creation and social ties. As a way of diversifying their economy women engage in bead working, curving and crafting while traditional dances in cultural bomas is largely a male-dominated social enterprise. 522 |

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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo

In the recent years business ventures in form of organized communal markets have helped to increase and further diversify the Olduvai Gorge communities’ economy. The existance of a site museum in the area has remained a central pool for Archaeotourism and knowledge dissemination but has injected little economic gain into the livelihood of the local communities surrounding this site, a setback common with most of Africa’s cultural heritage sites. Scientific research of archaeological, paleontological, environmental and cultural heritage nature have been going on in Olduvai for decades since their inception in the early 1930’s under the supervision or directorship of both local and international teams such as OLAP, TOPPP, OGAP. Figura 2. Zinjanthropus hominin site

Figura 3. Maasai pastoral activities

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Figura 4. Informative lectures to tourusts

Figura 5. Maasai traditional dancing

Figura 6. Organized communal markets

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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo

Figura 7. Archaeological research excavation

Figura 8. Maasai beads jewel

Discussion Challenges of Managing Olduvai Gorge (OG) before Adoption by NCAA It is appreciated that one of the major problems that African cultural heritage management face is poor funding (Pwiti 1997; Mabulla 2000; Kamamba 2005; Chirikure et al. 2010). Lack of funding forms the core of the challenges that necessitated the transfer of Olduvai Gorge site into ARKEOS 38-39

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the hands of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority (NCAA). Department of Antiquities (DoA) which was charged with the responsibility of ensuring sustainable development of Olduvai Gorge site and along other sites found itself crawling in executing her responsibilities largely due to lack and /or of limited funds. This was being worsened by long distance management; decision-making affecting management of the site were being made from the headquarters in Dar es Salaam. Noticeable also was the shortage of trained personnel working at OG site. The existence of few personnel to work in the site can be traced from the unfriendly living and working conditions of the site such as relatively poor housing facilities, water shortage that affect immensely the local population, poor transport and health facilities. Such an environment makes it hard for trained workforce to consider venturing into a great challenge for effective management. This longstanding setback can always be associated with lack of fund and dedicated political will in addressing this problem. It is also believed that there was a need to synthesize the management of Olduvai site within NCAA given the geographic vicinity. Whereas such an idea would directly benefit the site in terms of general monitoring and financial capacity of NCAA so far it is still uncomfortable situation in regards to proper coordination and implementation of cultural heritage related duties and responsibilities. Therefore, it can be seen that the atmosphere within which the management of OG was transferred into the hands of NCAA was largely decided unilateral, involving to a greater extent the political fraternity only. This paper argues that there was ina­ dequate consultation of scientific advice and local knowledge structure, a scenario that takes away opportunities for socialization of different knowledge systems in favor of the longevity of the site.

Institutional frameworks and policies influencing cultural heritage management at Olduvai Gorge In order to effectively discuss the complex situation surrounding changes taking place in the management of OG, it is important to look at the policies that define the two institutions’ core responsibilities. The 526 |

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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo

major reasons behind the establishment of Ngorongoro Conservation Area in 1959 as a multiple land use was and still is designated to promote the conservation of natural resources, safeguard the interests of NCA local populations and promote tourism. The responsible ordinance No. 413 stipulates a number of functions that NCAA must perform. These include conserving and developing the natural resources of the Conservation Area, promoting tourism, providing and encouraging the provision of facilities and infrastructure necessary or expedient for the promotion of tourism in the Conservation area. The functions also included safeguarding and promoting the interests of Maasai citizens of the United Republic engaged in cattle ranching and dairy industry, promoting and regulating the development of forestry, constructing infrastructure such roads, bridges, aerodromes, buildings and fences to provide water supplies and carry out such other works and activities as the Board of Directors may consider necessary for the purpose of the development and protection of the Conservation Area. On the other, the Department of Antiquities under the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism is charged with responsibilities of protecting, preserving and developing the country’s historical sites, appro­ val to matters related to restoration, rehabilitation, documentation and revitalisation of historical monuments, areas and sites. It also collects, documents, conserves and develops Tanzania’s architectural and cultural heritage resources, including traditional architectural heritage. The DoA also co-ordinates and undertakes archaeological research and related activities, issues permits (licenses) to local and foreign researchers for excavation, collection, exporting and film production. It also advises the Government on research and conservation issues relating to cultural heritage as stipulated in the Antiquities Act No. 10 of 1964 and its amendment No.22 of 1979. Judged in the framework of the different core businesses between NCAA and DoA outlined in the foregoing paragraphs above, one can say that the transfer of Olduvai Gorge and Laetoli sites (Laetoli site is outside the scope of this paper) into the hands of Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority is rather problematic. It is evident that the core functions of NCAA are quite different. NCAA is largely specialised in natural heritage whose demands are significantly different from OG’s cultural, archaeological heritage materials and landscapes. The non-reARKEOS 38-39

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newable nature of the heritage at stake demands quality management that is oriented towards its preservation in a sustainable way given the various socio-economic and political developments threatening heritage today (OOSTERBEEK et al., 2010). As such the two different types of heritage demand different types of specialised human resources need that cannot be easily substituted for the other. In the current scenario, NCAA officers, who have no background knowledge in Archaeology and Cultural Heritage Management, enjoy a privileged advantage over DoA in handling OG. The new department responsible for cultural heritage that has been established in NCAA is supposed to work under the interim structure with stipulated terms and conditions developed in partnership with the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism (MNRT), NCAA and selected stakeholders. It is expected to carryout monitoring, supervision and developing sites among others a task that is highly challenging given the nature of what they are deployed to manage. In the recent past, challenges of managing cultural heritage sites have revolved around the temptation of moving from being preservation and conservation of human history and development into tourism consumption entities. Musiba (2014:98) argues in favour of transfer of OG into NCAA hands initiative that it was the best strategy. He thinks the strategy would enable the NCAA to develop the two sites as tourist attractions in the NCA area thereby enhance the potential economic benefits to the local communities living near. Such an argument of using tourism as an engine for development cannot be refuted, but the author believes that heritage celebration and enjoyment is dependent on its study to start with, then on social, political and economic availability of heritage to the living population and also on the need not to infringe on the rights of the same heritage for future generations on the other hand; a justification for sustainable use of heritage. The ongoing development at Olduvai clearly reflect this paradox and it is with the same spirit that the author queries if the Tanzanian model of radical transformation over OG can be exported or serve as a model to other African countries or as a tool in negotiating the thin line between African heritage as an exploitable economic resource on one hand and an asset for posterity on the other. What then are the windfalls or opportunities of such institutional management ambiguities so created bear over time? Finally, what is the future of cultural heritage management in Tanzania as a country and in the African continent? These 528 |

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questions have no immediate answer and therefore demand further debate and discussion. This paper presents an alternative motive steeped in the conceptual framework of the International Year of Global Understanding and the notion of integrated landscape management system as shall be discussed briefly in the concluding segment of this essay

Future Prospects From the ongoing discussion it is clear that the decision of transferring the two paleontological, archaeological and cultural heritage sites into the hands of NCAA was prematurely arrived at. This is happening in the backdrop of UNESCO’s threats to deprive NCAA of the World Heritage status due to enormous challenges brought about by poorly managed aspects of human-environmental interactions as enshrined in the multiple land use philosophy. The presence of pastoral communities and their activities within Ngorongoro Conservation Area have had gigantic impact in the ecotourism, a challenge that is yet to be addressed. The complexities arising from these internal challenges within NCAA clearly bring to question acclaimed success story of NCAA in administering the conservation area. Nevertheless, there is urgent need of socializing knowledge towards adoption of an integrated landscape framework of management. In its simplicity, this framework suggest integration and interaction of all key stakeholders in an attempt to produce a more sustainable and global understanding of heritage management. This approach is meant to make a difference between unilateral top-down changes in heritage management policies and in favor of complementary bottom-up transformations born out of interactive experiences. In principle, integrating local communities local knowledge systems will not only induce a sence of responsibility and belongingness but it will also influence their daily decisions and actions to act locally and think globally in their interaction with the OG heritage-scape. Also, socializing scientific and local knowledge systems over matters of management provides a basis for informed political decisions. It is equally important that political perspectives and motives are properly enfolded into cultural heritage management narratives in a way that is transparent and accountable. Open dialogue is encouraged as a way of ARKEOS 38-39

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influencing knowledge dissemination so as to arrive at informed lasting decisions. Equally important is the integration of tourists’ , media fraternity and tour operators’ experiences from the daily interaction they make with the heritage through their activities. The goal is to harvest as much knowledge as possible necessary for the wellbeing of heritage management and heritage resources. Therefore every stakeholder counts if ever African heritage management experiences are to turn around for the better. The diagram below summarises the proposed symbiotic interaction and socialisation of knowledge as an alternative framework for heritage management in OG Tanzania and beyond. Figura 9. Symbiotic relations and socialisation of knowledge in heritage management model

Cultural heritage management in Tanzania and Africa as a whole need to embrace the benefits acquiring from integrated landscape management framework and philosophy of global understanding. The major emphasis is on global sustainability of local actions and a demonstration of their potential impacts at global level. It also emphasises moving from know530 |

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For Better or Worse? Problematising NCAA and Department of Antiquities’ Joint Managment Modus Operandi over Olduvai Gorge, Everlyne Elitwaza Mbwambo

ing about global sustainability to living sustainably as the wayforward for African heritage management. This framework espouses the notion that actions and thoughts that may seem disconnected in space and time are often fundamentally linked. Therefore it is important to take informed decisions knowing that we will be hold accountable and global understanding empowers people to make such connections (IYGU, 2014)

References ASHLEY, G.M., DOMINGUEZ-RODRIGO, M., BUNN, H.T., MABULLA, A.Z.P., AND BAQUEDANO, E., (2010), Sedimentary Geology And Human Origins: A Fresh Look at Olduvai Gorge, Tanzania: Journal of Sedimentary Research, v. 80, p. 703-709. CARBONELL, E. (2005). Homínidos: Las primeras ocupaciones de los continentes. Editorial Ariel, S.A. Barcelona. CHIRIKURE, S., MANYANGA, M., NDORO, W., AND PWITI, G., (2010), Unfulfilled promises? Heritage management and community engagement at some of Africa’s cultural heritage sites. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 16(1&2), 30-44. DE LA TORRE, I., MCHENRY, L., NJAU, J., AND PANTE, M., (2012), The Origins of the Acheulean at Olduvai Gorge (Tanzania): A New Paleoanthropological Project in East Africa.  Archaeology International,15:89-98, DOI:  http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ai.1505. HAY, R.L., (1976), Geology of the Olduvai Gorge, A Study of Sedimentation in a Semiarid Basin: University of California Press. Berkeley: Los Angeles, London. KAMAMBA, D. M. K., (2005), Cultural heritage legislation in Tanzania Africa 2009 Conservation of Immovable Cultural Heritage in Sub-Saharan Africa Proceeding. In NDORO,W., and PWITI,G., (eds.) Legal frameworks for the protection of Immovable Cultural Heritage in Africa ICCROM conservation studies 5, p. 13-17. ICCROM Publication, Rome, Italy. LEAKEY, L.S.B., (1959), A new fossil skull from Olduvai: Nature, v. 184, p. 491-493. MABULLA, A. Z. P., (2000), Strategy for cultural heritage management (CHM) in Africa: A case study. African Archaeological Review, v. 17(14), p. 211-233. MUSIBA, C.M., DECON, J., KIRIAMA, H.O., COMER, D.C., MAKUVANZA,S., AND CHIWAURA, H., SINAMAI, A., THIAWI, I., AND BREEN, C., (2014), The Management of Cultural World Heritage Sites and Development in Africa: History, Nomination Processes and Representation on the World Heritage List. In MAKUVAZA, S. (ed.) – Springer Briefs in Archaeological Heritage Management. ISSN 2192-5313, p. 97-98. OOSTERBEEK, L. B., AND SANTANDER, M. QUAGLIUOLO., (2010), Quality Heritage Management CEIPHAR, ARKEOS series vol. 26: Tomar. PWITI, G., (1997), Taking African heritage management into the twenty-first century. Zimbabwe’s masterplan for cultural heritage management. African Archaeological Review, 14(2), p. 81-8. http://www.global-understanding.info/what-is-iygu/iygu-to-date/ ARKEOS 38-39

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The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”, Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar

The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”: Cooperation for the Development of the Archeology and the Local Communities in the Area of the Olduvai Gorge Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar

Abstract: The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind” is funded by the Community of Madrid and is running with the grateful support of several other institutions. Its main objective is to establish a scientific station within the Olduvai Gorge of Tanzania. During excavation season, its purpose will be to house archaeological research, while, during the rest of the year, it will be primarily used for the housing and benefit of the local population. The present work comprises a detailed description of this project’s means and purposes. Keywords: Olduvai, Maasai, Project, Scientific Station, Financing.

Introduction

A

team of Spanish archaeologists has been carrying out excavations in the Olduvai Gorge, under rather difficult conditions. For this reason, the community of Madrid has decided to provide vital economical support to support them in their cause. For the development of this initiative, the decision was taken to involve the nonprofit organization known as “Cives Mundi”. Subsequently, a project was implemented by several organizations, with the objective to construct a scientific station to be used both by the archaeologists and the local populations (i.e., the Maasai tribe, who seem to have limited resources). The project’s aim was to put matters in their hands by providing them with the administration of the center during the months that the archeologist don´t use it. In this way, ARKEOS 38-39

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they could use it for various purposes, such as schooling, tourism, formative organization, and other activities. On this basis, besides contributing to heritage conservation, this project would provide resources for human social development, wealth creation and improvement of living conditions and standards. This would be made possible through the enhancement and the sustainable management of culture, which could improve the lives of people that is now left with limited resources to step up and progress. In particular, the specific objectives of the program were:

– Use of the archaeological heritage of the Olduvai Gorge as a generator of sustainable development in the communities that treasure it.



– Protection of identity, cultural legate, and collective memory.



– Improvement of living standards among local populations of the Ngorongoro area.



– Socioeconomical development that is based on the sustainable use of cultural wealth. This would lead to the improvement of living standards in the populations of the vicinity of the Olduvai Gorge. For the locals, development involves an increase of employment, a wider range of every-day activities, investments in infrastructures and necessary equipment.

The station was built in 2008 and baptized with the name: The Aguirre-Mturi Research Station at Olduvai Gorge:. This name was given because of two important researchers in the world of the archeology. The first was Emiliano Aguirre, the founding fathers of paleanthropology in Spain, while the second one was Amin Mturi, the founding fathers of Archaeology in Tanzania. In this spirit, the names of these two personalities were used to represent the two countries cooperating in this project.

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The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”, Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar

Materials, Funding and Resources

The project began in 2008, requiring a budget of 243,676 Euros, according to the announcements of the organization “Cives Mundi”. The project was cut in 2013, due to the lack of sufficient funding. Despite this, the station is still running by archaeologists who struggle to continue excavating season after season in the Olduvai sites, without access to any kind of basic funding. At this point, it should be mentioned that the direct beneficiaries from the project were calculated to be 100 men and 25 women, while indirect beneficiaries would be as many as 15,000 inhabitants of the local area’s population. The institutions contributing to this project were from different parts of the world. In particular, these were:

– Institute of Human Evolution in Africa (IDEA), Madrid, Spain.



– Museo Arqueologico Regional de la Comunidad de Madrid, (Madrid, Spain)



– Department of Anatomy, Weil Bugando University College of Health Sciences (WBUCHS) Mwanza Tanzania.



– Department of History and Arqueology. University of Dar es Salaam, Dar es Salaam, Tanzania



– PaleoKnowledge Resource Center Department of Anthropology, University of Colorado Denver, USA



– “Cives Mundi”, ONG Madrid.



– The Department of Antiquities Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism, Dar es Salaam Tanzania.



– Ngorongoro Conservation Area Authority.



– Maasai Pastoral Council.

The non-governmental organization “Cives Mundi” had the res­ ponsibility to overlook this project, which would grant sustainability in the territory and its populations. This would enable Spanish researchers to carry on their researches and it would provide the local Maasai with the means to improve their living standards by giving ARKEOS 38-39

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them a place that was theirs and they can manage themselves. As a non-profit organization, the aim of “Cives Mundi” is to promote and perform actions that consist in programs and projects of cooperation that provide solidarity and aid to developing countries. In addition, it aims at conducting awareness-raising in the Spanish society, with regard to humanistic matters of our world today. Their field of work focuses on environmental issues, rural infrastructure, education, AIDS prevention, as well as promotion of equal opportunities between women and men. It was founded in 1987 at Soria of Spain and, in recent years, it has managed to become a point of reference in its field. Currently, the NGO is active in 16 countries of Africa, Asia, as well as South America. In 2008, it held a total of 41 cooperation activities in countries of these continents. In conclusion, “Cives Mundi” is a financially strong and independent organization, as a result of their large amount of resources. These originate from public funding during recent years that was sponsored by 40 different administrations and institutions, among which are the European Commission, the Spanish Agency for Development Cooperation, the “Junta de Castilla y León”, the Catalan Agency for Cooperation, as well as several municipalities and county councils throughout Spain. Among the private institutions, the most notable benefactor is the “Fundación La Caixa and Caja Madrid”. The Institute of Evolution in Africa (IDEA) was formally created in 2010 as an association among the University of “Alcala de Henares”, the regional museum of archeology, the community of Madrid, and the City of Madrid. It is located within the Museum of the Origins in Madrid and aims at investigating evolution throughout the African continent, giving special emphasis on the evolution of Man. The project of this institution is the T.O.P.P.P. (“The Olduvai Paleoanthropology and Paleoecology Project”), which is conducted in the Olduvai Gorge of Tanzania. The IDEA organization is co-directed by Manuel Dominguez-Rodrigo (professor of the Complutense University of Madrid) and Enrique Baquedanol, (director and manager of the Regional Archaeological Museum in Madrid).

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The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”, Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar

Methods, description and project development

The station is composed of two buildings with bedrooms, a bathroom with shower, a kitchen, one room for the material, and a laboratory (Figures 1 to 5). Moreover, the station is equipped with all the tools necessary for accommodation and investigation. The station is running solely on solar energy. It has an ecological and sustaina­ ble design which was designed by the architect Carla Mallol. The station fits perfectly into the landscape, while, in case that it would be necessary, it is also entirely removable without causing any kind of damage to the environment. Figures 1 to 5. Photos of the installations of the Scientific Station:

Fig. 1

Fig. 2 ARKEOS 38-39

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Fig. 3

Fig. 4

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The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”, Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar

Fig. 5

Olduvai Gorge is one of the most important places in East Africa in relation with the archaeological and paleontological sites. In fact, the cliffs of this canyon are also known informally by the nickname “Cradle of Humankind” (Carbonell et all. 2005). Nevertheless, the Tanzanian government prefers to call the site by its original Maasai name, which is “Olduvai”. The name comes from the plant of the same name, whose main feature is that it retains water inside, so it is often chewed by animals (such as elephants) and the indigenous Maasai, in times that aridity is high. It is located in the east of the plains in the Serengeti of northern Tanzania, inside of what is defined as the Great Rift Valley. (Kusimba and Kusimba, 2003). The latter is great depressions that compress around 2,900 km, where tectonics and erosion have exposed sediments of antiquity, dating to be as old as 2Ma and as recent as 15,000 years ago. The Maasai are estimated to be circa 883,000 individuals and they reside in southern Kenya and northern Tanzania. The Maasai are -by tradition- nomadic pastoralists that live in open plains. Their everyday reality and traditional culture revolve around their cattle, which is also used for calculating and exchanging wealth. The Maasai move geographi­ cally towards locations where conditions are better for their cattle. In addition to cattle, they also breed sheep, goats, and donkeys. ARKEOS 38-39

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Even though they do collect some species of autochthonous plants -like aloe vera- for treating burns, they are not known to practice agriculture. The Maasai live in settlements called “manyattas”, which are formed of huts arranged in a circular manner of huts. They are made of twigs that are surrounded by palisades (“bomas”) to enclose livestock. The building material is composed of bricks based on ani­ mal dung, straw, and mud. These are used because they serve for waterproofing and hardening of the huts’ outer surface. For their construction, the interior walls are firstly smoothed and then smoked. Finally, even though they do often contain tiny skylights, they rarely present any windows or openings other than the entrance. The “Ngorongoro Conservation Area” (NCA) is situated in the northern part of Tanzania. It is bordered to the east by the East African Great Rift Valley. To the west lies the NCA, which is bordered with the vast Serengeti Plains (including Olduvai Gorge and the Laetoli areas)? It covers an area of approximately 8.288 sq.km. The NCA´s elevation is between 1, 350 and 3, 000m. It was formed after a volcanic eruption some eight million years ago (Kusimba and Kusimba, 2003). The crater is surrounded by six peaks ranging from 2300 to 3648 meters in height and it is the largest known intact crater in the world and is home of hundreds of thousands of animals and millions of birds. About 36km south of Olduvai Gorge, there can be found a Pliocene site that is famous for the “footprints” unearthed, the site G of Laetoli (Kusimba and Kusimba, 2003).

Results

The project began in 2008 with a budget of 243,676 Euros. However, due to problems caused by the European crisis that affected Spain during these last years, the community of Madrid was not able to continue funding the project in 2013. The project had been born with the objective of improving working and living conditions of both the archaeological team and the local population, the Maasai of the Ngonrongoro. An important part of the project was that the Maasai were by themselves those who manage the Lodge-building for their activities and attract tourists in the area. The latter could stay in 540 |

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The Olduvai Project “Cradle of Mankind”, Marta Arzarello, Azahara Salazar

the station and bring more wealth to the area in a sustainable way. However, there were issues assigning Maasai with administration of the building, due to two basic factors:

– The Maasai didn´t have their own independent legal entity to be formally assigned with the administration of the building.



– There lies a diachronic difficulty in uniting Tanzanian government and the Maasai people, because their interests are in disagreement.

For these reasons, it was decided that the authority of the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, together with the Ministry of Antiquities (both belong to the Ministry of Natural Resources and Tourism), would manage the place and make the lodge-building profitable, allow its maintenance, and lead to theimprovement of facilities. Right now the project organizers “Cives Mundi” are trying to complete the second phase of the project “Olduvai: In the Cradle of Humankind”. This time their objective would be to protect and promote the “Cultural Heritage Gorge Olduvai”, for the purpose of contributing to the socioeconomical development in the Ngorongoro Conservation Area, Tanzania. This second phase has not yet received any funding, based on what the responsible of “Cives Mundi” have reported us. The reality is that, in the recent years, government budgets have been drastically reduced by supranational or international organizations (such as the EU), when it comes to projects related to protection, promotion or defense of tangible and intangible cultural heritage. This trend is due to underestimation of these projects’ contribution in the understanding and appreciation of culture. Decreasing these budgets is a decision in the wrong direction for the economical, social and humanistic development of these areas.

