The Diatonic Harp in the Performance of [PDF]

Copyright by Alfredo Cesar Colman 2005

The Dissertation Committee for Alfredo Cesar Colman certifies that this is the approved version of the following dissertation: The Diatonic Harp in the Performance of Paraguayan Identity

Committee: ___________________________ Gerard Béhague, Supervisor ____________________________ Andrew Dell’Antonio ____________________________ Veit Erlmann ____________________________ Richard Flores ____________________________ Stephen Slawek

The Diatonic Harp in the Performance of Paraguayan Identity by Alfredo Cesar Colman, B.M., M.M.

Dissertation Presented to the Faculty of the Graduate School of the University of Texas at Austin in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Doctor of Philosophy The University of Texas at Austin August, 2005

To Paraguayan harpists Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz and Luis Bordón

Acknowledgements First, I would like to acknowledge the inspiring figure and mentorship of Dr. Gerard Béhague, my dissertation supervisor, who from the beginning stages of my doctoral studies at the University of Texas at Austin expressed a genuine interest in me as a student and as a researcher of Latin American musicology and ethnomusicology. I would also like to express my gratitude toward each one of the members of my dissertation committee:

Andrew dell’Antonio, Veit Erlmann, Richard Flores, and

Stephen Slawek, who offered advice, encouragement, and suggestions through the various phases of the research and writing process. Many thanks to my friends Tomás Báez, Diego Sánchez, and Rudi Torga, who guided me through the first stages of my fieldwork and research in Paraguay, making contacts and providing names and addresses of local harpists; and to professors Werner Giesbrecht and Werner Franz at the Facultad de Música de la Universidad Evangélica del Paraguay, who offered me a teaching appointment which enabled me to support myself financially during the course of my fieldwork. I would like to thank those Paraguayan musicians and other professionals who shared with me their comments, experiences, and stories related to the folk harp and other expressions found in Paraguayan culture, mainly harpists Tito Acuña, Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz, Luis Bordón, Odilón Dávalos, Prisciliano Fernández Fleitas, Tony Genes, Abel Sánchez Giménez, Carlos Talavera, and Gerardo Zárate; luthiers Epifanio López, Eligio Monges Báez, Adelio Ovelar, and Mario Ovelar; musicians Yverá Barboza, Angel Benítez, Alejandro Cubilla, Delia Picaguá, Victor Riveros, Oscar Nelson Safuán, and Felipe Sosa; anthropologists Bartomeu Melià and Guillermo Sequera; historian Alfredo Viola; journalists Víctor Barrios and Serafín

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Francia Campos; and sociologist Gerardo Fogel. I would also like to acknowledge the help of the staff at several local libraries: Adelina Pusineri and Raquel Salazar from the Biblioteca Andrés Barbero, and the personnel at Biblioteca del Museo José Asunción Flores, Biblioteca Municipal, Biblioteca Nacional, and Biblioteca del Colegio María Auxiliadora in Villarrica; the staff at the Museo Monseñor Juan Sinforiano Bogarín and Rubén Milessi Gómez from the Museo de Arte Popular; and the personnel at the archival offices of local newspapers ABC, Diario Noticias, and Ultima Hora. My heartfelt thanks are also extended to Jorge Luis Candia, Stefan Fiol, Diego García, Victoria Giménez, Ana María Gamell, Víctor Lombardo, Demetrio y María Emilia Núñez, Alberto Sosa, Marlene Sosa Lugo, and Alfredo Vaesken. I would like to express my gratitude to friends and colleagues from the ethnomusicology division at the University of Texas at Austin who read, critiqued, and offered insightful comments during the writing process of the manuscript, with special thanks to Peter Kvetko, Emily Pinkerton, and Ketty Wong; to my editors, Wilma Barker and Maimy Fong; and to the staff at the School of Music microcomputing lab: Jeremy Cumbo, Rob Deemer, David Hainsworth, Brad Johnston, and Bryan Walls, who continuously assisted me with technical help and support.

I would also like to

acknowledge Dr. Helen-Jo J. Hewitt for finding a font which enabled me to incorporate the Guarani nasalized vowels. Many thanks to Douglas and Rose Clark, Ed and Karen Humphrey, and the congregation at First Baptist Church, Wells Branch, Austin, for their unwavering encouragement and financial and moral support. Finally, I am grateful to Cecilia Béhague for encouraging me to persevere and thankful for the prayers and support of my family in Paraguay, Argentina, and in the United States, the manifold

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resources offered to me by Dr. Esther Raizen toward the completion of this project, and the constant encouragement, help, support, and unconditional love of Michal Raizen (che rohaihú nde, che petei resã mitakuñá!). SDG.

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The Diatonic Harp in the Performance of Paraguayan Identity Publication No. _______________ Alfredo Cesar Colman, Ph.D. The University of Texas at Austin, 2005 Supervisor: Gerard Béhague The diatonic harp, Paraguay’s emblematic instrument, constitutes a symbol of identity for most social groups in the country. First used as a liturgical instrument associated with the Jesuit missions during colonial times, the transplanted European diatonic harp underwent local transformations and was adopted into the folk and traditional music vocabulary of Paraguay and the Río de la Plata region. Receiving the designation of arpa paraguaya (Paraguayan harp) in the twentieth century, the diatonic harp became Paraguay’s unofficial national folk instrument through a series of socio-historical processes. Since the commercial success of Paraguayan harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo in the 1930s in Argentina, the symbolic value of the Paraguayan diatonic harp as an icon of social, cultural, and national identity has been articulated and validated through musical performances and other local traditions associated with popular folk music festivals and formal recitals of traditional music. Not only have the Paraguayan diatonic harp and its traditional music become part of the practices associated with local folk traditions in the twentieth century, but the instrument has also become a symbol reinforcing the sociocultural values associated with paraguayidad (Paraguayan-ness), a national sentiment closely connected to the culturally imbedded idea of the Paraguayan tekó (the way of being), concepts which consequently serve to construct Paraguayan identity.

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Table of Contents List of Figures……………………………………………………………………….

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List of Tables………………………………………………………………………..

xiv

List of Examples…………………………………………………………………….

xv

Introduction …………………………………………………………………………

1

The Paraguayan Tekó and the Paraguayan Diatonic Harp………………………

7

Harpists………………………………………………………………………….

13

Identity, Paraguayidad, Tekó…………………………………………………...

20

The Articulation of the Historical Memory……………………………………..

25

General Review of the Dissertation Structure…………………………………..

30

CHAPTER ONE: The Setting and the Advent of the Harp ……………………….

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The Setting Geographical and Regional setting………………………………………….

32

Etymology of the Word “Paraguay”………………………………………...

32

Colonial Period: Historians and Historical Sources…………………………

33

Conquest and Colonial Times: Historical Background……………………..

39

The Advent of the Harp Societas Jesu: Missionaries and Teachers…………………………………..

48

Vocal and Instrumental Music in the Jesuit Missions………………...……..

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The Harp in Medieval and Renaissance Spain…………………………..…..

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Documented References to the Harp in Paraguay and the Río de la Plata Area………………………………………………………………………

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CHAPTER TWO: Harps and Harpists ……………………………………………..

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The Paraguayan Diatonic Harp: Introduction…………………………………..

75

The Paraguayan Diatonic Harp: Characteristics………………………………..

79

Caja [Armónica] ([Harmonic] Box)………………………………………...

79

Tapa [Armónica] ([Harmonic] Cover or Board)……………………………

80

Cabeza or Consola (Head)…………………………………………………..

81

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Brazo (Arm or Forepillar)…………………………………………………… 83 Strings……………………………………………………………………….. 83 Paraguayan Harps in the Nineteenth Century…………………………………… 84 Harp Luthiers in the Twentieth Century………………………………………… 85 Paraguayan Harp Techniques……………………………………………..…….. 92 Trino – trémulo – trémolo paraguayo (Paraguayan Tremolo)……………… 94 Bordoneado………………………………………………………………….

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Glissando……………………………………………………………………. 96 Tuning Systems………………………………………………………………….

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Performance (Technique and Interpretation) Schools…………………………..

98

Arperos………………………………………………………………………

98

José del Rosario Diarte………………………………………………….

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Agapito Morínigo (“Tacho’í”)………………………………………….. 106 Arpistas Profesionales……………………………………………………… 110 Félix Pérez Cardozo……………………………………………………. 111 Dionisio Arzamendia…………………………………………………… 120 Luis Bordón…………………………………………………………….. 123 Digno García…………………………………………………………… 131 Lorenzo Leguizamón…………………………………………………... 138 Tito Acuña……………………………………………………………... 140 Nicolás (“Nicolasito”) Caballero………………………………………. 144 César Cataldo…………………………………………………….…….. 146 Raquel Lebrón………………………………………………………….

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Ismael Ledesma………………………………………………………... 152 Arpa, Arperos, Arpistas : Conclusion…………………………………………

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CHAPTER THREE: Paraguayan Traditional Music……………………………… 158 Paraguayan Traditional Music: Repertoire and General Characteristics……… 159 Polca and Galopa………………………………………………………….. 162 Compuesto………………………………………………………………….

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Guarania…………………………………………………………………… 177 Vals o Valseado……………………………………………………………. x

182

Rasguido doble……………………………………………………………..

183

Marcha……………………………………………………………………... 185 Nuevo cancionero………………………………………………………….. 186 Other Paraguayan Musical Genres…………………………………………

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CHAPTER FOUR: Traditional Music and Performing Discourses ……………… 191 Traditional Music and Performing Discourses: Introduction…………………

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The Official Discourse: Government Policies……………………………..

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The Media Discourse: Radio and Television…………………………........

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The Academic Discourse……………………………………………….….

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Recitals of Paraguayan Music in Formal and Academic Settings……..

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Written Musical Methods for the Paraguayan Harp…………………… 212 Método para arpa paraguaya……………………………………… 213 Curso de Arpa Paraguaya en Solfeo………………………………. 214 Manual didáctico del arpa sin pedales o diatónica………………..

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Academic Music Composed for the Paraguayan Harp………………… 220 The Popular Discourse………………………………………………….….. 222 Traditional Music Festivals: Historical Overview…………………...... 222 Harp Festivals………………………………………………………….

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Festival del Arpa Paraguaya………………………………...........

225

Festival Rochas del Arpa………………………………….…........

228

Folk Music Festivals: 2001-2002……………………………...……..

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Festival del Ñandutí ………………………………........................

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Festival Internacional Zeballos con el Folclore ………………….

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Festival del Takuare’e …………....................................................

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Encuentro con Emiliano……………………………………..........

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Conclusion…………………………………………………………………….

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CHAPTER FIVE: The Construction of Paraguayan Identity……………………..

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The Shaping of Paraguayan Identity: Introduction…………………………..

259

The Socio-Historical Process of Constructing Paraguayan Identity………….

264

Paraguayan Identity, Paraguayidad, and the Diatonic Harp…………………

280

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Conclusion……………………………………………………………………

299

Bibliography………………………………………………………………………

304

Vita………………………………………………………………………………..

322

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List of Figures Figure 1. Map of Paraguay and South America…………………………………….

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Figure 2. Map of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay (Seventeenth Century)………….

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Figure 3. Map of the Paraná River and Uruguay River Jesuit missions…………….

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Figure 4. Diatonic harps from the Jesuit missions of Santa Ana and San Rafael …..

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Figure 5. Diatonic harps made by luthier Constancio Sanabria…………...………...

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Figure 6. Diatonic harp made by luthier Adelio Ovelar (Asuncion)………………...

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Figure 7. Photograph of harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo at Radio Belgrano (ca. 1940)..

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Figure 8. Photograph of harpist Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz.………………………

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Figure 9. Photograph of harpist Luis Bordón……………………………………….

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Figure 10. Arpín made by harpist Luis Bordón……………………………………..

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Figure. 11. Photograph of Trío Los Paraguayos (1954)……………………………

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Figure. 12. Photographs of harpist Tito Acuña……………………………………..

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Figure 13. Cover of César Cataldo’s 1997 harp recording………………………….

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Figure 14. Program to Raquel Lebrón’s 2002 harp recital …………………………

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Figure 15. Escudo folclórico paraguayo……………………………………………

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Figure 16. Photograph of Aristóbulo “Nonón” Dominguez’ folk orchestra (1927)...

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Figure 17. Photograph of Ñandutí…………………………………………………..

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Figure 18. Poster Advertising the 2001 Festival del Takuare’e………………..…..

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Figure 19. Cover of the 2001 magazine of the Festival del Takuare’e……………..

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Figure 20. Photograph of dance group Katupyry……………………………………

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Figure 21. Photograp of the Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los Hermanos Acuña…….................................................................................................. 255

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List of Tables Table 1. Placement of strings in five Paraguayan diatonic harps…………………..

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Table 2. Elements of paraguayidad as a reflection of Paraguayan identity………..

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Table 3. Elements of the tekó in relationship to paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity……………………………………………………………….........

262

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List of Examples Example 1. Articulation of ascending and descending passages…………………...

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Example 2. Traditional harp ostinato accompaniment for the left hand……………

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Example 3. Harp arpegio pattern for both hands…………………………………...

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Example 4. Harp arpegios in parallel octaves………………………………………

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Example 5. First sixteen measures of Cascada by harpist Digno García…………..

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Example 6. First thirty-eight measures of Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí” by Emiliano R. Fernández and Ramón Vargas…………………………………………

170

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Introduction In the midst of Alfredo Stroessner’s totalitarian regime years, through a child’s eyes – oblivious to the complacent attitude of the adults in my world toward the massive dissemination of propaganda – I eagerly absorbed the sights and sounds of Asuncion, Paraguay in the 1970s. One of my most cherished activities was tuning in to the daily television and radio shows which, as part of a government-mandated program to construct a national folklore, would dedicate a portion of each show to broadcasting Paraguayan folk and traditional music, sometimes referred to as música nacional (national music). Unaware of the political agenda behind these broadcasts, I grew to appreciate and love Paraguayan traditional music at a very early age. I was especially fascinated by the performances of vocal conjuntos1 accompanied by harp and guitars, a configuration typical of folk and traditional music in Paraguay.

I vividly recall a

particular music show, Domingos Folclóricos (Folklore on Sundays), that aired every Sunday at noon on Channel 9 TV Cerro Corá , now the SNT – Sistema Nacional de Televisión (the National System of Television).

Domingos Folclóricos featured

interviews with local artists, soloists and conjuntos performing traditional music, as well as ballet groups dancing polkas and galopas2 accompanied by a banda típica (a folk music band consisting of two trumpets, two saxophones, two trombones, a tuba, a pair of crashing cymbals, and a bass drum.). Hosted by Miguel Angel Rodriguez, a prominent figure in Paraguayan radio and television in the 1970s and 1980s, Domingos Folclóricos later assumed the name Felíz Domingo (Happy Sunday) and aired for about eight years. 1

A traditional vocal conjunto consists of two vocalists singing in parallel thirds and accompanied by guitars and harp or accordion. 2

Genres of Paraguayan traditional music. For more details see Chapter Three.

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Local musical groups such as Aníbal Lovera y su conjunto (Aníbal Lovera and his conjunto), Los Indios (The Indians), Ballet Folclórico de Reina Menchaca (Reina Menchaca Folk Ballet), Ballet Folclórico Municipal (Municipal Folk Ballet), and vocal soloists such as Betty Figueredo, José Magno Soler, and Félix de Ypacarai, among others, made regular weekly appearances on the show. Domingos Folclóricos, with its colorful array of music, costumes, and choreography had a great impact on me. At my house, the show signaled the time to set the table for Sunday lunch. One of my most beloved role models as a child was my paternal grandfather, Romualdo Colman, who played the guitar. When Abuelo (Grandpa) Romualdo turned seventy, he decided to take lessons from a harp teacher who lived across the street. For the next ten years, Abuelo Romualdo’s new music interest gave him great satisfaction and delighted the entire family. I fondly recall Saturday afternoons at my grandparents’ house, when my family and some members of my extended family would gather under the tall parralera (a vine native to the region) to enjoy a time of laughter and conversation. At some point in the afternoon, my grandfather would bring out the guitar or the harp and play some songs for us. Fascinated by the sounds and technique of the diatonic harp, I asked my parents to purchase an instrument and find a teacher for me. A few months later, luthier Adelio Ovelar made a harp for me and Heriberto Leguizamón3 became my harp instructor. I studied under Leguizamón for about three years, and learning to play the harp gave me a creative outlet away from high school, homework, and piano lessons, which were already a part of my regular activities. While pursuing

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Heriberto Leguizamón is an internationally known harp performer; his father, Lorenzo Leguizamón, is a national musical icon among harp players and the general public.

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academic studies in music – a piano performance degree from a local conservatory (the Escuela Normal de Música), a Bachelor’s degree in music with emphasis in church music and piano, and a Master’s degree in music with emphasis in music history and literature – I continued to listen to new and old recordings of Paraguayan traditional music, which became a home away from home. After completing my Master’s degree in 1995, I returned to Asuncion where I taught elementary and high school music classes for two years. Having the freedom to design my own curriculum, I often shared recordings of Paraguayan traditional music with my students as part of our class activities. In 1997, I started my doctoral studies in ethnomusicology at the University of Texas at Austin under the tutelage of Gerard Béhague. Focusing my research interest on Paraguayan music seemed only a natural choice, supported and enriched by my keen interest in issues related to Paraguayan identity and the processes involved in constructing, informing, and reinforcing a specific social and national identity. Works by Benedict Anderson, Paul Berliner, Carl Dahlhaus, Clifford Geertz, and Victor Turner4 inspired me to think critically about the various aspects of symbolism and value applied to social identity, and I decided to approach the folk and traditional music of Paraguay from that angle. The topic of paraguayidad (Paraguayan-ness), and the cultural construction and reinforcement of social identity through music, particularly through the Paraguayan diatonic harp, served as a constant throughout my doctoral studies, rendering both the subject and fieldwork experiences both academically and personally meaningful and valuable to me.

As I will discuss later, for many Paraguayans, paraguayidad and

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The specific works I refer to are Benedict Anderson’s Imagined Communities (1983 and 1991), Paul Berliner’s The Soul of Mbira (1978), Carl Dahlhaus’ Between Romanticism and Modernism (1980), Clifford Geertz’ The Interpretation of Cultures (1973), and Victor Turner’s The Forest of Symbols (1967).

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Paraguayan identity are intimately connected and related to “nation,” a term that refers to the country as a culturally produced entity with specific social, historical, and cultural values. The research process was a most educational and humbling experience as I strove to conduct this study with a firm resolve to dissociate myself from any personal biases and general assumptions about Paraguayan music. This strategy allowed me to approach my research as an academic learning how to listen to the traditional music that represents the Paraguayan people and to understand how performers perceive and share the music that they create. The diatonic harp, Paraguay’s folk instrument par excellence, constitutes a symbol of identity for the various social groups in the country – a role I explore and analyze within the context of the performance and construction of Paraguayan identity. I use the term “performance” to indicate a type of recurrent social behavior that is innately linked to the collective conceptualization of a local or national identity. This type of social behavior consists of various gatherings associated with Paraguayan popular artistic expressions such as folk music festivals, which showcase traditional singing and dancing. I use “construction” to refer to a collective social effort to perpetuate created traditions, which are primarily passed on orally and reinforced by repetition. The outcome of this social “performance” and “construction” is a collective notion of identity that is shared locally, regionally, and nationally.

First introduced by Jesuit missionaries in the

seventeenth century as an instrument used to accompany liturgical functions, the European diatonic harp underwent local transformations and became Paraguay’s unofficial national folk instrument in the early twentieth century. The goal of this study is to explore and analyze the socio-historical and musical role of the instrument, which

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has been used to express solidarity among various social classes and, through time, has come to symbolize paraguayidad, the very essence of the Paraguayan people. The majority of Paraguay’s nearly six million inhabitants are concentrated in the capital and in the eastern region of the country. Although ninety-five percent of the population of the country is of mestizo (Spanish and Guarani blood) ancestry, the other five percent is comprised of a small number of Indian communities and immigrant descendants of various ethnic groups.

In reference to class, we must note that in

Paraguay, the notion of social class is linked to the idea of financial stability and social status, and not necessarily to ethnicity. The majority of Paraguayans do not consider themselves blancos (white), mestizos, or indígenas (indigenous) – they explain their physical constitution or skin complexion by phrases such as tez blanca (fair skin), tez trigueña (olive skin), or tez morena (brown skin). Although there is not a connection between tez and a specific geographical region, major cities and towns have the largest concentration of people with tez blanca and trigueña. Generally speaking, social class in Asuncion and in the interior of the country is characterized by a specific social status (high class, middle class, working class) reached sometimes through education, but more often by attaining economic power and material possessions. This social dynamic means that a working class campesino (peasant), a person who lives or comes from the countryside, could become a member of the middle or high classes by acquiring economic or political power. Today, the large majority of the Paraguayan population gravitates between the working and the middle classes. Since little is available by way of a systematic historical and social study of the Paraguayan diatonic harp or, for that matter, any other local mode of musical expression,

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this dissertation intends to fill this void by illuminating the socio-historical significance of Paraguay’s emblematic musical instrument and providing a reference work that may serve as a point of departure for further research on the various socio-cultural aspects associated with the musical expressions found in Paraguay. As one of my aims is to separate fact from fiction when it comes to the Paraguayan diatonic harp, the individual chapters of the work provide an in-depth discussion not only of the history and significance of the instrument in Paraguay, but also of its performers, repertoire, and audience. Although this is not a comprehensive guide or exhaustive concordance to the Paraguayan harp or Paraguayan musical traditions and musicians, nor an in-depth sociological discussion of the current theories related to identity, nation, and nationalism, this dissertation explores some of these issues, suggesting that the diatonic harp and its music represent and embody the twentieth-century Paraguayan view of socio-culturally inculcated beliefs and values associated with the notion of paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity. In that context, the study examines the acculturation process of the diatonic harp in Paraguay through the following parameters:

historical transplantation and local

integration, folklorization and cultivation of the instrument, past and present cultural significance, and social value as a symbol of identity. In order to assess the degree to which the Paraguayan diatonic harp has been considered a unifying symbol of Paraguayan identity, I invested eighteen months (February 2001 to October 2002) conducting extensive research in libraries and newspaper archives, attending and analyzing events (recitals, musical festivals, and other musical gatherings), interviewing harp performers, journalists, and audiences, and familiarizing myself with the particular musical expressions of the various places where I

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conducted my research. Fieldwork for this project included historical, organological, musical, and socio-anthropological studies of the Paraguayan harp in Asuncion, the capital of Paraguay, and in the towns of Guarambaré, Itauguá, and Villarrica. Since I had to cover my own fieldwork trip and research expenses, I obtained the financial resources for this project through a full time job at the Universidad Evangélica del Paraguay in San Lorenzo, where I taught for eighteen months courses on a variety of subjects, among them western music history, music in Latin America, and music in Paraguay. Conducting extensive research and writing for the courses I taught for about three semesters helped me to become acquainted with the available literature in English and Spanish and with the current methodologies used at Paraguayan universities and conservatories. Class discussions with my students, who came from diverse social and cultural backgrounds, shed light on the current views about Paraguayan traditional music and musicians. I traveled throughout the Departamento Central and the central portion of the eastern region where I met harp and guitar players, composers, conductors, journalists, luthiers, music teachers, poets, singers, and friends of legendary musical figures, such as popular composer José Asunción Flores, harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo, and folk singer Agustín Barboza. Most, if not all, of them were pleased to share views, details, anecdotes, and personal reflections on the Paraguayan diatonic harp and its traditional music.

The Paraguayan Tekó and the Paraguayan Diatonic Harp About ten months into the fieldwork experience, I reviewed my notes and tape recordings and I noticed that the attitude that most people had in regard to the Paraguayan

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harp and the explanations they offered for viewing the instrument as one of the “national” unofficial icons of identity, seemed closely associated with the idea of the tekó (the [Paraguayan] way of being), an inherited socially constructed notion taken from the Guarani cosmovision to explain life, purpose, and tradition.

The twentieth century

Paraguayan development of cultural ideas and other constructed notions, such as the beliefs and values associated with paraguayidad or the tekó, are also a part of a sociopolitical project linking current cultural values with the Spanish conquest and colonial times, when Paraguayan culture was infused with a mixture of Iberian and Guarani social customs, values, and beliefs. Nevertheless, owing to the fact that the affirmation and promotion of a Paraguayan identity is deeply rooted in the concepts encompassed by the cosmovision of the pre-colonial Guarani community, Paraguayans define and articulate their identity according to the inherited idea of the tekó, which addresses the acquired socio-cultural values and the psychological profile of the Paraguayan as a reflection of his past and present world as well as an agent of his destiny.

By exercising this

“Paraguayan way of being” present-day Paraguayans from various social classes desire to express the beliefs and traditions that make them unique and distinct from other Latin American national groups and the world. As we will further explore in Chapter Five, love for the country, its history, territory, and natural resources, are some of the values that seem to be currently conveyed in the imbedded idea of the tekó. Consequently, I was not surprised to find that some of the values associated with the Paraguayan tekó could be most commonly expressed through intangible cultural materials, such as language, legends and stories, and traditional music) and tangible materials such as clothing, crafts, food, and musical instruments. Within the large body of expressions of the local cultural

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traditions, the popular regard for the Paraguayan diatonic harp and other “national” tangible elements of identity, such as the hand-made ñandutí (a folk art form from the town of Itauguá), the chipá (a corn starch type of bread typical of Paraguay), and the tereré (the cold drink counterpart to the regional yerba mate infusion), is part of the social imagination process of adaptation of material objects into the local cultural expressions, which for most present-day Paraguayans signify icons of identity as well as concrete ways to express their paraguayidad.

For instance, at the annually celebrated

Festival del Takuare’e, held in November, 2001, the performance of the diatonic harp received long remarks and extended praises by the master of ceremony before the name of the harp performer was even announced.5 Welcoming the remarks with ovations, the audience was informed of the achievements of Paraguayan harpists from the past who performed abroad, a fact that suggests that both instrument and performer represent and identify the country and its traditions elsewhere, and that consequently harp and harpist must be praised at home. At a recital organized by the Conservatorio Nacional in July 2002, the diatonic harp was introduced as an instrument that in addition to being used in the performance of traditional Paraguayan polcas and guaranias – both genres within Paraguayan music – could practically play any type of “international” musical repertoire, such as traditional or popular songs from other countries, reinforcing a socially constructed idea that the unofficial “national” instrument identified with Paraguay and Paraguayans, was a dignified folk music instrument capable of performing music from other latitudes with that unique “Paraguayan” touch.

5

See the discussion on the Festival del Takuare’e in Chapter Four.