Discussion

Personally, the most interesting aspect of this project is the very idea on which the project was based and developed. It was the result of an action of cooperation for the development in one zone with few resources. Throughout each year, it could combine a center for scientific purposes as well as a site that will be used for formative, ARKEOS 38-39

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informative and touristical purposes for the local people. This would mean development for this area of Tanzania, and particularly in the area of Ngorongoro, which is the heritage of all humanity. On the other hand the reality is that since several years ago, tourism is increasing in this area. This mass tourism doesn´t have a good coordination so it is having a bad ecological impact on the remaining Ngorongoro resources, wildlife and at the expense of the pastoral communities, like those of Maasai. The archeological sites are still not prepared for all this mass tourism. In fact, unfortunately, they are not well instructed and organized and, as a result, the tourist don´t get the correct information about what they are visiting. Furthermore the archeological sites are not well protected, being open to destructive actions by vandalism. In this framework, developing countries need to cultivate a careful, well-planned and ecologically oriented tourism with the required infrastructures. The project discussed here is serving this exact purpose. (Kusimba and Kusimba, 2003). Sustainable tourism will be beneficial economically, ecologically, socially as well as culturally for Tanzania. Also it is necessary to protect the local people and give to them ownership in their territories, encouraging them to participate in a sustainable way of tourism like this project under discussion. Unfortunately, these aims were not possibly met in the end, due to legal issues surrounding the discrepancies between the government of Tanzania and the population Maasai. I personally believe that the organization “Cives mundi” had done a terrific work in many different part of the world. I sincerely hope they can go on with their second project regarding the local people of Ngorongoro Conservation Area. Selective bibliography Carbonell E. (2005). Homínidos: Las primeras ocupaciones de los continentes. Editorial Ariel SA: Barcelona. Kusimba C, Kusimba S. (2003). East African Archaeology: Foragers, Potters, Smiths, and Traders. University of Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology: Pensylvania. Personal communication with “Cives Mundi” (Soria, Spain) Personal communication with the «Regional Archaeological Museum of Madrid: (Madrid, Spain).

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La gestion d’un patrimoine naturel et historique sur le littoral français dans un contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer du au changement climatique, Hugo Denoun

La gestion d’un patrimoine naturel et historique sur le littoral français dans un contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer du au changement climatique HUGO DENOUN

Abstract: How, today, offer at a local level an integrated management of an inherited landscape in the context of environmental changes which are more and more observable in the field? This is the current situation in which Certes and Graveyron domain’s stakeholders are. Including two polders, this site is threatened by a continued erosion of the dike system at several points to which is added the sea level rise. To analyze the complexity of those issues, stakeholders have employed an university research team who have set up the BARCASUB project. In this example, different times scales of understanding and management overlap and thus question the sustainability of the landscape. Key-words: polder, marine submersion, heritage, perception, integrated management.

Introduction

L

e Bassin Arcachon, sur la côte aquitaine, est une lagune estuarienne, ce qui implique des dynamiques hydro-morphologiques singulières qui y dessinent un paysage unique sur la façade océanique. Au cours des derniers siècles, des surfaces d’exploitation endiguées ont été créées en avançant sur la mer, ce sont les polders. Dans cette étude de cas nous nous focaliserons sur deux domaines voisins: le polder de Certes et celui de Graveyron. Les enjeux qui prennent place sur ces polders ont fortement évolué, notamment dans le contexte global actuel de réchauffement climatique et ARKEOS 38-39

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donc de hausse du niveau marin. Des simulations du risque de submersion à partir de modèles numériques de terrain montrent que l’ensemble des terrains de Certes et de Graveyron pourrait être submergé. Dans quelle mesure les choix d’aménagements et de gestion de ces deux domaines soumis au risque de submersion sont déterminés par une approche patrimoniale? Nous nous intéresserons d’abord aux méthodes utilisées par les gestionnaires pour préserver et valoriser ces domaines. Puis nous étudierons la situation du Bassin d’Arcachon face à la transgression marine. Enfin nous aborderons comment ce patrimoine et le risque de submersion sont perçus au sein de la population locale. Image 1. La lagune estuarienne de la baie d’Arcachon. Source: Bertrand Frédéric, The Arcachon Bay estuary: a «collage» of landscapes.

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La gestion d’un patrimoine naturel et historique sur le littoral français dans un contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer du au changement climatique, Hugo Denoun

I. Valorisation d’un patrimoine: une «vitrine environnementale» à protéger

C’est au milieu du XVIIIe siècle que le domaine de Certes (395 ha) est endigué sur 20 kilomètres par le marquis de Sivrac afin de faire de la saliculture. Le paysage de marais salants, encore visible de nos jours, remplace celui du schorre, initialement présent. Le sel produit n’est malheureusement pas de bonne qualité et on abandonne cette activité au siècle suivant pour faire de la pisciculture. Des bassins sont alors aménagés pour y entretenir les élevages de poissons. Au début du XXe siècle le domaine de Graveyron (135 ha) est aménagé pour accueillir de nouveaux bassins de pisciculture, les digues s’étendent alors sur 5 kilomètres. Après la Seconde Guerre mondiale, la pisciculture est abandonnée, les domaines vont alors être envahis par les algues et la végétation va s’installer entre les bassins. En 1984 et en 1998 le domaine de Certes et celui de Graveyron sont acquis par le Conservatoire du Littoral afin de préserver leurs patrimoines naturel et bâti: au système de digues, viennent s’ajouter un château du XIXe siècle et un corps de ferme. Ils sont destinés notamment à l’accueil du public et des chercheurs. La gestion des sites est assurée par le Conseil Général de Gironde qui souhaite fortement valoriser les deux domaines pour en faire leur « vitrine environnementale », dixit les gestionnaires du département. Le patrimoine bâti était fortement dégradé aussi bien pour les digues et les écluses que les bâtiments. Des travaux de rénovation ont été entrepris et il ne reste actuellement en chantier que le château. Dans ces marais d’eau douce et d’eau salée, réputés globalement pour leur rôle de refuge ornithologique, différentes activités prennent place. 50 000 visiteurs s’y baladent chaque année suivant les chemins aménagés sur les digues. Pour entretenir les domaines un agriculteur y fait paître son troupeau de bazadaises et de blondes d’Aquitaine, des races de vache locales. Elles sont hébergées à la ferme de Graveyron. De même pour s’occuper des bassins de Certes un pêcheur a relancé l’activité piscicole, il devrait dans les prochaines années développer celle-ci à Graveyron. Un des objectifs de ces deux acteurs, avec le soutien des gestionnaires du département, est de lancer prochainement un circuit court de distribution auquel la population locale semble très intéressée. Ces activités exploitantes participent ainsi à la mise en place d’un patrimoine de terroir qui vient s’ajouter aux patrimoines naturel et historique de Certes et Graveyron ARKEOS 38-39

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(CONSERVATOIRE DU LITTORAL, 2015). Enfin la chasse «à la tonne» (abrité dans une cache en bois qui donne sur un plan d’eau aménagé, le chasseur guette les canards attirés par des leurres) est pratiquée au domaine de Certes, un paysage typique en découle avec les parcelles aménagées sur les bords externes des digues. Les rapports entre les gestionnaires et les chasseurs ne sont pas évidents. En effet ces derniers, par un sentiment d’appropriation traditionnel de ces espaces pour la chasse, ne respectent pas la réglementation en vigueur comme la période de chasse ou de ne pas circuler à moto. Dans un souci de valorisation et de préservation, ces sites sont protégés au titre de la Loi littoral et de l’outil de protection Espace Naturel Sensible (qui concernent la pression urbaine et le développement des activités anthropiques) et ont été classés en zone Natura 2000 et en ZNIEFF, Zones naturelles d’intérêt écologique faunistique et floristique (qui leur reconnaissent un rôle majeur concernant la biodiversité). Le patrimoine bâti est quant à lui inscrit aux monuments historiques, la gestion des écluses rénovés n’est pas informatisée car le choix a été de les laisser à usage manuel. La superposition de mesures de protection et de «labels» démontre l’intérêt porté par le département de Gironde à cette «vitrine environnementale» et par la commune qui dépend des ces domaines pour attirer les touristes.

II. Les domaines de Certes et Graveyron vulnérables face à l’aléa de la submersion marine

Les domaines endigués de Graveyron et Certes se situent sur la côte Est du Bassin d’Arcachon. Au Sud s’étendent les bras du delta de la Leyre, la dynamique de sédimentation estuarienne est donc très forte et nécessite régulièrement de draguer les canaux pour permettre la circulation maritime. S’ajoute à cela la dynamique de la marée deux fois par jour. Le marnage varie entre quelques dizaines de centimètre et plus de 4 mètres. Ces domaines sont jouxtés par la commune d’Audenge qui rassemble plus de 6000 habitants. Comme pour le reste des communes du Bassin d’Arcachon nous sommes en zone de périurbanisation dépendante de la ville de Bordeaux. Effectivement depuis le XXe siècle le littoral du Bassin s’est urbanisé de telle façon qu’il n’existe plus que trois corridors naturels entre l’arrière-pays et le Bassin. Pour un territoire de cette en546 |

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La gestion d’un patrimoine naturel et historique sur le littoral français dans un contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer du au changement climatique, Hugo Denoun

vergure, la connectivité biologique entre les habitats naturels offerte est relativement peu développée. Alors que le territoire s’anthropise, le changement climatique provoque la fonte des calottes glaciaires et la dilatation thermique des océans ce qui entraîne une montée du niveau de la mer. De plus les chercheurs remarquent une intensification de la fréquence des événements climatiques comme les tempêtes, ce qui est problématique pour le Bassin d’Arcachon duquel on pourrait penser à tort qu’il est protégé par la flèche du Cap Ferret (ANSELME et al., 2008). Si la houle est bien stoppée aux niveaux des passes de la lagune, à l’intérieur du bassin le forçage du vent à la surface de l’eau va créer du clapot. Ce qui, combinée à une marée importante («de vives-eaux»), peut entraîner une submersion des zones à risque: c’est un phénomène de surcote difficilement prévisible dans de telles conditions. Les obstacles comme les digues sont alors franchis et l’action érosive de l’attaque des vagues est aussi bien progressive, par affouillement que régressive par le phénomène de surverse. Malgré la position reculée dans le fond du bassin des polders de Graveyron et de Certes, la surcote représente bien un danger que l’exemple ci-dessous vient étayer. Toutes les digues de Graveyron et de Certes ne sont pas soumises à la même intensité du risque de submersion. Une portion à Graveyron, appelée «la Pointe», y est particulièrement exposée. C’est lors d’une tempête en 1996 qu’une brèche se forme dans la digue. Les propriétaires ont bien tenté de la combler mais elle n’arrêtait pas de se reformer et même de s’élargir (à tel point qu’une grue était constamment sur place pour les travaux). Face à ce travail de Sisyphe il a donc été décidé de laisser ce secteur de 10 ha retourner à un état non aménagé morphologiquement dessiné par les dynamiques marines. Le marais d’eau douce a laissé la place a un marais d’eau salé (schorre ou pré salé). L’intérêt est, dans cette situation, de bénéficier d’un service écosystémique proposé par le pré salé. Pour faire face au risque de submersion, celui-ci, installé en avant d’une digue, va jouer le rôle d’espace tampon, amortissant l’impact des dynamiques marines. D’un point de vue financier, cela permet de préser­ ver les digues qui sont chers à entretenir. En terme de biodiversité cette dépoldérisation accidentelle permet d’observer côte à côte sur le domaine de Graveyron deux types de marais à eau douce, la partie endiguée, et à eau salée, la zone de la brèche, avec chacun leurs faunes et leurs flores respectives et ainsi de bénéficier de variations du paysage. ARKEOS 38-39

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III. Comment le patrimoine et le risque de submersion sont-ils perçus par la population

Des enjeux considérables transparaissent ainsi sur le territoire alors que le risque de submersion se fait de plus en plus menaçant. Quelle gestion devrait alors s’appliquer pour répondre au mieux à ces défis. Pour donner des éléments de réponse, les gestionnaires des domaines de Certes et Graveyron donne le feu vert à un projet d’étude nommé BARCASUB: la SUBmersion marine et ses impacts environnementaux et sociaux dans le Bassin d’ARCAchon, gérer ce risque par la dépoldérisation (GOELDNER-GIANELLA et BERTRAND, 2014: 219-230). Les chercheurs rassemblés s’intéressent à la mise en œuvre de la dépoldérisation: est-elle physiquement possible? Économiquement avantageuse? Et socialement acceptable? La technique traditionnelle et lourde contre le risque de submersion est l’installation de digues, le mètre linaire coûte en moyenne 700 euros. La durabilité de ces installations pose aussi problème puisque dans certains secteurs la détérioration peut être très rapide. La dépoldérisation est quant à elle une technique relativement douce qui ne nécessite pas d’intervention sur le milieu et donc est peu coûteuse. Mais alors plusieurs questions se posent: comment laisser la mer regagner du terrain: faut-il que l’homme agisse ou faut-il attendre une brèche accidentelle? Et jusqu’où laisser la mer avancer? Environ cinq cents entretiens ont été menés dans le cadre du projet BARCASUB pour connaître la réceptivité du public (population locale et touristes) à la notion de dépoldérisation et au risque de submersion qui s’accroît. Les réponses montrent que s’il y a bien une conscience du risque de submersion, l’attachement aux polders est encore très fort. Ils sont représentés comme des héritages qui sont la trace d’un travail considérable de domination de la mer par les «ancêtres». C’est donc un patrimoine à protéger selon ces entretiens. De plus les digues sont particulièrement appréciées pour profiter du paysage. Élevées de quelques mètres, elles permettent effectivement de voir les différents paysages du Bassin d’Arcachon. Le paysage des polders est d’ailleurs présenté sur le site du Conservatoire du Littoral comme naturel et façonné par l’homme ce qui peut apparaître fortement discutable tant l’artificialisation des sites est importante. Des comparaisons sont faites lors des entretiens avec l’époque où les secteurs étaient abandonnés après la Seconde Guerre mondiale et 548 |

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La gestion d’un patrimoine naturel et historique sur le littoral français dans un contexte d’élévation du niveau de la mer du au changement climatique, Hugo Denoun

donc difficilement visitables alors que l’accessibilité est aujourd’hui bien développée. Un dernier point significatif est la représentation du pré salé par ce public. Face au marais d’eau douce entretenu, comment est-il accepté? En fait les gens ne semblent pas vraiment le remarquer. Il n’occupe après tout que 10 ha et aucune forme de présentation (sous forme de signalétique par exemple) n’est faite dans le domaine de Graveyron pour renseigner le promeneur.

Conclusion

Un risque réel de submersion pèse sur les domaines de Certes et Graveyron. Les modèles numériques de terrain développés prennent en compte un scénario «catastrophiste» avec une augmentation du niveau de la mer de 22 centimètre pour 2050 or les dernières recherches en climatologie montrent que cette augmentation pourrait être encore plus importante et donc concerner aussi la commune d’Audenge. La gestion du site, déléguée au département de la Gironde, est destinée à mettre en valeur le patrimoine naturel et historique des sites en y conciliant les différentes activités. Concernant le risque de submersion, l’entretien des digues semble privilégié mais économiquement cela n’est pas une solution durable. La dépoldérisation s’oppose de son côté au fort attachement de la population à un patrimoine hérité. Dans ce contexte on saisit toute la difficulté de concilier les enjeux économiques, sociaux et écologiques du développement durable avec la volonté de préserver un paysage construit par le patrimoine. Ce qui nous amène à nous interroger sur la durabilité d’un paysage et la conservation du patrimoine alors que les dynamiques morphologiques sont continuellement à l’œuvre sur le paysage. Enfin cette étude de cas rend visible les différentes nuances de temporalité du risque et de la gestion (MORRIS, 2015). La temporali­ té du risque marin distingue d’une part l’événement épisodique de la submersion et d’autre part le phénomène continu de la transgression marine (qui par l’élévation du niveau de la mer fait avancer le front de mer sur la terre). La temporalité du gestionnaire est limitée quant à elle par le mandat des élus qui ont une vision à court terme de la gestion du risque. ARKEOS 38-39

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Aujourd’hui nous défendons une nouvelle gestion intégrée du risque par l’efficience du territoire, qui pourrait concerner les polders associés à la commune d’Audenge, c’est-à-dire par l’adaptation au risque à l’aide d’une gestion souple et sur le temps long qui permet au territoire de traverser différents états sans provoquer de dégâts économiques, sociaux ou environnementaux considérables. On comprend au travers de cet exemple que cette notion est encore loin d’être en pratique appliquée au-delà des discours.

Bibliographie Article internet: ANSELME B., DURAND P., GOELDNER-GIANELLA L. et BERTRAND F. (2008) - Impacts de l’élévation du niveau marin sur l’évolution d’un marais maritime endigué  : le domaine de Graveyron, Bassin d’Arcachon. Vertigo, Vol 8, n°1. Avril 2008. [Accessed February 25, 2015]. Available from www: . ISSN1492-8442 MORRIS I. (2015) - Learning the Lessons of Long-Term History. Global Affairs. [Accessed March 15, 2015]. Available from www: ORLOVE B. (2005) - Human adaptation to climate change: a review of three historical cases and some general perspectives. Environmental Science and Policy, Vol 8. [Accessed March 15, 2015]. Available from www: Article imprimé: GOELDNER-GIANELLA L. et BERTRAND F. (2014) - Gérer le risque de submersion marine par la dépoldérisation: représentations locales et application des politiques publiques dans le bassin d’Arcachon. Natures Sciences Sociétés. ISSN 1240-1307. Vol. 22, n° 3, p. 219-230. BERTRAND F., GOELDNER-GIANELLA L. (dir.) (2011) - Programme Liteau: projet BARCASUB. Rapport à mi-parcours, 58 p. Sites internet: CONSERVATOIRE DU LITTORAL - Domaine de Certes et de Graveyron. [Online]. [Accessed, March 1, 2015]. Available from www: DEPARTEMENT DE LA GIRONDE - Le domaine de Certes-Graveyron. [Online]. [Accessed, March 1, 2015]. Available from www:

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Culture resource management approach on Sindangbarang sites, Anton Ferdianto

Culture resource management approach on Sindangbarang sites ANTON FERDIANTO

Abstract: Culture is a whole aspect of human lives presented in many charac­ teristic. These characteristic should be maintained by its people as a sense of identity. This principal then be used too as a main purpose in handling archaeological remains. The three basic rules that follows the urge of identity, are preserving, protecting, and developing. Sindang Barang had many potential aspect of values in ideological, educational and economical matters. This Sites should be treat in the same ways. By the cross-project between archaeologist, local government and the active participation of its people, Sindangbarang can be developed in to a more beneficial sites that can be enriched our sense of identity, knowledge and prosperity.

Introduction

M

aintaining the characteristics of a culture require the people who produce and use a particular culture. This is because they are trying to show a characteristic of their culture to the people of other cultures as well as other cultural groups reveal their culture (Atmodjo, 2010). Psychologically, this identity is necessary to put themselves to be able to support certain cultural groups based on their similarity (possessed). Therefore, maintaining and developing the culture is needed to keep the collective identity to not disturbed by another culture. Culture develops through the medium of human behavior that utilizes the natural environment. The effort to exploit the natural environment can not be separated from economic and technological influences, also other aspects related to the necessities of life. Usually related to technological aspects of human ability to utilize natural resources in the environment by using their technology on producing tools, while the economic aspects with regard to ideas, knowledge, and action in exploiting natural resources for subsistence. ARKEOS 38-39

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The relationship between humans and their environment is bridged by their need to meet their needs. As it is known that ancient people try accomodate their needs not only use the natural products directly, but also exploit the environment. Through this exploitation activities by creating tools that fit the needs of both material and spiritual. Traces of human civilization and past life events recorded on the remains of a culture or commonly referred as artifacts. Artifacts as a result of human cultures that support either in the form of monuments, artifacts, and features is the role of the condition and provision of natural resources, and the remains are usually occupy a large area or region with a pattern that represents a time. Based on some inscription ever found, the earliest known kingdom in West Java during the age of “kingdom” period, is the kingdom of Tarumanagara. In addition to the inscriptions, other news sources that mention of the existence of the kingdom of Tarumanagara derived from the records of the foreign traders. Foreign news that mentions the kingdom TARUMA comes from the Chinese news. I’Tsing (7th century AD) mentions several countries including Mo-ho-sin. From the same time there are also stories that mention the name of To-lo-mo. From historical records of Sui Dynasty said that in 528 and 535 AD came messengers from To-lo-mo. Year 666 and 669 AD during the T’ang dynasty also came messengers from To-lo-mo. According to some experts Tolomo name is the Chinese pronunciation of Taruma (Sumadio, 1990: 44). Based on the ancient inscription, Tárumanágara allegedly took place from the 5th century until the end of the 7th century AD. Long history of the Sung Dynasty (420-478) also mentions its exis­tence, which is located in West Java. In the year 430 AD came the messenger of the Kingdom Holotan to bring tribute. The arrival of envoys from the kingdom Holotan recorded in 430, 433, 434, 437, and 452 AD. After 452 AD the Kingdom Holotan no longer sends envoy to China, it is presumably because the kingdom is already a colony of Tarumanagara kingdom. In contrast to the news, the news of Fa-hien more draws on religious life aspect in the era of Tarumanagara. Fa-hsien a monk from China illustrates during his journey, there are three groups that follow different religions. The adherents of Hinduism is the largest group, the next is the 552 |

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Culture resource management approach on Sindangbarang sites, Anton Ferdianto

adherents of Buddhism is a smaller group, including Fa-hsien own, and they are said to be adherents bad / dirty. Based on the distribution of some of the inscriptions and archaeological remains of an estimated area of Tarumanagara kingdom covers areas that are now included in Banten, Jakarta, Karawang, and Bogor. After the collapse of the kingdom of Tarumanagara in the 7th century, for quite a long time West Java experience lack of historical data. Only later in the 10th century there are a new kingdom which is Kingdom of Sunda. The oldest evidence of the Kingdom of Sunda is from inscription Rakryan Juru Pangambat (854 S / 932 M) were found in Kebon Kopi, Bogor. According to some sources it is known that the Kingdom of Sunda experienced several times the displacement center of government, starting from Galuh to end up in Pakwan Padjadjaran. Picture of religious life in the Kingdom of Sunda can be obtained in several manuscripts. In ancient manuscript Sanghyang Siksa Kanda ng Karesian (16th century) we can see that the religious life which initially showed the nature of the Hindu, then mixed with Buddhism, and in the end was mixed with elements of the local ancestral religion. This local religion is base on belief in ancestral spirits are realized through megalithic buildings. The term megalithic according Geldern (1945), Hekeeren (1958), and Soejono (1981) is not a megalithic or megalithic culture but it is a tradition that evolved from the Neolithic to the Bronze period iron continues even today (Prasetyo, 2004: 95). The settlement during the Kingdom of Sunda presume to be in Bogor Regency. Archaeological remains which indicate the presence of the Kingdom of Sunda in Bogor has so far been very few being discovered. Based on research that has been done Agus Aris showed that Sindangbarang and surrounding region is thought to be the remains of the Kingdom of Sunda.