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As we will further see in Chapters Two, Four, and Five, the activities of luthiers and harpists and the various discourses reinforcing the invention of the harp as an icon of paraguayidad, were all part of a socio-cultural process that took place in the twentieth century, and transformed the adopted diatonic instrument inherited from the seventeenth century European Jesuits into the instrument that has become known since the late 1950s as the arpa paraguaya (the Paraguayan harp). However, neither the invention of the arpa paraguaya as an icon of paraguayidad nor its cultural place and meaning have been challenged or questioned by present-day Paraguayan folklore specialists, musicians, or general public. Instead, most people show a tendency to accept it as a cultural fact and as part of the collective Paraguayan folk traditions. Listening to traditional music shows broadcast by local radio stations, attending various folk music festivals and recitals, visiting record stores in Asuncion, and exploring commercial web sites selling Paraguayan traditional music and musical instruments during my fieldwork, I noticed that an air of exoticism and myth was still attached to the harp. I say “still attached” because since the commercial promotion of Paraguayan and Latin American traditional music in Europe in the 1950s, the Paraguayan harp has been unfortunately introduced and regarded as an instrument of Indian origin. E.g., while browsing the Internet, I found a French web site6 dedicated to Andean and Latin American music with information on contemporary individual performers and ensembles residing in Europe.

One of the

featured performers, Jean Rambaudi, is shown playing a Paraguayan diatonic harp. Rambaudi’s personal information indicates that through the instruction of his Paraguayan harp teachers, the performer was able to capture “the soul of the musical tradition” of 6

See http://lesamisdepablo.free.fr/zic.htm

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Paraguay, and that of the “Guarani culture,” which through the “singing of birds and the sounds of the Yguazu Falls,” has enriched the instrument, musically speaking.7 Perhaps with the intention of promoting the invented idea of the Indian origin of the Paraguayan harp, Rambaudi also appears playing the “harpe indienne du Paraguay” (the Paraguayan Indian harp) as a member of the Cuarteto Andino (the Andean Quartet) for a recital scheduled on December 14, 2001 at the Chapelle Saint Jean-Baptiste in Saint Jeannet, and as part of the French Mediterranean Festival.8 The idea of a Paraguayan indigenous harp or the phrase “the Indian harp from Paraguay” is not a French or European invention, however. As we will note in Chapter Two, under the biographical information about harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo, Argentine folk singer and popular composer Atahualpa Yupanqui was the first musician to coin the phrase arpa india (Indian harp) in a song of his authorship and in reference to the Paraguayan instrument.9

7

Part of the text reads, Jean RAMBAUDI, passionné depuis de nombreuses années de musique traditionnelle des Andes a choisi la harpe, instrument au travers duquel il a le mieux pu traduire ce sentiment poignant qui le lie au folklore latino américain. … Avec Aparicio GONZALES, Lorenzo LEGUIZAMON, Rito PEDERSEN, Silvio MORAS-ORUE, et bien d’autres dont la liste serait longue, il pénètre l’áme de la tradition musicale, la culture GUARANI dont la richesse poétique a su faire exprimer à l’instrument depuis le chant des oiseaux jusqu’au son des chutes d’IGUAZU en passant par la nostalgie du temps des missions jésuites. (See http://lesamisdepablo.free.fr/zic.htm) [Jean Rambaudi, impassioned for many years of [performing] the traditional music of the Andes, chose the harp, the instrument through which he could best translate this poignant sentiment that he reads [sic] in the Latin American folklore. With [harpists] Aparicio González, Lorenzo Leguizamón, Rito Pedersen, Silvio Moras Orué, and others, of which the list would be long, he [Rambaudi] penetrates the soul of the musical tradition [of Paraguay], the Guarani culture, the poetic richness of which, from the singing of birds to the sound of the falls of Yguazu, he was able to express through the instrument while passing through the nostalgia of the times of the Jesuit missions.]

8

Gérard del Volgo (vocals, guitar, percussion, and sikus), Hugo Quispe (vocals and panpipes) Jean Rambaudi (harp), and Bruno Therou (charango and guitar) are members of the Cuarteto Andino. See http://www.saintjeannet.com/infos/evenements/Concert_14decembre2001.html 9

Dedicated to the memory of Pérez Cardozo, Yupanqui’s poem was composed in 1952 and set as a vocal guarania by Paraguayan composer Herminio Giménez. For further details see Chapter Two.

11

While browsing another Internet site,10 in this particular case a commercial site selling Paraguayan diatonic harps based in Asuncion, I encountered one of the most astonishing examples of attaching the exotic element to the Paraguayan harp by Paraguayans. This site went as far as advertising the harp as an Indian instrument with the caption, “the instrument captured the imagination of the indigenous people, who adopted it as their own.” However, as we will discover in the following chapters, even though the diatonic harp was in fact, used by the Guaranis who lived at the Jesuit missions during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries for musical practices related to the Catholic liturgy, the instrument did not become a part of the musical traditions associated with the Guarani communities living in Paraguay during colonial or modern times. The prevalent contemporary need to justify the relevance of the Paraguayan diatonic harp as more than “just a folk instrument” is also represented on the same web site with the caption, “contrary to popular belief, virtually any type of music can be played on this harp,” which is also indicative of the significance that most Paraguayan harp makers, harpists, and consumers of traditional music desire to apply to the instrument. The significance of the harp as an icon of paraguayidad expressed by musicians and the general public alike for themselves and as a representation of that paraguayidad for others, is attached to the belief that because the folk instrument is capable of not only playing the traditional repertoire is also fitted to perform “virtually any type of music.” The local and, consequently, national view of the harp has, indeed, been enhanced by its “unquestionable” international recognition. As we will note in Chapter Five, most Paraguayans desire to be locally, regionally, and globally recognized 10

See www.myharps.com/introduccion.html

12

as both individuals and a distinct group of people with specific traditions and values, such as those applied to the harp and its music. Paraguayan sociologists and anthropologists agree that the constructed notion of the tekó has informed and reinforced this attitude, which although for some could be explained as a type of socially produced inferiority complex, it must be also recognized as an intrinsic part of the daily social life in presentday rural and urban Paraguay. During the course of my fieldwork I noticed this prevalent general attitude and sentiment related to the tekó. The large majority of friends and performers that I interviewed explained to me their views on various historical or current issues, or referred to their social and musical experiences as part of that which Paraguayans consider ñande rekó (our place, habitat, or dimension of existence), which is a variant of the idea of the tekó, and as part of another socio-culturally acquired value known as ñane mba’e (our thing or our tradition). On more than one occasion, when trying to inquire about the reasons behind such explanations, I was told “y…así somos los paraguayos” (so…that’s the way we Paraguayans are).

Harpists In the local tradition, musicians make the distinction between two types of harp performers:

arpero popular (popular harp player), a type of jongleur or bohemian

musician, and arpista profesional (professional harpist), a performer, teacher, and recording artist.

At times, the subcategory arpista de técnica estilizada (harpist of

stylized technique) is used to describe an arpista profesional who has received some type of musical or conservatory training in the country or abroad. Arpista profesional also

13

implies the development of particular performance techniques stemming from the individual performer’s unique interpretation and technical skills. In order to accomplish a specific type of sound or effect, every harpist adds a personal improvisatory touch to the standard ascending or descending arpeggios, rapid scale passages, melodic material, harmonic progressions, accompaniment, and rhythmic emphasis that define Paraguayan traditional music performed on the diatonic harp. Although details and biographies of some arperos and arpistas profesionales are given in Chapter Two, we discuss here briefly the type of cultural work that contemporary arpistas do by playing the harp and by designating some genres and styles as more important than others, and also the way in which Paraguayan music is integrated in the life of these performers. Most harpists believe that by playing the harp and by performing traditional music they are not only preserving a local tradition, but that they are also fulfilling their “patriotic duty” of celebrating the values associated with paraguayidad. This particular view of harpists and other folk music performers as preserving a particular tradition, is accepted and encouraged by the general public, especially by the members of the working and middle classes, who are the main consumers of Paraguayan traditional music. Nevertheless, other harpists see their performing practice as a way to earn a living and not necessarily as a way to celebrate paraguayidad; they concentrate more on teaching, recording, and accompanying various musical groups. The invention of the “patriotic duty” of musicians as carriers of Paraguayan tradition is a phenomenon of the 1950s and 1960s.

After the commercially successful musical tours that various Paraguayan

conjuntos (some of them under the official sponsorship of the government of Alfredo Stroessner) enjoyed throughout Western Europe, Asia Minor, and East Asia, other

14

Paraguayan musical groups at home were formed to follow in the steps of these “successful” conjuntos.

Although commercial musical “success” in the Paraguayan

traditional music scene was and still is evaluated by number one hits or records promoted and broadcast by local radio and television stations, the term also implies the recognition, to a small or large degree, that a Paraguayan song or a performer has received abroad. For the general Paraguayan public, the fact that a musician has traveled to one or several countries to perform or record traditional, commercial, or “pop” music, signifies the immediate and unquestionable achievement of the performer as an artist of local and now “international” reputation, as a serious individual, and as a citizen displaying a high level of paraguayidad. While it is difficult to determine if all traditional music groups created after the mid-1960s had solely a commercial agenda, or if some of them had the “patriotic” intention of promoting Paraguay and its music, it is clear that as a result of the creation and promotion of Paraguayan traditional music conjuntos, the diatonic harp and its music became known abroad, a fact that was received and interpreted by Paraguayans as an indication of the significance that the instrument possessed. Now as an imagined icon of paraguayidad, the arpa paraguaya was not only fitted to perform Paraguayan traditional music at home or abroad, but also Andean waynos, Argentine tangos, Brazilian carnival marches, Caribbean guajiras, Mexican boleros, and Venezuelan joropos, as well as folk songs that represented the European or Asian countries where the Paraguayan harp was performed. Among the Paraguayan traditional music genres promoted by the arpa paraguaya, the polca and the guarania are the preferred choices of both performers and

15

public. Although more details on the history and development of these particular genres are given in Chapter Three, we wish to note here that the most popular and traditional genre is the Paraguayan polca. Enjoyed by members of all social classes, the polca has found a special niche among members of the working class from the interior of the country. Sung in Guarani or Jopará (a Guarani-Spanish dialect) and accompanied by guitar, harp, and accordion, fast and lively polcas focusing on romantic themes, praising motherhood, describing local towns, and evoking the distant or recent past, are among the favorite traditional songs performed at festivals of traditional music. As an urban genre, the melancholic and slow guarania, is mostly performed in the capital and in large cities. Even though in the past few years radio and television shows, commercial recordings, music festivals, and the Internet have disseminated the guarania throughout the country, the polca is still the preferred choice of most people in the interior of Paraguay. Further research may help to analyze and clarify the positive, negative, or ambiguous reception that the guarania seems still to have for some social groups in the country. Harp players choose their musical repertoire according to the festival, recital, or place where they perform. After speaking extensively with various harp performers during my fieldwork, I concluded that although musicians seem to be in charge of promoting a specific type of repertoire or traditional music genre, is the general public that gives less or more significance to some of the performed genres and styles. After meeting with various journalists and hosts of traditional music radio shows, I also earned that the present-day promotion of Paraguayan music and musicians is not suggested or indicated by the official or private administrators of local radio and television stations, but dictated by their commercial sponsors. Since no in-depth study in regard to the

16

consumption and promotion of commercial and traditional music as informed by the relationship between sponsors and radio and televisions stations in Paraguay has been conducted or published, I intend to address that issue in a future study. Since the 1960s, when touring Paraguayan conjuntos started to perform traditional music from Latin America, the phrase música internacional (international music) was adopted by performers to include not only some of the Latin American musical repertoire, but also folk songs from other world regions as well as some pop and commercial music. Since the diatonic harp allowed the performer to play numerous “international” songs involving a small degree of chromaticism (sharps being achieved by pressing the top of the strings with one hand while plucking with the other) and since foreign audiences seemed captivated by the performance of an “exotic” and “Indian” instrument that could play familiar music, Paraguayan arpistas were motivated to explore this repertoire. Currently, the Paraguayan harp “international repertoire” often includes instrumental versions of Cielito Lindo, La Cumparsita, Garota do Ipanema, Silent Night, Yesterday, Edelweiss, O Sole Mio, Aka Tombo, and themes from film music (Love Story, Romeo and Juliet, Dr. Zhivago, The Godfather, Titanic, among others). While visiting with harpist and luthier Abel Sánchez Giménez in Asuncion I discussed with him some of the current issues and general views related to the repertoire of música internacional. Sánchez Giménez reminisced on his many years of touring with several conjuntos throughout Europe, Egypt, Israel, and Iran, indicating the amazement displayed by audiences and patrons when he performed Paraguayan traditional harp compositions such as Pájaro campana (The Bell Bird) and Tren lechero (The Milk-Run Train). His most rewarding performing experiences took place in the early 1970s, when

17

he was invited to give a series of private harp recitals for the Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi (1919-1980) and his wife, Princess Farah Diba. Sánchez Giménez also noted that other non-Paraguayan compositions, such as the Argentine tango La Cumparsita, Johann Strauss’ Blue Danube, the song Edelweiss, and the Allegro from Mozart’s Symphony No. 40 in G minor, were part of a rich musical repertoire that the Paraguayan harp was capable of playing for the delight of a more select public abroad. After I discussed with him in more detail the nature and goal of my research on the Paraguayan harp, he offered to perform a few songs for me. Expecting to hear an impressive rendition of a traditional song by one of the greatest maestros of the Paraguayan harp, I placed my notebook by my side and I leaned back on my chair. He took one of the three harps on display in his living room and told me “con este instrumento puedo tocar música clásica, la cual le da categoría al artista” (with this instrument I can play Classical music, which gives relevance to the artist). The console of the diatonic harp looked different. Sánchez Giménez had placed the mechanic levers used for the traditional European pedal harp on his instrument.11 Now, the Paraguayan harp seemed ready to achieve a higher degree of chromaticism, to play more challenging repertoire, and to be quickly tuned to any tonal area. Sánchez Giménez played La Cumparsita, part of the Allegro from Mozart’s Symphony No. 40 in G minor, and the Neapolitan song Santa Lucia.

My several requests to hear him play Paraguayan

traditional music generated little attention. Instead, I received a lecture on the origin of the diatonic harp, which Sánchez Giménez placed around King David and the Old Testament times, and a few more selections of música internacional. At the end of our 11

For a detailed discussion of the innovations in the structure of the diatonic harp developed by Abel Sánchez Giménez, see Chapter Two.

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visit, Sánchez Giménez suggested that since I was working toward a music degree in the United States, I had to know and see that the arpa paraguaya was capable of playing the repertoire that was familiar to most people in the United States and in Europe. Sánchez Giménez noted that besides teaching harp to a select group of students and building harps, he very much enjoyed playing music at home daily. While the majority of arpistas work exclusively accompanying conjuntos or performing as solo artists, some of them are hired to record with other musicians or teach harp. However, an increasing number of arpistas also work in non-musical careers. I met harpists and other traditional music performers who were carpenters, clerks, electricians, jewelers, and store owners. All of them considered the performance of traditional music as part of their daily lives. They indicated to me that their technique and repertoire, including current música internacional, were informed by listening to other harpists and to what the public consumed through radio and television at the time. The intertwined lives of arpistas profesionales and their consumer audience in a realm that is broader than music may be one of the explanations as to why although arpistas profesionales are not seen as key factors in the endorsement or development of a particular traditional music genre or style. Their promotion of Paraguayan music is received by the public as part of a general view, according to which the celebration and preservation of tradition, such as the harp and its music, points to some of the values associated with the notion of the tekó and the idea of paraguayidad.

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Identity, Paraguayidad, Tekó Having used terms such as “identity”,“paraguayidad”,”tekó, and “traditional music” within this introductory section, I find it necessary to define these notions in terms of the way in which they are utilized in this work. A more detailed discussion of these notions will be provided in Chapter Five. When the notion of identity is used officially, mainly by the government and its offices (the Vice-Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Ministry of Tourism, among others), it carries the idea of a group of people recognizing that they belong to a specific past and present time and a geographical space. It also implies the desire of that group of people to share who they are by engaging themselves in the performance of certain traditions, such as speaking both Spanish and Guarani, recognizing the history of the country and the inherited Iberian-Guarani values, and displaying a high regard for the national territory and its natural resources. Although the first systematic construction of a Paraguayan identity was part of the political projects of the governments of dictator José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia and president Carlos Antonio López in the nineteenth century, the twentieth century governments of the Liberal and Colorado parties did not enforce a specific cultural agenda targeting “Paraguayan identity.” Instead, they relied on systematic elementary and secondary education, promoting Guarani grammar and Paraguayan history as part of a curriculum aiming to re-educate Paraguayans through the views expressed in the textbooks of historians such as Luis Benítez, Justo Prieto, Rafael Eladio Velázquez, and others, who had received official endorsement and funding. Part of the official discourse was to create the sentiment of an undivided nation where citizens would willingly pledge

20

allegiance to the core values of the constitution: libertad, unión, e igualdad (freedom, union, and equality) and to the economic, educational, defense, and social projects of the governments in power. Even though they established schools and constructed roads throughout the country, and approved agricultural and technological plans, most Paraguayan governments of the twentieth century were tainted by widespread financial and political corruption, serving and benefiting themselves from the national coffers and available resources, and putting the country into immense external debt. Through the official discourses and the particular projects of the Liberal and Colorado political parties, mainly between the 1920s and the 1970s, Paraguayan identity, that is, the notion that Paraguayans are a group of people that belong to a specific geographical territory with a specific history, became, indeed, a constructed idea, which reinforced by the creation and promotion of local traditions (music, folk dances, crafts, food), was accepted as part of the essence of paraguayidad, a notion embraced by the majority of the members of the working and middle classes (see below). Because of the socio-cultural inculcation of this notion, it is not surprising that “identity” was and still is used by arpistas and other traditional music performers as part of paraguayidad. During casual conversations with arpistas, I noticed that identity and paraguayidad were used synonymously in reference to a sentiment utilized in explaining a relationship with an ideal set of beliefs and values associated with an ideal historical past. That “ideal historical past” is placed between the late nineteenth century and the early twentieth century, a time of reconstruction after the Triple Alliance War (1865-1870), and a time when most of the folk stories, legends, and traditions were invented and inculcated. The “ideal beliefs and values,” referred to by many harp performers are embodied in the

21

phrase “los valores de la gente sencilla” (the values of the simple folk), and interpreted as referring to friendship, honesty, and solidarity, all of them ideas found in the tekó (see below). With some exceptions, most present-day harp performers believe that they are the carriers of a longstanding Paraguayan musical tradition, which has the power to promote and disseminate some of the [past and contemporary] socio-cultural values associated with paraguayidad: regard for the land, historical memory, and the Guarani language. Nevertheless, arpistas are not concerned about the short-term cultural impact that they may have; they believe that as long as they continue to do their work, the individual and systematic performance of traditional music will yield its fruit over time. Closely connected to the idea of Paraguayan identity, the notion of paraguayidad has been articulated by the state through the promotion of beliefs and ideas related to the historical past, the geographical territory, the systematic instruction and spoken use of the Guarani language, and the creation and promotion of popular traditions, exemplified in the “officialization” of religious festivities, folk music, and dance. Beginning in the late 1950s, when the government of Alfredo Stroessner gained strength and popular approval, and until the mid-1980s, the state allowed the promotion of artistic and popular expressions that would enhanced those ideas associated with paraguayidad. Among these “officialized” expressions, the para-liturgical activities (dance, fair, food, games, music) connected to the festivities of San Blás (Saint Blas, Catholic patron saint of Paraguay) on February 3, Kuruzú Ara (the feast of the Cross) on May 6, San Juan (Saint John the Baptist) on June 21, and the Virgen de Caacupé (The Virgin Mary of Caacupé), among others; and the choreographic productions offered by the newly created Ballet Folclórico Municipal (The Municipal Folk Ballet) and the folk music performances of

22

the Banda Folclórica Municipal (The Municipal Folk Music Band), were of paramount significance in the construction and reinforcement of popular expressions, which nowadays are considered by the Paraguayan people as long-standing traditions. As noted before, arpistas and other traditional music performers use identity and paraguayidad as interchangeable terms, explained through a series of collective ideas and actions that reflect what and who Paraguayans are. Generally speaking, arpistas do not verbalize what identity or paraguayidad are [even though they are interchangeable terms, they are two terms], what they should be, or how they should be perceived; however, at traditional music festivals they or other members of the musical conjunto may choose to say a few words before performing. During these times, some of them reinforce the idea that the Paraguayan harp in itself is a symbol of identity because of the historical and cultural significance it carries.

By “historical significance” they refer to the reception the

instrument enjoyed abroad in the 1930s and 1940s, mainly through the performance career of Paraguayan harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo. By “cultural significance” they refer to the positive reception of the instrument in Latin America and in Western Europe between the 1950s and 1980s, and the impact that this positive reception, seen also as cultural success, had on the Paraguayan society of the time.

Irrespective of the

explanations that most arpistas and the general public may offer in regard to paraguayidad, one must recognize that this socially constructed idea first inculcated by the state, has served as one of the main means of propagating invented traditions such as the celebration of folk music festivals.

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Connected to the idea of paraguayidad, the notion of the tekó has not been on the surface directly inculcated by the state.12 It is difficult to determine with precision since when, to what extent, and through what means, the state has used this socially embedded idea to promote a specific official agenda. Nevertheless, it is clear that through the “Paraguayan way of being” platform, governments have constructed and reinforced attitudes, ideas, and traditions in regard to Paraguay as an ideal place, where people live freely enjoying the economic progress achieved by common labor. It is also true that through the systematic instruction of Guarani at elementary and secondary schools, other ideas and values encompassed in the notion of the tekó, such as rekó (place or home), tekojojá (solidarity), teko-katueté (pride), teko-ogaiguá (family), tekopoti (honesty), tekopyty (friendship), and others, were used to explain the need to create a Paraguayan society seen as a “big family,” where internal criticism was not needed, i.e., not allowed. Since most harpists grew up in the countryside, where mainly Guarani and Jopará were spoken, it is not surprising that they would identify themselves with the idea of the tekó, or that they would disseminate it, and consequently reinforce it, through daily conversation, stories, or even musical performances. The idea of the tekó is deeply embedded in the mind of the Paraguayan, and as we will discuss in Chapter Five, not only the tekó and paraguayidad are considered by many as the same notion, but also representations of the tekó abound in the poetry, music, song, and dance presented at popular events such as music festivals and other performances of Paraguayan traditional music.

12

For a detailed discussion on the tekó see Chapter Five. The concept has been also studied by Melià

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The Articulation of the Historical Memory Recognizing that this is a historical study of the diatonic harp in Paraguay, we must also consider what issues gravitate around a particular periodization or articulation of the general history of Paraguay, and how historical memory has been used by historians, harpists, and the state. As we have mentioned earlier, twentieth century Paraguayan governments endorsed and sponsored the research and publication of works of several historians who, besides offering newly discovered data or a particular reading of history, were also promoting a specific socio-political agenda of the state. In addition to the subjective interpretation of history, some Paraguayan historians from the Colorado and Liberal parties supported their particular endorsed political doctrines by the invention, modification, and interpretation of historical facts. When such historians were confronted and denounced by a host of Paraguayan intellectuals, the conflict resulted in the creation of several different interpretative camps among historians and other writers, among them, mainly the Francistas and Anti-Francistas (those who endorsed or opposed to the figure and activities of nineteenth century dictator José Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia) and the Lopiztas and Anti-Lopiztas (those who endorsed or opposed to the figure and government of president Francisco Solano López, who led the country during the Triple Alliance War).13 It is through the lens, or the different lenses, of these camps that

(1997:100-110). 13

Among this group of Paraguayan scholars, Cecilio Báez, Justo Pastor Benítez and Julio César Chávez are known as anti-Francistas historians. Báez’ Ensayo sobre el Dr. Francia y la dictadura en SudAmérica (Essay on Dr. Francia and the Dictatorship in South America) (1910), Benítez’ La vida solitaria del Dr. José Gaspar de Francia, Dictador del Paraguay (The Solitary Life of Dr. José Gaspar de Francia, Dictator of Paraguay) (1957), and Chávez’ El Supremo Dictador (The Absolute Dictator) (1942) regard negatively the figure of Rodriguez de Francia. A more general and impartial critique to the activities of the dictator has been presented by Carlos Centurión in Historia de la Cultura Paraguaya (History of Paraguayan Culture) (1961). Among works endorsing the activities of the López, Luis G. Benítez’ Historia de la

25

the history of Paraguay has been articulated and systematically inculcated through textbooks and other publications released over the past seventy years. While some historians have offered their interpretation and view on colonial history, including discussions on issues such as the Spanish conquest, the mestizaje process, the labor of the Jesuit Order, and the popular revolt movements leading to independence, most writers have concentrated their efforts in the chronological, factual, and hermeneutical aspects of Paraguayan history between the mid-nineteenth century and through the 1950s. This, perhaps could be explained by the ambitions of twentieth century totalitarian leaders such as General Alfredo Stroessner from the Colorado Party, who desired to link the accomplishments of his “progressive” government to the nineteenth century “flourishing” economy associated with the rule of José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia and presidents Carlos Antonio López and Francisco Solano López. While the governments of these three aforementioned leaders strengthened the sovereignty of the nation and developed local industries, their mandates were also characterized by a general state of fear, persecution, and even terror. Although the government of President Alfredo Stroessner was confronted and started to lose power in the mid-1980s, the cult of these controversial past historical and political figures continued flourishing through the 1990s. In the late 1980s I purchased a map of Paraguay from a local bookstore in Asuncion. Designed by the Servicio Geográfico Militar (The Military Geographic Service), the map included the nineteen departments or divisions of the country, as well as cities and towns, roads, rivers, lakes, and mountain systems. In addition to the map of Paraguay, the drawing included on the top right corner a small map of South America, and on the bottom left

cultura en el Paraguay (The History of Culture in Paraguay) (1966) and Juan E. O’Leary’s El Mariscal López (Mariscal Lopez) (n.d.) praise the governments of both presidents.

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corner, a box with six miniature portraits of Paraguayan historical figures. Inside this last box, below the word “Paraguay,” and between a representation of the double-sided escudo nacional (The National Emblem) a portrait of president Alfredo Stroessner was placed above other five miniature portraits of dictator José Gaspar Rodriguez de Francia, president Carlos Antonio López, president Franciso Solano López, General Bernardino Caballero (founder of the Colorado Party), and General José Félix Estigarribia (president and commander in chief during the Chaco War). I recall seeing the same map in my classroom throughout my years in primary and secondary school, hearing from my teachers that, in addition to the efforts of our 1811 founding fathers, this group of “Paraguayan heroes” were the builders and the capstone of our nation and our identity. Today, this particular view is still imprinted in the minds of a large majority of Paraguayans, who regard the beliefs and activities of these national heroes as the model formula for economic progress and financial stability. While the state and Paraguayan historians may have political agendas and may offer a specific reading or interpretation on certain historical facts, most harpists, as it is also the case with most Paraguayan citizens, tend to endorse or simply believe the Paraguayan history of their author or textbook of choice. However, some arpistas profesionales such as Dionisio Arzamendia and César Cataldo have taken a stand in regard to the interpretation of historical memory and the manner in which Paraguayans were and are still taught in school. Although biographical information on both performers are given in Chapter Two, I would like to mention that because of his association with socialist ideas, harpist Dionisio Arzamendia went into voluntary exile after Alfredo Stroessner came into power in the mid-1950s. Challenging the views of the government, the system of education, and a history that

27

glorified the somber figure of president Francisco Solano López, Arzamendia lived in Europe and French Guyana until 1990. Although Arzamendia does not see himself as a historian, his published method for the harp, which is discussed in Chapter Four, offers certain insights into his interpretation of Paraguayan history, and his particular view of the democratic system now in place, which still carries the baggage of corruption from previous regimes. In a conversation we had during my fieldwork, Arzamendia reiterated to me some of his views in regard to Paraguayan history. He indicated that, in general, Paraguayan history should be first presented as chronological and factual information, then confronted with various past and current socio-political issues, and finally interpreted objectively. As a founding member of the 1970s Nuevo cancionero (New Song) movement, harpist César Cataldo, as well as other performers associated with the Nuevo cancionero, challenged and denounced the socio-political agenda of Stroessner’s government.

Through musical performances and periodically printed and broadcast

manifestos, Nuevo cancionero musicians denounced cases of abuse, corruption, persecution, and the official system of political indoctrination enforced at public schools, disguised in subjects such as geography and history. Neither Arzamendia nor Cataldo constitute artistic or educational national figures intending to change the instruction or interpretation of historical memory in Paraguay.

However, they see themselves as

educators and performers with a desire to make the general public aware of the problematic issues that are connected to a particular view or interpretation of history, a specific methodology of instruction, or a political agenda. In Chapter One of the present work, I refer to certain aspects of the colonial history of Paraguay, aiming to provide the appropriate historical background for placing

28

the advent of the European diatonic harp in the region, showing how and where the instrument was cultivated and adapted as part of the sacred and secular regional musical expressions. The transference and adaptation of the European Renaissance diatonic harp runs in parallel with the socio-historical events which took place in the Spanish province of Paraguay during the sixteenth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Although the objectivity and validity of most of the historical events found in this chapter could be seen as problematic because they are based on information found in letters, colonial accounts, and chronologies recorded by Jesuit missionaries and European travelers with certain agendas seeking approval from the Spanish Crown or Church authorities, I made a conscientious decision to include them as references to the spatio-temporal setting where the diatonic harp and the country known as Paraguay were first located. In discussing a number of issues pertinent to paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity as related to the diatonic harp and its music, Chapter Five of this dissertation also includes some historical vignettes, which intend to serve as reference for a brief chronological survey of the projects that various Paraguayan governments developed to construct and enforce the idea of nation and that of a Paraguayan identity. Based on the 1997 study published by Celsa Añazco and Rosalba Dendia, these historical vignettes are used as points of departure for examining the socio-political forces that throughout time have informed and shaped the constructed idea of Paraguayan identity.

While a full discussion of

chronological historical periods in the study of Paraguayan history or identity is beyond the scope of this study, the historical vignettes included in Chapter Five should serve as an overview and general reading of selected historical events pertinent to the issue of Paraguayan identity.

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General Review of the Dissertation Structure Chapter One of this work presents an overview of the historical background of the country, as well as an historical assessment of the presence of the diatonic harp in the region. It includes a description of the country’s geographical setting and several theories on the etymology of the word Paraguay, a list of historical sources relating to the colonial history of the country, information on the harp in Medieval and Renaissance Spain, an account of the musical contributions of the Jesuits in the region, and a chronological survey of the available documented references to the harp between the sixteenth and nineteenth centuries in Paraguay and the Río de la Plata area. Chapters Two and Three center on the construction and physical characteristics of the diatonic harp in Paraguay, the particular techniques employed in performing with the instrument, the contributions of performers and popular composers14 to the development of the harp, and the traditional music repertoire for the instrument. As we will discuss in almost every instance, the Paraguayan traditional repertoire showcases the harp as a prominent instrument accompanying vocal soloists and conjuntos, as well as a solo instrument performing both Paraguayan and “international” compositions. Chapter Four focuses on the various local discourses articulating Paraguayan identity through music, music festivals, and the performance of the harp. In addition to the examination of specific government policies, radio and television folk music broadcastings, concerts, and written methods for the diatonic harp, I have included

14

In this particular case, I use “performer and popular composer” to signify the composer of vocal or instrumental music rooted in an oral and folk tradition.

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information on the development of traditional music and harp festivals, as well as an ethnographical account of the various musical performances observed in Paraguay during my fieldwork. These performances included folk music festivals, harp and conjunto recitals, and other musical events that I attended at various venues between March 2001 and September 2002. In Chapter Five, the final section of this work, I present a discussion of the various socio-historical and cultural processes involved in articulating paraguayidad, Paraguayan identity, and the role that the diatonic harp has played in this collective articulation endeavor. Besides offering an overview of the factors that have designated the instrument as a symbol of Paraguayan identity, one of them closely associated with the constructed idea of the tekó, I include a discussion on musical performance as a venue to create and re-create social identity. Finally, I examine the relationship between the invented arpa paraguaya and the constructed Paraguayan identity in the affirmation of paraguayidad reflected as a continuous social process.

Unless noted otherwise, all

translations of texts from Spanish or Guarani into English are mine. A collection of audio samples is available by contacting the author at the address indicated at the end of this work.

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CHAPTER ONE: The Setting Geographical and Regional Setting Located at latitude 23˚S, longitude 58˚W and surrounded by Argentina, Bolivia, and Brazil, the Republic of Paraguay is one of the two landlocked countries of South America. Occupying 406,752 sq. km (157,048 sq. miles), the country is divided naturally by the Paraguay River into two major regions, both of which offer contrasting climate and landscapes (See Figure 1). While the eastern portion of the country has fertile soil, hills, and wooded areas, the western region, or Chaco, is arid and contains empty plains and some forest areas. With almost six million people, the majority of the population is concentrated in the eastern region. Asuncion, founded in 1537, is the capital and the largest city in Paraguay. The country is divided in nineteen departamentos (departments) or geographical regions. As we mentioned in the Introduction, while ninety-five percent of the population of the country is of mestizo ancestry (Spanish and Guarani blood), the other five percent is comprised of a small number of Indian communities and immigrant descendants of various ethnic groups. The form of government is democratic and the official languages of the country are Spanish and Guarani.

Etymology of the Word Paraguay Various hypotheses have emerged in reference to the origin of the word “Paraguay.” For some, Paraguay seems to have derived from the combination of two words: Payaguá, the name of an Indian group, and y, “water,” in Guarani. A second theory suggests the combination of a term meaning “crown” and y (water) to imply a “crowned body of water.” The visual essence of this explanation is very much in line

32

with the nature-oriented mentality of the Guarani language as it evokes an image of the Paraguay River with palm trees crowning its banks, or the portrayal of the inhabitants of the region at the beginning of the Spanish conquest: Guarani Indians wearing feathered crowns. Others prefer to connect the word “Paraguay” to a regional bird known as paraqua (ortolida paraqua), but most Paraguayans today tend to associate the name of the country with that of the famed sixteenth-century Guarani chief, Paraguá.1

Colonial Period: Historians and Historical Sources The first historical accounts of Paraguay and the Río de la Plata area – the Atlantic coastal region bordering Uruguay and eastern Argentina – come from chronicles, letters, and documents written by missionaries, explorers, and travelers between the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.2 One such traveler, Ulrich Schmidl (1509-1581), also known as Hulderico or Utz, from Bavaria, traveled to the Río de la Plata area in 1534 with Pedro de Mendoza’s expedition and returned to Europe in 1553. In 1567, Schmidl published in Frankfurt an account of his traveling experiences under the title Warhafftige und liebliche Beschreibung etlicher furnemen indianischen Landtschafften und Insulen (True and Lovely Description of Some Important Indian Territory Landscapes and Islands).3

1

R.B. Cunninghame Graham offers these explanations and cites the work of Pedro de Angelis, Colección de Obras y Documentos (Collection of Works and Documents), as a source explaining some Guarani terms used during colonial times. (Cunninghame Graham 1988: 23-24) 2

In addition to referencing available original sources, this section draws primarily from two prominent texts by Paraguayan historians. (Benítez 1966 and Velázquez 1966). 3

A modern edition of Schmidl’s account was published in the series Alte Reisen und Abenteuer (Old Voyages and Adventures). See Abenteuer in Sudamerika 1534 bis 1554: Nach den Handschriften bearbeitet von Curt Cramer. Leipzig: F.A. Brockhaus, 1922. Since the original publication in 1567, several Spanish editions of this work have been published, one of which was released in 1947 by Espasa-

33

Fig. 1. Map of Paraguay and South America

Schmidl’s account is one of the first publications in Europe pertaining to the exploration and conquest of the New World. In 1555, the diaries and notes of the

Calpe editorial house in Buenos Aires under the title Derrotero y viaje a España y a las Indias (Adventures and Voyage to Spain and the Indies).

34

Spanish adelantado Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca were compiled by Pedro Hernández in two separate publications, La relación y comentarios (Account and Commentaries)4 and Naufragios (Shipwrecks).5 Several editions of both works have been published in Spain, Argentina, Chile, Paraguay, and Venezuela. The latest available edition of the two works is a compilation published by Alianza Editorial, Madrid, under the title Naufragios y comentarios (2001). These historical accounts are of paramount significance because of their detailed chronology and because of the status of the author, invested with plenipotentiary attribution by the Spanish Crown. The first recorded rhyming chronicle of the conquest, Argentina, conquista del Rio de la Plata con otros acontecimientos de los reynos del Perú, Tucumán y Estado del Brasil (Argentina, [The] Conquest of the Plata River [Along] with Other Events from the Dominions of Peru, Tucumán, and the State of Brazil), written by Martín del Barco Centenera, who had accompanied the 1575 expedition of Adelantado Juan Ortíz de Zárate, was published in 1602 in Lisbon. Another significant, albeit unpublished work, Captain Hernando de Ribera’s Relación (Account), written in Asuncion on March 3, 1545, describes the circumstances and results of one of Cabeza de Vaca’s explorations. One of the most active and dynamic writers of his times, De Ribera’s works draw upon almost two decades of voyage explorations conducted by several European figures, among them Sebastián Gaboto,

4

La relacion y comentarios del gouernador Aluar nuñez cabeça de vaca, de lo acaescido en las dos jornadas que hizo a las Indias (Account and Commentaries of Governor Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca, of the Events [Taking Place] During the Two Journeys He Made to the Indias). 5

Naufragios De Álvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca y relación de la jornada que hizo a la Florida con el adelantado Pánfilo de Narváez. (Shipwrecks of Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca and the Account of the Journey He Made to Florida with Adelantado Pánfilo de Narváez)

35

Ulrico Schmidl, and the Spaniards Juan de Ayolas, Juan de Salazar y Espinoza, and Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca. Ruy Diaz de Guzmán (1554-1629), the first mestizo historian, occupies a prominent place among early narrators of colonial history. Born in Asuncion, Ruy Diaz was the son of Captain Alonso Riquelme and the mestiza Ursula, daughter of Domingo Martínez de Irala. His work, La Argentina,6 completed in 1612, discusses in great detail the time period between the expedition of Spaniard Juan Díaz de Solís (1515) and the foundation of Santa Fe (1573). Although the first publication dates from 1835, an edition of the work with additional commentary appeared in 1845 in Asuncion, sponsored by Paraguayan president Carlos Antonio López (1790-1862). This particular edition is still considered the most critical and reliable. The latest edition of the work was published in Buenos Aires in 2001. The significance of Ruy Diaz’ work rests in the observations, comments, and language employed by the author, who never traveled to Europe, but was educated by Europeans living in the Province of Paraguay.7 Finally, an emotional testimony is documented in a letter written to Princess Juana by Isabel de Guevara, who came to the New World with the expedition of Pedro de Mendoza. Dated July 2, 1556,

6

Since colonial times the original title of the work, Historia argentina del descubrimiento, población y conquista (History of the Discovery, Population, and Conquest of Argentina) has been replaced by La Argentina (The Argentina), after a poem of the same title written by Martín del Barco Centenera in 1602. 7

Editorial house Espasa Calpe offers an evaluation of La Argentina, referring to it as the first work to be written by a mestizo historian and the first publication in the region with the inclusion of the word “patria” (country, in the sense of “nation”), presenting history with a strong nationalistic perspective. Ruy Diaz de Guzmán es el primer historiador mestizo del Río de la Plata y Paraguay… Esta obra es la primera escrita por un hijo de la tierra; la primera en que se emplea en estas regiones la palabra patria y la primera que refiere una historia con sentido nacionalista. (Benítez 1966:74) [Ruy Diaz de Guzmán is the first mestizo historian of Rio de la Plata and Paraguay… This is the first written work by a son of the land; the first one employing in these regions the word patria and the first one making reference to a history in the nationalistic sense.]

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the missive describes the dramatic life experiences of explorers, soldiers, and the women who accompanied them. Additional documents, which shed light on colonial life were written by European missionaries, complementing the body of diaries, letters, and official communications, such as the Cartas Anuas (Annual Letters) written by the Jesuits to the General of the Order in Europe. Among the documents of historical significance to that era are Tesoro de la lengua guaraní (Treasure of the Guarani Language), published in 1639 in Madrid, Arte y vocabulario de la lengua guaraní ([The] Art and Vocabulary of the Guarani Language), and Catecismo de la lengua guaraní (Catechism of the Guarani Language), published in 1640 in Madrid. Antonio Ruiz de Montoya (1585-1652), who was born in Peru, discussed historical events in his work Conquista espiritual hecha por los religiosos de la Compañía de Jesús en las provincias del Paraguay, Paraná, Uruguay y Tapé ([The] Spiritual Conquest Achieved by the Religious [Fathers] of the Society of Jesus in the Provinces of Paraguay, Paraná, Uruguay, and Tapé), published in 1639 in Madrid. Ruiz de Montoya’s works pertaining to the Guarani language are of paramount significance in that they constitute the first attempt to codify an Indian oral language using the Latin alphabet. Almost thirty five years later, in 1673, Nicholas du Toict (1611-1678), also known as Nicolás del Techo, who lived for about twenty-seven years in the province, published in Liège Historia provinciae Paraquariae Societatis Jesv (History of the Province of Paraguay of the Society of Jesus). Translated from the Latin by Manuel Serrano y Sanz, the first Spanish edition to Du Toict’s Historia de la Provincia del Paraguay de la Compañía de Jesús was published in 1897 in Madrid. Three other

37

prominent Jesuit historians are Pedro Lozano (1697-1752), José Guevara (1719-1806), and José Sánchez Labrador (1717-1798). Lozano is responsible for four major works: Descripción del terreno, rios, árboles y animales de las provincias del Gran Chaco (Description of the Soil, Rivers, Trees, and Animals of the Provinces of the Grand Chaco), published in 1733 in Cordoba, Spain; Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la provincia del Paraguay (History of the Society of Jesus in the Province of Paraguay), published in 1755 in Madrid; Historia de la conquista del Paraguay, Río de la Plata, y Tucumán (History of the Conquest of Paraguay, the La Plata River, and Tucumán), published by Andrés Lamas in 1873; and Historia de las revoluciones de la provincia del Paraguay (History of the Revolutions of the Province of Paraguay), published in 1905. Guevara, Lozano’s succesor as historian of the Jesuit Society, wrote Historia de la conquista del Paraguay, Rio de la Plata, y Tucumán (History of the Conquest of Paraguay, the La Plata River, and Tucumán). Sánchez Labrador, an active chronologist in Paraguay from 1746 to 1767, published a trilogy of works comprised of the six-volume Paraguay natural (Natural Paraguay), the four-volume Paraguay cultivado (Cultivated Paraguay), and the seven-volume Paraguay católico (Catholic Paraguay). All of the aforementioned historical references, beginning with Ruiz Diaz de Montoya’s work, are of great significance because of their unique writing perspective:

that of religious

chronologists not only recording historical events on site, but also promoting their religious agenda. Similar works revealing the diverse historical aspects of the colonial period in the region include: Histoire du Paraguay (History of Paraguay) by Pedro Francisco Javier Charlevoix (1682-1761), who described the historical scene beginning around the 1520s

38

and continuing through the first half of the seventeenth century; Francisco Xarque’s La vida apostólica del Padre Joseph Cataidino (The Apostolic Life of Father Joseph Cataidino), published in 1664 in Zaragoza; Jose Cardiel’s Declaración de la verdad (Declaration of the Truth), published in 1900 in Buenos Aires; Martin Dobrizhoffer’s Historia de abiponibus (History of the Abipon [Indians]), published in 1784 in Vienna; and José Manuel Peramás’ La República de Platón y los Guaranies (The Republic of Plato and the Guaranis), published in 1946 in Buenos Aires. These published works have brought into relief the diverse perspectives on the presentation and interpretation of socio-historical events related to the development of colonial culture in Paraguay and adjacent geographical areas.

Conquest and Colonial Times: Historical Background In 1515, Juan Diaz de Solís, who replaced Americo Vespucci as Pilot Major for the Spanish Crown, conducted the first Iberian expedition to the Rio de la Plata region in southern South America. Navigating along the coast of present-day Brazil and Uruguay, Solís found the delta of the Paraná Guazú River. After changing its name to Mar Dulce (Sea of Sweet [Waters]), the expedition entered the recently discovered river and happened upon an island located at 34˚40’ where, deceived by the friendly signs of the Charrúa Indian group, Solís disembarked and was murdered, along with the majority of his crew. Francisco de Torres took charge and brought back to Spain the tragic news and a few survivors. Five years later, in 1520, the Portuguese pilot Fernando Magalhães (Magellan) explored the same coast and reached Tierra del Fuego, on the southern tip of South America. After crossing the strait that later would bear his name, Magellan sailed

39

northwest and reached the Moluccas, where aborigines murdered him and some of his companions. Subsequently, ship Victoria, under the command of Captain Juan Sebastián Elcano (1476-1526), sailed west to Spain and reached its destination on September 6, 1522. Accounts from the sixteenth century make note of two expeditions as the first to reach the territory of present-day Paraguay. In 1524, the Spaniard Alejo García carried out the first expedition, traveling across Paraguay by foot in search of a road to Peru. The second expedition took place in 1527, when Sebastián Gaboto (Sebastian Cabot), a Portuguese explorer, navigated for the first time the upper waters of the Paraná and Paraguay Rivers.

Gaboto decided to sail the Paraná River as far as the parallel

32˚25’12,’’ where he found the delta of the Carcarañal River. Since this particular location seemed to be ideal for the establishment of his center of operations, Gaboto requested monetary help from the Spanish Crown. The appointed emissary took with him some natives dressed in elaborate regalia designed by Gaboto, who applied silver strips and other valuable items to the costumes. This visual display of precious metals appealed to the king and the request of the Portuguese explorer was approved. Henceforth, the river previously known as Mar Dulce or Río de Solís would carry its contemporary name, Río de la Plata (River of Silver). Nevertheless, due to the scarcity of funds in the royal arks and the lack of interest on the part of Seville commerce men, the implementation of the royal order did not take place. In 1534, the Spanish Crown conferred on Don Pedro de Mendoza the title of Adelantado del Río de la Plata (General Explorer of the La Plata River) and commissioned him to explore and exploit the new Spanish dominions. This vast portion

40

of land included the territories contained by the parallel of the Ecuador line crossing the Amazon Delta in the north; the parallel 36˚57’09’’ crossing to the south of Buenos Aires; the meridian of the Tordesillas line, from the Amazon Delta to the present-day state of São Paulo in Brazil in the east; and the limits to the possessions of Juan de Almagro and Francisco Pizarro, demarcated by the Andean system, in the west. Three other Spaniards besides Pedro de Mendoza (1534-37) received similar appointments:

Alvar Núñez

Cabeza de Vaca (1542-44), Juan Ortíz de Zárate (1575-76), and Juan Torres de Vera y Aragón (1587-92). On August 15 1537, Captain Juan de Salazar y Espinoza established a fort under the name of Casa Fuerte de Nuestra Señora Santa María de la Asunción (Fort House of Our Lady Saint Mary of the Asuncion). The Fuerte de la Asunción received a major political transformation in 1541, when the Cabildo – the antecedent of a municipal entity – was established, and the fort itself was turned into a city, immediately designating Asuncion as the center for operations and explorations of the conquest in the region.8 Although Adelantados favored absolute powers, the viceroyalties established by the Crown became the representation of the Spanish King and the supreme authority in the New World.

Indeed, viceroys administered all matters concerning government,

legislature, justice, economy, and ecclesiastic and military forces. From 1542 to 1776, Paraguay depended politically on the Viceroyalty of Peru and, from 1776 to 1810, on the newly created Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata. Also assuming an administrative role was the Audiencia (Audience), one of the most important institutions of government control on the continent. Functioning as a supervising office, the Audiencia exercised control

8

After the Iberian fever for gold and silver began to dissipate, Buenos Aires was turned into the major regional political center and, when in 1776 the Spanish Crown created the Viceroyalty of Río de la Plata, Paraguay became its province.

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over the administration of the dominions in all aspects. The Audiencia de Charcas ruled over Paraguay until 1776 and, from that time until 1810 (a year prior to Paraguayan independence), the Audiencia de Buenos Aires exercised control over Paraguayan territory. In 1537, the Spaniard explorer Juan de Ayolas reached the outskirts of the Peruvian Andes and gathered gold and silver from the Samacosis and Sibicosis Indians. In February 1538, after proceeding north on the Paraguay River, he founded the Fuerte de la Candelaria, where he ordered Captain Domingo Martínez de Irala to wait for him for about six months. While returning to Candelaria, Ayolas and his men were assaulted and killed by the Mbyas, or Guanás, and the Payaguás. After the six-month waiting period and unaware of the tragic events, Martínez de Irala decided to retreat back to Asuncion for provisions. In the meantime, the Spanish overseer Alonso de Cabrera had arrived in Buenos Aires carrying the historic Real Cédula (Royal Document) of September 12, 1537. This particular document gave the explorers responsibility for electing new governors, should the current one die. This constituted a major landmark in the political life and future of the province, now able to elect its own authorities. The Royal Cédula was implemented and Domingo Martínez de Irala was elected governor by an almost unanimous vote. Besides Pedro de Mendoza and Domingo Martínez de Irala, sixty-three different governors ruled Paraguay from 1537 to 1811, when Bernardo de Velasco, the last governor under Spanish rule, surrendered, and independence was proclaimed. Martínez de Irala is regarded by historians as a major figure in the socio-political and cultural development of colonial Paraguay. His intention of uniting Indians and

42

Spaniards resulted in one of the major colonial social projects, the biological and sociocultural mestizaje, what many historians and sociologists see as the birth of the Paraguayan. Among Martínez de Irala’s numerous achievements during his time as governor of Paraguay was the allocation of land to the inhabitants of Buenos Aires and Luján (Argentina), who relocated in Asuncion, as well as the establishment of churches, cemeteries, and the convents and monasteries of various orders, among them Franciscans, Mercedaries, and Jeromes. Martinez de Irala conquered the Lenguas or Guaicurus and with other Indian communities, established towns in the Eastern region: with the Indians from Itapúa and Yvyturuzú, he founded Areguá, Altos, Yois, and Tobatí; with those from Monday, the towns of Candelaria, Yborapariyá, Terecañy, and Mbaracayú; and with the natives of Itatí, he established Atyrá, Guarambaré, and Ypané or Pytún. While many of the natives labored under the encomienda system, others were taken to Asuncion and worked for various city projects. The encomienda system was an economic, social, and juridical institution by which an Indian or a group of Indians paid the Spaniards – the encomenderos – the corresponding tribute to the king.

Usually, the payment was

accomplished through labor in two different ways, mita and yanacona. When a whole community became part of the encomienda system, it was transferred to a pueblo, where the Indians were evangelized and assigned to houses and working fields. They would only leave the settlement to fulfill their working shift quota – mita – and the assignments indicated by the encomenderos. These Indians were called mitayos or mitarios. Other Indians coming from smaller communities or captured individually were transferred to the cities and houses of Spaniard families.

They received the denomination of

originarios or yanaconas and they were expected to live at the haciendas of the

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encomenderos and work for them. In exchange for their labor, Spaniards were expected to protect and evangelize the Indians, as well as to train them in the use of arms for the defense of the Crown’s territories. A variation of the encomienda was the frequently practiced naboria, by which an Indian child would be given by his parents to a Spanish or criollo (children of Spanish parents born in the continent) family for service.

In

exchange, the new family provided food, clothing, and education (Velázquez 1966:2425). In addition to the appointment of mayors and judges, Martínez de Irala fortified the town and designed its coat of arms, which is still used today. It is comprised of four squares containing the images of the Virgin of Asuncion, the Patron Saint San Blás, a fort house, and a coconut tree. When, in 1539, the Guaranis planned to attack and murder all the Spaniards living in Asuncion and surrounding areas, Martínez de Irala dismantled the operation and ordered capital punishment for the principal instigators. Recognizing the power of the governor, the Guaranis gave the Spaniards as many women as they wanted in exchange for their pardon.9 Historians consider this particular event as the beginning of the mestizaje process. For instance, Rafael Eladio Velázquez sees the provincial rural areas of colonial times as fertile soil for the illegitimate unions between Spanish officials and yanaconas and naborias. The miscegenation process seems to have resulted not only from a friendly alliance between Guaranis – specifically, the Carios group – and 9

Paraguayan historian Esperanza Gill indicates, … [Martínez de Irala] sólo castigó a los principales conjurados y perdonó a los demás, quienes en prueba de su gratitud entregaron a los españoles cuantas mujeres quisieron éstos, siendo Irala quien más fomentaba con la palabra y con el ejemplo semejantes uniones. (Gill 1987:17-18) [… {Martínez de Irala} only punished the main conspirators [but] forgave everyone else, who as a token of gratitude gave the Spaniards as many women as they desired, Irala being the one who most supported such unions with word and example.]

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Spaniards, but also from the absence of European women and the constant attacks caused by the malones, fierce Indians from the Chaco region (Velázquez 1966:25). Due to the isolation imposed on them by the encomienda system, the mitayos rarely participated in the mestizaje; even at the beginning of the nineteenth century, this group of Indians seems to have preserved the physical appearance of the Guaranis from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The main mestizaje areas in Paraguay during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were Tapuá, the present-day districts of Luque, Limpio, and Mariano Roque Alonso; La Frontera, the present-day towns of Ysaty, Lambaré, Nemby, San Antonio, and Villa Elisa; and Tapyhipery, the present-day cities of San Lorenzo, Capiatá, and Pirayú. A minor number of African slaves seems to have participated in the Paraguayan mestizaje, as well. Historical accounts reveal the presence of blacks in Tavapy and of mulatos and free zambos, individuals of Indian and Black descent, who resided in Emboscada and Villeta during the eighteenth century and were later regrouped to the newly organized Tavegó or Villa del Salvador during the nineteenth century.10 Until the time of Paraguayan independence in 1811, mestizos and criollos generally shared the same socio-political status. This particular social circumstance, not observed in other Spanish dominions, was ratified by Philip IV’s Royal Cédula of December 31, 1662. Through this document, Philip IV gave approval to the mestizaje practice and liberated from taxes those mestizos under the encomienda system. By the eighteenth century, the fusion of races in Paraguay had become a well-accepted practice and a current norm.