Problematic

Referring to the Schiffer concept of transformation, which the archaeo­ logical remains found on earth is also a picture of the human mindset, culture, and behavior system that has been distorted (Schiffer, 1976: 11-12). Therefore he explained that there are two main contexts that may explain the presence of cultural resources, i.e. the context of the ARKEOS 38-39

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systems and archaeological context. The context of the system is a cultural environment that is still ongoing. In this context the cultural resources still play an active role and are used by the community. Archaeological context is the environment where cultural resources both tangible and intangible are not used anymore. Cultural resources that are not used anymore often become damaged, lost and extinct. However, it is not uncommon these cultural resources are still there but not visible and it is still possible to be rediscovered. Lately there is a tendency in society to establish a cultural community that aims to protect or defend the culture results. The rescue efforts appear to be caused by many considerations, for example on the aesthetic aspect, the content of value, architectural feasibility, historical area protection or intended to maintain the remains of the cultural identity of a culture that can be experience by future generations. Preservation and development of cultural relics that continue to exist and certainly could be more in terms of the historical value, educational and economical value for the public and the people who live in the surrounding area. Therefore, the problem that arises is how the strategy as what is needed to ensure the sustainability of the cultural resources that can be utilized without having to destroy the culture so that resources can last as long as possible.

Sindangbarang Complex Sites

Sindangbarang region includes several sites which is Taman Sri Bagenda, Sumur Jalatunda, Leuweung Karamat, Punden Pasir Eurih, Batu Karut, Punden Rucita, Punden Munjul, and Ciangsana site. From the research that has been conducted in the region we could see that these sites are not from prehistoric period, but from ancient history period, especially the kingdom of Sunda (Munandar 2006: 19-20). However, the result of these interpretations is still full of debate. This is due to the its similarity in name of the site, in this case Taman Sri Bagenda appeared in ancient literature 14-15 century AD in Javanese and Balinese.

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Three Elements of Conservation

The idea that cultural heritage can serve as a ‘commodity’ for public welfare and not only for historical remains. Furthermore it is said that all the economic value of cultural heritage which should be considered to raise revenue ‘its owner’. Therefore the utilization of the cultural heritage is not always dealing with maintaining the historical remains but also on the utilization and development for the greater purpose. With the concept of preservation as a guide, the development first need to see the potential of what is possessed. Based on the results of research conducted in this region, some sites are still used as Jalatunda springs where the water is still used by the community if there’s a traditional celebration like Seren Taun. The existence of these wells has become an integral part of the local communities in implementing the ceremony, which would later become a tourist attraction that is quite interesting considering the proliferation of cultural tourism among tourists both local and foreign. This of course can bring benefits to the surrounding community with the tourist arrivals in economic terms. Not only from an economic point of view, some sites like Luweng Keramat, Pasir Keramat, Punden Rucita are considered sacred by community that lives in the region. Natural areas that are not destroyed certainly is very importance. This condition made this region remain intact and be ecologically attractive appeal to be enjoyed especially now a lot of groups of tourists who not only enjoy the culture but also aims to enjoy the beauty of nature itself. Development and use of such possibilities should be explored. Public support for the region it is necessary to recognize and choose what elements that can be used to strengthen the identity and not just from an economic point of view of course. In addition it this important also to educate the peoples that lives in that area to increase the appreciation of the traditions and social life of their ancestor heritage. The learning process generate emotional link between generations through material culture. Without education, it is difficult for us to expect public support for cultural heritage preservation because they do not see the remains is a products of their ancestors. Therefore, archaeologists, local government and the community surrounding the sites have an importance role in the development of these sites. ARKEOS 38-39

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Conclusion

In the process of forming the archaeological data, we know there are four stages of the most commonly used; acquisition of material resources (acquisition), Producing stage (manufacture), using stage (use) and discard stage (discard) (Renfrew and Bhan, 1991: 46). Archaeology is a discipline related to the past. Archeology is a science that connecting and actualizing these cultural forms for the community. Archaeologists refer to the role of post-modernism as a ‘translator’ (Tanudirjo, 1995: 61). In the process of ‘translation’ of archaeologists required not only able to interpret them in the realm of environmental science course or for academics but also for the wider community. Because ‘past’ essentially belongs to the peoples, not the monopoly of certain groups. Observing the need for public archeology can be a means of disseminating ‘translation results’ to the community in a broader segment. In supporting the achievement of the above objectives, the openness of the people who live in the area Sindangbarang as the ‘owner of tradition’ is the key to changes and development of the site. Accessibility to others in terms of control, management and use of the site will also need to be synergized so there was a concept of sustainable conservation and certainly generate more value for public support for the culture. Bibliography Atmodjo, Junus satrio, (2010). Development and Utilization of Sunda Cultural Heritage. International conference seminar Sundanese culture, Bogor. Djafar, Hasan, (1991). Inscriptions of the Sunda Kingdom Period. National Seminar Literature and History Pakuan Padjadjaran. Maryaeni. (2006). Method in Culture Research, Jakarta;Bumi aksara. Munandar, Agus Aris, (2008). Sacred Buildings In Sunda Kingdom. Seminar on Sindangbarang sites. Bogor (Unpublish). Prasetyo, (2004).Religions In Prehistoric Society in Indonesia. Jakarta: Puslitbang Arkeo­ logi Nasional. Sciffer, Michael B, (1976): Behavioral Archaeology. New York, Academic Press. Sumadio. Bambang, (1990). Ancient Periods. National History of Indonesia II. Jakarta: Departemen Pendidikan Dan Kebudayaan. Widyastuti, Endang, (2006). Report of Archaeological Research on ancient Inscription and Environment in Bogor and its surroundings. Bandung: Balai Arkeologi Bandung (Unpublish).

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Archaeological research in Sutatausa and Valle de Ubaté (Cundinamarca, Colombia). A Multidisciplinary approach, Pedro Rivera

Archaeological research in Sutatausa and Valle de Ubaté (Cundinamarca, Colombia). A Multidisciplinary approach PEDRO RIVERA

Abstract: With the development of an aracheological project on the field of early peopling studies at the central region of Colombia. It has taken into account the responsibility that comes with the recovery and conservation of archaeologi­ cal heritage. Given that the area of the center of the country has considerable archaeological potential, the project also will have participation of institutions and local communities, it seeks to organize joint actions for protection and dissemination, such as public archeology, has considered the possibility of desig­ ning an archaeological park which shall ensure the protection, conservation and management of this heritage. So, through some forms of exploitation, such as sustainable tourism, seeks to promote conditions conducive to forming processes of memory and identity of the people of the area. So this project also seeks that the community understands otherwise its history, that history that gives meaning to the spaces and activities that are ultimately fundamental part of social production and reproduction. Key words: Archaeology, Anthropology, Heritage, Identity, Memory, Sustainability.

Introduction

C

olombia, for its strategic position between the two Americas, has a key role, an exceptional importance in the debate about the origin, settlement patterns and routes of early human groups throughout the continent. This project aims to revisit this issue and explore the possi­ bilities offered a place like Sutatausa and generally the Valle de Ubaté. Area located in the northeastern part of the department of Cundinamarca, which has been found isolated discoveries, which are reviewed in some publications or reports of preventive archeology. The importance of the reconstruction of prehistoric settlement in the study area goes beyond regional boundaries and is important for the ARKEOS 38-39

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understanding of American settlement. This project will be supported by the contributions of two institutions of higher education (Italy and Colombia), using as a framework cooperation agreement signed between the Italian and Colombian universities and a specific agreement between the Universidad Externado de Colombia and the University of Ferrara. Thus, within this project are referred to the work of public archeology, which are aimed at strengthening interaction with local authorities and institutions responsible for the protection, preservation and dissemination of archaeological heritage. Materials and methods

Working in collaboration with the agreement between universities and under the supervision of the Instituto Colombiano de Antropología e Historia (ICANH), is looking to follow up on all aspects surrounding this project. First, the work of archeology is looking to collect data that contribute to the timing and spatial distribution of cultural material that allowing the reconstruction of the site and the history of its inhabitants. Then, under the supervision of ICANH, which is the entity of the Colombian State to guarantee the research, production and dissemination of anthropological, archaeological, historical and ethnographic heritage of the country, the following activities will be undertaken:

– Publication of results in the most appropriate and adequate under public way: through scientific journals with high impact factor and dissemination, publication of monographs, publication of brochures for the general public, etc.



– Disseminate the results collected between the scientific community and the general public through meetings, communications, agreements, study days, traveling exhibitions, which can create positive effects for the care and appreciation of cultural heritage.



– Develop training for interdisciplinary research in relation to the study, conservation, restoration, dissemination and appreciation of cultural heritage.



– Make the joint definition of training courses under the cultural heritage with specific professional training.

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– Consider the possibility of designing an archaeological park which ensure the protection, conservation and management of this heritage.

These direct impact strategies that seek to transform gradually and long-term memory, conceptions and forms of representation of archaeological heritage and generally the work of anthropologist and / or archaeo­ logist in the social fabric.

Discussion

The project activities are being developed want to increase the level of interaction between the institutions in charge of the investigation and the community who create their everyday about findings that constitute the archaeological heritage of the nation. That is, in the same space you can create and re-create cultural landscapes changing the meanings that are imposed to space by different social actors. In the same way, the recognition and association of the different items available to convert a space in a landscape. These processes were building a social landscape, which is seen as a cultural product that arises from the interaction of economic, social and symbolic dimensions. Thus, this landscape is the used space, designed, intended, appropriate, sacred, abandoned etc. (Orejas 1995). So the landscape is not just a flat and static reflection of the communities (Orejas 1995). Thus, society formed the space generating landscapes, but in turn the landscape becomes active element of society (Orejas 1995: 217). Assuming that the landscape is not only a visible surface, but is the result of rationality, we can access to the study of the characteristics and dynamics of such rationality (Orejas 1995). So, you can zoom to the behaviors, practices and social relations of the communities of the past that interacted with the different spaces. After all, we can make approxi­ mations to their perception of reality, including how human perception acts on the material. The archaeology in Colombia has enabled discussions on specific processes and cultural changes, appropriations and social constructions of space, the formation and negotiation of identities and processes. The way the sense of archaeological contexts, reformulate, make visible and are ARKEOS 38-39

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manifest a series conceived elections and cultural and discursive strategies that individuals generated and materialized from established relationships with the objects created, used, modified and discarded. This view also allows you to take an interdisciplinary position is based on lines of evidence that comprise such studies (studies in material culture, anthropology, geography, history, architecture, etc.). In this way it breaks with the idea of defining archeology as the area that simplifies looks to dig up the past to see how they lived before the various human groups. As will be seen, the way which the people looks and use all the archaeological evidence depends on their conception of the find. For example, the Sutatausa area is famous for its examples of rock art, of which many are outdoors unprotected. Vandalism and other activities have ruined many of these findings, and all are unique evidence. On the photo (figure 1), we can see a beautiful example of rock found in the cemetery of the village. This particular piece is protected not because it is part of the heritage of the area, but simply because he was in cemetery area. But the statue of Christ that is on this rock is an example of how beliefs, knowledge and traditions are mixed in an almost unique context where the statue seeks re-consecrate a space where there is something that does not correspond to this type of space. Figure 1. Rock art at the Sutatausa cemetery.

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When we are talking about vandalism (Figure 2), unfortunately we have several examples where new generations, and people that come from other parts permanently ruined examples of rock art, pottery, tombs and other archaeological evidences thinking that they will find gold or another archaeological material that they can sell. Because the people think that they will find treasures in these places. The classic “guaquería”. So the concern about how they are shaping and creating landscapes arises and in broader terms territorialities, understood as the appropriation or power relations on this landscape perform different communities. Thus, through an awareness campaign about what the archaeological heritage, showing its origin, relevance and importance to community Sutatausa and Valley Ubaté, you can transform certain usages and conceptions held about making up the heritage archaeological region such as paintings, incidental findings of tombs or other archaeological material. Figure 2. Vandalism on rock art.

Conclusions

The proposal is allowing approaching between the scientific community and the community towards common interests that can lead to a harmonious process to the end will contribute to development in a region noted for its livestock and dairy foods. In each property in rural areas ARKEOS 38-39

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are remnants and traces that testify the occupation of the area for thousands of years. But the appropriation and assessment by people towards these is almost zero, leaving abandonment and subsequent deterioration of each archaeological evidence found in the area. Thus, for the protection of different sites and findings that can be done, we must recognize two types of factors affecting threatening the archaeological heritage of the region. These are: the factors of environmental origin and anthropogenic. At the first one, the environmental factors influence the preservation of evidence found during archaeological work such as soil type, moisture etc. Meanwhile, anthropogenic factors are those events that human action has an impact on such evidence, factors such as vandalism, pollution and guaquería (colloquial term describing the activity of looting of an archaeological site). And it is in this second point where we have to work and achieve awareness by the community in the area so that the assets are recognized as its own and in to make part of everyday life. In short, outreach work directly linked to academic entity represented by archaeologist with the local population, to begin to transform the widespread idea of ​​“guaca” by archaeological heritage, which is part of local values ​​and tools of identity communities today, in the long run could set policies to protect and safeguard the archaeological heritage.

References OREJAS. Almudena. (1995). Arqueología del Paisaje: De la Reflexión a la Planificación. Archivo español de arqueología, Vol. 68, Nº 171-172, 1995, págs. 215-224. RIVERA. Pedro. (Unpublished), (2014). Investigaciones arqueológicas en Sutatausa y el Valle de Ubaté (Cundinamarca, Colombia. Research Project.

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The problems to protect underwater heritage in Indonesia, Harry Octavianus Sofian

The problems to protect underwater heritage in Indonesia HARRY OCTAVIANUS SOFIAN

Abstract: Indonesia is the largest archipelago country in the world, which most of the territory is water. Indonesia territory known as a connector since beginning of century in the maritime trade between China in the east and Arab in the west, this line known as a silk road maritime. Not surprise if sea and river in Indonesia contains lots of shipwrecks and artifacts. Since 2010 Indonesia have a constitution that regulate underwater heritage, which allow to sell underwater artifacts as a commodity to get the economy value. These not in lines with UNESCO 2001 ratification about Underwater Cultural Heritage, even Indonesia not yet ratify. This paper will discuss about the problems and management to protect underwater heritage in Indonesia Key: heritage, underwater archaeology, law, management, research

1. Introduction

U

nderwater archeology was attracted the attention of archaeologists since 1950 when excavation work began in the Mediterranean Sea (Green. 2004). Underwater archeology in Indonesia started in the 1980’s, where young Indonesian archaeologists were sent to attend the training course in Thailand. But later underwater archaeology overcast, after young archaeologist, Santoso Pribadi was lost in the Haliputan Sea at 1987, when he was investigate Galdermasen shipwreck. The body of Santoso Pribadi not being ever discovered and become the mystery was never revealed. This accident has weakened developing underwater archaeology in Indonesia (Utomo. 2008). Galdermasen shipwreck is a merchant ship VOC (Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie) discovered by Michael Hatcher who obtain 160,000 thousand ceramic and 225 bars of gold bullion, its auctioned worth ± US$18 million and not one penny Indonesian government allotment afARKEOS 38-39

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ter auctioned at Auction Christie’s at 1986 (Sutiyarti. 2005). In 1999, Belitung wreck site excavated by Tilman Walterfang with permission from the Indonesia goverment. Artifacts that are salvaged, among others, 60,000 pieces of ceramic tile where almost all of the furnace Changsha, ceramic Yue, Sancai, blue and white, and green jars of Guangdong, lead ballast, rosin, silver bullion, gold and pepper (Flecker. 2001). In 2005, the treasure was finally sold to Singapore’s Sentosa Leisure Group for US$32 million. Under Indonesian conservation law, the state government is entitled to half of this, but it appears that only US$2.5 million or so ever made it into Indonesian coffers (Leow. 2009). Because the looters and antiquities trades increasingly prevalent towards underwater heritage, UNESCO (United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization), as a organization which concern with heritage in the world, held convention at 2001 to protect underwater cultural heritage. Based on the Convention on the Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage at 2001, there is four main principal from the convention:

1. Obligation to preserve underwater cultural heritage



2. In situ preservation as the first choice



3. No commercial exploitation



4. Training and information sharing

But the UNESCO convention 2001 not yet ratification by Indonesia government until now. To protect underwater heritage from the looters, Indonesia government since 2010 also have law Indonesia Constitution No. 11, 2010, renew from Indonesia Constitution No. 5, 1992. But this law put the Indonesia government in two leg. In one site protect the underwater heritage, but the others side can sell it legally. Inventory conducted by the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fishe­ ries locations are 463 shipwrecks between 1508 and 1878 are scattered in the waters of Indonesia. According to reports there are 274 locations VOC shipwreck in Indonesia. According to Chinese historians, there is a 3.000 shipwreck in the waters Indonesia (Helmi. 2010), according to Tony Wells contained 186 ships VOC (Wells. 1995), Arqueonautas report in 2011 said there were 16 points shipwreck in the Strait of Gaspar, 564 |

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Bangka Belitung (Mirabal .2011). From all the location only Cirebon Shipwreck site which approach the rules of archaeological research in exca­ vation and conservation in 2004 (Utomo.2008), the rest from the sites are not with the rules of archaeological research and have big potential lost archaeological data.

2. Problems

Indonesia territory has many underwater sites location, most of them not yet excavated. Indonesia government already have new law constitution No. 11, 2010 to protect the cultural heritage in underwater from the looters, but the others side, Indonesia government see the underwater heritage as economic value and it’s contradict with UNESCO Convention 2001 to Protection of Underwater Cultural Heritage. Why the Indonesia government and UNESCO have different point of view to see and protect underwater heritage

3. Discussion

Since prehistoric times and the first millennium AD, the Indonesian archipelago especially the eastern coast of Sumatra is a sea trade route connecting the West Asia and East Asia. This strategic position makes western Indonesian archipelago into a cross cultural and pathways trade by sea, so often referred to as the maritime silk route. Merchant ships from West Asia, South Asia and East Asia should passing the island of Sumatra and Peninsular Malaysia if you want to China and to Indian and Arabic, so that sea area becomes crowded with trading activity and ocean shipping. Along the east and west coasts of Sumatra and Peninsular Malaysia stand harbors many places reliance ships and trading activities. This shipwreck sites makes the Indonesia become highly strategic in the development underwater cultural heritage in the world, because the location of shipwreck sites not in the deep sea, the underwater heritage not only in the sea but also in the river and the lake. Most Indonesia Sea, river and lake has a deep less than 100 meters and possibility to excavated. ARKEOS 38-39

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Underwater heritages are very important as the data and information for the reconstruction history of Indonesia and the world in the past. For the examples, Belitung wreck is one example underwater archaeological sites already looted but have very important history value. The ship is the Arab dhow carrying Changsha ceramics from the Tang Dynasty, based on the analysis of carbon dating from the wood, estimated ship from the VIII century AD. It’s very important data, because based on the archaeo­ logical data from the land, the ancient Arab evident in Indonesia since XI century AD, from the tombstone Fatimah binti Maimun. Underwater heritage also called “time capsule” which can provide data and historical information, as archaeological remains in underwater can be preserved well if compared with archaeological remains found on land, see comparison of archaeological preservation in Figure 1. Figure 1. Tabel archaeological preservation comparison on land and underwater

(Source: Bowens.2009)

The problem to protect underwater heritage among others: a. Human resources Human resources is the most important components, human resources competencies determine the success of a destination. To begin survey and 566 |

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excavated the archaeological sites in underwater needed archaeologist who has additional capabilities that are certified and the ability to dive, it is obviously necessary for doing excavation in underwater. Unfortunately in Indonesia right now, not many archaeologists who have diving certificate and focus with underwater sites. For the Advance Scuba Diver from NAUI (National Association Underwater Instructor) and two star from CMAS (Confédération Mondiale des Activités Subaquatiques) and POSSI (Indonesia Subaquatic Sport Association) allow to doing diving activities until 40 meters and if want more deep should follow others technical course. The “extra energy” to learning diving in underwater archaeology sometimes make the the archaeologist afraid to take this opportunity. b. Cracks in law enforcement Beside law constitution No. 11, 2010 concerning the legal aspects of underwater archaeological objects, Indonesia also have Presidential Decree No. 12, 2009 about PANNAS BMKT with an emphasis on the economic utilization of underwater archaeological objects. PANNAS archaeological artifacts are chaired by the Minister of Marine and Fisheries. Based on Presidential Decree No. 12 In 2009, Article 4 Item 1, PANNAS BMKT have the task:

1. Coordinate the activities of the department and other agencies related to archaeological artifacts management activities;



2. Prepare legislation and institutional improvements in the field of management archaeological artifacts;



3. Provide recommendations regarding permission survey, salvage, and utilization archaeological artifacts to the competent authority in accordance with the provisions of the legislation;



4. Coordinate activities of monitoring, supervision, and control over the survey process, salvage and utilization archaeological artifacts;



5. Submit a written report task execution at least 1 (one) years to the President.

There is a complexity for the bureaucracy to handle underwater heritage, as economic utilization is a real obstacle to conserve and maintaining underwater archaeological remains in Indonesia. ARKEOS 38-39

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c. The equipment is modern and expensive Underwater archaeological objects required assistive devices can be operated in underwater, modern equipments support are currently sold at a high price. Device and tools support used in the survey, excavation and salvage of the vessel and archaeological artifacts among others:

1. GPS (Global Positioning System)

GPS is a digital tool that is able to show the position based on latitude and longitude with accuracy up to several meters depending on the satellite signal received by the GPS receiver. GPS is very useful to record the position of underwater archaeological remains.

2. ROV (Remotely Operated Vehicles)





3. Magnetometer





ROV is equipment that is able to move freely in the water, ope­ rated remotely, this equipment is equipped with a waterproof camera that is connected to a cable that sends the video signal (Christ. 2007). ROV is helpful to know the circumstances under water so that divers do not need to dive into the water to see the state of the underwater environment. ROV was used to find the Titanic, Bismark, HMS Hood and HMS Breadalbane (Green. 2004). Based on data from the internet (http://www.sub-find. com/sm_1000.htm) the lowest price of an ROV-type SM 1000 Remote Operated Vehicle with the ability to dive to 300 meters for USS$34.995, price does not include the cost of spare parts and repairs if any damage. The equipment used to detect the presence of iron and steel, usually used in conjunction with side scan sonar works by measuring the earth’s magnetic waves are gamma rays, but the equipment magnetometer cannot detect the presence of gold, silver and brass (Wells. 1995). Magnetometers used to detect the location of the alleged sinking ship and detect the presence of archaeological objects made of iron and steel were buried in mud or sand.

4. Acoustic System



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include: Echo Sounder, Scanning Sonar, Multibeam Sonar, Side Scan Sonar, Sonar Mosaic, Sub-Bottom Profiler (Green. 2004).

5. Underwater camera and video

The use of underwater video camera and is used to document the archaeological sites and objects under water as well as to document the activities ranging from surveying, excavation and salvage archaeological artifacts.

6. Vacuum

Vacuum is used during the excavation is to suck mud or sand that hoard of archaeological objects. Vacuum there are various types such as: Airlift, Water Dredge, Water Jet, Water or Water Problems and, Prop-Wash.

7. Diving equipment



Diver’s equipment is absolutely necessary, either in the form of basic diving equipment such as fins, mask, snorkel and wet suit or with equipment SCUBA (Self Contained Breathing Apparatus) in the form of tubes SCUBA, regulator, weight belt and belt. While the tool to minimize the adverse effects of diving is decompression sickness is a decompression chamber, the chamber of high pressure air.



Support equipment used in the process of surveying, excavation and salvage of underwater archaeological objects need modern equipment and the cost is not small, so that the necessary seriousness in setting up funds to do the work of underwater archeology.

d. Warranty costs and complicated procedures by government The huge costs required to conduct a survey, excavation, salvage and restoration archaeological artifacts. Companies that wish to obtain permission to survey BMKT appointment must submit a proposal to PANNAS BMKT, which consists of 13 ministries and chaired by the Ministry of Maritime Affairs and Fisheries. The company must complete all recommended procedures and conduct surveys permit presentation, PANNAS BMKT then issuing the permit. To perform salvage company then had to get permission to do a presentation permission lift before all members PANNAS BMKT (proposals and methods of salvage, equipment used), complete the security clearance ARKEOS 38-39

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permit from the Ministry of Defense, work permit (IMTA) for foreign workers to the Ministry of Labor and Immigration, worth operating permits for vessels to the Directorate General of Sea Transportation, warehouse for storage archaeological artifacts prepare, submit a work plan and subsequent complete salvage must submit cash deposit (collateral) to account PANNAS BMKT Rp. 500.000.000, – or US$ 38.500 (Utomo. 2008). Complicated procedures and large deposits made many company not following the legal path, so that the procedures in conducting the survey, excavation and salvage of archaeological research did not use the rules for orientation only on archaeological artifacts alone. Since 2005-2009 there are 12 cases about underwater heritage looting in Indonesia territory. d. Big risk and limited time to diving The different of environment between in the land and in the underwater, where oxygen is no limited to time and while on land, but in underwater oxygen is very limited so make the diving time became limited. Dive time is determined how the diver dive and how long it takes because it will determine the time that divers still safe to diving and didn’t have decompression disease and depth drunk (nitrogen narcosis). For example in Cirebon shipwreck diving in the depth of 53-58 meters below sea level done 2 dives per day i.e. morning and afternoon, where every dives working time appointment findings from the seabed approximately only 15- 20 minutes (bottom time) and the time to decompress at a depth of 15 meters, 13 meters and 10 meters with a total time of 90 minutes.

4. Conclusion

Indonesia government have dilemma with the underwater heritage, because Indonesia government in one side have to protect it from the others side the sites have big value in economic. With a fantastic selling point makes a lot of companies are looking the point shipwrecks ran­ging from legal procedure until the procedure is illegal, but most of these companies are taking a lot of illegal procedures that do not heed the rules of archaeological research. The cost of expensive equipment is also a problem that inhibits the progress of the development of underwater archeology in Indonesia. 570 |

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The problems to protect underwater heritage in Indonesia, Harry Octavianus Sofian

If this is allowed to drag by archaeologists and government, it is not impossible data underwater archeology Indonesia which is the “time machine” will be lost and damaged. It takes a huge seriousness of archaeologists and government to develop underwater archeology in Indonesia, such as human resource development, the source of funds and

5. Bibliography Bowens, Amanda. (2009). Underwater Archaeology The NAS Guide to Principles and Practice; The Nautical Archaeology Society. United Kingdom. Blackwell Publishing. Christ. Robert D. (2007). The ROV Manual; A User Guide For Observation Class Remotely Operated Vehicles. United Kingdom. Elsevier Ltd. Flecker, Michael, (2000). A 9-th-Century Arab or Indian Shipwreck in Indonesian Waters. The International Journal of Nautical Archaeology, Vol. 29(2). The Nautical Archaeology Society. Green, Jeremy. (2004). Maritim Archaeology A Technical Handbook (Second Edition). United Kingdom. Elsevier Academic Press. Helmi, Surya. (2010). Warisan Budaya Di Dasar Laut, Data Arkeologi Yang “Dilupakan”. Presentasi pada Seminar Semarak Arkeologi 2010. Bandung. Direktorat Peninggalan Bawah Air. Kementerian Kebudayaan dan Pariwisata. Leow, Rachel. (2009). Curating the Oceans: The Future of Singapore’s Past. http://idlethink. wordpress.com/2009/07/14/curating-the-oceans-the-future-of-singapores-past/ (last access 01-03-2015) Mirabal, Lic. Alejandro. (2011). Expedition report of the “BUDPAR-Arqueonautas” project in the area BABEL during 2009-2010 seasons. Laporan Penelitian. Arqueonautas. Portugal Sutiyarti, Ruri. (20059. Mempertanyakan Efektivitas Kebijakan Panitia Nasional (Pannas) Dalam Menanggulangi Penjarahan “Harta Karun” Bawah Air Di Indonesia. Artefak Edisi XXVII/ September 2005. Yogyakarta. Himpunan Mahasiswa Arkeologi (HIMA) Fakultas Ilmu Budaya Universitas Gadjah Mada. Wells, Tony. (1995). Shipwrecks And Sunken Treasure In Southeast Asia. Times Editions Pte Ltd. Singapore.

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Archaeological heritage management and sustainability in Extremadura: the Madinat Albalat project (Romangordo, Spain), Carlos Marín Hernández

Archaeological heritage management and sustainability in Extremadura: the Madinat Albalat project (Romangordo, Spain) CARLOS MARÍN HERNÁNDEZ

Abstract: Since 2009, the Madinat Albalat project, implemented in the Islamic archaeological settlement with the same name in Romangordo (Cáceres, Extremadura, Spain), attempts to respond to the different interests that converge in it, which refer to the various groups or collectives it serves (the scientific community and society in general). Its collaborators, including the author of this paper, try to research and preserve this archaeological settlement without sacrificing other purposes related to rural sustainability. Thus, the project aims to establish itself as an instrument to facilitate a seamless collaboration with public and private institutions and to create a helpful link with its redundant communities to contribute to the sustainability of its entire region. Keywords: Archaeological Heritage, Sustainability, Public Archaeology, Sociali­ zation, Empowerment.

1. Justification: Social Empowerments and Socialization of Cultural Heritage in Rural Areas

T

he arrival of Democracy in Spain and the implementation of the Autonomous Regions triggered a reconsideration of the Heritage concept (without ‘surnames’) and its management models, which were still referring to outdated postulates in some cases. Clearly, the achievements have been very positive, but not without contradictions that are still in the same model designed to manage the cultural evidence. Its articulation, whatever the administrative level (State, Autonomous Regions...), is still done by centralized management, which presumably stands as guarantor of the preservation and custody of those cultural attributes that Heritage collects. Indeed, the cultural legislation has been overtaken by the ARKEOS 38-39

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emergence of a new Cultural Heritage concept and a reality that, today, does not respond to the prevailing conservation interests of yesteryear, especially in rural areas. Also, the current economic context imposes its instability characteris­ tics in all areas. Nowadays, the reduction of public supports (or even complete suppression) are sinking many Archaeological Heritage research projects and are affecting to cultural management, a sector already plunged into a permanent instability since years. Where some of those projects have found solutions to suit a very unfavorable situation, many others are currently suffering the effects of a structural crisis that has gestated in the same model designed for Cultural Heritage management. Mainly, we refer to an exclusivist rentier model of tourism development that has despised other kind of profitability over the long-term, such as many heri­ tage sites that cannot be interpreted with the guidelines described above because they cannot achieve the same economic entity. In short, it is a cultural policy that has enhanced the value of the most great heritage sites in order to upgrade their profitable tourist development, disregarding other ‘less’ important heritage sites. Similarly, many of these heritage sites have suffered the consequences of commodification; the aims had to be enhancing the Heritage from the point of view of the cultural focus, without falling into its commodification, as a manipulated instrument. Today, the Cultural Heritage contributes to the shaping of the collective identity of an individual human community. They are the cultural legacy of a particular population, a historical manifestation of their common identity references (EPIFANI, F., 2014). Thus, the obsolescence of the cultural policies becomes apparent when they are still clinging to outdated Heritage definitions and are still providing an asymmetric dialogue in which the public authorities wield the exclusive capacity to manage cultural policies that they apply on apathetic human communities, which act as mere spectators. Then, we observe the following paradox: public authorities determine a Cultural Heritage notion which results strange to its own human community. This is one of the many areas that operate in the current historical context and more specifically in the daily life of rural areas, which hinder their integration into the future society. At the same time, it is a useless effort to mold artificially a social demand with a flood of aims to try to convert them afterwards in a social requirement to justify it. Also, the humanities disciplines have to re-think their role and 574 |

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Archaeological heritage management and sustainability in Extremadura: the Madinat Albalat project (Romangordo, Spain), Carlos Marín Hernández

add something to this debate, a brainstorming about the contradiction of this process in the current world (OOSTERBEEK, L., 2011). On the opposite side, there is a multitude of actions that are working on new and emerging strategies that are moved by the two principles that drive this paper: social empowerment and the socialization of Cultural Heritage by the local communities that enjoy it. Both concepts define the gradual awareness of a particular society to become managers of their own heritage resources; working for a conversion of people who live in rural areas (traditionally a passive agent of exogenous cultural policies) in qualified tutors to handle variables of participation or direct collaboration with public institutions and other Heritage management collectives. In other words, more management “from” population and less “for” population, more “self-management” and less “out-management” to those who should participate as transmitters and not as receivers of management policies about the fundamental factors that configure their identity; at the same time, it is sure that this could be a vehicle for socio-economic development of their immediate geographic area (GARCÍA CANCLINI, N., 1999; ARRIETA URTIZBEREA, I., 2008). In this sense, this Cultural Heritage management review is joined to the aims indicated by political and financial instruments for sustainable development in the less favored European rural areas. Cultural Heritage, beyond its intrinsic symbolic value, is a potential factor for sustainability if it joins forces with other productive synergies of the territory that it delimits (GÓMEZ PELLÓN, E., 2010). Thus, a consistent management of the defining elements in a cultural landscape (their tangible and intangible heritage ultimately), which determine a concrete population’s lifestyle, can help to create a mutual benefit among its civil society, the public authorities, the scientific community and professionals from business world related to their protection and use. Then, looking for a common benefit, it would achieve a common benefit. If not to all of them, we have dedicated this paper to many of the issues described above through the description of the nature and the goals of the Madinat Albalat archaeological project. We are going to explain how we try to contribute to the sustainability in a rural community in northeastern Extremadura, in the township of Romangordo, working to achieve the empowerment and the socialization of the Archaeological Heritage as a part of their Cultural Heritage (see Figure 1.). ARKEOS 38-39

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2. The Madinat Albalat Project: Nature, Aims and Activities

The Madinat Albalat project was created in 2009. In that year, Sophie Gilotte, CNRS researcher in Lyon (Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, France) and project Director, made the first scientific trials in a settlement which was little known until then (see Figure 2.). Until today, a Franco-Spanish team has conducted six archaeological digs from 2009 to 2014 that have identified the settlement as a natural ford control site in the Tagus river during the Islamic domination of the Iberian Peninsula, inhabited (at least) between the tenth and early twelfth century (GILOTTE, S., 2011). The predominantly military function of the settlement is justified by its geostrategic location next to a natural ford, the powerful walls that surround its entire perimeter and the archaeological evidence recovered in it. All of these things are linked to the cantonment and transit of military troops for its proximity to the border with the Christians Iberian kingdoms. The multidisciplinary nature of the archaeological team and the usual collaboration with related institutions and professional groups have been an identifying sign of the project. During these years, many archaeologists (or students of the same discipline) have been in Madinat Albalat, as other researchers and collaborators such as professors or Heritage restoration professionals, like a team of the Escuela Superior de Conservación y Restauración de Bienes Culturales in Madrid in 2014. Therefore, an original scientific aim that aroused the interest of the town council of Romangordo is to add another important factor of its environment that could revitalize its local community (see Figure 3.). Romangordo, located in the Zona Periférica de Protección of the Monfragüe National Park, as a Biosphere Reserve area declared by UNESCO, has several types of resources: environmental (for tourist routes), historical and artistic (the Puente de Albalat or a fort of Spanish War of Independence) or ethnographic (traditional architecture and craft examples). Then, why not adding the Archaeological Heritage of Madinat Albalat to its cultural landscape? In parallel, the research project has become an important initiative for the archaeological research community. Such has been its development that it has exceeded the archaeological research margins 576 |

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Archaeological heritage management and sustainability in Extremadura: the Madinat Albalat project (Romangordo, Spain), Carlos Marín Hernández

to delve into the initiatives that contemplate the enhancement of this archaeological evidence to strengthen the nearest communities. Thereby, something that began with a scientific vocation is becoming an Archaeological Heritage management project committed to sustainable development of the region in which the archaeological settlement is located. On the other hand, what we are trying to implement is an adaptation of other similar initiatives that are being carried out in Extremadura too (SEÑORÁN MARTÍN, J. Mª., 2014; PULIDO ROYO, J. J. and WALID SBEINATI, S., 2014; WALID SBEINATI, S. and PULIDO ROYO, J. J., 2014). The concepts of social empowerment and socialization of Heritage described above, belonging in this case to Public Archaeology or Community Archaeology (relatively recent discipline), are very important in this committed side of the Madinat Albalat project. In this sense, our initiative takes on the following aims (see Figure 4.). First, implementing a divulgation strategy among population about the significant elements that agglutinate this Archaeological Heritage, which is undervalued or even unknown to a large part of the nearest population. Then, raising awareness about respect and revaluation of this Archaeological Heritage, not as a “dead” manifestation of a common past, but as an identity factor that could be incorporated to the cultural and economic wealth of the environment of Romangordo. Finally, we contribute to remove every obstacle to transform the Madinat Albalat archaeological settlement in another resource of its Cultural Heritage and its sustainability. Given the need to provide the project with mechanisms to canalize an effective work about socialization of Archaeological Heritage, the Madinat Albalat Association (its acronym, AMA) was established in Romangordo in 2010 (see Figure 5.). This non-profit association pursues all the aims related to socioeconomic and cultural development described above. Since its foundation is open to people, who can participate in it as partners or members of its management and administration bodies. The association looks for the integration and the population direct participation, not only to enhance its Archaeological Heritage, but to guide the purposes to which it owes its existence as a sustainability engine. Similarly, the socialization would never have been possible without the logistical and economic supports established with national and international public entities and private patronage. Starting with the helpful ARKEOS 38-39

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support received by the García Moya family (owners of the land on which the archaeological evidences are located), the Extremadura Autonomous Region, the CNRS scientific funding and various sponsors, including the aforementioned Romangordo town council or the AMA association, the Almaraz-Trillo Nuclear Power Plant (Almaraz, Cáceres), the Monfragüe National Park (belonging to the Red de Parques Nacionales de España) and the Max van Berchem Foundation (Geneva, Switzerland). The maturity of the project is palpable if we consider the actions and achievements accomplished in the last five years, which we expose with a reasoned concreteness in order to fit them in the extension limits required for this paper:

– Official communication networks have been woven to support a regular contact with people, sponsors and collaborators who help us to make the Madinat Albalat project possible. Email accounts, social networks profiles or scientific and informative blogs are some tools that the project uses regularly to deepen its aims.



– We also combine the scientific aspects with the leaflets, posters and newsletters divulgation, in which people can find varied information about the settlement and its inhabitants (urban planning, daily life, nutrition, economical activities...). All of it is written using an informational language rather than scientific, so people can be reached more easily and informed of the latest works that we are developing (see Figure 6.).



– The merchandising items distribution (for example, different T-shirts with the project logo) is also a useful marketing resource to encourage the socialization of the archaeological settlement among population. It is a refreshing marketing model to take advantage of and to make a more active and attractive presentation of our socialization purposes.



– Our work is also regularly heard of in the media, allowing us to reach a larger audience. The archaeological team has collabora­ ted with the Autonomous Region television, Canal Extremadura TV, to record two documentaries dedicated to the craft and the professional conjuncture of Archeology in Extremadura, filmed in different archaeological sites in 2013, including Madinat Albalat

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Archaeological heritage management and sustainability in Extremadura: the Madinat Albalat project (Romangordo, Spain), Carlos Marín Hernández

(see Figure 7.). Similarly, the settlement was selected by Historia de Extremadura, a Canal Extremadura TV programme, to contextualize the Islamic cultural substratum that Almoravids and Almohads left in the region. Other media, such as radio and press, are spaces that at specific times offer us a useful informative coverage, especially during the annual excavation work.

– The public authorities have also responded to the demands for an official protection of the archaeological settlement. In 2013 and 2014, the Extremadura Autonomous Region carried out all bureaucratic procedures to promote Heritage of Cultural Interest (Bien de Interés Cultural, in Spanish) to all the Madinat Albalat archaeological context, as is regulated by the Spanish Historical Heritage Law 16/1985 and the Extremadura Historical and Cultural Heritage Law 2/1999. It was in February 2014 when the settlement received this official category and when it was included in the Spanish Heritage of Cultural Interest catalogs (see Figure 8.).



– The internationalization of the aims has taken a giant step forward with a significant group of archaeological artifacts from Madinat Albalat which have been incorporated to the temporary exhibition Le Maroc Médiéval (1053-1465). Un empire de l’Afrique à l’Espagne, which were exhibited at the Louvre Museum in Paris (France) until last January and later at the newly opened National Museum of Modern and Contemporary Art in Rabat (Morocco) (see Figure 9.). The exhibition has made an important impact in the media.



– I would not wish to close this section without referring to the Descubriendo Madinat Al-Balat meeting carried out in different places of Romangordo the 19, 20 and 21 September 2014, where all socialization aims converged. The meeting had a broad informative and instructive planned schedule, such as themed lectures, guided tours to the excavation, Archeology workshops, an archaeo­ logical artifacts exhibition and other cultural activities, all in the service of the Archaeological Heritage of Romangordo as part of its cultural landscape (see Figures 10 and 11.). The organization of the meeting was done by the town council, supported by the archaeological team coordinated by Sophie Gilotte, Director. ARKEOS 38-39

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3. Final Remarks: Expectations and Future Challenges

The importance of singularity is an added value to the current global dynamics that are walking towards homogeneity. Extremadura has many of these factors in its cultural landscape. There are thematic museums, typical products and tourist routes in La Vera and El Jerte, to cite some examples, areas in which public authorities have invested to achieve a beneficial socioeconomic and cultural interest (DÍAZ IGLESIAS, S., 2010). The enhancement of the Archaeological Heritage of Romangordo is focused in this direction, to enable alternatives to complement the productive synergies promoted by government policies for sustainable development through the use of an undervalued resource of its cultural landscape. Social empowerment and socialization are basic concepts for our project and its goals. We do not look for the anecdotal or episodic participation of the population in a justified management of their own Archaeological Heritage, if not integrating them in an interaction and co-creation common stage. Otherwise, if the project wants to be a simple instrument for scientific research, it could be punished by the fluctuations that drive the scientific or economic circumstances (ALMANSA SÁNCHEZ, J., 2011). Many similar initiatives have already suffered the consequences, its ‘burial’ for lack of viability and the ’re-burial’ of the archaeological settlement, ruining its integration into the resources of a cultural landscape. The challenge is how to coordinate these two aspects of the project: the scientific interest and the divulgation / socialization. Both are aimed to different publics (scientific community and civil society) with different discussion levels, and it is not easy to combine both these actions, especially when they are done almost in real time. Beside involvement of Romangordo, the other two nearby villages (Casas de Miravete and Higuera de Albalat) should join the aims. Campana de Albalat is the name that received the municipal organization of these three villages in the administrative reorganization context carried out by the Christian Iberian kingdoms during the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when Madinat Albalat was abandoned by Muslims and the settlement lost its geostrategic and military character. The uniqueness of the Campana de Albalat was that these three villages were ruled by a single council and a single parish. This shared entity ended in 1900, 580 |

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when each one obtained its own council. In the late twentieth century, there has been a reconsideration of the Campana de Albalat concept. Not based on a legal notion, but a nostalgic notion. Accordingly, in the Nueva Campana de Albalat cultural and festive activities are celebrated as a common identity symbol. Therefore, the Madinat Albalat archaeological settlement is also an intrinsic part of their historical identity. These and other future challenges are there. Each historical period has had its challenges and all of them have been overcome. In a global world, which can no longer be considered with the paradigms that have previously operated, we must open new ways to respond to the uncertainties of an unknown future. As we all discussed in the APHELEIA international meeting, we must never talk about present and future problems, but their dilemmas. Thus, the words of Paul Valéry are still in force, but with a little suggestion: ‘the trouble [or maybe the dilemma?] with our times is that the future is not what it used to be’. Acknowledgements This paper has been the result of a common work, as a Madinat Albalat project member. In this sense, it would never have been possible to prepare our essay to the APHELEIA international meeting and also this paper without the help of many other partners and friends of the project, especially Sophie Gilotte, Director. At the same time, we wish to extend our thanks to Audrey L. and Marina G. for their generous English language suggestions.