10

Ibid., p. 26.

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In 1592, Juan Torrez de Vera y Aragón, the last Adelantado of the Rio de la Plata, was removed from office, sent back to Spain, and Hernando Arias de Saavedra – also known as Hernandarias – (ca.1560-1631) became the first elected criollo governor by virtue of the Royal Cédula of September 12, 1537.

Among his numerous

achievements as governor, Hernandarias was responsible for the advent of the Jesuit presence in Paraguay and for the organization of various institutions of higher education in Asuncion and Santa Fe. Hernandarias’ brother, Friar Hernando de Trejo y Sanabria, was the founder of the University of Cordoba in Argentina, the region’s most prestigious institution of higher learning during colonial times. Although not directly related to the Paraguayan independence process, several movimientos comuneros (movements of the common or the people), confrontations and revolts against the official political establishment, took place in the province during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In 1544, one such popular uprising resulted in the termination of Adelantado Alvar Núñez Cabeza de Vaca’s office. In the seventeenth century, the Jesuit Order, which possessed the richest lands and wielded authority over more than one hundred thousand Indians, was confronted by the people over political and tax disputes. While these small uprisings started to wear at the seams of the Spanish authority in the region, the greatest popular mobilization took place between 1717 and 1735. José de Antequera y Castro, a lawyer from Panama appointed by the Audiencia de Charcas as Juez Pesquisador (Inquirer Judge), arrived in Asuncion in 1721 to investigate a cause against Governor Diego de los Reyes Balmaceda.

Finding de los Reyes

Balmaceda guilty of political abuse, Antequera ordered his incarceration, assumed office as Governor of Paraguay, and expelled the Jesuits from Asuncion. Troops from Buenos

46

Aires and an army of Indians from the Jesuit missions gathered and confronted the comuneros, but were defeated at the Río Tebycuary battle. When Friar Diego Morcillo, Viceroy of Peru, ordered a major offensive attack against the comuneros, Antequera fled to Charcas, where he was arrested and then sent to prison in Lima. On July 5, 1731, José de Antequera, Juan de Mena (a revolt leader from Asuncion), and two Franciscan priests were condemned and executed in Lima.

When the news reached Asuncion, the

comuneros organized another uprising, imprisoning local authorities and expelling more Jesuit priests. In 1735, Captain Bruno Mauricio de Zavala and his troops marched from Buenos Aires and squelched the comuneros at Tavapy, incurring devastating consequences for anyone associated with the movement. Numerous executions and the prohibition of discussing the movement ideas preceded the political and economic sanctions ordered by the Crown, among them the repeal of the Royal Cédula of September 12, 1537 and the establishment of a new tax system at the Puerto Preciso de Santa Fe. Some of the facts of colonial history detailed in this chapter, among them Domingo Martínez de Irala’s sponsorship of the mestizaje, and other socio-historical events, which took place after independence (1811) and throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, will be discussed again in chapter five to illuminate the process by which the development of colonial culture and socio-political ideas associated with a sentiment of sovereignty would engender a new concept of nation and of national identity, that of the Paraguayan.

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The Advent of the Harp Societas Jesu: Missionaries and Teachers In order to delineate the inextricable connection between the development of general musical practices in South America and the socio-historical processes which gave rise to a concept of Paraguayan national identity (a topic that I will explore in greater detail in Chapter Five) we must first examine the significant role that sacred music has played since the beginning of the exploration of the New World and the expansion of the Jesuit presence on the continent. Sacred music played a significant role in the New World from the beginning of its exploration. The promotion of sacred music as a means of education and catechism can be traced back to the early sixteenth century. In 1523, Pedro de Gante founded a music school for the training of natives in Nueva España (present-day Mexico) and, in 1554, Juan Pérez Maturano received royal permission to publish a music book written in Cartagena de Indias discussing canto de órgano y canto llano (organum and plainchant) (Furlong 1969:166). Throughout the sixteenth century, European musical practices and liturgical repertoire spread throughout the main political centers of the continent. In the Viceroyalties of Nueva España, Nueva Granada, and Alto Perú; in the Audiences of La Plata and Charcas; and in the Capitanía of Chile, cathedrals and churches established schools for the training of natives in liturgical singing. Since the presence and influence of the Jesuits are of paramount significance to the development of music in the Province of Paraguay (the Río de La Plata area), let us examine some details of their history and activities in the region.

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On August 14, 1534, Iñigo Lopez de Recalde (1491-1556), also known as Ignacio de Loyola, founded the Societas Iesus (The Society of Jesus), a missionary and educational religious society approved by Pope Paul III in 1540 and entrusted with the evangelization of India and the Far East. A year after the establishment of the Jesuit Order, Manuel de Nóbrega and six other Jesuit priests were commissioned to preach the Gospel throughout the Portuguese dominions of the New World. Establishing centers of evangelization along the coast of present-day Brazil, the Jesuits traveled to the west and to the south of São Paulo. In 1607, the Superior General of the Order created the Jesuit province of Paraguay for the purpose of evangelizing the Guarani Indians. The Guaranis lived together in small groups under the rule of a cacique, or chieftain, in the region of present-day southeastern Paraguay, southwestern Brazil, and northeastern Argentina – a relatively small region within the vast territory of the province which spanned much of the southern portion of the continent encompassing present-day southeastern Bolivia, southwestern Brazil, Chile, Paraguay, and Uruguay (See Figure 2). Jesuit missionary work in South America became difficult and hazardous in the early seventeenth century when slave hunters, among them some bandeirantes paulistas (Portuguese explorers from the region of São Paulo), began to capture Indians for servitude, despite opposition to the practice. In 1537, Paul III had promulgated a Papal bull condemning the slavery of natives in the New World. By 1540, the year of the Jesuit's organization, the Spanish Crown had also dictated laws in defense of the Indians, proscribing any kind of human trading. Natives who escaped slavery became part of the encomienda system, which relegated a certain number of Indians to the service of the richest European families (encomenderos) in the New World.

49

Unfortunately, the

encomienda practice too often resulted in the abuse and exploitation of the Indians. By 1610, slave hunters had destroyed the first two Jesuit settlements of the Province of Paraguay and had captured more than twenty thousand Indians.

Fig. 2 Map of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay in the Seventeenth Century

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In a crusade to save the Guaranis from slavery and encomienda exploitation, the Jesuits established reducciones11 (missions) in uninhabited regions.

These Indian

settlements eventually included more than thirty towns and came to be known as the Guarani Republic (McNaspy 1982:10). Ten years after the organization of the Province of Paraguay, the number of missionaries assigned to it had grown from seven to one hundred and thirteen. The reducciones, which each operated under the authority of two or three Jesuit priests and held semi-autonomous power within the Spanish dominions, offered refuge to between two thousand and four thousand Guarani Indians.

The

Provincial Superior, appointed by the General of the Society in Rome, administered the theological and social affairs of the Province and responded to the General’s inquiries of the Society. Although Jesuit priests had forbidden Europeans to live in the missions, traveling traders had received permission to periodically visit the communities to trade or sell merchandise. In order to verify information and the progress achieved by the Jesuits, Spanish governors, bishops, and the Provincial Superior frequently inspected the missions. 12 Similar to a Renaissance Catholic European cloister, the Jesuit Reducción or Mission performed every one of its daily functions with music. At dawn, the community, 11

Although the Spanish term reducción could be literally translated into English as “reduction,” it may best be understood as “community” or “mission.” In this context, the Spanish verb reducir may be interpreted as “to gather into mission settlements.” 12

Clement McNaspy notes that, The internal government of each mission town was provided by the chiefs or caciques, the elected cabildo, and the chief magistrate who was appointed by the governor on the Pastor's recommendation. In these remarkably organized settlements, the Jesuits provided for all the spiritual and material needs of the Indians, training them to practice not only the Christian faith, but numerous trades and crafts as well. And because of their exceptional native talents, the Guaranis were soon able to practice most of the trades and crafts known at the time. Some became tailors carpenters, joiners, builders; others became stone cutters, blacksmiths, tile makers; still others became painters, sculptors, printers, organ builders, copyists, and calligraphers. (1982:10)

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preceded by trumpeters playing a fanfare, walked to the church where mass was celebrated with singing, intoning of responses, and instrumental music.13 In Jesuit schools, children studied Latin, science, and arts. Instruction and daily affairs were conducted by law in Guarani, the official language of the reducciones; no other languages were allowed, even among European missionaries.

In 1609, fathers Cataldino and

Maceta were appointed to instruct the children in Guarani reading, liturgical singing, and playing of musical instruments. Because of the emphasis on proper musical training, students were expected to observe several hours of daily instrumental and choral practice. In his work Indígenas y Cultura Musical de las Reducciones Jesuíticas Vol. 1 Guaraníes, Chiquitos, Moxos (Indians and Musical Culture at the Jesuit Missions, Vol. 1 Guaranis, Chiquitos, Moxos), Piotr Nawrot (2000) presents a detailed historical study of music and musicians at the Guarani missions with emphasis on those from Chiquitos and Moxos, present-day southern Bolivia. Nawrot’s publication includes four additional volumes with examples of liturgical music from these missions. When Diego de Torres, the Province's Superior, visited the Guarani reducciones in 1613, musical performances and dance festivals were offered as a welcome celebration. At the Reduction of San Ignacio Guazú, Father Roque González de Santa Cruz received Diego de Torres with archways, instrumental airs and dances, and the singing of Marian motets by the choir. Ten years later, González de Santa Cruz traveled to perform with some of his musicians to the capital, Asuncion, where religious festivities took place after Ignacio de Loyola's canonization. In 1628, twenty Indians were invited

13

“As the men marched forth to work in the morning, they were headed by a band of instruments; they tilled the soil to a musical accompaniment, and in the same manner they felled trees and erected buildings; they ate their midday meal to music, and in the evenings they returned to their villages headed by a band.” (Fulop-Miller 1930:286)

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to perform a concert in honor of Francisco de Céspedes, the newly appointed Governor of Buenos Aires. In a letter sent to the Spanish King, the Governor described the event, which included a mass with the accompaniment of organ, violin, and other instruments, and referred to the natives as having performed “…with great precision and [that they also] executed dances before the Blessed Sacrament as professionally in all ways as if they had been trained in the court of your Majesty.” (Caraman 1976:215) During the second quarter of the seventeenth century, the Jesuit Province of Paraguay included the districts of Tucumán, Buenos Aires, and Paraguay. These three districts were overseen by the Audiencia de Charcas and operated under the authority of the Viceroyalty of Peru.

Although Chile had been part of the Province since its

establishment, it was separated and promoted to a Vice-Province in 1635. In the Anales de la Provincia del Paraguay, desde el año de [16]32 hasta el de [16]34 14 Father Diego de Boroa (1585-1657) communicates the affairs of the Province to Father Mucio Vitelleschi, General of the Society in Rome, offering important insights into the activities within the major missionary centers of the time. Although this letter does not include discussions on musical practices, it provides a very clear understanding of the geographical and political scene, as well as a description of the type of relationships between missions and interaction between missionaries and Indians.

14

The Cartas Anuas or Anales were regular communications between the Province officials and Rome, with details of the state of missions and schools in the Jesuit territories, as well as the accomplishments attained in the conversion of natives. See Academia Nacional de la Historia (1990), ed., Cartas Anuas de la Provincia Jesuítica del Paraguay 1632 a 1634 (Annual Letters of the Jesuit Province of Paraguay from 1632 to 1634).

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Fig. 3. Map of the Paraná and Uruguay Jesuit Missions.

The Jesuit missions, also known as Jesuit towns, were located in three main regions: Itatín, Paraná, and Uruguay. The Itatín region, located east of the Paraguay River (present-day Rio Grande do Sul in Brasil) had four missionary settlements, which had to be moved and consolidated into one town because of constant struggles with slave hunters.

The Paraná missions, situated on the present-day province of Misiones in

Argentina, and the present-day departments of Itapúa and Misiones in Paraguay, included the missions of San Ignacio del Paraguay, Encarnación de Itapúa, Corpus, Nuestra Señora

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del Acaray, Santa María la Mayor del Yguazú, San Ignacio del Yavevyry, and Loreto. Each one of these Jesuit missions protected refugee Indians living in the Guayrá reducciones, east of the Paraná River. Nevertheless, due to continuous attacks by slavehunters, the Jesuit missions Nuestra Señora del Acaray and Santa María La Mayor del Yguazú, near the Yguazú Falls area, relocated further south. The Guarani Indians from Santa María were initially integrated into the towns of Encarnación del Itapúa and Corpus, but later moved in the direction to the Uruguay River and organized a new mission, Santa María La Mayor. East of the Uruguay River, the Jesuit missions included the previously established towns of Concepción, San Francisco Xavier, Asunción del Acaray, San Nicolás, Candelaria, Mártires, Apóstoles, San Carlos del Caapy, Nuestra Señora de los Santos Reyes del Yapeyú, and the newly settled missions in the Tapé mountains: Santa Teresa, San Joaquín, Jesús, María, San Cristóbal, Santa Ana, Natividad de Nuestra Señora, San Cosme y San Damián, San Miguel, San José, and Santo Tomé (See Figure 3).

Vocal and Instrumental Music in the Jesuit Missions The diatonic harp, among other transplanted European instruments, seems to have been associated with the accompaniment of liturgical singing in Jesuit missions, primarily functioning as a continuo instrument. Studies by Stevenson (1959:204) and Ayestarán (1965:75) have presented evidence that the European practice of basso continuo was adopted in the New World in the seventeenth century and frequently employed until the end of the eighteenth century. Nawrot (2000:45) also indicates that musical inventories seem to reveal certain systematic musical practices observed by some instrumental

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ensembles at the missions, among them the sharing of the continuo part between the organ and the harp.15 Stevenson’s study includes a reference to Cathedral Chapel Master Antonio Durán de la Mota, who worked in La Plata (Sucre, Bolivia) and wrote, “at least four compositions, all dated 1752, and all including figured harp parts” (Schechter 1992:40). In addition, Stevenson (1970:5-28, 31-49) from his findings at the Bogotá Cathedral Archive and the Cuzco San Antonio Abad Seminary Library, has catalogued more than thirty pieces which designate the harp as a continuo instrument. Ayestarán sees in the use of the harp as a continuo instrument, a historical and musical connection between the Baroque practices found in the Iberian Peninsula and the New World: La presencia del arpa en el “continuo” es una de las características especiales del Barroco Hispanoamericano y en este sentido proclama su filiación con el Barroco Español y Portugués que emplean este instrumento en generosa escala y con esta función. (Ayestarán 1965:78) [The presence of the harp in the “continuo” is one of the special features of the Hispanic-American baroque, and, in this sense, it proclaims its affiliation with the Spanish Baroque and with the Portuguese baroque, which employ this instrument widely and with this role.] (Translated by John Schecter 1992:40) Other accounts reveal the use of the harp outside the liturgy, during social gatherings and other secular events organized in Jesuit towns.

Moreover, other

references not associated with missionary activity also offer insights into the presence

15

Nawrot observes that, Los inventarios parecieran revelar una cierta tendencia en la conformación de las orquestas, donde la parte del continuo era compartida esencialmente entre órgano y arpa, la de instrumentos agudos entre violines, chirimías y flautas, y la de instrumentos graves entre violones y bajones. (Nawrot 2000:45) [The inventories seem to reveal a certain tendency in the structure of orchestras, where the continuo part was essentially shared between organ and harp; the treble instruments [part] between violins, chirimias [type of double-reed instrument] and flutes; and the bass instruments [part] between the cellos and bajones.] {n.b. bajones were wind instruments made of long and thick pieces of bamboo cane.}

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and use of the harp in towns ruled by the Spanish Crown. In fact, certain accounts predating the arrival of the Jesuits indicate the presence of musicians and instruments such as the harp in the region. In Músicos argentinos durante la dominación hispánica (Argentine Musicians During Hispanic Rule), Guillermo Furlong S.J. indicates the predominance of the guitar over other instruments commonly played in the Rio de La Plata region, among them the violin, the harp, and the harpsichord (Furlong 1945:131). The earliest reference to the presence of the harp in Paraguay dates back to the sixteenth century. Martín Niño, one of Pilot Sebastian Gaboto’s crewmen, is referred to as a harpist (Cardozo Ocampo 1972:237) and, in an account dated 1590, Hernando Suárez de Mejía describes the auction of a harp in the Rio de la Plata region (Furlong 1945:131). Missionary chronicles, letters, and other accounts from the seventeenth century also refer to the use and practice of the harp in the Jesuit Province of Paraguay. Along with the Catholic practices introduced by the Jesuits at the beginning of the seventeenth century, a new educational system was taking root within the missions. As part of the new system of education, classes were offered in Guarani grammar (developed by the Jesuits), agriculture, crafts, and music.16 Indians and missionaries gathered daily for prayer and catechism instruction, and music was used regularly during masses and major feasts. Music instruction at the Jesuit missions included singing, instrumental lessons, dancing, and the training of future instructors. Music was such a significant element in the thirty Guarani missions established in 1609 that Diego de Torres, the provincial of the 16

For a detailed account of musical activities in the Guarani Reductions, see Nawrot (2000). This fivevolume publication explores life in the Guarani missions and offers several musical examples drawn from the Bolivian archives. Although Nawrot’s study concentrates on the Reductions of Chiquitos and Moxos – present-day Bolivia, he includes information on the various musical activities conducted by both Jesuit missionaries and Indians in the Province of Paraguay. A previous detailed study has also been published by Furlong (1969).

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region, sent the following communication to the founders of those establishments, Priests José Cataldino and Simón Maseta: …cuando más presto se pudiere, con suavidad y gusto, se recojan cada mañana los hijos (de los indígenas) para aprender la doctrina…, leer y cantar. Y si el licenciado Melgarejo hallare como hacerles flautas para que deprendan a tañer, se haga, procurando enseñar bien alguno que sea ya hombre, para que sea maestro. (Furlong 1969:174) [… as soon as possible, with gentleness and taste, gather the children (of the Indians) every morning to learn doctrine…, to read and to sing. And if teacher Melgarejo finds a way to make flutes to teach them how play, let it be so, trying to teach well someone who is a[n adult] man already, so that he may be a teacher.] Eight years later, in 1617, father Pedro de Oñate, successor of Diego de Torres, discussed the choral scene at the Reductions: …tienen lindas voces, como los más son paranas criados con tan lindas aguas, y así cantan muy bien, con mil tonadas y cantares devotos, y de noche en acabando de rezar en sus casas suelen cantar que no parece sino un paraíso. (Ibid.) […they have beautiful voices, most of them are Paranas raised around such beautiful waters, and they sing very well, with a thousand tunes and devoted songs, and at night after prayer time in their houses, they usually sing [so beautifully] that it seems like paradise.] In 1618, four European Jesuit musicians – Pietro Comentali (1591-1664), also known as Pedro Comentale, from Naples; Claude Royer (1582-1648) from France; Jean Vaisseau (1583-1623), also known as Juan Vaseo, from Tournai; and Louis Berger (1587-1639) from Belgium – sailed to the New World in response to a petition for music teachers made by the Province Superior. They were later joined by Anton Sepp von Reinegg (1655-1733), from Kaltern, in the Tirol region, who responded to the call and joined the group of musicians working at the Guarani missions. Nicholas du Toict, also known as Nicolás del Techo, refers in his chronicles to the credentials of Vaisseau who, before entering the Jesuit Order, worked under the patronage of Albert of Austria and

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Isabel Clara Eugenia in Brussels.

Years later, Anton Sepp also referred to Father

Vaisseau as a teacher of homophonic music (Furlong 1969:178).17 Luis Berger seems to have been a skillful singer and string player. In 1629, Father Nicolas Duran Mastrilli, Provincial of the Order, describes Berger as the first music instructor in the Jesuit missions and as a fine cittern player.18 His reputation spread beyond the Andes Mountains and, in 1631, by the request of the Provincial of the region, Berger traveled to Chile to teach music. 19 In 1639, after a successful period of music instruction in Chile, Berger passed away in Buenos Aires on his return trip to Paraguay. Prior to Berger’s untimely death, the Jesuits of Peru had also asked the renowned music instructor to teach violin and, although the request had been granted, Berger was not able to make the journey.20 Vaisseau and Berger lived and worked at the same time. While Vaisseau seems to have been the first music teacher in the region delimited by the Paraná 17

Part of the information provided on this segment has also been discussed and expanded by Nawrot (2000:1-2). 18

An excerpt from the account reads: …aprendieron los indios con admirable facilidad a cantar y a tañer instrumentos, siendo su primer maestro nuestro hermano Luis Berger, insigne citarista. (Furlong 1969:179) [… with admirable ease the Indians learned to sing and play instruments, their first teacher being our brother, Luis Berger, the illustrious cittern player.]

19

Part of the letter indicates, Menester es que V.R. use de mucha caridad con el provincial de Chile, prestando por un par de años al hermano Luis Berger, para que introduzca la música en Chile. (Furlong 1969:179) [Much needed is that Y{our] R[everence] would use much consideration with the Provincial [chief] from Chile, [allowing him the] borrowing of brother Luis Berger for a couple of years, so that [he could] introduce music in Chile.]

20

The Provincial of Peru requested the presence of Berger “para entablar la música de los violines” (to establish [the practice of] violin music). The request was approved, and in 1634, the General of the Order requested to the Provincial in Paraguay, “V[uestra].R[everencia]. vea si se puede acomodar esto sin inconveniente, y disponga lo que fuese razón, habiéndolo tratado con el dicho provincial.” Ibid. [May Y[our ] R[everence] see if this could be accommodated without difficulties, and decide what would be right, [after] having discussed it with the Provincial.”]

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and Uruguay rivers, the province of Misiones in Argentina, Berger seems to have been the first instructor of music in the southern region of present-day Paraguay, the geographical area between the Paraná and Paraguay rivers. In 1691, the instrumentalist, singer, and composer Anton Sepp von Reinegg arrived in South America. Father Sepp, who had served as singer at the royal court in Vienna, not only brought with him instruments and musical scores, but the current trends in European contemporary composition as well.21 A year after his arrival, in 1692, Sepp

21

As soon as Sepp arrived at the Port of Buenos Aires, the Jesuits at the Colegio de San Ignacio requested a performance. A letter written by Sepp indicates, Les tocábamos una pieza en la trompa grande, traída de Augsburgo, y otra en la trompa pequeña, traída de Génova. Esos buenos padres jamás habían oído tales músicas, pero lo que les arrebató el corazón fue la música tocada con el dulce salterio. Usé de una traza al tocarles este instrumento y fue el que me oyeran desde lejos pero sin verme tocar… Les intrigó tanto que no pudieron contenerse y se vinieron todos a ver lo que era, y quedaron abriendo los ojos y los oidos. Después, y en compañía del padre Bohm toqué diferentes clases de flautas, las que había comprado en Génova, y después les toqué el violín y la trompa marina, que es un instrumento de una sola cuerda pero cuyo sonido es semejante a la trompeta, y que yo había hecho construir en Cádiz. Los padres quedaron sumamente complacidos, y les parecía poco todo lo que habia tocado. Por singular disposición de la Divina Providencia, aprendí en Alemania la música moderna, como también el arte de componer piezas musicales, en la escuela del Director de la Orquesta obispal de Augsburgo, del célebre don Melchor Glettle, y estoy ahora empeñado en reformar aqui la música vocal e instrumental segun los métodos alemanes y romanos; para lo cual mis amigos en Europa me ayudarán en gran manera, enviándome sobre Roma y Génova, con el procurador de nuestras Misiones, las misas, vísperas y otras piezas musicales del mencionado Señor Director, lo cual yo pagaré al contado. Habiendo gastado con gusto la Provincia del Paraguay para el avío de los cuarenta y cuatro misioneros nuevos 80.000 duros, le importará poco gastar unos 20 florines para piezas musicales. Ya se había enojado conmigo el padre procurador por no haber yo logrado la ocasión de hacer estas compras, estando todavía en Alemania. No lo hice por el escrúpulo de que había taxa fija de gastos para cada uno de los misioneros alemanes, la que tenía que devolver a la Compañía de Jesús en Alemania el procurador de Génova; pero esto se entendía solo del avío y del mantenimiento personal, y no de las necesidades generales de la Provincia del Paraguay, de sus Misiones o de un oficio determinado de ellas. Todos estos gastos excedentes de la taxa, con agradecimiento lo hubieran restituído los padres paraguayos, y anoto esto para que lo sepan los que en adelante vengan acá al Paraguay. (Furlong 1969:182) [We played [for them] a piece on the large horn brought from Augsburg, and another [piece] on the small horn brought from Geneva. These good fathers had never heard such music[s], but what captured their hearts was the music played on the sweet psaltery. I played the instrument with one stroke and they heard me from far away but they did not see me playing it… They were so intrigued they could not contain themselves and all of them came to see what it was, and they remained opening [their] eyes and ears. Later, and in the company of father Bohm I played different types of flutes, the ones I had purchased in Geneva, and later I played [for them] the violin and the marine trumpet, that is an instrument of one string, but the sound of which is similar

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reported the success in the training of future music teachers, among them, six instructors in trumpet, three in theorbo, four in organ, thirty in chirimía (a type of reed instrument), eighteen in cornet, ten in bassoon, and eight singers.22 In the same report, Father Sepp referred to the accomplishments of some of his students, among them a luthier and a harp player: No se puede concebir a donde llega la industria de los indios. Tengo entre mis neófitos a uno llamado Paica, que hace todo género de instrumentos músicos, y los toca con admirable destreza. L o característico del genio de los indios es en general la música. No hay instrumento, cualquiera que sea que no aprenden a to the trumpet, and that I had made built in Cadiz. The fathers were highly satisfied, and all that I played seemed little to them. By [the] singular disposition of the Divine Providence, I learned modern music in Germany, as well as the art of composing musical pieces at the school of the Conductor of the Bishopric Orchestra at Augsburg, [the one] of the honorable Don Melchor Glettle, and [now] I am willing to reform here [both] vocal and instrumental music according to the German and Roman methods; for which my friends in Europe will greatly help me, sending me from Rome and Geneva, with the procurator of our Missions, the masses, vespers, and other musical pieces by the [already] mentioned Lord Conductor, which I shall pay in cash. Having the Province of Paraguay spent with delight 80,000 duros for the allowance of the new fourty-four missionaries, it will not matter [to the Province] the spending of 20 florines in musical pieces. The Father Procurator had been already angry with me for not having found the opportunity to make these purchases [when] I was still in Germany. I did not do it considering that there was a fixed stipend for purchases for each one of the German missionaries, [stipend] which the Procurator from Geneva had to return to the Society of Jesus in Germany; but this was only referring to the allowance and personal expenses, and not to the general needs of the Province of Paraguay, its Missions, or any other specific offices. All these exceeding expenses from the stipend the Paraguayan fathers would have returned with gratitude, and I write this in order that those who come to Paraguay from now on would know.] 22

The report indicates, …en este año de 1692 he formado a los siguientes futuros maestros de música: 6 trompetas; 3 buenos diorbistas; 4 organistas, 30 tocadores de chirimías, 18 de cornetas, 10 de fagote. No avanzan tanto, como yo deseo, los 8 discantistas, aunque progresan a lo menos algo cada día. Todo esto causa una gran satisfacción no sólo a los misioneros de aquí, los cuales, para mostrar su gratitud, me regalan golosinas de vez en cuando (un barrilito de miel, azúcar y frutas) sino en especial a los indios que están contentísimos y me quieren y honran de tal modo, que no me atrevo a escribirlo por sonrojo; yo empero devuelvo toda la honra a mi Dios y Señor. (Furlong 1969:183) […in this year of 1692 I have trained the following [and] future music teachers: 6 trumpets, 3 good theorbo players, 4 organists, 30 players of chirimías, 18 [players] of cornets, 10 [players] of bassoons. They are not improving as much as I desire, the 8 discant singers, although they progress at least a little every day. All this gives great satisfaction, not only to [the] missionaries from here, who to show their gratitude give me [presents of] sweets once in a while (a little barrel of honey, sugar, and fruits), but especially to the Indians, who are extremely happy and love me and honor me in such way I do not dare to write it for I blush; nevertheless I return all praises to my God and Lord.]

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tocar en breve tiempo, y lo hacen con tal destreza y delicadeza, que en los maestros mas hábiles me admiraría. Tengo en la nueva Reducción un muchacho de doce años, quien sin tropezar ni perderse toca sobre el arpa cualquier aire, el más difícil, y el que pide para otros músicos más estudio y práctica. (Furlong 1969:183) [It is unconceivable [amazing] the extent of the industriousness of the Indians. Among my neophytes, I have Paica, who makes all types of musical instruments and plays them with admirable skill. In general, music is what characterizes the genius of the Indians. There is no instrument, whatever it might be, they could not learn in such short time, and they do it so delicately and skillfully, that I could admire [those who become] the most able teachers. At the new Reduction I have a young boy who is twelve years of age, [and] who without stumbling or uncertainty plays on the harp any air, [even] the most difficult one, which requires more study and practice for other musicians.] Between June 1691 and 1693, Sepp based his activities in Yapeyú, one of the main musical centers of the times.23 The Jesuit mission of Yapeyú (Nuestra Señora de los Santos Reyes del Yapeyú) was located in what is today the province of Corrientes in Argentina. Besides musical instruction, Sepp also coordinated the development of a workshop where natives made copies of European instruments. Some years later, in a letter discussing the musical activities of the region, Father Matias Strobel referred to Anton Sepp as the first European musician to introduce to the region instruments such as

23

Sepp also indicated, Para que se vea el aprecio que se tiene de la música en las Indias, sépase que el padre procurador que nos trajo acá, ha comprado un órgano en Flandes para Buenos Aires, de un valor de mil duros, sin haberlo visto ni probado, y sin saber siquiera, si llegaría a América. Además me compró en España, a precio excesivo, instrumentos músicos, aunque inferiores a los de Alemania. A esto se añade, que los demás misioneros (de nuestras Reducciones) mandan sus músicos desde distancias de más de 100 leguas hasta acá [Yapeyú] para que yo los instruya con más perfección. (Furlong 1969:182) [So that it may be seen the appreciation [that people have] for music in the Indias, let it be known that the Father Procurator who brought us here, has purchased in Flandes an organ for Buenos Aires, of a value of a thousand duros, without having seen it or played it, and even without knowing if it would make it to America. In addition he purchased for me in Spain, at a very excessive cost, musical instruments, although inferior to those in Germany. To this it is added that the other missionaries (from our Reductions) send their musicians from [such large] distances of more than 400 kilometers as far as here [Yapeyú] so that I would instruct them with more perfection.]

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harps, trumpets, trombones, pan pipes, oboes, and the organ.24 Although related to the Jesuit missions in Moxos (Southern Bolivia), the Relación de las Misiones de los Moxos de la Compañía de Jesús en la Provincia del Perú, el Año 1713 (Account of the Missions of the Moxos of the Society of Jesus in the Province of Peru, Year 1713) also indicates the construction of musical instruments for liturgical purposes. In this account, Father Alfonso Messia indicates the construction of several instruments, among them the harp, for liturgical purposes.25 During the second half of the seventeenth century, Córdoba (located in northcentral Argentina) became one of the principal musical centers in the region. Accounts from 1641 through 1685 discuss the activities of four very prominent musicians in 24

Part of the letter, dated June 5, 1729 indicates, …estas artes las deben los indígenas a los jesuitas…, en especial al R.P. Antonio Sepp, de la Provincia de Alemania; él fue el primero que introdujo [en la Reducción de Yapeyú] las arpas, trompetas, trombones, zampoñas, clarines y el órgano, conquistando con esto renombre imperecedero. (Furlong 1969:183) […the Indians owed these arts to the Jesuits…, especially to the R[everend] F[ather] Antonio Sepp, of the Province of Germany; he was the first to introduce [at the Reduction of Yapeyú] the harps, trumpets, trombones, pan-pipes, flutes, and the organ, conquering with [all] this an imperishable name.]

25

Part of the account states Las habilidades materiales en que están ya instruidos y diestros son muchas y muy apreciables, han se mirado como medios para adelantar el culto divino y formar poblaciones cristianas, y se ha logrado con eso que estén las iglesias hoy con la decencia y hermosura que conviene. … También se hacen ya todos los instrumentos músicos que se necesitan para la iglesia, como son arpas, vihuelas, rabeles, monocordios, chirimías y bajones, aun órganos se han hecho ya, para que todas estas voces juntas conspiren a darle a Dios la gloria de que se vea hoy den los Moxos con tanto culto. [Cited by Nawrot (2000:91) in reference to a document from the Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Perú 21.] [The material abilities in which [the Indians] are instructed and skillful are many and very appreciable, they have been seen as means to propagate divine worship and to build Christian towns, and all this has resulted in the suitable beauty and decency churches have today. … Also all musical instruments needed for the church [service] are being made, [instruments] such as harps, vihuelas, rabels, monochords, chirimias, and bajones, even organs have been already made, in order that all these voices together conspire to give God the glory through the worship that the Moxos give [to him].

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Córdoba: López Correa, organist; Tomás de Figueroa, conductor; Andrés Pérez de Arce, music teacher; and Salvador López de Melo, organist. In 1717, another European figure, the Italian composer and organist Domenico Zipoli (1688-1726), who had joined the Jesuit Order as a novice, arrived to study theology in Córdoba, joining the list of musicians who ushered the Province into an era of musical preeminence. Both Lauro Ayestarán (1962) and Guillermo Furlong (1945:114-21) agree that this gifted musical figure and his body of works represent the pinnacle of the development of sacred music in the Jesuit missions.

The Harp in Medieval and Renaissance Spain Historical documentation underscores the wide use of the harp in both liturgical and secular contexts in Medieval and Renaissance Spain. John Schechter’s The Indispensable Harp (1992), a contemporary case study devoted to the practices of the arpa imbambureña (an instrument cultivated in the Imbambura province) in Ecuador, also offers historical evidence on harp performance practices in Spain around the late Middle Ages and the Renaissance.

According to Schechter, the instrument’s physical

configuration, as well as its performance practices at the Spanish Court, seem to have derived from the musical traditions found in the British Isles. During the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, English harp minstrels performed in southern Spain, where nearly six hundred joglares or minstrels served at the court of Catalonia-Aragón (Schechter 1992:17). The following sources contain iconographic evidence offering insight into the types of harps used during this period: a Catalonian bible of the Benedictine Monastery of Sant Pere de Roda, copied around the eleventh century, includes a depiction of a harp

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similar to the eleventh and twelfth-century British harps; Cantiga Number 380, from the Cantigas de Santa María commissioned by King Alfonso X and dating from the mid to the late thirteenth century, includes miniature illustrations of harpists playing instruments similar to those from England and Ireland; and the Cancionero de Ajuda, a collection of Portuguese troubadour songs from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, offers various illustrations depicting musicians playing the harp, among other instruments (Schechter 1992:17-18). Documented references from Renaissance Spain also show a continuous tradition in the use and dissemination of the harp at various courts. These references include the following: Juan Ruiz’ poem El Libro de buen amor (The Book of Good Love), ca. 1343, where the harp is mentioned, along with other instruments; an inventory ordered by Queen Isabel and conducted at the royal palace in Segovia in 1503, which includes the detailed description of a harp; a Seville ordinance from 1527 concerning luthiers and the instruments they were expected to make, among them the harp; and the inclusion of ministriles de arpas (harp minstrels) as part of the Royal Chapel of Charles V (Charles I of Spain), who ruled during the first half of the sixteenth century (Schechter 1992:20-22). Harps were used as part of liturgical services and for entertainment at Spanish royal courts and theaters throughout the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Spanish composer Francisco Guerrero, one of the musical pillars of the Spanish Renaissance, is credited as a harpist of good repute (Stevenson 1961:138). Schechter (1992:23) also mentions three major instrumental works published in the sixteenth century related to the instrument:

Juan de Bermudo’s Declaración de instrumentos (Declaration of

Instruments), published in Osuna in 1555; Luis Venegas de Henestrosa’s Libro de Cifra

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nueva para tecla, harpa, y vihuela, canto llano de órgano y contrapunto (The Book of New Cifra for Keyboard, Harp, and Vihuela, Plainchant, and Counterpoint), published in Alcalá in 1557; and Antonio de Cabezón’s Obras de música para tecla, arpa, y vihuela (Musical Works for Keyboard, Harp, and Vihuela), published in Madrid in 1578. From the end of the sixteenth century through the early seventeenth centuries, the harp was used in churches as part of the liturgy for the divine service and, as part of that trend, the instrument was adopted in the Royal Chapel of Madrid and in the Cathedrals of Toledo, Salamanca, Avila, and Valencia, among others (Zabaleta 1964:4). Harp researchers Joan Rimmer (1963) and Samuel Milligan (1968) share the view that the majority of South American rustic harps exhibit similarities to those from seventeenth century Spain and that the instrument has changed little over time. In his manuscript, GB-Och Music MS 1187 (ca. 1695), which gives details on instruments of London’s main luthiers and performers, James Talbot (1665-1708) provides a thorough description of a seventeenth century Spanish harp (Schechter 1992:28): Its Belly generally Cullen Cleft scooped in roundish [form], without Barrs, is therefore somewhat thicker than others. Bow (turn’d) and Head of Wallnut as is the Back whose 7 ribs single. On each side of Belly 3 Knots lessening upwards. In the Head Brass pins, their number generally 33. Head lower and shorter than others. … Strings 33 gutt single running by several rows – sometimes half notes hare added whose Pins are plac’d above and between the others (Rimmer 1963:67-68 and Schechter 1992:28). Not only could this description be applied to the harps of seventeenth century Spain, but also to those instruments found in the various Latin American folk traditions; namely, those of Chile, Ecuador, Mexico, Paraguay, Peru, and Venezuela. The usage of the harp in both the sacred and the secular musical spheres in Medieval and Renaissance Spain was espoused by colonists and missionaries in the New World, who introduced and

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cultivated the instrument throughout the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries, thus rendering the harp – a versatile instrument that would serve to enrich both liturgical practices and social life – an integral part of the continent’s musical landscape.

Documented References to the Harp in Paraguay and the Rio de la Plata Area Besides Jesuit accounts from the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, certain documented evidence suggests the presence of the harp in 1627 in Córdoba (north-central Argentina) and thirty years later in Tucumán.

According to Guillermo Furlong,

documents from the Carmelite Order of Córdoba, established in 1627, would celebrate the feasts of Santa Teresa and La Virgen del Carmen with harps and other instruments (1945:132). Moreover, Luis de Hoyos indicates that in 1657 during the reception offer to the [chief?] Inca Bohorquez in Londres, Tucumán, a mass was celebrated with songs accompanied by harp, vihuela, and cittern (Ibid.).26 A letter composed in 1637 by Father Ripario recounts how a group of mission Indians had come to Córdoba to perform at mass with violins, flutes, harps, trumpets, and other instruments (Grenón 1929:10).27

26

“…se cantaron en dicha misa chanzonetas con harpa, bihuela y cítara.” (Furlong 1945:132) [… for that mass songs were sung accompanied by harp, vihuela, and cittern.] 27

The account indicates, …cantaron conforme a música la misa entera y otros cantos y motetes con instrumentos de violines, arpas, cornetas, flautas, cítaras, trombones, trompetas; y otros cantaron a voces solas. (Grenón 1929:10) […they sang the entire mass and other songs and motets according to [written] music[al parts] along with [musical] instruments [such as] violins, harps, horns, flutes, citterns, trombones, [and] trumpets; and other [Indians] sang a cappella.]

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In the eighteenth century, a harp and other instruments appear on an inventory taken in 1702 at the residence of Luis de Tejeda in Saldán, Córdoba,28 quoting the value of the harp at eight pesos (Ibid.,18). An account from Vichigasta, La Rioja (present-day northwestern Argentina) dated 1717 provides details on the castigation of an Indian harpist, Lorenzo Pérez, who, for lack of strings on his harp, was not able to play at church as his encomendero had requested.29 In a letter dated June 5, 1723, the Jesuit priest Matias Strobel recounts the details of a performance by musicians from the Reductions of Yapeyú accompanied by different types of instruments, including two harps.30 Some

28

The document reveals that Francisco de Tejeda had in his Oratorio (Chapel) at Saldán, “un terno de chirimías y un bajón; un arpa de vara y cuarta de largo; una guitarra, enardada, buena.” (Grenón 1929:18) [a group of chirimías [reed instruments] and a bajón [a type of bass wind instrument made of a long bamboo cane]; a harp of a stick and a quarter long; a guitar, with a nard design, in good condition.] 29

Lorenzo Pérez, fifty years of age, tells under oath that, D[on] Juan Quijano su encomendero le había mandado que viniese a la Iglesia a tocar el arpa para el día de Corpus. Lo que no efectuó por estar sin cuerdas. Habiéndole topado el Domingo de la infraoctava le riñó asperamente en presencia de algunos españoles; y le mandó que trajese el arpa y viniera a tocar en la Iglesia. Y habiendo ido el otro día Lunes por la mañana por ella a casa de dicho Teniente le dijo preguntase por qué algún español le había avisado: Es verdad que tu amo te ha retado y casi aporreado por no haber ido a tocar el arpa? Y le respondió éste: Sí, es verdad que me ha retado. (Grenón 1929:19) [Don Juan Quijano, his encomendero, had ordered him to come to Church to play the harp for the day of Corpus [Christi]. Which did not occurred because [the harp] was without strings. Having found him the following Sunday, [Don Juan Quijano] reprimanded him severely in front of some Spaniards; and he ordered him to bring the harp and come to play at Church. And having come on Monday to the house of the referred Lieutenant for the harp, he was told to ask why some Spaniard had said to him: Is it true that your master has reprimanded and almost beaten you for not having gone to play the harp? And he answered: Yes, it is true he has reprimanded me.]

30

An excerpt from the letter reads, …hace pocos dias, que hemos escuchado a los músicos de sola la Reducción de Yapeyú que es la más cercana y que cantaron a varias voces. Habia dos tiples, dos contraltos, dos tenores y dos bajos, acompañados de dos arpas, dos fagotes, dos panderetas, cuatro violines, varios violoncelos y otros instrumentos análogos. Cantaron aquí las vísperas, la misa y las letanías, junto con algunos otros cánticos, de tal suerte, con tanta gracia y arte, que quien no los estuviese mirando creerá que eran músicos de alguna de las mejores ciudades de Europa que hubiesen venido a América. Tienen libros de música traídos de Alemania y de Italia, parte de los cuales están impresos y parte están copiados a mano. Pude observar que estos indios guardan el compás y el ritmo, aún con mayor exactitud que los europeos, y pronuncian los textos latinos con mayor corrección, no obstante su

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years later, another Jesuit chronologist, Carlos Cattaneo, describes in his notebook a performance staged in honor of the arriving missionaries, among them, Cattaneo himself. The elaborate performance included the singing of the Te Deum accompanied by harps, violins, guitars, and other instruments, as well as dancing.31 When José de Antequera y

falta de estudios. Con los músicos estuvieron también los danzantes de Yapeyú. (Furlong 1969:184). […it has been a few days since we heard the musicians from only the Yapeyú Reduction [mission], which is the closest one, having [the musicians] sung in parts. There were two sopranos, two altos, two tenors, and two basses, accompanied by two harps, two bassoons, two tambourines, four violins, a few violoncellos, and other similar instruments. Here they sang the vespers, the mass, and the litanies, along with some other songs, in such manner, with much grace and art, that whoever had not been looking [at them] would have believed that they were musicians from some of the best cities in Europe who had come to America. They have music books brought from Germany and Italy, some of which are printed and some copied by hand. I was able to observe these Indians keep the meter and the rhythm, even with more precision than the Europeans, and pronounce the Latin texts with better correctness, regardless of their lack of studies. [Along] with the musicians the dancers from Yapeyú were there too.] 31

Cattaneo, who disembarked in Buenos Aires, describes the arrival of a ship from Yapeyú transporting a host of Indian performers: …músicos y cantores para festejar la llegada de los misioneros europeos. Una vez llegados, vinieron pronto en compañía a nuestro colegio, impacientes por vernos y saludarnos e inmediatamente se dirigieron al cuarto del padre Gerónimo Herrán… quien nos hizo avisar la llegada de los indios y bajamos todos sin demora al patio donde estaban formados con sus partituras e instrumentos; los pequeños de doce a catorce años, que eran los sopranos, y otros más grandes, de catorce a dieceiséis, que eran los contraltos, estaban delante; otros jóvenes que cantaban de tenor o barítono, formaban otra fila detrás y por último estaban los hombres ya maduros, que hacían de bajo; y de una y otra parte inmediatamente los tocadores de arpas, violines, guitarras y otros instrumentos de cuerda y viento; y al llegar nosotros entonaron un bellísimo Te Deum laudamus. Confieso sinceramente que, a primera vista, al mirar aquellas fisonomías y el vestido que les es propio y aquella modestia y compostura, me enternecía y mucho más cuando al llegar al Te ergo quaesumus, se arrojaron a un tiempo de rodillas, cantando con gran devoción y reverencia; entonces no pude contenerme y dejé correr las lágrimas… Por muchos dias después siguieron celebrando sus fiestas con cantos, juegos y danzas, concurriendo a verlos la mejor parte de la ciudad y principalmente el gobernador y capitán general de esta provincia, … Entre danzas tenían una graciosísima, que podía ser vista con gusto por cualquier europeo y consistía en doce muchachos vestidos a lo inca como dicen, que era el indumento de los antiguos indios nobles del Perú, y venían todos con algunos instrumentos, cuatro con pequeñas arpas pendientes del cuello, otros con guitarras y otros con pequeños violines; y ellos mismos tocaban y bailaban al mismo tiempo, pero con tal rigor en la cadencia y con tal orden en las figuras, que se ganaban el aplauso y la aprobación de todos. (Furlong 1969:184) […musicians and singers to celebrate the arrival of the European missionaries. Once they had arrived, right away they came accompanied to our school, [they were] impatient to see us and to greet us, and immediately they went to the room of Father Gerónimo Herrán… who made us know about the arrival of the Indians and we all went down quickly to the patio where [the Indians] were in formation with their musical scores and instruments; the little ones, from twelve to fourteen

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Castro, former Governor of Paraguay and leader of a popular revolt,32 was put to death in 1731 in Lima, the people of Asuncion celebrated his heroic accomplishments with coplas (verses) accompanied by harps and guitars. 33 An inventory taken in 1728 at the Estancia (hacienda) Saldán indicates the existence of three harps, one in good condition and the other two in poor condition. Father Baucke mentions the names of some Mocobí Indian musicians who traveled with him in 1749 for a performance in Buenos Aires, among them, three harp players.34 In a memo from 1761, Gabriel Bracamonte, chaplain of the same estancia, takes note of the expense (one peso) of making twelve iron pegs for one

[years of age], who were the sopranos, and some older ones, from fourteen to sixteen [years of age], who were the altos, were up front; other young ones who sang tenor or baritone were forming another line behind, and finally there were the already mature men, who acted as basses; and immediately from one side and the other the players of harps, violins, guitars, and other string and wind instruments; and when we arrived they sang a most beautiful Te Deum Laudamus. Sincerely I confess that, at first sight, looking at those physical appearances and the dresses so proper to them, and such modesty and composture, I was moved, and much more when at the Te ergo quaesumus they fell on their knees at once, singing with great devotion and reverence, then I could not contain myself and I let run my tears… Afterwards [and] for many days they continued celebrating their feasts with songs, games, and dances, coming to see them the better part of the city, and principally the Governor and General Captain of this Province, … Among the dances they had a most graceful one, which could be seen with appreciation by any European, and [which] consisted in twelve boys dressed in the Inca [style] as they said, which was the regalia of the old noble Indians from Peru, coming all of them with some instruments, four with small harps hanging from their necks, others with guitars, and others with small violins; and they played and danced at the same time, but with such precision at the cadence and such order in the figures, they earned the clapping and approval of everyone.] 32

Known as the revolución de los comuneros (común, pueblo or “people”), the revolt was the first attempt to overthrow the local ruling system imposed and endorsed by the Spanish Crown. 33

One of these coplas (González 1938:349) reads: A la puerta de mi casa Tengo una loza frontera Con un letrero que dice: ¡Viva José de Antequera!

[At the door of my house I have a front stone With an inscription that reads: Long live José de Antequera!]

34

The fifteen traveling Indian musicians were Joaquín Giochimbogui, Miguel Cotomainqui, Santiago Aipic, Juan Cadigtac, José Danoequen, Vicente Accanagqui, and Francisco [last name not provided], violinists; also as playing viola Baucke cites Joaquín Godichimboqui and Vicente Accanagqui ; Juan Comogninqui and Faustino Nimillianganqui, flautists; Manuel Minilliaganqui, José Namalcoidinqui, and Pantaleón Cozadai, harpists; Francisco Cadiagancaiqui, marine trumpet player; Antonio Coniogoecqui, organist, and Antonio Cadiodi, singer. (Furlong 1969:194)

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of the harps.35 An inventory taken at the church of Renca in 1764 indicates the existence of a harp in good condition.36 Records from 1766 reveal the presence of a harp in the San Antonio Chapel, and other accounts from 1767 mention two harps in reference to the Jesuit church at Alta Gracia. Five years later, in 1772, church records from Alta Gracia indicate the availability of only one harp. Other documents specify the existence of harps in the following estancias in Córdoba: Jesús María, San Ignacio de Calamuchita, Santa Catalina, and Candelaria (Furlong 1945:132). An inventory taken by Father Miguel Escudero in 1774 at the Parroquia del Rosario, located in the Partido de Arroyos, Santa Fe, makes references to an organ and a harp (Curt Lange 1956:19). In 1766, the year before the Jesuits were expelled from their missions, one of the last Jesuit Annual Letters reveals that father Juan Fecha taught music in Miraflores, a town in the Argentine Chaco, using the harp, among other instruments.37 That same year, an inventory taken at the Chapel of San Antonio confirms the existence of a harp and a guitar (Grenón 1929:31). The following inventories taken in 1767 point to the prevalence

35

Furlong indicates, “Itén mandé hacer 12 clavijas de hierro para el harpa, porque las que tenía estaban inservibles a real cada una: un peso.” (1945:132) [I had requested 12 iron pegs to be made for the harp, the ones I had were of no use [being the price] one real each: [and in total] one peso.] 36

“…una harpa y guitarra, todo bueno, de la Iglesia.” (Grenón 1929:30) […a harp and [a] guitar, all [instruments in] good [condition], from the Church.] 37

An excerpt from the letter reads, El P.[adre] Juan Fecha, misionero jesuita, por los años de 1766 aumentó el esplendor del culto con su pericia musical. Abrió clase de música, en la que enseñó a indios selectos o más competentes a cantar en arpa, flauta y algún otro instrumento pero a cantar con notas. Con la diligencia de tal maestro y el interés de sus neófitos, pronto formó un coro que cada día tocaba y cantaba en la misa; lo que atraía a los del pueblo y gustaba mucho a los mismos indios. (Grenón 1929:30-31) [Father Juan Fecha, Jesuit missionary, increased the splendor of worship through his musical skills around the years [sic] of 1766. He started a music class, where he taught to selected or very competent Indians to sing [play] on the harp, flute, and some other instrument[s], but to sing [play] with [musical] notes. With the diligence of such master and the interest of his neophytes, very soon he formed a choir that sang and played every day for mass, which appealed to those from the town and brought great pleasure to the Indians themselves.]

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of guitars and harps in several Jesuit churches: thus Alta Gracia owned two guitars and two violins; San Ignacio de Calamuchita, a harp and a guitar; La Candelaria, a harp, a guitar, and a violin; and Jesús María, two harps (Grenón 1929:31). An inventory from 1768 imparts information on the life of a thirty-year-old mulato slave named Francisco Sotano who served as a construction worker and played the harp (Furlong 1945:132). A 1772 record from the Colegio de Monserrat in Córdoba announces the death of a slave and harpist by the name of Luis,38 and in 1778, other documents from the same institution indicate that the Colegio owned two harps (Furlong 1945:132). Other documents from Córdoba shed light on the circumstances surrounding the lives and deaths of several harpists, among them the daughter of Josefa Videla who inherited a harp in 1773,39 harp player Roque Mariano who died in 1780, 40 Don Bernardo Lazo who in 1790 owned a

38

Part of the document indicates, Razón de los esclavos que han fallecido, pertenecientes a la Ranchería de este Real Colegio y a la Real Hacienda nombrada Condelaria, durante el último tiempo que ha corrido al cargo de D.[on] Juan de Alberro, desde 8 de Octubre de [17]71 hasta 3 de Julio de 1772. … Luis, arpero, cabeza de familia, de edad de 40 años. (Grenón 1929:38-39) [Record of the slaves who have died, belonging to the [Indian] Compound at this Royal School and to the Royal Hacienda denominated Condelaria, during the last term under the administration of Don Juan de Alberro, from October 8 [17]71 to July 3 1772. … Luis, harp player, head of [his] family, of 40 years of age.”]