Bibliography AGUILAR CRIADO, E. and AMAYA CORCHUELO, S. (2007) – El patrimonio cultural como activo del desarrollo rural. In SANZ CAÑADA, J. (ed.) – El futuro del mundo rural. Sostenibilidad, innovación y puesta en valor de los recursos locales. Madrid: Síntesis, p. 103-124. ALMANSA SÁNCHEZ, J. (2011) – El futuro de la Arqueología en España. Madrid: JAS Arqueología S.L.U. ARRIETA URTIZBEREA, I. (2008) – Participación ciudadana, patrimonio cultural y museos: entre la teoría y la praxis. Bilbao: Servicio Editorial de la Universidad del País Vasco. CRIADO BOADO, F. and GONZÁLEZ MÉNDEZ, M. (1995) – La socialización del Patrimonio Arqueológico desde la perspectiva de la Arqueología del Paisaje. In Actas del XXII Congreso Nacional de Arqueología (Vigo, 1993). Vigo: Xunta de Galicia, Vol. I, p. 261-266. DÍAZ IGLESIAS, S. (2010) – Patrimonio cultural y natural en el Valle del Jerte. Sostenibilidad y turistización. In MARCOS ARÉVALO, J. y LEDESMA, R. E. (eds.) – Bienes culturales, turismo y desarrollo sostenible (experiencias de España y Argentina). Sevilla: Signatura Ediciones, p. 117-138. ARKEOS 38-39

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EPIFANI, F. (2014) – Heritage communities, local communities and local development: some considerations. In OOSTERBEEK, L. and POLLICE, F. (eds.) - Cultural Heritage and Local Development. Local Communities through heritage awareness and global understanding. Ravello: Centro Universitario Per I Beni Culturali, p. 54-63. GARCÍA CANCLINI, N. (1999) – Los usos sociales del Patrimonio Cultural. In AGUILAR CRIADO, E. (coord.) – Patrimonio Etnológico. Nuevas perspectivas de estudio. Granada: Consejería de Cultura de la Junta de Andalucía, p. 16-33. GILOTTE, S. (2011) – El yacimiento de Albalat en el contexto del poblamiento medieval en el norte de Extremadura. In FRANCO MORENO, F.; ALBA, M.; FEIJOO, S. (coords.) - Frontera inferior de al-Andalus. Mérida: Consorcio Ciudad Monumental, p. 147-164. GÓMEZ PELLÓN, E. (2010) – El desarrollo sostenible a escala local y sus implicaciones en contextos culturales. In MARCOS ARÉVALO, J. y LEDESMA, R. E. (eds.) – Bienes culturales, turismo y desarrollo sostenible (experiencias de España y Argentina). Sevilla: Signatura Ediciones, p. 23-54. HENRIQUES, M. H.; PENA dos REIS, R.; BRILHA, J.; MOTA, T. (2011) – Geoconservation as an Emerging Geoscience. Geoheritage, 3, p. 117-128. NOVO VILLARDE, M. (2006) – El desarrollo local en la sociedad global: hacia un modelo “glocal”, sistémico y sostenible. In MURGA MENOYO, M. Á. (coord.) – Desarrollo local y Agenda 21. Madrid: Pearson Educación, p. 5-36. OOSTERBEEK, L. (2010) – Looking at a global disruption in three steps, plus one to overcome it. Territori della Cultura, 8, p. 14-21. OOSTERBEEK, L. (2011) – Is there a role for the Humanities in face of the global warming and social crisis? Journal of Iberian Archaeology, 14, p. 97-103. PULIDO ROYO, J. and WALID SBEINATI, S. (2014) – Cinetínere: cine itinerante por la recuperación social del patrimonio en el medio rural. Tejuelo, 19, p. 29-61. SEÑORÁN MARTÍN, J. Mª. (2014) – Patrimonio y Comunidad: el proyecto de la Dehesa de Montehermoso. Tejuelo, 19, p. 143-153. SCHEUNEMANN, I. and OOSTERBEEK, L. (orgs.) (2012) – A new paradigm of sustainability: theory and praxis of integrated landscape management. Rio de Janeiro: IBIO. SCHEUNEMANN, I. and OOSTERBEEK, L. (orgs.) (2012) – Integrated Landscape Management: economy, society, environment and culture. Rio de Janeiro: IBIO. WALID SBEINATI, S. and PULIDO ROYO, J. (2014) – Socialización del patrimonio, patrimonio expandido y contextualización de la cultura. ArqueoWeb, 15, p. 326-334.

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Perception and management of Beach rocks in coastal landscapes, Armance Le Masson

Perception and management of Beach rocks in coastal landscapes ARMANCE LE MASSON

Abstract: Beach Rocks are sedimentary rocks formed of remains of sands and shells. Their origin remains mysterious; however, they can be linked to a bacterium or a physiological process in sub-tropical zones. They are located on the coast, where salted sources are mixed with non-salted water. They outcrop on the beach or appear submerged, depending on the eustatic variations that have followed their creation. They have two main interests: they serve the ecosystem by being a natural breakwater against huge waves or tsunamis for example and they can be used by geomorphologists to mark the variation of sea-level during the Holocene. However, the presence of beach rocks is opposed to the idea of an idealistic beach, creating a rupture in the landscape and an obstacle for swimmers. That is why an important numbers of touristic countries are considering the idea of removing them. But landscapes managers act regardless of ecological consequences and the disappearance of beach rocks could accelerate coastal erosion just as the disappearance of coral reefs. Keywords: geography, geomorphology, landscape, erosion, coastal management.

Introduction

B

each rocks are sedimentary rocks which can be found in sub-tropical zones, when salted water is mixed with non-salted sources. Their origin remains mysterious; however, they can be linked to a bacterium or a physiological process. They are located on the coast, they outcrop on the beach or appear submerged, depending on the eustatic variations that have followed their creation (Vousdoukas, 2007). Those calcareous cemented sandstone have two mains interests. First of all, they serve the ecosystem by offering a protection against huge waves, tsunamis and strong sea current (Charlier and Meyer, 1998). Second of all, geomorphologists used them because they are markers of the variation of sea-level and they containe carbonate minerals which can be dated. They can also contained ARKEOS 38-39

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precious fragments of history such as pottery or even pieces of weapon in some regions that can be studied by archeologists. However, they do not fit to the ideal sea landscape figured by tourists and they appear harsh to swimmer’s feet. That is why they are often removed from tourist sites to attract more customers. These operations are especially conducted in Turkey, Greece but also in Cyprus. They are decided by governments or by localities and they are considered as a way to accelerate the economic development of the region by attracting even more people. But managers acted regardless of ecological consequences. Image 1. Submerged beach rock, Amathus, April 2015. Author: Armance le Masson

We should first define landscape management to understand the place attributed to beach rocks in such a construction and then, focus on the dilemmas created by the opposition between a social constructed landscape and nature. An approach of landscape management

From the perception of landscape… A common definition of landscape it is what you can see in one glance, what is visible. But indeed, this look covers an extended space 584 |

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with different plans and complex interactions. Those interactions can be summarized by three concepts: continuity, rupture and flexibility (Doceul: 2013) which are used by managers to shape our environment. Continuity is associated to peaceful landscape because nothing stops the course of the eyes when, on the contrary rupture refers to more chaotic images or to landscapes where are entangled very different settings such as urban cities and desert. Flexibility then, gathers landscapes with different but integrated settings. Those key-words reflect a reality of the landscape but also human feelings and this relation is exploited by landscape managers. Indeed lands­ cape has become a product of consumption like any other (Donadieu: 2007) and can be modified to fit human perceptions.

…To the calculation of its management value

That is why landscape management can be evaluated. Researches on ecosystems services have served the evaluation of management. In 2000, the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment was ordered by the UN to offer an alternative between a very conservative movement which advocates the protection of nature above all and wanted to wrap in cotton large areas of biodiversity, regardless of human presence or concerns and a fervent human development in some region. It proposed to enhance ecosystems services by valuing them, showing their economic importance in the market and then managers could understand that it is often more expensive to destroy the environment than to take advantage of it. Landscape is considered as a service because it can attract tourists.

The evaluation of beach rocks services in the region of Limassol (Cyprus)

A touristic region The region of Limassol and the site of Amathus are situated in the southern part of Cyprus. It is a touristic region which hosts an impor­ tant population of Russians and Europeans during the summer. There are numerous resort complexes but also a growing number of summer ARKEOS 38-39

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residences and this region is claimed to be very attractive, thanks to its climate, archeological sites and beaches. Beach rocks are present along the coast, in Amathus a particular sandstone can even be observed in the open in the rest of the antic external port during low tide time. Public authorities are currently wondering if they should extract or not beach rocks to facilitate their economic development.

Global and local perception of beach landscapes

Consequently, our interrogation about Cyprus is to understand the motivation of landscape managers, what could they expect from the project of moving beach rocks, what kind of experience do they want to create towards this new landscape and what would be the consequences of the disappearance of other services provide by beach rocks such as natural regulation. To do so, we analyze how beach landscapes are perceived. We started to look for “dream beach”, “paradisiac beach” and “beach” on Google image. Google image was chosen because it is the first search engine in the world. However, for those three expressions we also looked on Yahoo and Bing and the results were similar enough not to be studied too. We focused on the first 55 results and our first notice is that most of the pictures are published by wallpaper website. We can notice the occurrence of white sand, palm trees, coral, crystal water and clear view. Rocks reliefs are unusual and appear as elements hiding the beach from everyone but they are situated on the land. We can also reckon the occurrence of isolated rocks in the sea, there are five on the “paradisiac beach” page, three on the “dream beach” page and two on the “beach” page. Now, we launch the research “Cyprus Beach”, “Limassol Beach” and “Amathus Beach”. The first difference is that pictures come from tourist agencies websites or tourist guides and are locatable. Cliché of white sand and blue sea remains but palm trees are almost absent on the “Cyprus beach” page, on the contrary we can see isolated rocks on eighteen pictures, sometimes even submerged. As the sand appears to be less white in Limassol and Amathus, we observe the return of exotic trees. 586 |

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Image 2. “Limassol beach” research. Source: Google image, 26/02/2015

We can also make the observation for the “Limassol beach” page that beaches are sometimes absent from the results and the attention goes to resort complexes. This shows us what agencies considered the most attractive for tourists and therefore what tourism planners tend to create towards their installation. In Limassol, beaches appear not to be appealing enough yet to be shown. The change of point of view in the pictures is another proof of this supposed lack of attractivity, for example, on the dream beach page, pictures are taken from the sand and offer a continuous view when on the Limassol beach page, they are turned to the land and compensate the loss of a continuous view by a more spectacular view such as pictures taken by planes. For touristic management, what prevails is the conception of lands­ cape as a scene, they settled the viewer in a relation of entertainment (Donadieu: 2007) and that is why beach rocks must be removed in the conception of Limassol managers. Coastal erosion as a consequence of landscape management

However, if the removal of beach rocks can serve the improvement of landscape service those rocks currently serve the ecosystem by being a natural regulation to coastal erosion. The measure of coastal erosion will be calculated by analogy of similar conducted projects on coral reef. ARKEOS 38-39

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This particular formation was chosen because it has a lot in common with sandstones. First, they are both present in sub-tropical areas and like Amathus beach rocks, coral is submerged. It is known to be a natural breakwater and it also suffers from the installation of tourism equipment. The change that occurs after the disappearance of corals was described several times and searchers all agree to affirm that it causes extensive damages. It accelerates coastal erosion which can be defined as the removal of sands or beach sediments due to wave action and tidal currents (Baldwin, 2007: 1-2). The sea is not slowed down nor blocked anymore and advanced further, causing fracture, corrosion and abrasion on a larger area. However, the hardness of sea-facing rocks depends on the rock strength. Moreover, this growing encroachment also weakens the ecosystem. Parti­ cular plants or seaweed could die from this change in their environment. It can also accelerate the slitting up of a region because nothing stops the carriage of sea sediments. As a consequence, bays can disappear and their particular ecosystems too. The sand can also be carried deeply in the land, covering and overrunning human installations such as houses or roads to quote only the most important to protect.

Particular consequences of landscape management in the region of Limassol

First of all, it clearly appears that Limassol wants to develop their economy thanks to tourism. Giving the numerous equipments and the fancy hostels, it seems more directed to rich people who apparently appreciate a convenient landscape which fit the stereotypes that we highlighted in the first google search, such as blue sea and white sand. This could explain why exotic trees are more common in Limassol and near Amathus than in the rest of the island, it is the first step to a stereotype landscape. As a consequence and as a second step, landscape managers, who work with the tourists agencies that promote idealistic beaches, value the disappea­ rance of beach rocks which goes against the idea of a perfect clear view. Even if the sandstones are situated under the water in this region, they can easily be removed and it is currently considered but, the increase of tourists after this operation is not guaranteed. 588 |

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Perception and management of Beach rocks in coastal landscapes, Armance Le Masson

To analyze what could happened near Amathus, we should also considered the particularity of this region, such as the proximity of hostels from the beach, the nature of the coastal rocks which are composed of soft rock such as clay and limestone and the strength of current in this region. That being said, the disappearance of beach rock would clearly jeopar­dize the coast. The first consequence will certainly be the increase of sediments charges on the beach. Then, the sea would advance further during high tide, and could be preventing tourists from accessing the beach during this time and certainly attacking the down of hostels on the coast. Image 3. Amathus hotels and palm, Amathus, April 2015.

Source: Armance le Masson

Conclusion

To conclude, beach rocks ecoservices should be divided in two parts. First, they act as natural breakwater and abate beach erosion. But they are currently considered as a counterargument in term of landscape service. Landscape managers should not ignore the first fact and could try to improve their vision of sandstones. ARKEOS 38-39

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Tourism planners should not extract beach rocks, because the risk of an acceleration of the coastal erosion is too important and the des­ truction of beaches would be a catastrophe for economic development. It would also certainly jeopardize the construction of hostels and force them to install new costly equipment of protection. On the contrary, they should use the presence of sandstones as a supportive argument, arguing that they are something unique, they are a geosite and an archeological material. Education about the importance of geological site is currently developed (Henriques, 2011) and it could be a perfect way out, even if they do not value the beach rocks for themselves they can integrate them in archeological or diving circuits. But it seems very hard to inverse completely the current policy of this region which is clearly to make the landscape look like beach wallpaper.

Bibliography Baldwin Jeff, (2007), Understanding tourist beaches as eco-social landscapes: seeking sustainability through integration of human and non-human wealth production, Études caribéennes  [Em linha], 7|Août 2007, mis en ligne le 04 février 2008, consulté le 27 février 2015. URL: http:// etudescaribeennes.revues.org/332; DOI: 10.4000/etudescaribeennes.332 Charlier Roger et Meyer Christian (1998), Coastal Erosion: Response and Management, Springer, Germany, 1998, ISBN 3-540-60022-1 Donadieu Pierre, (2007), «Le paysage, les paysagistes et le développement durable: quelles perspectives?», Economie rurale [En ligne], 297-298 |janvier-avril 2007, mis en ligne le 01 mars 2009, consulté le 11 octobre 2012. URL:http://economierurale.revues.org/1923 Henriques Maria Helena et al. (2011), Geoconservation as an Emerging Geoscience, Geoheritage, n° 3, p. 117-128, 2011. Doceul Marie-Christine (2013), «Paysage», Geoconfluence [En ligne] | mis en ligne le 12 mars 2013, consulté le 26 février 2015. URL: geoconfluence.ens-lyon.fr/glossaire/paysage Vousdoukas Michalis, Velegrakis Adonis and Plomaritis Theocharis, (2007), «Beachrock occurrence, characteristics, formation mechanisms and impacts», Earth-Science Reviews [en ligne], 85 |2007, mis en ligne le 9 août 2007, consulté le 1 mars 2015; doi: 10.1016/j.earscirev.2007.07.002

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The theatrical improvisation and the parody, as a mode of perceiving and modifying the reality in Latin American society, Mariluz Paredes Barragán

The theatrical improvisation and the parody, as a mode of perceiving and modifying the reality in Latin American society MARILUZ PAREDES BARRAGÁN

Abstract: This study proposes to analyze how Latin Americans perceive and understand their reality, and how they constantly need to modify it through art, because they define themselves ontologically through the ecstasy. In which experience they appropriate of the outside world and re- create it at their will. Being so, reality exists for them only in that exact instant of improvisation. Key words: Gesture, theatre, communication.

T

heater has a holistic vision of the human being, and the training of the actor must integrate all his skills in order to peruse the better performance of his art. As described by Stanislavski, Theater is based on the work that the actor makes of himself. The exploration of this art leads the actor to investigate all his potentialities, which go beyond rational intelligence; the art of Theater demands the integrated training of the three ontological components of human intelligence:

– Corporal intelligence



– Emotional intelligence



– Rational intelligence

Besides this holistic vision, we can find many other relations between the Integrated Landscape Management and Theater. First, the objective of ILM is to improve the life quality of a population, promoting a balanced and beneficial relation between: economy, society and environment.

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Within the social and cultural sphere, we must not forget that enhan­ cing identity and giving people the possibility to develop their creativity and their spirituality, are also essential elements of a good life quality. Therefore, Integrated Landscape Management must include the evol­ ving of the population with sports and arts, in order to enhance their complete realization as human beings, and to create links in the community.

THE GESTURE From gesture to art, create, make and communicate.

To understand a little how gesture becomes art, specifically in theater, we will start by understanding what is an authentic gesture. In order to separate them from exaggerated, histrionic movements, which are usually copies of clichés that have nothing to do with authentic gestures and with the life on the scene. Therefore, we will begin by analyzing what a gesture is, in general and in theater. On the standard language, a gesture is: “Early 15c., Manner of carrying the body. Medieval Latin gestura behavior, mode of action. From Latin gestus gesture, carriage, posture, a movement of the body or a part of it, intended to express a thought or feeling.” (http://www.etymonline.com/index. php?term=gesture)

We can see then, that a gesture is the way the body expresses what rests deep into the inner self of each person. Being so, the authentic gesture always shows the truth, even if sometimes the verbal messages say the opposite, the gesture always reveals the real motivations and meaning of the message. In this way, gestures and body language transmit messages to the emotional intelligence of the involved, and very often transcends the rational intelligence. According to the experts: “Emotions can also be detected through body postures. Research has shown that body postures are more accurately recognised when an emotion is compared with a different or neutral emotion. For example, a person feeling angry would portray dominance over the other, and his/her posture displays approach tendencies. Comparing this to a person feeling fearful: he/she would feel weak, submissive and his/her posture would display avoidance tendencies” (http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Body_language)

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The theatrical improvisation and the parody, as a mode of perceiving and modifying the reality in Latin American society, Mariluz Paredes Barragán

The importance of gesture increases in Theater, because there, the actor´s body and face will determine everything that happens, or even more, everything that exists on the scene. The creative strength of an actress or actor lays on her or his correct relation with the body and how this leads to authentic gestures. As Grotowski explains: “La creación por el actor de los más obvios y elementales objetos. El actor transforma, mediante el uso controlado de sus gestos, el piso en mar, una mesa en un confesionario, un objeto de hierro en un compañero animado, etc…(“The creation by the actor of the most obvious and elementary objects. The actor transforms , by controlled use of gesture sea floor at a table in a confessional, an iron object in a lively companion, etc) ”(http:// www.caac.es/docms/txts/grottos_txt01.pdf)

The cultivation of this art could lead, according to the more wise actors on the 20th century, to the origins of Theatrical practices, when performing was a religious ritual. In their opinion, the seek of a true gesture takes the actor to also pursue his inner truth, his pure essence, which is also the objective of almost all the religions in the world. If the actor could succeed in this purpose, then he could really express his soul through his body. Which would be the ecstasy state that ancient actors pursued, in order to produce the Katharsis of the spectators. Again, we quote Grotowski: “El actor se entrega totalmente; es una técnica del “trance” y de la integración de todas las potencias psíquicas y corporales del actor, que emergen de las capas más íntimas de su ser y de su instinto, y que surgen en una especie de: “transiluminación”. (“The actor is totally delivery; It is a technique of “trance” and the integration of all mental and bodily powers actor, emerging from the innermost layers of his being and his instinct, and arise in a kind of . “transillumination” (http://www.caac.es/docms/txts/grottos_txt01.pdf)

IMPROVISATION AND PARODY IN LATIN AMERICA

Now, we will analyze the need for the theatrical improvisation for Latin Americans, and how this practice shows their cultural way of living (of being in the world). Within this work, we will consider the conception of time for Latin Americans, as well as their gestures and their relation with their body as an instrument of communication. ARKEOS 38-39

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Along this study we will establish the relationship between the deep spirituality of the Latin American and their capacity to include mythological, fantastical, magical elements in their daily life. After, we will analyze the theatrical improvisation and the parody as samples of the way in which Latin American people conceive life, as a group of instants and experiences that their inner self had in this world. All this, will help us to study how the elements above mentioned give to Latin American population a facility to invent their reality at each moment. Finally, we will seek for similarities between Latin American Improvisation Theater and “Comedia dell´Arte” in Italian tradition. In order to see which are the common points for both of them. Also, to set the question of: finding or not a correspondence in the theatric archetypes of these two societies.

TRAGEDY AND COMEDY IN LATIN AMERICA

First of all, the need for theatrical catharsis for Latin Americans, in my opinion, comes from two sources: first of all, their deep spirituality, and secondly, their desire to project to others a better image themselves, which is inherent to comedy, because it is the motivation of every comic anti-hero. When the subject is spirituality or their relationship with the divine or with superior powers, the theatrical creation is usually related to tra­ gedy and the improvisation is much more limited, the character has more strict rules to conduct their action, as it is so with the tragic heroes in all cultures. On the other hand, when the subject is the otherness, the theatric creation occurs through improvisation and parody, which means that it takes place through comedy. In this case, the comic anti-hero has freedom to behave at his will and convenience. For a Latin American actor the world is never limited by a realistic, pragmatic, point of view, there are always many underlying existences that lead to the action and to the development of the story. In this way, the obstacles present themselves progressively to the protagonist, as in all the mythic traditions, the hero doesn´t know what 594 |

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The theatrical improvisation and the parody, as a mode of perceiving and modifying the reality in Latin American society, Mariluz Paredes Barragán

opponents he will have to defeat or what difficulties he must overcome to achieve his goal. The dangers often remain hidden, so the protagonist cannot be prepared to face them, so he or she must improvise at each moment. That is why, the actor must constantly re-invent reality, to define the new given circumstances and to establish a coherent logic in a world that is usually introducing unexpected elements into the scene. As a result, the actor has absolute freedom of improvising.

THEATER AND “REALISMO MÁGICO” IN LATIN AMERICA

First of I would like to refer to various cultural events in which we find that the Latin American creative activity is characterized by the desire to change reality, adding magical elements to it. The best example is the Magic Realism in Literature. Here we see that there is a dialectical relationship in which the object and the subject of the narration influence each other, to produce a mutual change, which after many confusions will give the right result expected from the beginning, the salvation of the prisoner. According to the Greima´s Act Scheme, it is through the combined action of subject and object that the goal can be achieved, but the helper and the opponent are placed between them to bring them close or se­ parated, as it corresponds. In this process, both the hero and the object are transformed, improved, until being dignified of finding each other and accomplishing their destiny.

(https://www.google.pt/search?q=sistema+actancial) ARKEOS 38-39

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In Latin-American Theater, this path of the hero goes always beyond “this world”, bringing to the story many elements of his inner self and also from other magical worlds. We can find this characteristic in many master pieces of Latin American Literature that have been taken to thea­ tre and cinema, such as:

– Juan Rulfo Pedro Páramo – El Llano en llamas.



– Gabriel Garcia Marquez – Cien Años de Soledad.



– José de la Cuadra – Los Sangurimas.



– Laura Esquivel – Como agua para chocolate.