39

“ …a la hijuela de Josefa Videla, viuda de Basilio Almada se adjudican un harpa de 10 pesos y dos guitarras grandes de 9 pesos.” (Grenón 1929:40) […to the daughter of Josefa Videla, widow of Basilio Almada, a harp of 10 pesos and two large guitars of 9 pesos are given.] 40

In a lettter sent to the Córdoba’s Mayor, dated November 25 1786, Father Pedro Guitián, Dean of the Colegio de Monserrat (Córdoba), states, … al oficio de V[uestra]m[erce]d. de 25 de Noviembre de este año, en que se sirve mandarme haga comparecer en este juzgado al Arpero Roque Mariano por ser necesario para esclarecimiento de un hecho que pende en su Juzgado. Debo decir que el enunciado Arpero Roque Mariano es muerto hacen ya más de séis años. (Grenón 1929:51) [… to Your Mercy’s letter of November 25 of this year, in which you order me to send to this judicial court Harp player Roque Mariano, for the necessity of the clarification of a pending fact. I must say that the stated harp player Roque Mariano is dead [for] more than six years already.]

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harp, Don Pedro Ahumada, who according to records from 1793 was the owner of two guitars and a harp, and Don Antonio Tapia, husband of Antonia Barrientos, who lived in Catamarca (northern Argentina) and served as a curandero (healer), as well as playing the harp and the guitar (Furlong 1945:132). The aforementioned harp from the Parroquia del Rosario in Santa Fé appears again on an inventory taken in 1802. Indeed, when Father Francisco Argerich assumed the position as the new pastor of that church, the harp is cited along with a violin, a cello, a guitar, and an organ in poor condition (Curt Lange 1956:20). Other references in the nineteenth century include accounts of numerous blind harpists in Santiago del Estero (northern Argentina) performing around 1850 during dancing events,41 as well as an account published in 1871 by the English traveler Charles Washburn, who visited Paraguay before the Triple Alliance War (1865-1870)42 and observed a performance by a popular orchestra that included harps, guitars, and violin. To conclude this chronicle of documented references to the harp in Paraguay and the Río de la Plata area between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, in 1872 a traveler named Zacarías Arce mentions the harp in the context of a church service which included the performance of a musical conjunto consisting of harp, violin, and triangle (Furlong 1945:132). Although material drawn from publications by Curt Lange, Furlong, and Grenón provides ample evidence to suggest the prevalence of the diatonic harp, as well as other instruments in both the sacred and secular musical milieux of Paraguay and the Río de la Plata region between the seventeenth and nineteenth centuries, it must be noted that very

41

“… tocando para los bailes del campo.” […playing for dancing in the countryside.] (Furlong 1945:132)

42

The Triple-Alliance War o Guerra de la Triple Alianza (1865-1870) was a major military conflict between a group of three nations (Argentina, Uruguay, and Brazil) and Paraguay.

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little information has been recorded in regard to specific repertoire, a historical chronology of performers and performance practices, physical descriptions of the instruments and, most importantly, the transition of the diatonic harp from a liturgical instrument to its contemporary role as a folk instrument and a symbol of Paraguayan identity.

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CHAPTER TWO: Harp and Harpists The Paraguayan Diatonic Harp: Introduction Notwithstanding the large historical gap that has produced questions over the development of the Paraguayan diatonic harp into its current status as a folk instrument, significant insights can be gained by examining the instrument in its contemporary context. This chapter offers details pertaining to the construction of the Paraguayan diatonic harp, the physical characteristics of the instrument, some background information on various harp builders working in Asuncion, and specific examples of performance techniques associated with the Paraguayan harp. This section also includes biographical data of selected popular harp players (arperos) and professional harpists (arpistas profesionales) and their approaches to harp technique, repertoire, and musical interpretation.

Each one of the historical, musical, organological, and social facts

discussed in this chapter serve to illuminate the crucial significance of the diatonic harp as a historical and contemporary icon in the ongoing process of defining Paraguayan identity. Present-day Paraguayan harps are the result of local modifications and adaptations of the instruments brought from Europe or constructed by mission Indians emulating those European models. After the expulsion of the Jesuits in the third quarter of the eighteenth century, some mission Indians kept their learned professions and gathered in towns as part of the cultural and biological mestizaje colonial project. While some of these educated Guarani Indians decided to work in these colonial towns as artisans, blacksmiths, carpenters, and instrument makers, other mission Indians seemed to have returned to their natural habitat. Aside from Asuncion, most cities and towns were

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established in the Eastern Region (Región Oriental) of Paraguay where fertile soil facilitated the development of agriculture and cattle herding. The rich soil of the Región Oriental was conducive to the growing of sugarcane, corn, cotton, and tobacco, which are still cultivated today in plantations throughout the region. Although some documented references indicate the presence and use of the harp in the region during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, very little information is available in regard to harp luthiers or harp construction techniques. From the last quarter of the nineteenth century, which was marked by a restoration period that took place after the Triple Alliance War,1 through the middle of the twentieth century, the Guairá area, located in the central portion of the Región Oriental, seems to have produced a significant number of artists, intellectuals, luthiers, and musicians.2

Indeed, a large number of twentieth-century Paraguayan

historians, intellectuals, luthiers, musical performers, and writers have come from this area. Such is the case of performer and composer Félix Pérez Cardozo (1908-1952), the first Paraguayan harpist who rapidly gained local and regional recognition,3 and Epifanio López (1913-2001), a luthier who established the first guitar and harp workshop in Asuncion in the twentieth century.

Characteristic of the era, artisans, luthiers, and

1

At the end of the Triple Alliance War (1865-70) the Paraguayan male population was decimated. Towns were rebuilt and repopulated through the great effort of a group of Paraguayan women known historically as Las Residentas (The [Female] Residents). 2

In El Guairá y su aporte a la cultura paraguaya (Guairá and Its Contribution to Paraguayan Culture), Artemio Franco Preda asserts that the rich cultural tradition of the Guairá area dates back to colonial times. The writer offers a socio-cultural analysis and explores the contributions of official and private institutions, political and military figures, educators, medical doctors, historians, poets, musicians, and journalists who have worked actively in the Guairá region during the past four centuries (Franco Preda:1972). 3

In the early 1930s Pérez Cardozo became the first Paraguayan harpist who traveled to Buenos Aires, one of the main regional musical centers of the times, accompanying a conjunto performing both Paraguayan and Argentine folk music.

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musicians from the Guairá region, as in other geographical areas of Latin America, transmitted their knowledge and skills by oral tradition. Now, diatonic harps built in Paraguay still seem to share some common traits, such as shape and height, with certain diatonic European harps from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Although most of the instruments from the times of the Jesuits have been lost or destroyed, a few of them have been preserved in churches and museums throughout the region. Such is the case of two harps located at the churches of San Rafael and Santa Ana, part of the Jesuit missions in Chiquitos, Bolivia (Szarán 1996:41, 43). Both harps appear to have been built at the missions around the eighteenth century, as their physical characteristics are similar to other diatonic harp models developed in Paraguay and adjacent regions during that time and throughout the early twentieth century. In the juxtaposition of the harps from the San Rafael and Santa Ana Jesuit missions, shown in figure 4, and the harps made in 2003 by luthier Constancio Sanabria in Asuncion, pictured in figure 5, striking similarities in the physical aspect of the two models become apparent. Due to the lack of conclusive evidence regarding the existence of harp factories or instrumental workshops in Paraguay during the nineteenth or the early twentieth centuries, the following discussion is based on the assumption that harps and guitars were made by local luthiers or constructed by harp players themselves when needed.

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Fig. 4. Diatonic harps at Santa Ana (left) and San Rafael (right). Chiquitos, Bolivia.

Fig. 5. South American oak and pinewood harps made by Constancio Sanabria.

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The Paraguayan Diatonic Harp: Characteristics The distinctive parts of the Paraguayan diatonic include the following: the cabeza (head) or consola (console) where the clavijas (pegs) for the strings are placed; the tapa armónica (harmonic cover or board) attached to the caja [de resonancia] (sound box or resonance box), sometimes referred to as the caja armónica (harmonic box); and the columna (forepillar or column), sometimes referred to as the mango (handle) or brazo (arm), supporting and connecting the console to the resonance box. While visiting the harp workshop of Mario Ovelar in San Antonio, Paraguay, I was able to observe the process involved in making each one of these parts. Ovelar indicated that with the manual crafting of each part, assuming that all outside factors remain relatively stable, it takes him about fifteen days to build a diatonic harp. Due to the workshop’s partial exposure to the natural elements and the great impact that rain and humidity have on the manufacturing process, the expected time for the completion of an instrument varies greatly according to weather conditions. The description below details the construction process of the harp as explained by Mario Ovelar.

Caja [Armónica] ([Harmonic] Box) A long and thick piece of cedar wood (cedrela fissilis) is cut length-wise in two halves to make the sides (or lomo, literally “loin”) of the harp. Next, four, sometimes three, thin layers of cedar wood, which has been cut to make the back of the instrument, are glued together and added to the sides. Small and thin pieces of wood (taquillas, literally, “shoe hills”) are glued to the interior of the instrument to secure the sides and the pieces that make the back of the harp. Sometimes a rope is tied around the body of 79

the instrument to secure the glued pieces of wood. Two small legs are attached to the back portion of the caja, which has a rounded hole at the bottom. Finally, the box is set aside for drying. Although harp players traditionally perform standing and placing the instrument on a chair or a box, some makers attach two thin iron legs to the bottom of the caja. These legs, which add a considerable amount of weight to the instrument, can be retracted into the body of the instrument and taken out during performances, much like the endpin of a cello or bass.

Tapa [Armónica] ([Harmonic] Resonator) The tapa [armónica] or resonator, which constitutes the upper façade of the caja, functions as a resonating surface for the instrument. Following the grain of the wood, thin strips of pinewood (pinus silvestris), measuring approximately 80 x 20 cm a piece, are fashioned from small pre-cut pieces. Since pine trees are foreign to Paraguayan soil, the wood is imported from Canada and Germany.

Each type of pinewood has a

distinctive hue: Canadian pinewood is characterized by its yellow color, while German pine has a lighter tone. Since long pieces of pinewood are not available on the local market, the most common practice for making the resonator involves a laborious process by which seventeen thin trapezoidal panels of varying size are glued together with warm cola de pescado (fishtail glue) and left to set for several days in a dry environment. The final result is a thin seamless piece of pinewood in the shape of an elongated trapezoid. A high quality wood and precision in the cut are crucial to achieving good resonance for the instrument. Glued lengthwise down the center of the tapa is a long thin piece of cedar wood called the escala (scale), which serves to anchor the lower part of the strings

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to the instrument. The strings are wound around small bolts made of metal, wood, or bone, which are inserted into corresponding holes along the top surface of the escala. Whenever a string needs to be replaced, those bolts can be removed. A relatively modern addition to certain models of the Paraguayan diatonic harp is another set of bolts made of wood or bone, which are placed vertically next to the string holes. Sharps or half steps are created when the player presses the string against these bolts, thereby increasing the tension of the string. I will elaborate further on this new mechanism in my upcoming discussion on the contributions of certain prominent luthiers to the form and function of the instrument, particularly that of Abel Sánchez Giménez, who first added these bolts with the aim of expanding the function of the instrument to include chromatic pitches, a practice which, prior to Giménez’ invention, was achieved only through pressing the string at the top.

Cabeza or Consola (Head) The cabeza or consola, which fits on one end into a groove at the top of the caja, is comprised of four pieces of wood cut around a plantilla (pattern): two thin pieces (12 mm. thick apiece) are glued to two thicker pieces of cedar wood, which can be embellished with decorative carvings. At the bottom of the space between the two sides of the cabeza, a fifth piece of wood is inserted, and holes are made along the length of it of what Ovelar refers to as the escala, a term which, in essence, denotes a set of predetermined distances for the placement of strings and, in this case, implies the set of holes through which the upper portion of the strings will be threaded. The placement of these holes is perhaps the most crucial step in ensuring the proper function of the

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instrument; hence, great precision on the part of the luthier is required to achieve the correct distance between the holes and, consequently, the strings.

Bass strings, for

example, are slightly more separated than those of the upper registers. Once threaded through the holes of the upper escala, the strings are pulled through the hollow center of the cabeza and attached to pegs that are mounted in a staggered fashion on alternating sides along the upper edge of the cabeza. The general practice nowadays for making these tuning pegs, formerly consisting of iron rods, involves the modification of standard guitar pegs, which are cut to properly fit the distances predetermined by the plantilla. In Latin American Harp Music and Techniques for Pedal and Non-pedal Harpists, Alfredo Rolando Ortíz indicates that according to Paraguayan luthier Lino Ruiz Diaz, harp maker Pablo Ramírez seems to have been the designer of “what became soon the standard type of Paraguayan harp neck” (Ortíz 1979:15). Ramírez used two halves of laminated wood to make the neck, a term that Ortíz uses to refer to the cabeza of the harp, and he also made holes in the center of the lower side of it for the strings. Nevertheless, while I was visiting with harpist Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz in January 2004, he indicated to me that luthier Epifanio López, inspired by several conversations with harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo in the late 1940s, was the first luthier to experiment with the idea of making holes in the center of the lower side of the harp console.4 Apparently Pérez Cardozo, who liked to play hard and loud, experienced difficulties with strings constantly breaking due to the lack of stability in the former configuration of tuning rods, which were simply mounted on the bottom edge of the console without an additional escala. Whomever is credited with the modern construction, as Ortíz writes, “… the result was a really vertical

4

Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz, conversation with author, Asunción, Paraguay. January 6, 2004.

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harp with perfectly centralized pressures allowing a very light construction not achieved in any other kind of harp.” (Ortíz 1979:15)

Brazo (Arm or Forpillar) A long and thick piece of cedar wood is cut and then attached between the cabeza and the bottom portion of the caja on top of the tapa. Usually, this piece has the shape of a column or cylinder. The brazo can also be ornamented with elaborate carvings such as leaves, flowers, geometrical figures, or the silhouette of a slim Indian woman.

Strings Strings are made from nylon or copolymer fishing line of various colors. Generally speaking, most makers and performers prefer to use a red color for the tonic strings, blue or black colors for the dominant strings, and clear strings for the other pitches. Bordonillas and bordonas (thin and thick bass strings) are placed from the middle to the lower register of the instrument. Eligio Monges Báez, 5 harp maker and owner of Fábrica de Arpas Melodía (Melody Harp Factory) in Asunción, demonstrated for me the process of making the bordonas. In this particular case, a nylon fishing line was stretched and placed on a wooden surface attached to an electric spindle, which extended the string to a pre-set length marked on the bottom side of the device. When the sound produced by the string matched the sound of the desired pitch, an additional clear 5

For many years Eligio Monges Báez (b. 1935) worked together with his brother, Cristino Báez Monges (1930-1987), a renowned harp performer and luthier in Asuncion. The difference in their last names is due to an error made during the writing of their birth certificates.

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fishing line was threaded into the spindle, and a short piece of wood (the size of a small pencil) with a groove to encircle the string was run along the length of the string as the spindle operated, creating tight coils around the original string, the result of which was a thick ribbed string known as the bordona.

Paraguayan Harps in the Nineteenth Century According to Dionisio Arzamendia (b.1931), performer, composer, and harp builder, the diatonic harps built during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries were made primarily of timbó wood (enterolobium contortisiliquum), a type of tree native to the region including northern Argentina and Paraguay. The construction process and final product involved a combination of various types of wood. After the timbó tree was cut and dried, its core assumed a paper-like texture and could be easily removed to create a hollow body. Without major modifications, the trunk of the tree became the actual soundbox of the harp, the back of which was secured with a piece of wood from the Tajy or Lapacho tree (tabebuia nodosa). The console was made either from the Guajayvi tree (patagonula americana) or Arasã tree (Guava, psidium pommiferum). Often, the thick branches of these trees would naturally develop into a shape similar to that of a harp console. This being the case, builders would pare down the branches to the size and shape that they had in mind. Hot thick wires were used to make holes on the console, known in Guarani as akã (head), where the pegs were mounted, and on the tapa armónica or hová (cover) where the strings were attached at the base. In a similar way, hot thinner wires were used to pierce the pegs made from the hard wood of the Yvyrapepé tree (holocalix balansae). The column (jyvá) made of wood from the Urunde’ymi tree

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(astronium balansae), initially carved in a long rectangular shape, later took on a more cylindrical form. The weight of this harp was nearly forty kilograms (about eighty pounds). Strings were made of animal gut, horse skin, and leftover electrical wires found in railroad stations, and tuning keys were made of iron or brass (Arzamendia 2003:1517). During my visit with harpist Tito Acuña at his house in San Antonio, Paraguay, I was shown an old diatonic harp made of timbó wood. The instrument, which belonged to his father, was made in the 1950s by the harpist and luthier Cristino Baéz Monges. Acuña indicated that Báez Monges invested about six months in the making of this particular harp. This particular instrument has thirty-six strings and wooden tuning pegs placed on the left side of the console, which is composed of several layers of thin wood. The semi-rounded back of the harp is comprised of six long pieces of timbó wood, which, along with the cover, give a septagon-like shape to the instrument.

Harp Luthiers in the Twentieth Century In the twentieth century, the first known harp builder in Asuncion was Epifanio López (1912-2001), who built diatonic harps for most, if not all, of the artists who traveled abroad in conjunction with the growing popularity of the instrument and the increasing interest in the performance of Paraguayan traditional music. Don Epifanio López was born in Cerrito, a small compañía (a section or area within a town) of Hy’aty, presently known as Félix Pérez Cardozo,6 near the city of Villarrica, capital of the Guairá department. In 1932, López was drafted into mandatory military service and left Cerrito. 6

The name of the town was officially changed in recognition of renowned harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo, who was born in Hy’aty.

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On his way to Asuncion, he met Féliz Pérez Cardozo (1908-1952), a friend and former classmate from Hy’aty, who suggested that López move to Asuncion upon completion of his service to establish a guitar and harp factory. By this time, Pérez Cardozo, who owned a harp made by Epifanio López, had already gained a reputation as an accomplished harp performer. During his military service, López was sent to the Chaco, the arena of a major armed conflict with Bolivia, known as the Chaco War (1932-1935). After the war, López returned to Cerrito with military honors. A few years later, he followed the advice of Pérez Cardozo and moved to Asuncion, where he established himself as a guitar and harp maker. In 1949, Féliz Pérez Cardozo, who at the time was living and performing in Argentina, visited López and discussed with him the possibility of increasing the number of strings on the diatonic harp. Pérez Cardozo, who was working on an arrangement of Pájaro Campana (The Bell Bird), one of his most celebrated concert pieces, suggested that López expand the traditional thirty-two-string configuration of the diatonic harp to include four extra strings in the lower register of the instrument. These extra strings would allow him to play a descending melodic line known as bordoneado (walking bass) with the left thumb while the right hand played chords. Don Epifanio agreed to build a harp with the extra strings, and, since then, most harp builders have maintained the thirtysix-string configuration born from the Pérez Cardozo-López collaboration. If not the very same instrument, a similar one also built by Don Epifanio for Félix Pérez Cardozo is on display at the Museo de Arte Popular (Museum of Popular Art) in Asuncion. During my fieldwork I visited the museum and was able to examine the instrument which, according to curator Rubén Milessi Gómez, was the last harp that Félix Pérez Cardozo

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played until the time of his death and which, indeed, has thirty-six strings made of gut and horse skin and tuning pegs made of wood. López not only established the thirty-sixstring prototype of the diatonic harp, he also introduced other noteworthy modifications in the construction of the instrument. As previously mentioned, Dionisio Arzamendia credits López with the addition of a set of holes along the underbelly of the console, through which the strings are threaded, pulled through the hollow center of he head, and attached to guitar pegs mounted on top of the console. This mechanism, working in tandem with a long thin piece of bone that López placed on top of the lower escala to support the other end of the strings and create the right amount of tension, serves to ensure precise distances between the strings, the result of which is a well-tempered instrument with distinctive timbres in the different registers. López was also responsible for replacing the old wood and iron tuning pegs with modified guitar pegs. Juan Max Boettner, author of Música y Músicos del Paraguay, visited López in the 1950s and interviewed him.7 Although Boettner included photographs of the harp construction process, the author did not include a detailed explanation of the steps involved. In July 2000, I had the opportunity to meet Epifanio López. Although he had already retired from the construction of guitars and harps, he enjoyed sitting in his workshop, surrounded by old machinery, harp and guitar plantillas (patterns), and scraps of wood. I was delighted to hear anecdotes about Félix Pérez Cardozo, as well as López’ time of

7

Boettner indicates: “He visitado al maestro Epifanio López del Barrio General Caballero de Asunción, quien en un modesto taller y con medios primitivos hace magníficas arpas.” (Boettner 1997:250) [I have visited maestro Epifanio López from General Caballero, a neighborhood in Asunción, who in a modest workshop and with primitive means makes beautiful harps.]

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service during the Chaco war.8 I was presumably one of the last researchers who had a conversation with him. Just a few months later, he became very ill and, a year later, passed away. Don Epifanio López transmitted his knowledge and skills to his sons, who still operate the instrumental workshop, and to other disciples working in Asunción, among them luthiers Timoteo Rojas and Rafael Gamarra. Following the Paraguayan diatonic harp building tradition established by Epifanio López are several prominent contemporary luthiers, among them Dionisio Arzamendia (b.1931), Epifanio Monges (b.1945), Adelio Ovelar (b.1950), Mario Ovelar (b.1962), nephew of Adelio, the Sanabria brothers, and Abel Sánchez Giménez (b.1934). This particular group of harp builders has not shied away from innovations in the form and function of the instrument, as several of them have made their own modifications to the prototype created by López.9 Both Arzamendia and Sánchez Giménez, for instance, have increased the number of strings on the instruments that they make. While Sánchez Giménez has added two to the standardized thirty-six-string model designed by Félix Pérez Cardozo and Epifanio López, Arzamendia has added four. Both harps, with thirtyeight and forty strings respectively, offer numerous possibilities to composers and performers wishing to utilize the full extension of the instruments. In 1982, I received a diatonic harp as a gift from my parents. Adelio Ovelar, owner of Fábrica de Arpas y Guitarras Santa Cecilia, had made the instrument that same year (Fig. 6). This harp has thirty-six nylon (fishing line) strings, weighs about twelve 8

His wife joined in the conversation and added more details to the stories. Smiling, she indicated to me “quiero contar[te] como es porque él es muy modesto.” [I want to tell [you] how it is because he is too modest.] 9

In Chapter Five I will discuss in further detail how some of these innovations have sparked a debate among harp builders and performers regarding the socio-cultural implications of the modifications to the instrument in relation to the perception of national identity and paraguayidad.

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pounds, and has the following dimensions: the soundbox measures 42 cm (across the base) x 6 cm (across the top) x 1.33 m (length), the console is 73 cm long, and the arm is 1.38 m long.

Fig. 6. Diatonic harp made by Adelio Ovelar in 1982. Ovelar used cedar wood for the soundbox, the console, and the arm of the instrument, and Canadian pinewood for the resonator. He placed guitar tuning pegs on the console, and with the exception of the resonator, he painted the instrument black. This particular harp was tuned in F major, with the tonic indicated by red strings and the dominant by blue or black strings. Though much neglected in recent years, the harp has maintained a high sound quality for over twenty years. In July 2000, I visited Adelio Ovelar’s workshop, at which time he was finishing about a dozen harps to be shipped to Japan. He indicated to me that the demand for his instruments had increased since the 1990s, both in Paraguay and abroad. In the late 1980s, Abel Sánchez Giménez paved the way for a new school of performance practice when, for the first time, he applied small metal levers (palancas) to

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his harps in order to change manually the tonality of the instrument without re-tuning all the strings. Some years before, he had built a chromatic type of harp with seventy strings, which resembled in concept a vertical keyboard. According to Sánchez Giménez, Victor Salvi10 suggested that he experiment with the mechanical levers on the Paraguayan diatonic harp.

Since then other builders have also incorporated levers into the

construction of their harps and now, it is not uncommon to find such instruments in most factories. Nevertheless, a current debate among performers centers on the preference for the traditional diatonic harp versus this new hybrid type of instrument with the possibilities of producing half steps in all keys. Although traditional Paraguayan music is mostly diatonic, some performers seem to prefer Paraguayan harps with levers, which, facilitates playing other types of repertoire, such as the denominated música internacional (international music). Moreover, since most harp factories have become extremely commercialized, makers seem to be inclined to fulfill the demand from places such as Japan and the United States for this new type of instrument. Among contemporary harp builders, the Sanabria family has a reputation for fine craftmanship extending back several generations in Asuncion. The tradition started with Don Agustín Sanabria (ca.1900-1989)11 who, along with his brother Aureliano, built guitars and diatonic harps around the early 1960s in Asuncion. Very soon their older

10

Born in 1920 in Chicago, harpist Victor Salvi is the owner of the American Harp Company, Lyon and Healy and the Salvi harp factory in Italy. In addition, he is a founder and sponsor of the Victor Salvi Foundation. See http://www.harpa.com/victor-salvi-foundation 11

It has been a research challenge to find information or establish the dates of some members of the Sanabria family. Although I was able to interview two grandchildren of Don Agustín Sanabria, the indication or verification of dates was not a main concern to them. In addition, the fact I was visiting the Sanabria factories as a Paraguayan researcher immediately created some skepticism vis-à-vis my motives. Unfortunately, until this day, the consequences of Alfredo Stroessner’s regime (1954-89) are still felt when one tries to find information at a personal level.

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brothers Nicolás and Emigdio, and their youngest brother Salomón (ca.1920-2002) moved to Asunción to establish a chain of guitar and harp factories. The Sanabria brothers were originally from Yukyry, a town located in the central western region of Paraguay. Constancio, Lidio Agustín, and Antonio, sons of Don Agustín, followed the practice of their father and established independent factories.

Gustavo,12 son of

Constancio, has also followed the luthier tradition started by his grandfather Don Agustín. In May 2003, the factory of Constancio Sanabria was exporting about thirty harps per month to Japan. Sanabria’s harps share similarities with those built by other makers – these instruments are made of Canadian pinewood (pinus silvestris) and either cedar wood (cedrela fissilis) or South American oak wood (amburana cearensis). South American oak wood harps are among the finest and most expensive instruments (see Figure 5). The factory has a permanent display of portraits and artistic photographs of some of Sanabria’s distinguished clients, among them Sharlene Hawkes, former Miss USA 1984,13 Japanese recording artists Hirohiko Honda and Mika Agematsu, 14 and some local professional harp players.