By studying these texts, with a theatrical point of view, we realize that Latin American are always open to accept a magical changing or explanation of their reality, they are naturally predisposed to improvise and let their imagination leads them to fantastic worlds. Being opened to these changes is essential for an improvising work on theater, the actors must be disposed to accept fantasy with the same natural approach as they do with any ordinary component. As Stanislavski said: «El  si mágico es, para los artistas, una palanca que nos traslada de la realidad al único universo en el que se puede realizar la creación… Después de la palabra: sí, los ojos empiezan a mirar y los oídos a escuchar de otro modo… como resultado, la ficción que se ha concebido suscita naturalmente las acciones correspondientes… Cuando usted conoce las inclinaciones de su propia naturaleza, no es difícil adaptarlas a circunstancias imaginarias… Para cambiar el mundo de los objetos naturales, no trate de desentenderse de él, al contrario, inclúyalo en la vida creada con la imaginación… (The magical if is for artists a lever that carries us from reality to the unique world or we can create... After the word if, the eyes begin to look and ears to listen in a different way... as a result, the fiction that has been created naturally motivates the corresponding actions... When you know the inclinations of your own nature, it is not difficult to adapt them to imaginary circumstances... to change the world of natural objects, do not try to ignore them, on the contrary, by including them to the new life you create together with the imagination)” Stanislavski Constantin, “El trabajo del Actor sobre sí mismo”, Ed. Quetzal, México, 1980, pgs. 78-110.

Next, I would like to analyze the relation that Latin Americans have with Time. In this Cosmo vision, time is cyclic, ontologically related to nature and to the inner part of every living thing. Therefore everything happens spontaneously in the perfect instant. Also the actions of the 596 |

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performer, when he or she is symptomized with the Universe, his actions come at the exact time and have the appropriate duration. At this point we can again quote Stanislavski: “Para el actor, es muy importante el desarrollo de su propio metrónomo interno que le ayudará a identificar y seguir el ritmo de la escena y el momento de su actuación. En muchas obras de teatro están presentes simultáneamente varias veces ritmos que se cruzan en un solo personaje. Para el actor desarrollar un buen sentido del ritmo tiempo es clave… (For the actor, it is very important to develop their own internal metronome to help you identify and keep up the scene and the time of their performance. In many plays are present simultaneously several times rhythms that intersect at a single character. For the actor developing a good sense of rhythm timing is the key)” (Stanislavski Constantin, “El trabajo del Actor sobre sí mismo”, Ed. Quetzal, México, 1980, pg. 169.)

Finally, we would like to study the parody in Latin American theater, for this, we chose as an emblematic creation on this area, the comedy “El Chavo del Ocho” which is a classical that never stopped being replayed all along Latin America since it was first broadcasted in 1968. In this comedy, we have seven basic characters, who worked based on theatrical improvisation, each one had always their own anti-hero, that interacted with the others in situations of confusion and many times lying to obtain their objectives, causing even more confusion, and making the objective more difficult to obtain, in which case the need of action and improvisation also grew for the actor. Because of the need of lying and also due to the predisposition of Latin Americans to include magical elements in reality, the limit between truth and lies is also very difficult to determine on theater, and it becomes an extra game of the actor, like a character of “Como agua para chocolate” says: “Total, todo podia ser verdad o mentira, dependiendo de que uno se creyera las cosas verdaderamente o no.” (Equivel Laura, “Como agua para chocolate”, Ed. Prisa, México, 2012, pg. 139.)

So this way of performing takes us to establishing a correspondence with the Italian Comedy of Art. One can find these similarities:

– The freedom of the actors to improvise, even if they have a general idea of the dialogs and the development of the play. ARKEOS 38-39

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«Commedia dell’arte (“Comedy of Art” or “Comedy of the profession”), means unwritten or improvised drama, and implies rather to the manner of performance than to the subject matter of the play... The subject was chosen, the characters conceived and named, their relations to one another determined, and the situations clearly outlined, all beforehand…. The situations were made clear, together with the turn of action and the outcome of each scene.» (http://www.theatrehistory.com/italian/ commedia_dell_arte_001.html)

In the case of “El Chavo del Ocho” the base is also improvisation; the scene is always the same (an old house in which the characters rent a room)the theme and motivations for each episode depend on the conflicts or confusions the actors may find through improvisation.

– The use of gesture and body language as the main instrument of performing. Being this, according to the experts, the most elevated class of theatric performing, because this art comes from the body, depends on it. As we explained earlier.



– The existing of certain archetype – characters which are more or less similar in both cases. «In the course of the development of the Commedia dell’arte, there grew up certain traditions which held fast for many years. The rascally servant, the old man, the lady’s maid, and the like--stock characters which appeared in every play--always wore a conventional dress, with masks. In general these masks may be classed under four or five groups: Pantalone and the Doctor, both old men; the Captain, a young man of adventure; the valet or jester, usually called Zanni; the hunchback Punchinello; and the lovers.» (http://www. theatrehistory.com/italian/commedia_dell_arte_001.html)

The characters, which may be considered as archetypes for “Chavo del Ocho” are: «El Señor Barriga: Es el dueño de la vecindad, habitados por personas de clase media-baja, siempre debe discutir con ellos para cobrar la renta, y siempre termina perdonándoles la deuda, porque sabe que no tienen otro lugar donde vivir. El Chavo es un niño muy pobre, algo distraido y torpe, pero muy creativo. Haciendo que todas sus aventuras se desarrollen con 8 años de edad. La vida del personaje esta llena de misterios; no conocemos su nombre verdadero, tampoco quién lo acompaña en dicha vivienda. Sus reacciones son muy rutinarias. Una característica particular del personaje, es su reacción ante el miedo, la famosa “garrotera” Don Ramón: Es muy pobre, y siempre debe escapar del Señor Barriga para no pagarle

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la renta. Es muy difícil verlo trabajando, aunque a lo largo de su vida ha tenido muchos trabajos (o dice haberlos tenido). La Chilindrina: Es hija de Don Ramón. Es la más astuta entre los niños y se aprovecha de esto para engañar al Chavo y a Quico. Quico, Es un niño que tiene un poco más de dinero, le encanta presumir sus juguetes y casi siempre pelea con los otros niños para no prestárselos. Doña Florinda y el Profesor Jirafales: Los enamorados. El Señor Barriga: The owner of the house where poor people live, it should always discuss with them to load, and eventually he forgives their debt because he is good and he knows they do not have another place to live (El Chavo is a very poor boy, he free clothes at home, he is stunned, but very creative, he is 8 years old. He never told his real name, it is not known who he dress. His dramatic actions are typical and are repeated every time. The best known is: the garrotera is his reaction when he is afraid. Don Ramón is very poor and must always wrong Señor Barriga for not paying rent, it is rare to see it work, even when he says that this is what he does all day. El Señor Barriga: The owner of the house where poor people live, it should always discuss with them to load , and eventually he forgive their debt because it is good and he knows they do not have another place to live The Chilindrina: Is the daughter of Don Ramón. She is the smarter child, and has an advantage to deceive them all. Quico: Is a 9 year old boy, who has a bit more of money, he is the son of Doña Florinda who was a wealthy woman when her husband was alive, but now that she is a widow, they are forced to be “living with the plebs “in the same house. He likes to be conceited of his new toys, and discusses with the other kids about it. Doña Florinda and Profesor Jirafales: Lovers)” (http://www.chavodel8.com/personajes/donramon.php)

Another similarity with the Comedy Art is that the costumes and masks are typical of each character; in El Chavo del Ocho characters always dress the same clothes, and they are such good actors, I think we can say that its faces are converted into masks of each character, which brings as back to our considerations about the gesture. As Grotowski says: «En el teatro pobre, el actor debe crear por sí mismo una máscara orgánica mediante sus músculos facials (In the poor theater, the actor must himself create an organic mask through the muscles of the face)» (Grotowsky Jerzy, “Hacia un Teatro Pobre”, Ed. Siglo veintiuno, Méjico, 1972, pg. 96.) ARKEOS 38-39

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In this way, these characters have captured the essence of Latin American, because of that, 40 years after the creation of this comedy it still loved by the public of all ages, it remains a mirror that shows the virtues of Latin American culture and which also invites us to correct our faults, which we see recreated by each character.

DILEMMA

After all we have mentioned, we clearly see that an authentic gesture is spontaneous and comes from the inner self of a human being, in order to establish an emotional relation with other people. But it is curios to notice that while the education and research on developing body intelligence and emotional intelligence (in order to interact better among us) is almost null, it is so important for our society to interact better with machines, for example, if we think of Gesture recognition research1

BIBLIOGRAPHY STANISLAVSKI Constantin, (1980) “El trabajo del Actor sobre sí mismo, Ed. Quetzal, México, 1980” GROTOWSKY Jerzy, (1972) ”Hacia un Teatro Pobre”, Ed. Siglo veintiuno, Méjico, 1972. EQUIVEL Laura, (2012) “Como agua para chocolate”, Ed. Prisa, México, 2012. GARCÍA MÁRQUEZ Gabriel (1989) “Cien Años de Soledad” Ed. Oveja Negra, Bogotá, 1989. RULFO Juan, (2002) “El llano en llamas y Pedro Páramo” Ed. De Bolsillo, Méjico, 2002. DE LA CUADRA José, (1990) “Los Sangurimas y otros relatos” Ed. Círculo de Lectores, Quito, 1990. http://www.theatrehistory.com/italian/commedia_dell_arte_001.html http://www.chavodel8.com/personajes/donramon.php https://www.google.pt/search?q=sistema+actancial http://www.etymonline.com/index.php?term=gesture http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Body_language

1 Gesture recognition research is a topic in computer science and language technology with the goal of interpreting human gestures via mathematical algorithms (http://en.wikipedia.org/ wiki/Gesture_recognition)

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La Charamela dans le paysage sonore portugais, Luis Bicalho

La Charamela dans le paysage sonore portugais LUIS BICALHO

Resume: «La Charamela dans le Paysage Sonore Portugais» a pour objet un instrument de musique, de la famille des vents, appelé chalemie en français. Il s’agit d’un ancêtre du hautbois moderne, d’origine pastorale, répandu dans le monde entier sous des appellations parfois similaires, par la diffusion importante qui s’est opérée avec l’expansion de l’empire portugais principalement du XVe au XVIIe siècle. Oubliée par beaucoup de musiciens qui l’ont remplacée par l’accordéon, la flûte traversière, ou les cuivres, dans les musiques jouées en plein-air, la charamela est aujourd’hui considérée comme un instrument historique au Portugal, alors que la ciaramella en Italie méridionale a perduré comme un instrument populaire. Sa sonorité grinçante et perçante est tout aussi insupporta­ ble que séduisante, ce qui en fait un instrument destiné à marquer les esprits lors de rassemblements festifs. Un glissement de sens est à observer sur l’objet charamela, de l’instrument en bois à vent, il est devenu le nom de l’instrumentiste, puis du groupe de musi­ ciens jouant en plein-air. Le son de la charamela donnait de l’éclat au mariage de Catherine de Bragance, fille de Jean IV, roi du Portugal, et fut transformée en ensemble de trompettes naturelles – avant l’invention des pistons – sous Jean V, appelé «Charamela Real». La charamela fut l’instrument de prédilection d’accompagnement des cortèges, des fêtes et des bals populaires, ainsi que de toute manifestation en plein-air de triomphe, de gala pour la réception d’un haut dignitaire ou d’un hôte prestigieux. Le portrait du joueur de charamela couvre l’ensemble des représentations de la musique dans la peinture de cette époque, et revit à travers les grandes festivités qui recréent l’imaginaire médiéval au Portugal. La formation de hauts ménestrels – telle que la décrivait Johannis Tinctoris en 1487 – en alta capella, c’est-à dire deux anches et un cuivre (par exemple la charamela associée à la sacqueboute, prédécesseur du trombone, et à la douçaine, ancêtre du basson) est souvent reproduite de nos jours pour le ravissement d’un public de connaisseurs. Vestige d’une époque médiévale où coexistaient pacifiquement arabes, juifs et chrétiens, cet instrument enraciné dans la culture européenne fait partie d’un paysage sonore qu’il convient de faire perdurer afin de préserver tout un pan du paysage culturel portugais. Mots clés: charamela, paysage, culturel, sonore, culture, portugal, portugais, chalemie, musica alta, hautbois, musique, environnement

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INTRODUCTION

C

haramela se traduit par hautbois ou chalemie en français. Les recherches en France ont conduit les musicologues à s’intéresser à la question et le doute persiste sur l’appellation de cet instrument historique. Nous pouvons constater d’importantes variations de factures en consul­ tant l’entrée schawm (en anglais) de la collection mondiale d’instruments de musique en ligne (cf. Webographie: www 1). Supposons que cet objet désigne donc la même réalité – que l’on peut résumer semble-t-il à un hautbois moderne sans la présence de clés – appelée chalemie ou chalemelle dans le dictionnaire Honegger [cf. Bibliographie, 1976] mais qui aurait désigné la cornemuse jusqu’aux années 1950 selon Piguet alors qu’on aurait parlé plutôt de hautbois renaissance. Dans notre étude, nous emploierons le mot portugais charamela. Aujourd’hui, nous pouvons trouver, au détour d’une rue en France ou en Allemagne, un ensemble de schalmei (en allemand) défilant à l’air libre, sous nos yeux, et surtout pour la plus grande surprise de nos oreilles. Que sont ces nouveaux instruments produits par la société Martin, encore nombreux dans les Schalmeienkapellen allemandes ou dans la Fanfare du Zek  parisienne qui le présente comme un instrument «communiste», interdit à l’arrivée au pouvoir par les nazis  en 1933, si ce n’est l’évolution de ces anciens instruments? (www 2., 3.) Le schalmei porte la trace d’une longue histoire musicale dont nous allons chercher la trame en mobilisant l’ethnomusicologie, la linguistique et l’organologie. Qu’est-ce donc que cet objet qui, au Portugal, est appelé la  charamela? Dans la base de données de l’Institut d’ethnomusicologie portugais (www 4.), nous trouvons trois entrées à   charamela, que l’on peut ainsi définir comme «instrument», dans le domaine des «liens traditionnels» et de la «musique rurale», comme une  figure  d’instrumentiste  dans les «bals et danses traditionnelles» et comme un groupe d’instrumentistes dans les «groupes philharmoniques». Pourtant, l’entrée «charameleiro», joueur de charamela nous renvoie plutôt à la «musique érudite», ou savante. Si nous voyons la musique dans sa désignation première, mousikê, comme «un vaste éventail d’expériences spirituelles et intellectuelles» selon R. M. Schafer, sommes-nous juges pour décrire ce qu’est la musique et ce qu’est le bruit, pouvons-nous introduire la notion de paysage sonore après lui? A la sortie de son ouvrage The Tuning of the World en 1977, il prédisait que les frontières entre la musique et le paysage sonore s’ef602 |

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fondreraient. En 2005, il le réaffirmait: «les influences entre ce que nous appelons musique et ce que nous identifions comme étant l’environnement sonore deviendraient si complexes que la frontière qui séparait ces genres traditionnellement distincts s’estomperait». La charamela fait partie des instruments de musique adaptés à la musique en plein-air. Mais cet environnement sonore en plein-air est toujours enraciné sur une terre, il est attaché à des lieux spécifiques. Quand nous parcourons le Portugal nous retrouvons à l’échelle nationale cette présence des charamelas, ce qui nous autorise à extrapoler à partir de Schafer pour parler de paysage sonore portugais. Cette interconnectivité des activités culturelles sur un large territoire rejoint notre préoccupation de soutenir des pratiques musicales dans une approche de gestion intégrée du paysage culturel. L’intervention dans les politiques régionales à travers des programmes éducatifs nécessite de reconnaître les racines de notre culture dans la mythologie grecque – l’aulos est l’instrument de Marsyas contre la Lyre d’Apollon – et l’histoire de la charamela dans les pays de langue portugaise – que nous allons développer ici –. La problématique de la durabilité locale (anxiété et besoins individuels) et globale (grands dilemmes sociétaux) se pose pour le paysage sonore puisque la musique répond à ces besoins (de relaxation) et pose les mêmes questions  (dilemme de la tranquilité, par exemple lorsqu’une fête publique dérange les malades d’un hospice). «On peut déjà constater qu’en Occident la musique exécutée en plein-air peut également être associée à des évènements spécifiques alors que les festivals de rue et les divertissements en plein-air se multiplient». [Schafer, 2005] Les nouvelles pratiques d’amplification du son demandent à ce que la question des résonances intimes du corps soient posées en termes de santé globale et d’éducation culturelle. Le paysage sonore est défini par R.M. Schafer comme la relation entre l’homme et l’environnement des sons. [www 5.]. Plus précisément, c’est «techniquement toute partie de cet environnement pris comme champ d’étude.» et aussi l’environnement anthropisé, «aussi bien des environnements réels que des constructions abstraites, telles que les compositions musicales ou montages sur bande, en particulier lorsqu’ils sont considérés comme faisant partie du cadre de vie.» (Schafer R.M., 1979, cité par Martin L., 2014) Tout phénomène sonore faisant partie de notre cadre de vie devient paysage lorsqu’il est intégré en tant que tel dans un champ d’étude. Les innovations – microphone, amplification, surimpression, modification de la profondeur de champ- ne ARKEOS 38-39

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font pas disparaitre le dilemme qui se pose en termes de musique du haut et musique du bas (musica alta et musica baixa) puisqu’en termes de choix qualitatif, la charamela, des modèles aux son plus rude et rustic à ceux plus élaborés au son plus doux et moelleux s’offre comme une alternative plaisante, en comparaison à la violence des basses de la musique dite techno. Ce dilemme sur la source de production sonore ne peut être résolu que par le dialogue avec la culture d’un lieu, qui s’intéresse à la préservation d’un héritage musical qui rythme des évènements communs. Notre plan s’articulera en trois parties, la première lèvera le voile sur l’objet charamela, qui de l’instrument à l’instrumentiste par extension a fini par s’appliquer aux groupes de musiques eux-mêmes, les  charamelas, par exemple la Charamela Real,  après quoi nous ferons un panorama de la famille instrumentale à laquelle il se rattache. Dans un second temps, nous aborderons le sujet du séminaire Apheleia sur la gestion des «Paysages Culturels» à travers l’art et la question du paysage sonore et d’une esthétique de la musique en plein-air; enfin, nous essaierons d’appliquer la problématique de la durabilité (en anglais sustainability, parfois traduit par soutenabilité» en français) à la question du paysage sonore, c’est-à-dire qu’à partir d’un simple mot-clé nous nous poserons la question de la signification de la durabilité d’un paysage sonore. I. 1.1. La charamela est l’ancêtre du hautbois moderne, celui de Lorée et Triébert, inventé en 1906 et adopté sous cette forme dans le monde entier sauf en Autriche (où on joue celui de Hermann Zuleger), ou bien le Fossati, le Marigaux, ou encore le Yamaha. C’est un instrument à vent joué pour des circonstances variées (fêtes, mariages, luttes) en plein-air, fréquemment associé à des percussions. C’est un instrument appelé ainsi en langue portugaise (également charumbela, gaitas de beiços, qui signifie aujourd’hui harmonica en portugais), qui a connu son apogée dans la culture de la péninsule ibérique au Moyen-Âge et à la Renaissance, en même temps qu’il existait dans toute l’Europe sous des appellations très similaires: schawm ou schalm en anglais, schalmei en allemand, chalemie ou chalemelle en français, chirimin en espagnol, ciaramella en italien, skalmeja en suédois, etc. mais en Catalogne, ces instruments «ont depuis longtemps perdu le nom espagnol de chirimia (ou xeremia); on les appelle simplement tiple («soprano») et tenora.» [Arnold, 1983] Il ne faut pas le confondre avec le chalumeau, un petit instrument à anche simple comme la clari604 |

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nette. Notons que la traduction en français chalumeau a une signification plus variable, le chalumeau désignant un petit instrument à anche simple construit en Allemagne et en Italie pendant les 60 premières années du XVIIIe siècle [Michels, 1977], mais aussi le jeu d’orgue à anche battante et résonateur conique croissant étroit, le registre grave de la clarinette, ainsi qu’une partie de la cornemuse et de tout l’ensemble d’instruments européens qui s’en rapproche. [Honegger, 1976] Cela nous est confirmé avec les précisions suivantes: «le registre grave, surnommé chalumeau, qui est celui de l’instrument primitif, et qui permet d’obtenir tous les sons fondamentaux» [Casella et Mortari, 1958]. Néanmoins, le terme même de charamela existait encore au XIXe siècle dans les patois français (Dauphiné, 1809 et 1877; Provençal 1858, 1877, 1889; Bas-Limousin 1901; Langue d’oc 1846, 1863; Lyonnais 1808; Massif Central 1901) et dans la langue du pays basque (1870)). L’étymologie nous donne l’origine latine calamus, qui signifie «roseau». [Arnold, 1983] Il était construit des charamelas de différentes dimensions, afin de pouvoir couvrir une ample tessiture permettant l’exécution de musiques polyphoniques, avec les charamelas sopranos, ténor, et basse. Dans la classification organologique de Hornbostel-Sachs, les instruments à vent sont la sous-catégorie numéro 42 des aérophones. En portugais, «instrument à vent» se traduit littéralement par instrument de souffle (instrumento de sopro). A l’origine, c’était un pipeau pastoral fait d’un simple roseau ou d’un épi de maïs ou encore de l’écorce du noyer s’agissant de la totara, l’ancêtre préhistorique de la ciaramella italienne. Puis on utilisa les bois présents dans l’environnement pour former un tuyau conique en buis, murier, abricotier, olivier, magnolia, saule, érable, etc. En principe, une anche double – deux lamelles de roseau juxtaposéesest fixée avec du fil de fer sur un petit tube en métal qui s’insère sur le tuyau conique. La technique de jeu consiste à les mettre en vibration librement dans la bouche par le souffle guidé par les lèvres qui n’en laisse passer qu’un filet. Le joueur de l’aulos double ou diaule dans l’Antiquité Grecque jouait parfois avec un phorbeia, bande de cuir ou de tissu évitant le gonflement des joues [Michels, 1977] ou un capistrum s’agissant du tibia dans l’Antiquité romaine [article tibia in Dictionnaire des antiquités de Daremberg et Saglio, cité dans Schaeffner, 1968], comme c’était peut-être le cas également pour l’abub en Mésopotamie. La technique de construction des anches est propre à chaque instrumentiste, elle requiert le plus grand soin et leur entretien: très fragiles, elles sont plus sensibles que ARKEOS 38-39