12

See http://www.arpasgsanabria.com.py/principal.html

13

Sharlene Hawkes lived in Paraguay during her father’s tenure as the United States ambassador. http://www.sharlenehawkes.com/bio.html 14

See

Hirohiko Honda is a Japanese dentist who, after a short tourist visit to Paraguay in the early 1990s, decided to take harp lessons from local performers. Mr. Honda, also a composer, visits Paraguay regularly and presents recitals of Paraguayan harp music annually. His harp teachers include some of the most renowned harp performers in the country, among them Tito Acuña, Luis Bordón, César Cataldo, Lorenzo Leguizamón, and others. Although Mika Agematsu is known in Japan as a Paraguayan harp soloist, she also plays with a Japanese musical group performing Paraguayan traditional music. Members of the musical group Los Vientos Verdes (The Green Winds) are Mika, her sister Cristina, and their father Vicente Agematsu, accompanying on the guitar. See http://www.mcci.or.jp/www/alhambra/losvie-e.htm

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Paraguayan Harp Techniques The Paraguayan diatonic harp serves as a melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic instrument. Although its primary function was and still is to provide a harmonic and rhythmic foundation to conjunto music, short melodic passages – usually in thirds or sixths – may ornament or interact with vocal lines by imitation, juxtaposition, or the introduction of new material. However, when the harp is featured as a solo instrument, it is not unusual to find the instrument accompanied by one or two guitars. This type of accompanying ensemble affords the harpist the freedom to perform virtuosic passages using both hands, without having to provide harmonic or rhythmic foundation. Overall, there are no rigid performance guidelines in regard to what harpists can or cannot do. When it comes to technique or playing style, it seems that, in most cases, Paraguayan harp players are extremely inventive, often observing and borrowing ideas from one another. The majority of Paraguayan harpists play both melody and accompaniment using a combination of the pads of the fingers and the fingernails. When the right hand plays melodic passages, the left hand usually accompanies with broken chords. The right hand typically plays the melody in octaves and harmonizes it by adding intervals of thirds, sixths, or a combination of thirds and sixths within the octave. Occasionally the right hand will play chords either as a bridge between melodic sections or as accompaniment when a singer or another instrument is involved.15 In general, ascending and descending melodic passages in octaves are played by the right hand with fingers 1 and 4, the 15

In Mundo Folclórico Paraguayo Vol. 1 (Paraguayan Folk World), composer Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo identifies twenty-five different types of harp rhythmic accompaniment in the Paraguayan polca, a traditional music genre which will be discussed in Chapter Three. Cardozo Ocampo collected these rhythmic patterns from Paraguayan harpist Nicolás Barrios (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:222-24).

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addition of parallel thirds and sixths to the octaves is usually achieved with fingers 4 and 3 or 1 and 2 and, when parallel sixths are played by themselves, most harp players use fingers 4 and 1 (Example 1).

Ex. 1. Ascending and descending passages: a) parallel octaves, b) parallel octaves with additional thirds and sixths, c) parallel sixths.

While the right hand plays chords or a melodic passage, the left hand usually accompanies with an ostinato bass pattern (Example 2).

Ex. 2. Traditional ostinato accompaniment for the left hand.

When arpegios (broken chords) are played, both hands alternate playing with the finger pattern 4-3-2-1 (Example 3).

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Ex. 3. Arpegio pattern for both hands.

Both hands can also play these arpegios in parallel octaves (Example 4).

Ex. 4. Arpegios in parallel octaves.

Trino, trémulo, trémolo paraguayo (Paraguayan Tremolo) A unique feature of right hand technique is the trino, trémulo or tremolo, which uses a continuous back and forth motion of fingers 2 and 3 against the strings. Usually the tremolo is performed in parallel thirds with the fingernails, producing a sustained type of sound that is rapid and constant (Track 01, Accompanying CD #1). In Latin American

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Harp Music, Alfredo Rolando Ortíz explains in detail the characteristics and practice methodology of this technique (Ortíz 1979:22-24). According to Dionisio Arzamendia, Félix Pérez Cardozo was the first harp player to introduce this particular performance practice into the Paraguayan harp idiom.16 Although the use of a double tremolo in parallel thirds is the most common practice among harp players, double tremolos in parallel fourths, as well as a single tremolo with one finger, are also used by some performers.

Bordoneado As previously mentioned, the left hand generally provides accompaniment by playing broken chords in octaves, as well as arpegios in combination with the right hand. At times, the thumb of the left hand quickly returns to the strings, emphasizing the bass line and producing a punctuated staccato effect (Track 2, Accompanying CD #1). This unique characteristic found in Paraguayan harp music is known as bordoneado and it results in a type of energetic walking bass where the bordonas and bordonillas (bass strings) are located. The use of bordoneado in Paraguayan harp music seems to also have been also introduced by Félix Pérez Cardozo for his arrangement of Guyrá Campana (The Bell Bird). To achieve this particular effect, the thumb remains parallel to the other fingers and to the palm, which is facing the strings. Then the thumb is placed between two strings with all the fingers serving as an anchor for the hand by making contact with the other strings. As the thumb “walks” up or down the strings punctuating the bass line, the palm works in conjunction, producing what Ortíz refers to as a “muffled” type of

16

Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz, conversation with author, Asunción, Paraguay. January 6, 2004.

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sound (1979:25-26) but can be better understood as a quick and consistent rhythmic muting with the palm of the hand after each stroke of the thumb. At times, harpists also use the muting technique to emphasize chords or melodic material within chords in the right or left hands.

Glissando Another significant feature unique to the Paraguayan harp playing tradition is the ornamentation of the melody through the use of long glissando patterns, which are frequently employed irrespective of the speed of the piece. In many cases, particularly those involving the use of melodic repetition, the performer will play entire sections accentuating the melodic line with glissandi (Track 3, Accompanying CD #1). In this specific case, the right hand articulates the melody through a series of rapid glissandi while the left accompanies stressing the traditional bass pattern. Ascending glissandi can be played with a muted effect achieved by placing fingers 2 and 3 a third apart with finger 3 softly touching the strings, thus slightly muting the vibrations produced by finger 2 (Ortíz 1979:28-29). Sometimes ascending or descending short glissandi are also used to embellish a melodic passage, in which case, the harp player can also decide to use the muting technique.

Tuning Systems While some harp makers and performers prefer to tune their instruments in the key of F Major, others choose G Major or E Major. In the first case, the red and blue or

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black strings correspond to the tonic and dominant pitches respectively.17

If the

composition requires another tonal area, most players will re-tune the strings so that the new tonic corresponds to the red strings and the new dominant to the black or blue strings, thus rendering the harp as a “movable tonic” instrument. Although nowadays this seems to be the accepted practice among harp players, luthier and harpist Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz advocates another system, which maintains the original order of the strings. Most of Arzamendia’s harps are tuned in F major. However, pitches A and E always correspond to the black or blue and red strings, respectively. With this system, even if the harp is tuned in another key, the order of strings remains unaltered. Arzamendia desires to standardize this particular practice in order to achieve a system, which, endorsed by the official authorities, could be helpful to both teachers and performers.18 Table 1 presents a diagram of five specific string configurations used by luthiers Epifanio López, Adelio Ovelar, Abel Sánchez Giménez, and Dionisio Arzamendia. Nowadays, most diatonic harps constructed in Paraguay have thirty-six strings and follow the prototype created by López in 1949.

17

The standard practice among harp builders is to designate red as the distinguishing color for tonic strings and blue for dominant strings, but depending on the resources available to each particular luthier, the dominant strings can also be found in black. 18

Arzamendia indicates, … la manera de colorear las cuerdas del Arpa en nuestro país se debe unificar, que no se siga como ahora, que cada arpista coloca a su manera los colores en su Arpa. Llegará el día en que el Ministerio de Educación y Cultura sea el promotor de una enseñanza planificada y por eso debemos de empezar desde ahora a organizarnos nosotros los arpistas. (Arzamendia Párriz 2003:209) […the way to [choose the] color of the strings on the harp must be unified in our country, let us not continue as [the practice is] now, where every harp player places the colors [of the strings] on his harp according to his wishes. The day will come when the Ministry of Education and Culture will be the agency of a planned teaching system, and that is why we, harp performers, must begin to get organized from now on.]

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Table 1. Placement of Strings in Five Paraguayan Diatonic Harps.

Luthier

Approximate Number of Extension Harp Red Blue/Black Date Strings Tuned In Strings Strings Luthier Approximate Number of Extension Harp Red Blue/Black Date Strings Tuned In Strings Strings Epifanio López ca.1930-1949 23 FF-bb F Major F C Epifanio López Epifanio López

ca.1930-1949 1949-1980s

2336

FF-bb BBBb-bb2 F Major F Major

F F

CC

Epifanio Adelio López Ovelar

1949-1980s 1980s – present-day 3636

BBBb-bb2 BBBb-bb2 F Major F Major

F F

CC

Adelio Abel Ovelar Sánchez

1980s – present-day 1980s – present-day 3638

BBBb-bb2 AAA-c3 F Major F Major

FF

CC

Abel Sánchez 1980s – present-day Dionisio Arzamendia1990s – present day 3840

AAA-c3 FF-c3 F Major F Major

FE

CA

E

A

Dionisio Arzamendia1990s – present day

40

FF-c3

F Major

Performance (Technique and Interpretation) Schools Although the Paraguayan harp tradition has historically lent itself to the individualistic exploration of techniques and playing styles, rendering categorization of individual performers rather difficult, two distinct schools of harp playing emerged in the twentieth century: the school or practice of the arpero popular (popular harp player) and the school or tradition of the arpista profesional (professional harp player).

Arperos As a type of minstrel or traveling musician found during the first quarter of the twentieth century, the arpero popular typically led a bohemian lifestyle, playing music for personal enjoyment and as a means of earning a livelihood. The training of the arpero popular consisted of borrowing, buying, or, in many cases, building a harp and playing it until feeling ready to perform. Usually, the player would familiarize himself

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with harp technique and repertoire by listening to other musicians or by improvising and composing on his own.

The arpero, and all but dying breed of harp players, would

perform with what contemporary harp players refer to as estilo antiguo (old style), which is characterized by the following features: the use of only two (1 and 2) or three (1, 2, and 3) fingers for the melody in the right hand, a waltz-like accompaniment pattern in the left hand known as estilo valseado (waltz-like style), and a high degree of tension in the right hand. The tension in the right hand was achieved by “grabbing” the strings, thus emphasizing the melody and producing a loud and hard type of sound. Arperos used to play their instruments and sing at various social gatherings and at the calesitas (carrousels) of improvised fairs associated with Catholic religious festivities around the year.

Among famous arperos, José del Rosario Diarte (1884-1949), José Dolores

Fernández “Loló Arpero,” (fl. 1900-1920), and Agapito Morínigo, most commonly known as “Tacho-í” (ca. 1910-1993) are perhaps the best remembered. In order to provide insight into the lifestyle and activities of the arperos populares, as well as the cultural and musical climate of the era, I have chosen to include biographical information on two performers: José del Rosario Diarte and Tacho’í (Agapito Morínigo).

José del Rosario Diarte José del Rosario Diarte (1884-1949), sometimes operating under the assumed name “Iriarte,” was born in San Juan Bautista de las Misiones, capital of the department of Misiones in southern Paraguay. Although Diarte was a self-taught composer and harp player, as a child he took a few lessons from another harpist, Juan arpero, a traveling musician and an enigmatic figure who passed through San Juan Bautista. Due to his

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musical prowess, Diarte gained a formidable reputation, which quickly spread from San Juan Bautista to adjacent towns, other departments in the southern region and, later, northern Argentina. Diarte also experimented with the construction of harps, building his first one with Kirandy (aspidosperma quirandi) his second one with Kurupica’y (sapium longifolium), two trees native to the region. Built with the assistance of Guillermo, a Bolivian prisoner of war working at the ranch of Don Aparicio Riveros, this second instrument apparently had a unique resonance in the lower register (Riveros 1995:13435). Diarte alternated between the use of the two harps, depending on the setting: the Kirandy harp was reserved for serenades and family gatherings, while the Kurupica’y harp was used for more formal occasions. Diarte, an introvert who, according to relatives and friends, habitually consumed large quantities of alcohol prior to writing compositions and performing, was known for his volatile temperament and sudden mood swings during and after performances.19 Diarte’s first successful venture abroad as a harp performer and composer took place in Itá-Ybaté, northern Argentina. In December 1912, invited by the Paraguayan consul Justo Robledo to give a recital in celebration of the day of the Virgen de Caacupé (The [Festivity of the] Virgin [Mary] of Caacupé), Diarte traveled with a folk music trio from Misiones to Itá-Ybaté, in the province of Corrientes, Argentina. The musical trio, 19

Riveros indicates, Cuando ejecutaba el arpa en rueda de amigos, nadie tenía la osadía de mover los labios, ni quemar un cigarrillo, porque consideraba una molestia que podía cortar su inspiración. Así, una vez terminada su paciencia, se permitía enfocar su linterna a aquél que lo molestaba y sin más excusa, ni otros motivos atenuantes, se mandaba mudar (Riveros 1995:136). [When he played the harp in a circle of friends, no one dared to move their lips or burn a cigarette because he considered it a disturbance that could cut his inspiration. Thus, when his patience had reached its limits, he would point his lantern at whoever was bothering him and without further excuse or explanations, he would take off immediately.]

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featuring Santos Gómez (voice and guitar), José del Rosario’s brother Aniceto Diarte (second guitar), and José del Rosario Diarte (harp), experienced such an enthusiastic reception for their performance of traditional and popular music from Paraguay, Argentina, and Brazil, that they extended their visit for about a week. Fifteen years later, in 1927, Paraguayan pianist and impresario Aristóbulos “Nonón” Domínguez (18961930) invited Diarte to perform in a musical recital in Asunción denominated Aires Nacionales (National Airs [Songs]). Forerunner of present day music festivals, this particular recital took place at the Teatro Granados in Asuncion on August 6, 1927. For this musical extravaganza, Domínguez, an ebullient performer and organizer of traditional music events, created a folk ensemble consisting of three harps, five guitars, an accordion, and a gualambau (a musical bow). The formidable success attained by the ensemble prompted Domínguez to take the group on tour to Argentina. His final destination was Buenos Aires, where he had planned a series of performances at the Teatro Colón and Radio El Mundo, two prestigious establishments in the Buenos Aires performance circuit. Traveling by train to Posadas, located in the province of Misiones, in northern Argentina, Domínguez and his ensemble offered musical shows in the major cities and towns between Asunción and the town directly across the border from Posadas, Encarnación. The group was well received and acclaimed at every stop en route to Posadas, where the ensemble played informal serenades, performed at clubs, and gave an official concert at a major local theater, presumably the Teatro Español. Eight days later, as the ensemble was about to embark on the long journey to Buenos Aires, José del Rosario Diarte abruptly informed Domínguez that he no longer wished to continue with the tour and he hastily returned to

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Misiones, Paraguay. Dominguez, unable to convince Diarte to honor the commitment, cancelled the trip and returned to Paraguay, along with the entire ensemble. Nevertheless, José del Rosario Diarte ultimately returned to Argentina, where he had the opportunity to perform under the patronage of Don Delfino Bower from Santa Rosa, Misiones. Diarte, who worked at Don Delfino’s ranch keeping racing horses and training fighting roosters, traveled with his harp around the provinces of Misiones and Corrientes. Don Delfino, who frequently visited towns and traveled with a caravan of carretas (wagons), took Diarte from Posadas to General Paz in Corrientes, where he was hired to perform at a local rodeo. For his performances in General Paz, the local authorities granted Diarte the city’s highest artistic honor and proclaimed Don Delfino an “extraordinary ambassador of Paraguayan music” (Riveros 1995:146). The three-day event turned into a highly successful three-month musical tour around other towns and haciendas in Corrientes. Commenting on the experience, Diarte told Don Delfino, Apytá mive ningo che upe estánciape, ambovy’a vehaguã umi curepípe, ñaimo’á voínte ñaiméva ña nde vállepe mba’é. Ho’ukua’á aveí la guári umí gente, pero ndajá hasái ichupekuéra. (Riveros 1995:147) [I stayed at that ranch to entertain the Argentines a little more, [while there] it seems one is at home. They know how to drink, but we surpass them.] Besides his harp, his most treasured possession, Diarte always traveled with his signature red poncho, black hat, and lantern. These objects seemed to symbolize who and what he was, not only an accomplished arpero, but also a proud arriero (peasant). Indeed, on one occasion, he indicated to a friend, “che poncho, che arpa, ha che linterna, upéva che.” (my poncho, my harp, and my lantern, that’s who I am.) (Riveros 1995:161) Diarte never accepted money when performing for friends, but rather opted for gifts of certain monetary value. His audiences extended from the towns and estancias of San

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Miguel, San Ignacio, Santiago, Santa María, and Santa Rosa, among others, to Asuncion, where he frequently performed at the homes of the prominent military and political figures of the times. Before the Chaco War (1932-35), Diarte organized a local music group in San Juan Bautista de las Misiones, featuring guitarists Ernesto Gutiérrez and Cleto Cano, violinist Emilio Paredes, flautist Ramón Pintos, singer Faustina Duarte, among others, and himself on the harp. After the war, the group was dissolved and Diarte traveled with his brother Aniceto performing around Asuncion and towns in the interior of the country, mainly Paraguarí, Villarrica, Caazapá, and Encarnación. In San Juan Bautista de las Misiones, he received periodic visits from other musicians who wanted to play with him. Although some of Diarte’s compositions have been collected and preserved by friends, many were lost or never registered. Félix Pérez Cardozo frequently visited Diarte, with whom he practiced and discussed issues related to the harp. Together they performed in Hy’aty and Villarrica, in the department of Guairá. Unfortunately, little is known about Diarte’s specific playing technique.

Obscure

references to his infrequent use of the expected left hand accompaniment pattern and scarce quotes such as “…among the harp players of his times, Diarte was the only one who, while accompanying with the strings of his harp was able to complete the variations and the notes of the piano,” (Riveros 1995:151) seem to suggest that he was a versatile performer, capable of performing any type of popular compositions of his time. No extant recordings of Diarte performing on the harp have been located to date. Diarte’s last performances took place at his home in San Juan Bautista de las Misiones, along with his guitarist friend José Dolores Cáceres, also known as “Loló Cáceres.”

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The legacy of compositions and arrangements of folk tunes ascribed to Diarte includes some of the following works: Alondra (a type of regional bird), Arpa pú (The Sound of the Harp), Batallón 40 ([The] 40th Battalion), Boy Scout, Carretaguy (Under the Wagon), Che caña mí (My Little Sugar-Cane Rum), Che valle (My Surroundings), Chiricó (a type of bird), Guyrá chovy (a type of bird), Guyrá pú or Guyrá Campana or Pájaro Campana (The Bell Bird), Mi serenata (My Serenade), Misiones, also known as Misiones ñú (the region where Diarte was born), Mo’ópa rehó Josefa (Where Did Josefa Go?), Morena chusca (Fancy Dark-Skin Girl), Paloma pará (Many Doves), Piririta (a type of bird), Pycazú tí (Sweet Dove), Syryry (Flowing), Yurú akuá (Loving Lips), and others.

According to Nicolás Riveros, Diarte was never interested in authorship or

copyright issues; consequently, many of his pieces have received other names or have been claimed by other composers (Riveros 1995:167, 172). Of all the works attributed to Diarte, Carretaguy has remained among the most beloved and frequently performed staple pieces in the contemporary Paraguayan harp repertoire. Several explanations have been offered regarding the origin of Carretaguy (Track 4, Accompanying CD #1).

While some believe that this is an original

composition by José del Rosario Diarte, others maintained that Diarte arranged a preexisting folk tune.

Although the origins of the title remain obscure, one possible

explanation provides a glimpse into the cultural backdrop, which fostered the twentiethcentury development of a particular genre of folk song, the Paraguayan polca, discussed in Chapter Three. In Jopará, carretaguy literally means “under the wagon.” Carretas or wagons pulled by oxen, have been in use throughout the region since colonial times, a practice which is still observed in the interior of Paraguay. Before and after the Chaco

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war (1932-35), the train and the carreta were the main means of transportation. Carretas brought food, merchandise, and other goods from the Paraguarí and Coronel Bogado railroad stations to the towns located in the departments of Paraguarí and Misiones. Caravans of several wagons would travel for weeks on end until reaching their final destination. Along the way, they would stop to rest at night, forming a circle with the wagons, at which time the carreteros (wagon drivers) would drink mate or tereré,

20

and

sing songs or improvise on the guitar. Because this practice would take place literally “under the wagon(s),” where ponchos and blankets were placed to sleep, the expression carretaguy refers to both a place and an activity. For some, Diarte undoubtedly composed this piece, which appears to be a musical commentary and a programmatic depiction of the life of the carreteros. According to Pepito Llano, a friend of Diarte, the harpist told an acquaintance that he himself was the composer of the piece.21 Although other sources dispute this version of the story, Diarte did indeed give the composition to a friend, who later copyrighted the piece under Diarte’s name. Carretaguy has become a standard instrumental piece for contemporary harp players and, although the original melody and harmonic structure are preserved to a

20

Infusion made with hot water and yerba mate (ilex paraguaiensis), known throughout the region that includes Paraguay, Southern Brazil, Uruguay, Argentina, and Chile. Also extremely popular in Paraguay, tereré is prepared like a mate, but with cold or iced water and the addition of local herbs and roots. 21

This seems to have occurred during one of José del Rosario Diarte’s trips with his brother Aniceto. On their way to San Juan Bautista they were picked up by a carreta. The company reached the small town of Curuzú lata, four kilometers away from San Juan Bautista de las Misiones, and decided to rest before continuing the journey. To repay the favor, the Diarte brothers played some music on the harp and guitar. After being asked about one of the performed songs, Diarte indicated that he was the composer of the piece and that its title was carretaguy. (Riveros 1995:169)

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great extent, most performers add their own variations to the composition, in accordance with the traditional performance practice of Paraguayan traditional music.22

Agapito Morínigo “Tacho’í” Agapito Morínigo (ca.1910-1993),23 also known as Tacho’í,24 was one of the last harpists performing in the arpero tradition. His father, also a harp player, did not approve of his son becoming a musician, presumably because of the destructive lifestyle associated with musicians and harp players of the times, who were reputed to have continually indulged in sugar-cane alcohol.25

However, the elder Morínigo’s

22

Of the following five commercial recordings of Carretaguy that I have obtained, none of them recognize José del Rosario Diarte as the composer of the piece. In En solo de arpa: Lorenzo Leguizamón (Asunción: “The Song” Producciones Fonográficas, n.d.), the composer or source for the song is indicated as popular [“unknown” or “popular motif”]. The same indication appears on Luis Bordón: Harpa paraguáia em stereo (São Paulo: Gravacões Chantecler Ltda., n.d.). In Paraguay en solo de arpa: Intérpretes varios (Asunción: Blue Caps Producciones Fonográficas, n.d.) and Dionisio Aguayo “Piririta” y su arpa paraguaya (Asunción: Sellos Discos Confort, n.d.), Félix Pérez Cardozo is credited with the composition of the piece. Program notes in Raquel Lebrón: Polcas paraguayas en solo (Asunción: Blue Caps Producciones Fonográficas, n.d.) designate Félix Pérez Cardozo as the recopilador [collector/arranger] of the composition. 23

Details regarding the birthplace and birthdate of Agapito Morínigo remain sketchy. In the March 6th 1993 edition of Noticias (a local newspaper), an article in the arts and entertainment section announced the performer’s death at the age of seventy-eight. Three years later, on March 5th 1996, another article in Noticias paid tribute to the harp player, indicating this time that “Agapito Morínigo…falleció hace exactamente 3 años, a los 76…” (Agapito Morínigo…passed away exactly 3 years ago, when he was 76…). In Diccionario de la música en el Paraguay, researcher Luis Szarán records 1908 as the birthdate and Guarambaré as the birthplace of Morínigo. (Szarán 1997:455). Alfredo Vaesken, organizer of folk music festivals and sponsor of the only commercial harp recording of Agapito Morínigo, informed me that, in 1991, when he wanted to take the performer to a music festival in Uruguay, Tacho’í did not have a cédula (national identification card), nor did he remember his date of birth; therefore, a group of friends had to fabricate a date of birth in order to produce the proper documentation (birth certificate, national identification card, and passport) for the artist. At this point, no evidence exists to definitively support 1908, 1913, or 1915 as Morínigo’s year of birth. 24

In Guarani, the addition of “í” at the end of the word means “little” or “small.” In the case of names or nicknames, the “í” indicates the youngest of siblings or the son of somebody with the same name or nickname. Indeed, Tacho’í’s father was also known as “Tacho.” 25

On a 1991 newspaper article Agapito Morínigo indicated, Resulta que mi papá, pues, había sido arpista. Se llamaba Tacho. Upéicha rupi chéve oje’e la

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protestations were of no avail and, at the age of five, young Tacho’í decided to emulate his father and started to play at family gatherings. Upon his father’s passing, Tacho’í inherited the elder Morínigo’s old harp with wire strings and became part of the conjunto Paraguay poty (Paraguayan Flower). The conjunto was later known as the quintet Resedá poty (Reseda Flower), which included harp, violin, accordion, and two guitars. For several years, the conjunto performed at social gatherings and dancing parties in Guarambaré and adjacent towns. After the dissolution of the group, Tacho-í performed with bandoneon player Gil Pineda from Typychaty, Guarambaré. Sometime later, when the demand for local folk music had decreased, the arpero traveled around alone playing at the improvised carousels and fairs connected to local religious and social activities and for the occasional patron who hired him to play at serenades or family gatherings. Following the deaths of his wife and their three daughters, presumably between the 1970s and 1980s, Tacho’í moved to Rosado Guazú, near the town of Ypané, from where he would travel weekly to Guarambaré, playing at the mercado (open market place), the houses of patrons in town, and along the highway. It was not unusual for drivers to stop and request a couple of songs in exchange for a few bills. In 1980, at the initiative of Alfredo Vaesken26 and the group Paraguay Ñe’e),27 (The Language of Paraguay, or The Expression of Paraguay) Tacho’í performed at the

Tacho’í, aje. ‘Papá, por qué no me enseñas un poco. Yo también quiero ser arpista,’ le dije un día. ‘No che ra’y, arpista ika’ueté. Nderecháipa ko che. (Alvarez, Mario Rubén, “Tacho’í: La canción del arpa errante” (Tacho’í: the song of the traveling harp), Ultima Hora (Asunción), Revista Correo Semanal, 27 July 1991, p. 16.) [So my father, then, was a harpist. His name was Tacho. For that reason I am known as Tacho’í, right[?] ‘Dad, why don’t you teach me some [harp?]. I also want to be a harp player,’ I said to him one day. ‘No, my son, [all] harp players are drunks. Don’t you see me [?]’]. 26

Born in Guarambaré, architect Alfredo Vaesken is an enthusiastic entrepreneur who has been organizing and sponsoring local and regional folk music festivals since the 1980s. Among them, the Festival del

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Festival del Takuare’e) in Guarambaré, one of the major annual folk music events in the country. During the 1980s and early 1990s Tacho’í, regarded as a musical icon of an almost extinguished tradition, performed at other musical events such as the Festival de Mandu’arã (A Time to Remember Festival), the Festival Rochas del Arpa (The Rochas Harp Festival) in Asuncion, and the Festival Nacional del Folclore de Durazno (The [City of] Durazno] National Festival of Folklore) in 1991 in Uruguay. In June 1989, he was invited to record a few of his compositions and musical arrangements for a project sponsored by Paraguay Ñe’e. Aside from amateur recordings made at some music festivals where Tacho’í performed, this phonographic sample constitutes the only available documentation providing insight into the main characteristics of his harp technique. The recording Arpa y terruño al estilo “Tacho’í” (Harp and Country in the Style of “Tacho’í”) includes fourteen Paraguayan polcas and compuestos – narrative and epic compositions in polca rhythm – by Tacho’í and anonymous composers.28 While the compuestos are sung and accompanied by the harp player himself, the polcas are instrumental solos. Though the narrative text differs from one compuesto to another, the

Takuare’e (Festival of the Sugar Cane) in November and the Encuentro con Emiliano (Encounter With Emiliano) in August are the most well attended music festivals. They include traditional vocal and instrumental music, as well as dancing, theater, and poetry. More details about these events are discussed in Chapter Four. 27

Created in 1984, Paraguay Ñe’e was comprised of a group of local artists, artisans, dancers, journalists, musicians, and intellectuals who, throughout the 1980s and early 1990s, sponsored and organized artistic events promoting Paraguayan folk traditions. 28

The recording made in June 1989 included five compuestos: Mombyry ajeheka (Searching Far Away), Francisco Solano López, two versions of Mba’ere che Tupasy (Why, My Mother of God?), Ajumingo Señor mío (I Am Coming My Lord), and Taguapy sapy’ami (Sit Down for a Little); two polcas by Tacho’í: Costa Ñaro (Ñaro Coast) and Polca Guinea (Guinea [Chicken] Polca); and six polcas by anonymous composers: Barra buche (At the Bar) , Péinako la guerra opá (There the War Ended), Kilómetro 11 ([On the] 11th Kilometer), Ndarekói la culpa (It Is Not My Fault), Solito (Alone), and Ña Seve (Mrs. Seve[riana]). Both Ndarekói la culpa and Solito are traditional anonymous compositions from the late nineteenth century.