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le corps de l’instrument à la température extérieure et à l’hygrométrie. Bien que la «grande période de la charamela soit les XIVe-XVIIe siècles où elle jouait un rôle important lors des cérémonies et des fêtes en pleinair ou données dans de vastes bâtiments», l’instrument et «certaines de ses variantes  sont aujourd’hui réutilisés dans les ensembles de musique ancienne (rauschpfeifen, etc.)», nous dit le Dictionnaire encyclopédique de la musique d’Oxford [Arnold, 1983]. I. 1.2. Dans «Le Roi des Charamelas  et les Charamelas-Mores», une étude sur les maîtres de la charamela au Portugal, Viterbo Sousa (1912) relève que «charamela peut indiquer tant l’instrument que l’instrumentiste qui le joue, ainsi que dans le cas de la trompette (trombeta) ou de la sacqueboute (sacabuxa), et peut aussi être une désignation générique pour un instrumentiste à vent ou synonyme de ménestrel». Les joueurs de charamela sont appelés charameleiros au Portugal, alors qu’en France, une étude sur le patois confolentais – en région Poitou-Charentes – de 1985 trouve l’expression similaire de «charmelaires» pour désigner indifféremment les hautboïstes et les cornemusiers [www 6.]. Les instrumentistes jouent avant tout des musiques d’un genre ludique, tout comme c’est le cas pour les autres instruments de la musique populaire portugaise comme la gaita-de-foles, le tamboril e flauta, le pandeiro et l’adufe ou encore le bombo. De même que dans les genres saias, modas ou despiques, ils interviennent dans les fêtes et appellent à la danse. Ils gardent aussi leur fonction cérémonielle dans l’ensemble des cérémonies du Saint-Esprit et figurent dans les solennités religieuses ou para-religieuses (offices religieux populaires, processions, cirios ou círios saloios qui sont des cultes médiévaux d’adoration d’une image de la Sainte Marie, cortèges ou festivités publiques ou officielles, accompagnant le compasso de Pâques, tradition chrétienne où une paroisse visite maison après maison pour célébrer la résurrection du Christ, etc.). Les charameleiros intervenaient fréquemment: dans les processions du Corpus Christi, à Porto en 1621 par exemple, «le tambour qui allait devant la garde d’honneur de S. Jorge (composée de 16 hommes), la cavalcade des trompettes de la ville et les charamelas précédant la corporation des juges qui paraissent constituer la formation instrumentale qualifiée de la procession» [Oliveira, 2000]. La célébration festive associait la charamela aussi aux Zés-pereiras, groupes de percussionistes, et aux gaitas-de-foles (les cornemuses) à Guimaraes, au XVIIIe siècle 606 |

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par exemple, «annonçant les célébrations et accompagnant des figurados, dances et folias  avec tambourins et clairons». I. 1.3. Les groupes d’instruments associés aux évènements festifs à travers les cortèges et les défilés ont évolué en de multiples formes. Depuis ceux que désignent Johannis Tinctoris dans De inventione et usu musicæ (ca 1487) qui furent courant pendant la Renaissance, les groupes associaient en alta capella chalemies, bombardes, trompettes et trombones. Chalemie peut signifier alors une charamela soprano, la bombarde étant un instrument de la même famille signifiant ici une charamela alto et le trombone à coulisse préfigurant la sacqueboute inventée au XVIe siècle. D’après la collection mondiale d’instruments de musique en ligne [www 1.], la schalmei désigne les instruments sans «pommeau», alors que la pommer – d’où dérive le nom bombarde – en possède un. Mais l’étymologie dérive du latin bombus qui signifie «bruit sourd», ce qui fait référence au son explosif de l’instrument plus qu’à sa forme. L’identité bretonne revendique la bombarde dans ses formations instrumentales, alors que la charamela (qui semble avoir rarement été associée à la cornemuse au Portugal) se trouve conservée comme pièce de musée au Museu nacional dos Coches à Lisbonne ou jouée comme instrument historique dans les fêtes où l’on recherche à ressusciter l’esprit d’un autre temps. Le groupe Music’Alta perpétue cette tradition, comme le montre cet extrait du Festival de Musique Ancienne de Castelo Novo, Portugal [www 7.]. Les groupes pouvaient atteindre 6 parties, avec l’ajout du cornet à bouquin, et de la douçaine pour les processions. Dans les représentations issues de la peinture portugaise du XVIe siècle, les charamelas sopranos et les ténors, généralement en duos, trios, quartettes et quintettes sont les instruments de musique les plus représentés – 53 occurrences –, alors que dans les représentations littéraires, des contextes d’apparition très variés sont notés (acclamations, ambassades, banquets, noces) [Duarte, 2015]. Les «bandes musicales» apparaissent depuis le XIIe siècle comme groupes associés aux municipalités. Au XVIe siècle, les bandas de sopros sont reconnues au Portugal comme «un mouvement d’intérêt, qui atteint un point d’hégémonie, s’étendant sur pratiquement toute la Péninsule ibérique et qui ne se limita pas aux sièges épiscopaux, chapelles royales et couvents mais se développa aussi dans des environnements profanes, dans les cours, les résidences de nobles ou de bourgeois, et dans les représentations municipales. Une musique qui ARKEOS 38-39

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pouvait sonner avec tumulte, comme il s’agissait de trompettes, cornets, charamelas, sacque­boutes» [Freitas Branco, 1995, cité par Lourosa, 2014]. L’expression de la musica alta fut jugée à l’aune de critères faisant appel à la dimension du sacré, qui l’opposent à la musica baixa (musique basse). Selon Charles Dominique,  le tumulte profane des hauts instruments associé au diable, s’oppose à la retenue des bas instruments jouant de la musique sacrée et inspirant la contenance. Faisant la distinction entre les interprètes dans les peintures, les instrumentistes peuvent être des anges chanteurs, instrumentistes, pasteurs, soldats, le Roi David, les enfants de chœur et les chanteurs, les ménestrels, les segréis (poètes) accompagnés de jongleurs et le diable. Les derniers, moins représentés sont aussi ceux qui seraient le plus souvent accompagnés des instruments tumultueux, établissant une réelle hiérarchie liée à l’intensité du volume sonore. [Duarte, 1995]. Elle reste désignée musica alta, jouée à l’extérieur et dans un contexte que je qualifierai de plus populaire. [Cardoso, 2015] La religiosité qui encourage le musicien à dévouer son talent à la musique sacrée construit une classification dépréciative des hauts instruments associés aux lieux d’émission du son que sont les intérieurs des églises, par opposition aux fêtes populaires ayant lieu en extérieur. C’est dans ce cadre que le son de la charamela fut jugé rude, et les hauts instruments n’entrèrent pas dans la composition des formations de musique de chambre. Mais cela ne peut pas être généralisé puisque les souverains disposaient d’ensemble de ce que j’appellerais les hauts musiciens: tout comme Louis XIV qui avait une fameuse bande de hautbois, au Portugal on assiste à la création par Dom Joao V d’un groupe de musica alta qui se présentait dans et en dehors du palais, composé de 28 trompettistes et des timbales. Mais cette fanfare royale qui ne compte pas un seul instrument en bois s’appellera néanmoins Charamela Real. [www 8.] La Charamela Real ouvrait traditionnellement les cortèges où figuraient les monarques, les membres de la maison royale et les hauts dignitaires étrangers. Plus largement, on en viendra à désigner ainsi les groupes musicaux d’ensemble à vent incluant trompettes, trombones, et autres cuivres. Enfin, les Charameleiros semblent former un véritable corps social tout au long de l’histoire portugaise, le talent pouvant se transmettre de père en fils. Associés aux roi et aux princes, ils se transmettent l’office par voie familiale: par exemple, la famille Palacios au XVIIe siècle [voir Annexes 4 et 5, Lopes Monteiro, 2010]. Dans une étude qui porte sur la 608 |

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généalogie des charameleiros de la Renaissance portugaise, nous trouvons qu’  «André Descobar était un maître de la charamela de l’université de Coimbra» [Lopes Monteiro, 1985]. «La charamela est un groupe musical de composition éclectique à durabilité éphémère qui accompagna la plupart des universités médiévales européennes jusqu’au XIXe siècle.» [www 9, ma traduction.] Cette description étant datée de l’ouverture solennelle des cours en Novembre 1987, nous pouvons constater que cette tradition perdure. [www 10.] «A pied, à cheval et en salle, les chefs d’Etats et les hauts dignitaires étaient reçus, [la charamela] annonçait la cérémonie de la vêpre (véspera), ouvrait les cortèges, signalait les moments solennels du calendrier académique et symbolisait la présence du recteur». [www 9.] Le terme s’étend donc jusqu’à désigner un ensemble instrumental dans lequel nous ne retrouvons plus l’instrument charamela. Aux côtés des folias et des défilés des bandas filarmonicas, la charamela comprise comme formation instrumentale est caractéristique du paysage sonore portugais. Nous constatons que la traductrice de l’auteur de Les africains au Portugal: histoire et mémoire. XVe-XXIe siècles [www 11.] est arrivée à la même conclusion que nous en traduisant charamelas par fanfare, dans le commentaire d’une photographie de la fête du Corpus Christi dans les rues de Lisbonne au début du XXe siècle, alors que «la présence africaine dans cet évènement a pris une importance singulière dans la vie portugaise, soulignée, en 1908, dans un article publié dans le journal Diário de Noticias: “La procession du Corpus Christi a eu lieu hier à la Cathédrale Patriarcale à laquelle le cortège traditionnel de St. Georges est lié depuis des siècles. [Si] la procession ne va actuellement pas plus loin que la place de la Cathédrale, le cortège de St. Georges (...) conserve néanmoins les aspects les plus traditionnels, comme par exemple les cinq petits noirs qui, avec leurs habits colorés et pompeux, exécutent durant tout le trajet sur leurs fanfares, ce “Ta, tara, ta, ta... ta, ta...” que tous les lisboètes apprennent par cœur depuis leur plus jeune âge”[www 11.]. I. 2.1. La charamela trouve ses racines au Proche-Orient et en Egypte, et serait arrivée depuis «la troisième croisade» après être «apparue au Moyen-Orient  pendant les premiers siècles de l’Islam» [Arnold, 1983], mais les origines la faisant remonter au shehnai, hautbois rustique de l’Inde, et au nadasvaram, son cousin deux fois plus grand de l’Inde du sud, n’ont pas été encore étudiées, que l’on sache. Le lien est plus clair ARKEOS 38-39

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avec ses plus proches voisins, qu’avec l’un de ses équivalents chinois, le suona. La zurna persane et turque, le duduk arménien ou géorgien, la ghayta nord-africaine, parfois appelée algaita par les non-arabisants qui vient de la racine indoeuropéenne gada, la pipiza grecque, le piffero du Nord de l’Italie et la ciaramella ou pipita des régions sud – Molise, Calabre, Abruzzes, Campagne, etc. – se rapprochent le plus de la charamela. De différentes tailles, les variantes de la charamela sont encore conservées dans les musées européens, notamment à Bruxelles et à Berlin, du modèle le plus petit, de l’allemand exilent ou klein-diskant schalmey (45cm), à la grande charamela contrebasse, de l’allemand grossbasspommer (plus de 2,75m de long). L’apparition de la bombarde au XVe-XVIe siècle dans les cultures anglo-saxonnes (également pommer, voir W.Frei, Schalmei und Pommer, 1961) et celtiques, concurrencent en France l’utilisation du terme chalemie et charamela. Bientôt la bombarde donne son nom à la charamela alto dans les formations royales et militaires. Les origines du mot en français, comme nous l’avons dit dès le début, se mélangent avec le hautbois pastoral au XVIIe, à deux clefs, qui dérive de la musette (terme existant dès le XIIIe siècle). La musette désignerait le piccolo du consort des hautbois. Donc il semble que c’est bien l’ajout des clefs qui distingue déjà hautbois de chalemie, ce qui est toujours le cas. En effet, ces termes riment avec la charamela sur le continent européen jusqu’à l’invention du hautbois baroque au XVIIe siècle, puis du hautbois moderne à 16-22 trous et un mécanisme complexe de clefs, lequel rejoint une grande famille d’instruments à anche double: hautbois d’amour ou oboe d’amore en la avec son pavillon piriforme (forme de «poire»), cor anglais ou oboe da caccia en fa, également piriforme mais parfois au tuyau courbe, l’heckelphone plus grave en ut, le sarrusophone au tuyau en métal, le basson (anciennement Dulcian, portugais Dulzaina, mais qui fait référence en Espagne à tout un ensemble d’instruments apparentés, également pita, pito et au sud de la France gralla et grallon), et le contrebasson [Michels, 1977]. Egalement désigné graïle, le hautbois du sud de la France, ou en occitan autbòi est bien un hautbois originaire des monts de Lacaune au cœur de la montagne noire, et était l’apanage des bergers en transhumance [www 12.] Le courtaud, le cromorne à tuyau conique recourbé, le sordun et le cervelas en forme de boîte appartiennent à cette même famille d’instruments. Selon l’essai de Classification de Geneviève Dournon [Dournon, 2005], le groupe des hautbois contient en outre les catégories «en tuyau à perce cylindrique»: le 610 |

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hichiriki (Japon), le pi nai (Thaïlande), le balaman (Arménie) – et «tuyau à perce conique» à pavillon intégré/rapporté: l’algaita (Nigeria), le rgya-gling (Tibet), le selompret (Java) – ou saruni – et la chirimia du Guatemala –. Au pays basque, d’autres termes existaient: ooella, autzaioa, enzulucea, 1853; aûiazaïoa, entzunliicea, 1870) [www 6.] alors qu’on parle aujourd’hui de sunprinua, soinutresnak, txanbela et dulzaina. [www 13. 14.] Appartiennent à la même famille également le zamr Egyptien, et le schreier décrit par Praetorius à la Renaissance, duquel est issu le rauschpfeife dans le monde germanique, terme employé par Curt Sachs à propos des instruments conservés à Berlin et à Prague, Sachs le fait provenir de l’église de Naumburg, en Saxe, où se trouvent encore de vieux inventaires sur lesquels ces mêmes instruments sont clairement inscrits sous le nom schreiarien [Arnold, 1983]. A toutes ces époques, ces instruments furent utilisés pour animer la vie sociale, de jour comme de nuit, comme le montre l’exemple des waits en Angleterre et en Allemagne, veilleurs de nuits qui «gardaient les portes et patrouillaient dans les rues pendant la nuit, sonnant les heures et surveillant les incendies ou autres dangers avec un type de charamela appelé wait ou wait-type [Arnold, 1983]. En outre, ces musiciens jouaient le rôle d’accueillir toute arrivée d’un hôte éminent, ou d’accompagner d’illustres hommes, ainsi «au XVIe siècle, Sir Francis Drake pria cinq ou six d’entre eux de l’accompagner lors d’un voyage à Lisbonne». [Arnold, 1983] II. 1. S’il est vrai que le paysage est une notion qui a la capacité de rendre compte de «l’ensemble des relations entre l’environnement naturel et la société» par «une approche dite polysensorielle fondée sur la sensibilité du spécialiste paysagiste exercée à l’observation des phénomènes par la totalité de ses sens» [Luginbuhl, 1992] Alors, le système musical est un «trait du paysage culturel» [www 15.]. L’étudiant est soumis lui-même à la même nécessité qu’implique l’écoute de ce qui fait sens pour son sujet: il entend le son qui retentit, et par là «entre dans son environnement sonore comme source de stimuli les ondes qui pénètrent dans son oreille (processus physiques). Les ondes sont transformées dans l’oreille en impulsions nerveuses qui atteignent l’organe perceptif du cerveau (processus physiologiques). Les cellules perceptives et leurs signaux perceptifs prennent alors le relais et projettent un signe perceptif dans le milieu (processus psychoïdal)» [Uexküll, 1956] ARKEOS 38-39

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Or c’est la représentation de cette perception qui nous intéresse, c’est «ce que ça en dit». De la même manière qu’un sujet soumis au bruit d’un générateur électrique allumé pendant la nuit ou d’un ventilateur bruyant se plaindra de la gêne sonore émise, nous voudrions savoir ce que dirait le public de la sonorité de la charamela: un son nasillard, fort, puissant, mordant? Pourquoi lui a-t-on préféré dans de nombreux bals folkloriques et musiques populaires l’emploi de l’accordéon, qui est une adaptation du système de la vibration d’une anche double devenue métallique dans l’air libre? Nous savons pourtant que le hautbois est un des instruments les plus «riches» en harmoniques, puisque c’est lui qui donne le la aux orchestres. Nous savons aussi qu’il est possible d’obtenir une grande variété de timbres en disposant de plusieurs anches doubles, attachées par une ficelle au corps de l’instrument. Avec l’arrivée des musiques électroniques il nous paraît nécessaire de procéder à une distinction de sens: que nomme-t-on «ambiance sonore» par rapport à la notion de paysage sonore? Il semble clair par l’emploi courant de ce terme qu’il s’applique souvent aux bandes son, maintenant utilisées pour donner un contour sonore à un lieu (musée, zoos). Pourtant la définition de Schafer citée ci-dessus inclut bel et bien les «constructions abstraites, tels que les compositions musicales ou montages sur bande». Nous pouvons opposer dialectiquement ce qualificatif d’ «abstrait» à la «musique concrète», comme nous allons le voir par la suite avec Steven Feld. Des expériences réalisées par le grand physicien du XXe siècle, David Bohm, prouvent que lors de la perception, le flux d’informations qui passe des niveaux supérieurs du cerveau aux zones où s’élaborent les images excède la quantité d’informations arrivant aux yeux. En d’autres termes, ce que nous «voyons» est autant le produit de notre savoir intérieur que des données qui viennent d’être perçues. «Dans une forêt, un bûcheron verra une source de bois, l’artiste le sujet d’un tableau, le chasseur les cachettes où se terre le gibier et le randonneur un site naturel à explorer.» [Bohm, 2007] Qu’en est-il de notre perception du son? Bien entendu, nous entendons déjà avant même de voir, avant même de naître… L’oreille n’a pas de paupières. Il nous est possible de nous appuyer sur des expériences de psychologie et de psycho-acoustique (réalisées par l’IRCAM en France) qui montrent la complexité de la notion de paysage visuel et de «paysage sonore». D’après notre expérience du fonctionnement de la 612 |

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La Charamela dans le paysage sonore portugais, Luis Bicalho

vue, nous comprenons par une expérience telle que celle des «deux visages et du vase» [www 16.] que la vue opère selon diverses modalités. Ici, un phénomène d’attention permet de voir les visages dans un sens ou un autre selon la manière avec laquelle elle est focalisée. Daniel Pressnitzer (ENS Ulm, Paris) s’intéresse aux mêmes phénomènes en neurosciences de l’audition, montrant comment opère le cerveau pour porter l’attention vers une discussion que l’on isole dans un milieu très bruyant. Parmi les illusions acoustiques, les expériences menées par l’IRCAM par Jean-Claude Risset sur le son paradoxal montrent que nous pouvons avoir l’illusion d’un son qui monte sans fin ou qui descend sans fin en fréquence. Le paysage sonore est donc à la fois un bien commun, et une construction singulière du sujet. Mais une autre expérience nous montre l’importance du travail de la perception, dans le cas de l’instrument à anche double. Le Pseudo-Plutarque, auteur du IIIe siècle attribue à l’aulos, qui était une double charamela un phénomène acoustique appelé «sons différentiels». Une oreille entraînée qui entend les deux sons produits par l’aulos peut percevoir un troisième son, fondamentale de base, appelé «différentiel» car naissant de la différence de fréquences des deux sons joués par le musicien [Abromont, 2001]. Ces expériences montrent comme le travail de perception et d’éducation à l’écoute est essentiel afin d’accorder de l’importance et de donner de la valeur au paysage sonore, et redécouvrir de nouvelles perceptions. II. 2. La musique en plein-air marque le changement des saisons. Dans un Bulletin de la Société du Musée départemental d’ethnographie et d’art populaire du Bas-Limousin de 1901, nous retrouvons l’explication suivante sur l’usage fait par les musiciens de ces instruments à la sonorité claire, adaptée au jeu en plein-air: «Quelque chose qui devait ressembler à l’esluflol, à la pampara et à la charamela, que l’on fait [entendre] aux enfants quand la sève monte, au printemps, – «a l’entrada del temps clar», comme disaient les troubadours, – suppléait certainement au manque de musettes et de vielles, qui ne vinrent que plus tard, au Moyen-Âge, bien après la flûte, le flageolet, le fifre et le violon» [www 17.] A l’entrada est le premier chant à danser en forme de ballade conservé dans un chansonnier de trouvère. Cette description est particulièrement intéressante du point de vue de la sensibilité et de l’esthétique qu’elle propose, liée à faire de la musique un instrument joué pour marquer le changement des saisons. ARKEOS 38-39

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Les différents traits les plus élémentaires d’un paysage sonore peuvent être retrouvés dans les éléments les plus particuliers du quotidien. L’anthropologue du son Steven Feld, en s’attachant à la description du paysage sonore des Kaluli de Papouasie Nouelle-Guinée, cherchait à produire des enregistrements dépeignant une journée dans la vie des Kaluli et dans leur habitat de forêt tropicale humide. Son ethnographie visait à étudier le son comme un système culturel, qu’il comprend comme un système de symboles, dont on peut analyser les modes et les codes de la communication sonore, leurs chants étant en relation avec le monde spirituel et naturel Kaluli. Selon sa méthode d’édition et de sélection des extraits sonores on peut étudier les conventions de la représentation ethnographique d’un paysage sonore, ce qui aboutit à la publication de Voices in the Forest. Cependant, selon lui ce fut «plus proche dans le concept et dans l’exécution de la musique concrète» mais cela «doit beaucoup au concept de Murray Schafer de paysage sonore». Pour réaliser Voices of the forest, il fut nécessaire de sélectionner 3 heures issues du matériau d’origine de 60 heures enregistrées entre 1976 et 1982, les arranger en fonction des données de terrain (notes, commentaires des Kaluli) pour représenter le cycle typique des sons sur une journée de 24 heures, lesquels sons étant associés à la succession des activités humaines, pour essayer de présenter une perspective acoustique spatio-temporelle d’un participant. Ces aspects temporels et spatiaux entrent en jeu dans la définition du paysage sonore de la charamela. Faire résonner l’air environnant prend le rôle de catalyseur du temps qui s’écoule, à des moments cruciaux du cycle de vie. Il est difficile de verbaliser ce qui tient justement par définition de l’ineffable, de l’indicible, pour beaucoup de gens qui trouvent dans la musique des émotions, un sens, une transe, une transcendance… Marquer les esprits et la mémoire semble être la fonction principale de la présence des charameleiros à tous les évènements cités dans une vidéo qui montre notamment une représentation de la cérémonie du couronnement du Pape Pie III [voir la vidéo à l’adresse www. 18.] Comment ce son qu’on considère puissant, mais rude, presqu’épouvantable, pouvait t-il être perçu comme éclatant et brillant lors de ces occasions? Il évoque immanquablement un «signal de bateau»… et il n’est pas exclu que cet usage lui ait été réservé. La charamela s’est propagée dans le monde luso­ phone à travers le rôle certain des marins: le mot charamela a désigné au XVIIIe siècle dans toutes les colonies portugaises les instrumentistes 614 |

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La Charamela dans le paysage sonore portugais, Luis Bicalho

souvent africains, doués pour la musique, embauchés par les maîtres de chapelle pour les processions liturgiques; l’instrument a été exporté par les marins portugais, les commerçants et les missionnaires chrétiens, jusqu’au Japon où le terme correspondant de charumera leur a été emprunté [www 19.]. Un document sur le Minas Gerais colonial au Brésil du XVIIIe siècle atteste de la diffusion de l’instrument [Conceiçao Rezende, 1989]. Durant des opérations de renflouage en 1980 sur le vaisseau amiral d’Henri VIII, The Mary Rose préservé depuis que le bateau coula en 1545, on retrouva l’unique exemple ayant survécu d’une charamela, «appelée parfois  nicolo, nom inexpliqué» [Arnold, 1983] C’est en fait une still shawn en Fa, c’ est-à-dire une «dulciane» alto avec «ravalement», c’est-à-dire avec des clés permettant d’augmenter la tessiture dans le grave. «Niccolo» désignant un instrument avec ravalé), et «dulciane» un instrument à la sonorité douce et non «rude». Enfin, la compréhension la plus contemporaine voudrait que la charamela soit un instrument d’extérieur, un élément d’un paysage sonore adapté à son timbre éclatant, par opposition à d’autres instruments plus doux  ou  caverneux. Son registre répond à certaines gammes d’affects auxquels elle convient, et à l’acoustique du lieu (tant en plein-air que dans les lieux du patrimoine, châteaux, musées, etc.). Les fréquences hautes que l’on qualifie de brillantes semblent entrer dans une meilleure association avec un paysage plus lumineux. Jusqu’ici, la littérature consacrée à la notion de paysage sonore n’avait que peu abordé la question musicale au travers des productions artistiques liées à des cérémonies festives. [Marconi, 2005] Alors que cette notion avait été forgée dans le but de dénoncer les sons qui envahissent l’environnement de l’homme, et ceux qui, musicaux ou non, cherchent à «couvrir les sons désagréables de façon à les faire oublier», peu d’attention était accordée à des paysages sonores issus de contenus artistiques des sociétés humaines. Si l’emploi du terme charamela est bien spécifique à une aire linguistique, le paysage sonore de la charamela est un ensemble de lieux marquant la présence d’évènements faisant appel à ces instruments à vent. Certaines manifestations musicales traditionnellement attachées à des circonstances et à des lieux peuvent être considérées comme des éléments de l’environnement sonore. Nous pensons que les charamelas, dans les diverses occurrences où nous les rencontrons, malgré la difficulté de les nommer de la même manière selon l’aire linguistique où nous les trouvons, forment un paysage sonore à part entière. Il peut s’agir, dans une ARKEOS 38-39

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région donnée, de l’occurrence simultanée dans plusieurs villes et villages de la même fête faisant appel à la même typologie d’instruments, ou dans la même ville d’une fête produisant des concerts dans plusieurs endroits simultanés de la ville. Par exemple à Mação, Portugal, selon l’historien de l’art Teixeira Marques durant les fêtes de Santa Maria étaient organisés 3 fêtes à trois endroits différents pour chacune des classes de la société: l’élite, les travailleurs et le reste de l’aldeia. En outre, le paysage sonore pourrait désigner aussi une volonté publique de mettre à contribution un compositeur chargé par l’administrateur public d’organiser un concert, interdisant les voies aux voitures, disposant chaque groupe de musiciens sur les places publiques, jardins et balcons, devant jouer à des heures précises. En effet, soit le paysage sonore désigne les sons de la nature, soit ceux des bruits humains, ou bien il désignait les créations de compositeurs d’une nouvelle génération qui intégrait ces bruits, ouvrant l’écoute sur tous les sons. Ainsi selon Battier ce caractère militant que prône une écologie acoustique semble opérer une distinction entre fond sonore et paysage sonore, qui renvoie pour l’un à la «musique d’ameublement» d’Erik Satie [Battier, 2005], et pour l’autre «à la prise de conscience croissante du rôle du musicien dans l’environnement sonore». La problématique est celle d’une relation définie au silence, et non à une musique désirée, ou considérée comme adéquate. Le plus grand flou semble entourer la connaissance d’une demande sociale en termes de musique en plein-air qui agrémenterait le paysage sonore, et l’exemple de la charamela illustre bien selon nous une possibilité concrète de dessiner un paysage sonore inventif et harmonieux. III. Le mot sustainability a été traduit dans le langage commun par durable. Parfois traduit par soutenable, il est devenu le mot-clé qui fait office de référent à tout un discours lié à la renouvelabilité des ressources. Les instruments à vent, expressions les plus directes du  «souffle de la vie» sont associés à la vie, à la naissance, à la fertilité et parfois même à la «renaissance» ou résurrection. A Innsbrück, en Autriche, a lieu un spectacle d’instruments à vent pour Noël, joué sur la place centrale de la ville depuis les toits, célébrant la naissance de Jésus. La conservatrice d’un musée me le décrivit en joignant le souffle à la gestuelle puis me l’explicita par «le souffle qui donne la vie». Les flûtes, trouvées dans les rites de fertilité africains ou dans les tombes préhistoriques disposées 616 |

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La Charamela dans le paysage sonore portugais, Luis Bicalho

auprès des morts, traduisent la même idée de «souffle  de la vie». Annonçant cependant aussi le triomphe et perçues comme des instruments agressifs, les trompes peuvent tout autant représenter la victoire, tout comme la menace et la mort. Il y aurait alors dans l’expression même de la musique d’un côté une forme de louange à la clarté, la lumière, à l’ordre, la beauté, et la vie et de l’autre l’expression d’un souhait de destruction, d’irrationalité, de l’ivresse et de la confusion. On se place là en défenseurs du principe Apollinien contre le principe Dionysiaque de la musique des Grecs, renvoyant à d’anciennes propositions des philosophes grecs sur l’ethos, et le lieu et la place de la musique, servant à des fins d’agrément et de plaisir pour les uns lors des festins et banquets, et de véritable moyen d’obtenir la guérison, de ramener la loi, la norme, d’encourager l’éthique par l’éducation pour les autres, à travers son pouvoir de l’ordre du magique ou du spirituel. La musique serait dans cette perspective-là plutôt la dépositaire d’un ordre éducatif, qui entraîne la mémoire par la transmission du savoir très codifié. C’est ainsi que certaines manifestations musicales seraient essentielles pour garantir l’équilibre de la société, par l’harmonie qu’elles donnent à entendre. Or nous avançons qu’elle ne fait partie d’un paysage sonore que lorsqu’elle s’exprime en tant qu’un bien commun, c’est-à-dire dans l’espace public, à l’air libre. Un travail d’analyse musicale et de transcription des œuvres jouées par les charamelas dans la musica alta reste à effectuer au Portugal, pour montrer ce que ces expressions ont conservé à travers les siècles, et comment, associées à des danses particulières, elles ont rayonné sur tout le continent européen pendant la période du Moyen-Âge tardif et de la Renaissance, dans des expressions similaires au Portugal et dans le reste de l’Europe (Comme l’ont montré des musicologues comme Helen Hewitt et ceux de la Schola Cantorum Basiliensis). Les scènes de liesse populaire auxquelles notre mémoire collective les associe se répètent dans de grandes manifestations qui existent encore aujourd’hui au Portugal, telles que la Feira Afonsina de Guimaraes (200.000 personnes) ou la Santa Maria Da Feira (depuis 1996, l’une des plus grandes reconstitutions de l’époque médiévale d’Europe), et où la musique joue un rôle essentiel, à travers des groupes invités et venant de toute l’Europe tels que Waraok [www 20.] pour conserver un paysage sonore jugé «authentique». Mais la véracité de ces manifestations culturelles ne peut être protégée qu’à travers un travail d’analyse plus approfondi de l’étude organologique (instruments ARKEOS 38-39

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aux timbres et aux registres éclatants) des thèmes musicaux (associant un «bourdon», longtemps présent à travers les cornemuses ou aulos double, à des thèmes joués sur une ligne haute, plus aigüe, plus claire, par l’emploi des charamelas, avec un rythme joué par des tambours: c’est exactement ce que l’on trouve dans le travail de Pedro Caldeira Cabral [www 21.] qui a pu retrouver cette «Danse Real» anonyme du XVIIIe siècle pour charamela, gaita de fole et atabales, un tambour africain). Certains disques reçoivent par leur publication une place dans le marché et se voient attribuer les qualificatifs de musiques «traditionnelles» [www 22.]. Or, il nous semble que les enjeux de la durabilité sont souvent interpellés par les chercheurs pour ne désigner que la durabilité des entreprises d’  «authentification» elles-mêmes. C’est la durabilité des traditions, c’est-à-dire des expressions musicales dans le cadre de vie des gens et non des entreprises d’enregistrement qui certes augmentent l’audience, mais ne permettent pas un rapport direct à la source musicale, qu’il faut préserver. A l’heure où des changements planétaires présentent une menace sur les lieux du paysage culturel associés au paysage sonore de la charamela, c’est la réintégration de ces musiques dans les cycles et les évènements qui participent au «cadre de vie», dans l’optique du projet mondial d’environnement sonore de Murray Schafer, que nous mettons en avant. Pour approfondir les liens entre «musique et durabilité du paysage sonore» et «mémoire», «identité culturelle», «authenticité», nous conseillons la lecture de l’œuvre remarquable publiée chez Actes Sud par la Cité de la Musique, sous la direction de Jean-Jacques Nattiez, Musiques. Une Encyclopédie pour le XXIe siècle, 2005, traduit de l’italien, publié en 2003 sous le titre Enciclopedia della musica. Musica e culture, édité par Giulio Einaudi s.p.a, à Turin.

CONCLUSION

Une hypothèse, qui nous sert d’ouverture en conclusion, pourrait démontrer l’importance de la charamela dans le paysage sonore lusophone, si elle était validée. Elle a été formulée par Ary Vasconcelos [Cazes, 1998]. Elle concerne les origines du choro, un genre qui s’est popularisé à la fin du XIXe siècle au Brésil. Enrichi de l’apparition de la flûte traversière en métal, c’est une formation composée d’un flûtiste, d’un guitariste et d’une guitare à sept cordes ou d’une mandoline, d’un cavaquinho (petite 618 |

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guitare) et plus tardivement d’un pandeiro et d’une clarinette. «Bien que le folkloriste Luis da Câmara Cascudo croyait que le choro venait du xolo, une danse que les esclaves faisaient dans les fazendas, et qui aurait changé graduellement en xoro et finalement, choro, Ary Vasconcelos croyait que le terme aurait ses origines dans les choromeleiros, corporations de musiciens importants dans la période coloniale et signale que ces musiciens n’exécutaient pas seulement les charamelas.» [Cazes, 1998, www 23.] D’après les recherches actuelles, la plupart des interprètes du choro ignorent ou nient cette origine possible de ce genre musical. Le répertoire de la charamela est à redécouvrir, déjà que de nombreux groupes dans le reste de l’Europe, comme Musica Alta, le trio Alta ou Capella Menestralis [www 24.] s’attachent à cette tradition enracinée dans le patrimoine historique. Au Portugal, les instruments en cuivre et les accordéons ont repris une place importante dans le paysage sonore. Qui construit ces instruments? Dans quel esprit et avec quels matériaux sont-ils réalisés? L’extinction des savoir-faire culturels est problématique, alors que des constructeurs sont considérés comme des spécialistes d’instruments «historiques» et non plus les garants de la transmission d’un savoir-faire essentiel. La complexité de cette problématique est cependant restreinte au cadre des préoccupations principalement musicales. La question du paysage sonore nous met devant la nouvelle problématique de l’anthropisation du paysage sonore, véhicules à moteur, réacteur d’avions qui envahissent aujourd’hui nos oreilles. Si la charamela faisait partie des dérangements sonores qui troublaient les musiciens eux-mêmes, d’après la fameuse représentation d’un violoniste dérangé par la cacophonie de la rue, par William Hogarth (The enraged musician, 1741) elle est néanmoins l’expression d’une richesse et d’une diversité culturelle qui se caractérise par l’éclat de ce son si brillant qui lui est propre, de bonne augure et qui accompagnait les évènements festifs. Or les atouts écologiques de l’instrument sont à mettre en balance avec l’emploi des caisses de résonance électroniques, tout aussi dérangeantes mais qui cachent par ailleurs un coût en ressources naturelles qu’il serait édifiant de calculer. La simplicité de l’instrument est-elle gage de durabilité pour que ce paysage sonore perdure, et sous quelle forme? Comment l’évolution de l’instrument peutelle nous éclairer sur les pratiques, les techniques, et les circonstances dans lesquelles il était joué?  C’est avec André Schaeffner, ethnomusicologue, fondateur de la secARKEOS 38-39

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tion au Musée de l’Homme, que je souhaite conclure: «L’instrument de musique n’a jamais constitué pour la musique qu’un outil. Mais de tous les vestiges pouvant nous renseigner sur un art qui tend à s’évanouir, et cela dès l’instant même où il jaillit faute d’écriture capable d’en sauvegarder la totalité, l’instrument est encore ce dont nous avons conservé le plus de témoignages certains à travers les temps.»

Bibliographie ABROMONT Claude, (2001) DE MONTALEMBERT Eugène, Guide de la Théorie de la Musique, Fayard, France, 2001. ARNOLD Denis (dir.). (1983) Dictionnaire encyclopédique de la musique, Université d’Oxford, ed. Robert Laffont, Paris, 1983. BOHM, David, PEAT F. David. (2007) La Conscience et L’Univers, éd. Alphée, Monaco, 2007. CARDOSO Ana Margarida. (2013) Ad libitum. Les anches doubles du hautbois, in  : Da Capo, 5 mai 2013, consulté le 25 février 2015, http://www.dacapo.pt/ad-libitum-Palhetas-Duplas-de-Oboe. CASELLA et MORTARI, (1958) Traité d’instrumentation. La technique de l’orchestre contemporain. Ed. Ricordi, Rome,  1958. CAZES Henrique, (1998) Do quintal ao municipal. Ed. 34, Sao Paulo, 1998. COLLAER, P. (1967) Moyen-Âge et Traditions populaires, in Sonderdrucke Festschrift Walter Wiora, Bärenreiter, Berlin, 1967. CONCEICAO REZENDE M. (1989) A Musica na história de minas colonial, éd. Itatiaia, Brasilia, 1989. DUARTE Sonia, Imagens de Musica na Pintura Quinhentista Portuguesa: o contributo da Iconografia Musical para o reconhecimento de praticas musicais da época, consulté le 28 février 2015: http://ler.letras.up.pt/uploads/ficheiros/12126.pdf HONEGGER Marc. (1976) Science de la Musique. Techniques, Formes, Instruments (A-K), éd. Bordas, coll.Marc Honegger, Paris, 1976. FELD Steven. (1982) Sound and Sentiment. Birds, Weeping, Poetics and Song in Kaluli expression.University of Pennsylvania Press, 1982. FREI W. (1961) Schalmei und Pommer, 1961. LOCHAT Cécile, MURAT Alexandre. (2011) Luxe et développement durable: la nouvelle alliance, éd. Eyrolles, 2011. LOPES MONTEIRO Maria Isabel. Instrumentos e instrumentistas de sopro no século XVI Português, consulté le 28 février 2015: http://run.unl.pt/bitstream/10362/5245/1/Tese_Instrs-Sec.XVI.pdf LOUROSA Helena. Bandas filarmonicas em Portugal. Génese e Desenvolvimento, 2014. Consulté en ligne le 1er mars 2015: https://prezi.com/l5rz-jv6w2or/copy-of-bandas-filarmonicas-em-portugal-genese-e-desenvolvimento/

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LUGINBUHL Yves. (1992) Nature, paysage, environnement, obscurs objets du désir de totalit,. in: Du milieu à l’environnement. Pratiques et représentations du rapport homme/nature depuis la Renaissance, dir  : ROBIC M-C, ed. Economica, Paris, 1992. MARTIN Léo. (2014) Vers une approche ethnoécologique des phénomènes sonores? MNHN, 2014, Paris. MICHELS Ulrich. (1988) Guide illustré de la musique, Munich, 1977, trad. Fayard, Rennes, 1988. NATTIEZ Jean-Jacques, Musiques. Une encyclopédie pour le XXIe siècle. Tomes 1,2,3,5: «Musiques du XXe siècle», «Les savoirs musicaux», «Musiques et cultures», «L’Unité de la Musique»: - Musique et Mémoire, Kay Kaufman Shelemay; - Muzak, jingles et vidéoclips, Luca Marconi; - Science et technologie comme sources d’inspiration, Marc Battier; - Musique, authenticité, et valeur, Monique Desroches et Ghyslaine Guertin; - Musiques / non-musique: intersections in: Musiques du XXIe siècle, R. Murray Schafer; - Instruments de musique du monde: foisonnement et systématiques, Geneviève Dournon; - L’influence de la musique africaine sur les musiques traditionnelles et populaires de l’Amérique Latine, Gérard H. Béhague; - Histoire des Instruments occidentaux, Laurence Libin  ; traduit pour Actes Sud par la Cité de la Musique, 2005, traduit de l’italien Enciclopedia della musica. Musica e culture, édité par Giulio Einaudi s.p.a, à Turin, 2003. OLIVEIRA (de) Ernesto Veiga, (2000) Instrumentos Musicais Populares Portugueses, Fundaçao Calouste Gulbenkian, Museu Nacional de Etnologia, Lisboa, 2000. SCHAFER R.M. (2010) Le paysage sonore, le monde comme musique, Marseille, editions Wild Project, 2010. (The Tuning of the World, 1977). SCHAFER R.M. (1979) Le paysage sonore: toute l’histoire de notre environnement sonore à travers les âges. Ed. M&M, 1979. SCHAEFFNER André, (1968) Origine des instruments de musique. Introduction ethnologique à l’histoire de la musique instrumentale, éd. Mouton, Paris, 1968. UEXKÜLL J.v. (2010) Milieu animal et milieu humain, éd. Payot & Rivages, Paris, 2010. [1956]. VITERBO Sousa. (1912)O rei dos charamelas e os charamelas-móres, éd. J. F. Pinheiro, Lisboa, 1912. Webographie 1. URL: http://mimo-international.com/MIMO/ 2. MATTE Jean-luc (site personnel), URL: http://jeanluc.matte.free.fr/articles/typologie/schalmei.htm consulté le 01/03/15 3. Site de la fanfare Zek, URL: http://www.cie-sauveterre.fr/fanfare-zek.htm consulté le 01/03/15 ARKEOS 38-39

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4. Site de l’Instituto d’Etnomusicologia, plate-forme Portmuse, Enciclopédia da Música em Portugal no Século XX, URL: http://www2.fcsh.unl.pt/portmuse/index.asp consulté le 26/02/2015 5. Nidaa Abou Mrad, «Compatibilité des systèmes et syncrétismes musicaux:», Fili­ g rane. Musique, esthétique, sciences, société. [En ligne], Numéros de la revue, Musique et globalisation, mis à jour le: 16/06/2011, consulté le 03/03/2015. URL: http://revues.mshparisnord.org/filigrane/index.php?id=170 6. Base de donnée Gallica des dictionnaires français, consulté à la médiathèque du Quai Branly le 27/02/15: http://gallica.bnf.fr/Search?ArianeWireIndex=index&p=1&lang=FR&q=charamela 7. Concerto com Instrumentos de Sopro, realizado na Lagariça, em Castelo Novo, a 27 de Julho de 2013. Intérpretes – MUSIC’ALTA – Música de Altos Menistres; URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v =mQw45dpny64https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=9skcrcPms5Y 8. The Charamela Real sontatas survive in a set of part books in the Royal Coach Museum in Lisbon, Portugal along with the silver cast trumpets and royal banners that hung from the tubing. The collection is the only one that survives in Europe for the material that was performed by large ensembles employed by royal and aristocratic families in the 18th century. The Lisbon collection includes over 50 sonatas that range from only 5 trumpets with timpani up to four choirs of performers with each choir consisting of 5 trumpets and timpani. https://youtu.be/H214LxSOOXk 9. 2012, URL: http://virtualandmemories.blogspot.fr/2012/02/regente-da-charamela-da-universidade-de.html 10. Filmagem da entrada da banda da Universidade de Coimbra juntamente com o cortejo dos doutores representantes de cada área para entrega do título de Doutor Honoris Causa. URL: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=aXuqKUCBxBc 11. CASTRO HENRIQUES Isabel. (trad. ORMECHE Anna-Paula). Les africains au Portugal: histoire et mémoire. XVe-XXIe siècles (Os africanos em Portugal: Historia e Memoria séculos XV-XXI) consulté le 08/03/2015. URL: http://www.ces.uc.pt/myces/UserFiles/livros/1097_Miolo_Finalissimo%20Ultimo_Frances_4_DEZ.pdf 12. http://www.culture.gouv.fr/mpe/recherche/pdf/AFR_2.pdf 13. http://www.santelmomuseoa.com/index.php?option=com_flexicontent&view=items&id =5600&lang=eu 14. https://vimeo.com/23624275 15. NADRIGNY Pauline, Paysage sonore et écologie acoustique http://www.implications-philosophiques.org/langage-et-esthetique/implications-de-la-perception/paysage-sonore-et-ecologie-acoustique/, 2010, consulté le 03/03/2015 16. http://www.enigmatum.com/Enigmatum/Images/images/face-or-vase.gif 17. Dictionnaires portugais, consulté en ligne le 28/02/15 http://dicionarioportugues.org/pt/charamela http://dicionarioportugues.org/pt/charameleiro 18. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OtIlhRc1XjQ consulté le 03/03/2015 19. http://fr.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mots_japonais_d%27origine_portugaise consulté le 03/03/2015

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20. http://www.waraok.com/ consulté le 03/03/2015 21. http://www.gaitadefoles.net/noticias/pcclisboa2003.htm consulté le 03/03/2015 22. http://www.bm-lyon.fr/musiquazimuts/spip.php?page=pointdactu&id_pda=368 consulté le 03/03/2015 23. http://www.passeiweb.com/estudos/musica/choro consulté le 03/03/2015 24. http://www.alta-musica.de/index.htm consulté le 08/03/2015 http://escalesbrivadoises.fr/capella-menestralis/ consulté le 08/03/2015 http://cmm-paris.fr/fr/production-artistique/ensembles-et-artistes/alta consulté le 08/03/2015 Avec l’aide des outils Wikipédia «Nagâsvaram», etc., du Wiktionnaire, ainsi que des traducteurs en ligne Linguee et Wordreference, enfin du catalogue des bibliothèques sur www.sudoc.abes.fr.

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