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performer applies the same musical setting to Mombyry ajeheka (Searching Far Away), Francisco Solano López,29 and Taguapy sapy’ami (Sit Down for a Little), thus recycling or borrowing, musically speaking, both melody and harmony. It is not clear, however, which of the compuestos was composed first. Moreover, the instrumental interludes of five compuestos – Mombyry ajeheka, Francisco Solano López, Mba’ere che Tupasy, Ajumingo Señor mío, and Taguapy sapy’ami – have identical melodic and harmonic features. At times, the traditional accompaniment pattern of 6/8 is substituted by a few measures in triple meter,30 which, for some harpists, seems to have typified the old style of harp playing for polcas and similar folk songs at the turn of the century. Tacho’í reflects this particular performance practice in two of his instrumental compositions: Costa Ñaro and Polca Guinea. While Costa Ñaro (Track 05, Accompanying CD #1) is a polca depicting a geographical region, Polca Guinea (Track 06, Accompanying CD #1) is onomatopoeic in nature, illustrating and describing the sound and movement of the Guinea chicken. Both compositions follow the verse and refrain structure typical of the genre and present short melodic phrases in parallel thirds accompanied by the 6/8 polca rhythm in combination with the 3/4 valseado pattern. A basic harmonic sequence (I-V-IIV-V-I) predominates in these two compositions, as well as in the performer’s interpretation of the other polcas and compuestos.

29

Second president of Paraguay and leader during the Triple Alliance War (1865-1870).

30

Known as valseado (waltz-like), this type of triple meter accompaniment is also used for another locally adopted folk music genre, the vals (also valseado or valsado).

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Arpistas Profesionales The second playing school is referred to as arpista profesional (professional harpist). Arpistas profesionales receive their musical training through oral tradition and instruction by other harp players. By playing and listening to performances in formal or informal settings, they also develop their own techniques and performance style. This style is reflected in various performance features, among them the type of dynamic range used during performance, emphasis on melodic articulation, the choice between simple or elaborate accompaniment patterns, the addition of secondary and dominant-seventh chords to enrich the harmonic language, and experimentation with accentuation or rhythmic variations. In addition to accompanying conjuntos and giving solo recitals, some arpistas profesionales have excelled as composers and harp instructors, local and international recording artists, and even harp luthiers. Féliz Pérez Cardozo (1908-1952), Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz (b.1931), Luis Bordón (b.1926), Digno García (1923-1984), Lorenzo Leguizamón (b.1920), Tito Acuña (b.1952), Nicolás “Nicolasito” Caballero (b.1949), César Cataldo (b.1951), Raquel Lebrón (b.1954), Ismael Ledesma (b.1962), and others such as Santiago Cortesi (1913-1992), Abel Sánchez Giménez (b.1934), Rito Pedersen (b.1948), Miguel Angel Valdéz (b.1955), Francisco Giménez (b.1960), and Martín Portillo (b.1970), are prominent figures in a long line of arpistas profesionales. Most of them traveled extensively throughout Western Europe and Asia, performing with folk music conjuntos between the 1950s and 1980s. Some of these arpistas profesionales have pursued academic musical training in Paraguay or abroad, and a select few have

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produced instruction materials.31 In order to shed light on the cultural climate that fostered the development of the arpista profesional, I have included a biographical sketch detailing the background and musical activities of some of the aforementioned figures. The discussion begins with a description of the life and career of Félix Pérez Cardozo, a pivotal figure in the inception of the arpista profesional, and follows with biographical accounts of two consecutive generations of harp performers. The first generation of artists includes Dionisio Arzamendia, Luis Bordón, Digno García, and Lorenzo Leguizamón; and the second generation, Tito Acuña, Nicolás Caballero, César Cataldo, Raquel Lebrón, and Ismael Ledesma.

Félix Pérez Cardozo Perhaps the most celebrated Paraguayan harpist and a pivotal figure in the establishment of the arpista profesional tradition, Félix Pérez Cardozo (1908-1952), son of Teodoro Pérez and Rosa Cardozo, was born in Hy’aty, Department of Guairá, Paraguay.

At a very early age, the precocious young Félix taught himself the

fundamentals of playing the harp and, soon thereafter, began playing with his peers and performing at local parties and other social events.32 In 1928, Félix collaborated with

31

Three musical instruction methods developed by Paraguayan harpists will be discussed in Chapter Four: the Manual Didáctico del Arpa Sin Pedales o Diatónica (Pedagogy Manual for the Harp Without Pedals or Diatonic) by Dionisio Arzamendia Párriz (2003); the Curso de Arpa Paraguaya en Solfeo: Método Para Aprender el Arpa en Solfeo (Paraguayan Harp Course in Solfége: Method to Learn the Harp Using Solfége) by Roquelino Insfrán (1999); and the Método para Arpa Paraguaya (Method for the Paraguayan Harp) by Armando Ortega (1983). 32

According to Julio Martínez (b. 1907), Félix Pérez Cardozo’s second cousin, the harpist took up the guitar while still in elementary school. Some time later, one of Felix’s brothers bought him a harp from Eduvigis Fernández, one of their uncles. It appears that young Félix repaired the old harp and added missing strings made of wire and horse skin, securing them with hand-made pegs made of metal and wire. As soon as Félix was able to play a few songs, he proceeded to take lessons from Juan Crisóstomo Britos from Carovení, Guairá. (Sánchez 2002:38-39).

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guitarists Ampelio Villalba (1887-1937) and Diosnel Chase (1904-1988) to form a trio that traveled to Asuncion to perform at various commercial venues and at a series of folk music festivals at the Teatro Granados organized by impresario Aristóbulo “Nonón” Domínguez (1896-1930). The conjunto’s overwhelming success prompted them to travel to Buenos Aires, one of the region’s principal artistic and musical centers of the time. Although other Paraguayan musicians33 had previously traveled to perform and record in Buenos Aires, the configuration of this musical conjunto34 – two singers accompanied by two guitars and a harp – was the first of its kind to perform in Argentina.35 Upon their arrival in Buenos Aires in 1931, the group immediately set out to perform in clubs, confiterías (restaurants), and radio shows, and was offered a recording contract with the Victor, later RCA Victor label, which was known as one of the leading promotors of traditional music in the region. In a 1936 split from the trio, Diosnel Chase joined Basilio Melgarejo to form the celebrated vocal Dúo Melga-Chase. At the same time, Félix Pérez Cardozo decided to freelance, so to speak, and embarked on collaborations with various musical ensembles that he accompanied on the harp in the performances of both Argentine and Paraguayan traditional repertoire. For about a year in the early 1940s, he accompanied the live shows of the conjunto Ubeda-Riera at Radio Belgrano (Figure 7).

33

Among them were the Dúo Giménez-Pucheta in the mid-1920s (Herminio Giménez and Justo Pucheta Ortega, both singers and guitar players) – one of the first vocal duets to record Paraguayan music – and popular singer Samuel Aguayo, who moved to Buenos Aires in 1927. 34

Reciting poetry between songs, Paraguayan poet Pedro José Carlés was also part of the musical group.

35

Although Félix Pérez Cardozo was the first Paraguayan harpist to perform in Buenos Aires, the first Paraguayan harpist to perform in Argentina was José del Rosario Diarte, who in 1912 performed in Itá Ybaté, Province of Corrientes, and in 1927 in Posadas, Province of Misiones. Diarte continued to play in southern Paraguay and northern Argentina during the late 1920s and through the 1930s (Riveros 1995:14142, 145-48).

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Shortly thereafter, he obtained his first professional contract as a soloist with the Confitería 9 de Julio in downtown Buenos Aires. In 1945 Pérez Cardozo organized his own conjunto and continued to perform actively throughout Argentina, Uruguay, and Chile.36

Fig. 7. Félix Pérez Cardozo (center) at Radio Belgrano, Buenos Aires, ca. 1940.

His fame as a virtuoso harp performer in the Rio de la Plata area reached its peak between the mid-1940s and 1952, the year of his death.37 He was buried in his native

36

Angel Benítez (b. 1925), one of the last vocalists to collaborate with Pérez Cardozo in Buenos Aires, indicated to me that the harpist had such consistent energy that he was able to perform and travel for days with little or no rest. He also mentioned that Pérez Cardozo indulged daily in abundant servings of puchero (a local version of ossobucco [meat and bone soup]) and numerous shots of gin or sherry. Pérez Cardozo’s friends and musical collaborators found that they often had difficulty keeping up with his frenetic pace and continuous activities (Angel Benítez, interview by author, Villarrica, Paraguay, February 2002). This view is also shared by singer and composer Agustín Barboza (1913-1998), who worked with Pérez Cardozo for about five years in Buenos Aires. (Barboza 2000:89-92) 37

Pérez Cardozo’s legacy lives on in the city of Mendoza in central Argentina, where a street was named after the renowned harpist (Szarán 1997:384). Perhaps this was also the result of Pérez Cardozo’s musical contribution to the Argentine patriotic repertoire; indeed, his Argentine zamba Los sesenta granaderos (The Sixty Granaderos), was dedicated to the courageous regiment of General José de San Martín , a central historical figure in the process of Argentine and South America independence in the early nineteenth century. Los sesenta granaderos is still sung in most Argentine elementary schools to evoke patriotic sentiment. The harpist, who in 1945 married Avelina Sánchez Deal from Mendoza, maintained

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town Hy’aty, Paraguay, the name of which was officially changed to Félix Pérez Cardozo in 1957. Shortly after Pérez Cardozo’s death, the popular Argentine composer and performer Atahualpa Yupanqui (1905-1992) dedicated a poem, La canción del arpa dormida (The Song of the Sleeping Harp), to the memory of Pérez Cardozo. This particular poem was set to music by Paraguayan composer Herminio Giménez (19051991) and soon became one of the most frequently performed guaranias38 in Paraguay and Argentina. Yupanqui’s poem includes two phrases of great interest, mitã guazú and arpa india. Mitã guazú (big boy) is a physical description of Pérez Cardozo, who according to close friends, was a big man with the heart and the innocence of a child.39 The phrase arpa india (Indian harp) has stirred some controversy, as the Paraguayan diatonic harp is not of Indian origin. Nevertheless, Paraguayan journalists and performing groups have used the term to convey and sell a constructed exoticism related to the traditional music of Paraguay. An excerpt from the poem reads, Acunando un sueño se nos va la vida y el viajero parte para no volver, Hoy el arpa india se quedó dormida como una guarania que no pudo ser. [Holding a dream life flies away and the traveler departs not to return, The Indian harp lay sleeping today as a guarania that could not be.]

strong personal, as well as professional ties with Argentina. A detailed account of a posthumous musical tribute to the performer by colleagues and friends in Asunción is given by Barboza (2000:249-52). 38

Details on the guarania, a Paraguayan urban musical genre, are discussed in Chapter Three.

39

Agustín Barboza, who worked in Buenos Aires with Pérez Cardozo, comments on the nature and generosity of the performer: “[Félix] era grande en todo sentido. A su físico elegante y llamativo se sumaba la sencillez, la cordialidad, la generosidad y más que nada una solidaridad con el prójimo.” (Barboza 2000:39) [[Félix] was big in every sense. To his handsome and elegant physique one could add his simplicity, kindness, generosity, and above all, his solidarity with his neighbor.] Until this day, the affectionate nickname is respectfully applied to the performer and often mentioned when the memory of Pérez Cardozo is evoked during recitals and music festivals.

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While most musicians, especially professional harp performers and folklore specialists, avoid the phrase arpa india in association with the Paraguayan harp, Rudi Torga, General Director of [the office of Folklore] Research and Cultural Support of the Ministry of Education and Culture ([Oficina de] Investigación y Apoyo Cultural del Ministerio de Educación y Cultura), has used the phrase in the introduction to Roquelino Insfrán’s published method for the harp (1999). Commenting on the history of the harp in Paraguay during the times of the Jesuits (between the seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries) Rudi Torga indicates, Los instrumentos rítmicos, sin duda, les motivan más a los avá. El arpa, [introducida] con el padre Antonio Sepp, [se] aprende a ejecutar y fabricar. Con la guitarra y el rabel, el arpa es el instrumento más conmovedor. Cuando son expulsados los jesuítas, el arpa ya se había convertido en un “mbaraká guasú” mbopuhá solicitado. Así mismo [el indígena] aprendió a fabricarla con la madera de nuestra selva, imitando en sus cordajes los sonidos de la naturaleza. Por eso, se llamará “arpa india.” (Insfrán 1999:6) [With no doubt, rhythmic instruments motivate Indians the best. The harp, [introduced] by father Anton Sepp [is] learned to be played and constructed. Along with the guitar and the fiddle, the harp is the most moving instrument. By the time the Jesuits are (sic) expelled the harp has (sic) already become a big [musical] instrument, [a] requested performing sound-producing object. At the same time [the Indian] learned to construct it with wood from our forest, imitating on the strings the sounds of nature. For this reason it will be called “Indian harp.”] Although highly criticized by composer and researcher Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo (1988:219), the particular denomination arpa india as applied to the Paraguayan harp has also been associated with another similar phrase, arpa guaraní (Guarani harp). As in the case of the poem by Atahualpa Yupanqui, the phrase has elicited heated objections in various circles. Some folklore specialists indicate that it is an error to designate the Paraguayan diatonic harp india or guaraní since the instrument never became assimilated into the musical practices of Guarani communities during or after

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colonial times. While residing in Argentina, Paraguayan poet and composer Federico Riera (1915-1976) wrote Asunción, a guarania that he denominated canción paraguaya (Paraguayan Song), where he incorporated the phrase arpa guaraní. This particular vocal composition has become very popular among vocal and instrumental soloists and conjuntos. The controversial phrase appears in the second verse of the song: Asunción sos mas dulce desde lejos en el arpa guaraní (Asuncion, you are even sweeter from far away on the Guarani harp).

Despite the controversy surrounding the phrase, vocal

performers have not modified that section of the text and the song has been recorded numerous times.40 As previously discussed, Félix Pérez Cardozo’s collaboration with friend and luthier Epifanio López brought about significant changes in the form and function of the Paraguayan diatonic harp, introducing new possibilities that would help shape the contemporary arpista profesional tradition. In terms of musical repertoire, he collected, arranged, and composed folk songs suitable for the performance capabilities of the instrument, adapting the onomatopoeic qualities of certain traditional tunes to the harp technique in order to perform programmatic music. In regard to technique, the performer developed a new school of playing, emphasizing the use of the fourth finger on the right hand to play octaves, as well as the use of ascending and descending melodic passages in the bass line. In addition, Pérez Cardozo was one of the first harpists to use special effects such as the Paraguayan tremolo and glissando, and his pioneering use of broken chords in the left hand to accompany the melodic line served as a point of departure from the customary waltz-like (valseado) pattern used by popular arperos.

40

The general public does not see a major conflict with the phrases arpa india or arpa guaraní.

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Some of Pérez Cardozo’s innovations in the Paraguayan diatonic harp technique are most evident in his arrangement of Pájaro campana (The Bell Bird), one of the most celebrated and performed instrumental polcas on the Paraguayan harp (Track 07, Accompanying CD #1). Attaining regional and international recognition through Pérez Cardozo’s arrangement, Pájaro campana (also known as Guyrá campana or Guyra pú) is an onomatopoeic composition based on an anonymous motivo popular (popular [musical] motif). Pájaro campana describes the call or sound (pú, in Guarani) made by a regional bird (guyrá, in Guarani) denominated campana (bell). Since the call of the male bird seems to be answered by the female bird a fifth higher, the composition is based on repetitive melodic passages of intervals of fifths and sixths. Generally performed in three sections and in verse-refrain form, the repeated melodic motif (C-F-C-E) and harmonic pattern (I-V-I) offer multiple possibilities for theme variations.

In regard to the

authorship of Pájaro campana or Guyrá campana, Dionisio Arzamendia (2003:336) indicates that Ampelio Villalba, who was already playing a version for guitar of this anonymous composition, introduced the motivo popular to Félix Pérez Cardozo. Nicolás Riveros (1995:167) suggests that harpist José del Rosario Diarte may have been the composer of the tune, since he first played it accompanied by guitarists Ampelio Villalba and Carlos Talavera and since both Diarte and Talavera confirmed this information at different times to researcher Juan Salazar Villagra.

Nevertheless, Cardozo Ocampo

(1989:145) suggests three other possible composers: flautist Eloy Martín Perez from Guairá, conductor and composer Bernardo Mosqueira from Carapeguá, and guitarist Carlos Talavera from Caazapá.

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Pájaro campana has become a favorite among Paraguayan harp performers who, due to popular demand, are compelled to play the piece as an encore at recitals and music festivals.

Numerous Paraguayan harp performers have recorded versions of Pérez

Cardozo’s arrangement of Pájaro campana. Track 08 (Accompanying CD #1) offers harpist Lorenzo Leguizamón’s version of this popular composition as informed by Pérez Cardozo’s arrangement. In addition to arrangements of Pájaro campana for the diatonic harp, the host of renditions for piano, guitar, and voice serves as testimony to the widespread popularity of this composition. Both, Pájaro campana and Pérez Cardozo’s original onomatopoeic composition Tren lechero (The Milk-Run Train) (Track 09, Accompanying CD #1) demonstrate the technical accomplishments and sound effect innovations (bordoneado, short glissandi, tremolo) introduced and developed by the performer. His extensive body of compositions includes the following pieces which have become staples in the Paraguayan harp performance tradition: Angela Rosa, Bolivianita (Sweet Bolivian Girl), Che valle-mí Hy’aty (My Sweet Little Town Hy’aty), Che valle-mí Yaguarón (My Sweet Little Town Yaguarón), Lejos sin ti (Away from You), Llegada (The Arrival), María Elsa, Mi despedida (My Farewell), Mi Refugio (My Refuge, the name of a confitería in Buenos Aires), Pájaro campana (The Bell Bird), Rosa, Sueño de Angelita (The Dream of Sweet Angelita), Tren lechero (The Milk-Run Train), Yataity ([Town of] Yataity), and Ykuá saty (Pure Springs). Some of his most celebrated vocal compositions include El arriero (The [Paraguayan] Cowboy) with lyrics by Rigoberto Fontao Meza; Burrerita (The Sweet Female Donkey-Rider), and Pasionaria (The Passion Flower) with texts by Antonio Ortíz Mayans; Mariposa-mí (Sweet Butterfly) with lyrics

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by Andrés Pereira; Che la reina (I, the Queen), Desde la selva (From the Jungle), Oda pasional (Ode of Passion), Oñondivé-minte (Together), Primero de marzo (March the first [1870]), and Teniente Rojas Silva (Lieutenant Rojas Silva) with lyrics by poet Emiliano R. Fernández; Los sesenta granaderos (The Sixty Grenadiers) with text by Hilario Cuadros; and Tetaguã sapukái (The Cry of the People) with lyrics by Victor Montórfano. The figure and artistic achievements of Pérez Cardozo are still regarded as symbols of national pride.

During folk music festivals, Paraguayans celebrate the

dissemination of traditional music in the region, reflecting a general sentiment of nostalgia for the old and, as perceived in the collective imaginary, better times, and reinforcing a national identity by nurturing a romanticized view of musical artists who succeeded abroad.41 Félix Pérez Cardozo – with one foot in the arpero popular tradition of the past and the other immersed in a host of innovations that would pave the way for the contemporary arpista profesional tradition – serves as a pivotal figure in the history of the Paraguayan harp tradition, ushering in a new era of performance practices and epitomizing the spirit of individuality that characterizes the harpists of the twentieth and twenty-first centuries.

41

Usually festival presentadores (masters of ceremony) indulge in very elaborate and florid remarks about music and musicians while introducing performers. Most of these presentadores are figures of radio and television shows associated with traditional music. The use of elaborate and at times archaic language and metaphors in reference to music or musicians is also commonly found in written publications. Such is the case in some essays and articles published in Mundo Folclórico Paraguayo (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:199235) and in Ocará Poty Cue-mí (No. 196 1968), a magazine which showcases Paraguayan traditional music and musicians.

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Dionisio Arzamendia Harpist Dionisio Arzamendia (b. 1931) was born in Arroyito, district of Coronel Martínez, Department of Guairá, Paraguay (Figure 8). Inspired by his father, harpist Santiago Arzamendia, and his uncles Gil and Juan Pablo Párriz, who sang in a trio with harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo, Dionisio and his brother José decided to capitalize on their musical abilities by playing guitar and singing aboard the international express, a train that traveled the Buenos Aires-Asuncion route and passed through Borja, a station near Coronel Martínez. The Arzamendia brothers became very well known in the area for their entrepreneurial venture of singing for the passengers in exchange for money and other gifts. In 1943, they came to Asunción, where they eked out a living through numerous small jobs and continued to perform informally, observing from a distance how professional musicians sang and played their instruments at local clubs and restaurants. The Arzamendia brothers were particularly inspired by the performances of the Dúo Melga-Chase at the Ideal restaurant in Asuncion. A year later, in 1944, the brothers went to Buenos Aires by boat, where, for about a month, they cleaned the kitchen and sang in the evenings for the crew of the cargo ship La Morocha. Once in Buenos Aires, they performed at restaurants and searched for other Paraguayan musicians. They met Félix Pérez Cardozo, who immediately invited them to perform with him at Radio El Mundo, advised them and taught them the current musical repertoire, and provided them with the know-how necessary information for survival in the big city. Toward the end of 1951, they decided to go back to Paraguay and, on their way to Coronel Martínez, they bought new instruments, including Dionisio’s first harp, in Asuncion. In 1952, while getting ready to return to Buenos Aires, the brothers received the news of the death of Félix

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Pérez Cardozo, at which point Dionisio moved to Carapeguá, where he studied harp under the guidance of his uncle Gil. After a brief period of study, Dionisio returned to Asuncion and introduced a new style of performing traditional music, which consisted of singing and playing the harp at the same time. Until that point, harpists primarily played musical introductions and provided instrumental accompaniment to vocal music.

Fig. 8. Dionisio Arzamendia working at his home in Asuncion, Paraguay.

In 1956, along with singers Ramón Arroyo and Armando Rivero, Dionisio formed the trio Los Caciques Guaraníes (The Guarani Chiefs) and traveled to Bolivia, Peru, Ecuador, Colombia, and Venezuela. During the musical tour, the trio gave public and private performances of Paraguayan folk music and recorded long plays in La Paz and Lima. At the end of the South American tour, the trio separated and Arzamendia decided to remain in Caracas, Venezuela, to learn more about harp construction techniques. Due to his embrace of socialist idea,s Arzamendia was prevented from returning to Paraguay and remained in exile from 1956 to 1990. In 1962, along with his brother José, Dionisio

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participated at the Eighth World Youth Festival in Helsinki where, in a musical competition, they placed second for their instrumental rendition of Pájaro campana on harp and guitar. Immediately after the festival, Dionisio Arzamendia decided to go to Havanna, Cuba, where he studied at the Conservatorio Nacional de Música for seven years. From Cuba he traveled to Hungary, where his brother José was already studying at the Budapest conservatory. While Dionisio studied pedal harp performance with an emphasis on the Bartók and Kodály methods, José studied guitar performance and conducting. Abandoning his musical studies at the Budapest conservatory, Arzamendia moved to Paris, where he performed Paraguayan and Latin American traditional music with the conjunto Los Guaranies (The Guaranis). In France, while continuing to hone his musical skills, he met his future wife Katherine. His brother José, who had remained in Hungary, graduated with a doctorate in music and worked as a professional conductor in Budapest. During the1980s, DionisioArzamendia moved to French Guyana, where he assumed the position of harp instructor at the Ecole Nationale de Musique et de Danse “Edgard Nibul” in Cayenne.

In 1990, a year after the coup d’etat that overthrew

President Alfredo Stroessner’s government, Arzamendia visited Paraguay, envisioning a possible return. In 1996, after several years of intense musical activity in France and French Guyana, Dionisio Arzamendia decided to return to Paraguay where, in 2001, he joined the music faculty at the Conservatorio Nacional in Asuncion.

In March 2003,

Arzamendia published a method for the Paraguayan diatonic harp, the Manual didáctico del arpa sin pedales o diatónica (Pedagogy Manual for the Harp Without Pedals or Diatonic), a work which will be discussed at greater length in Chapter Four. In addition

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to musical exercises and harp études, Arzamendia’s publication includes transcriptions of traditional songs and original compositions. Currently, Dionisio Arzamendia teaches Paraguayan harp at the Conservatorio Nacional and builds harps at his private workshop in Asuncion.

Luis Bordón Born in Guarambaré, Paraguay, Luis Bordón (b. 1926) learned to play the harp by studying with and emulating his father, who played harp, as well as guitar. Growing up in Guarambaré, Luis admired harpist Enrique Ayala, who had a traditional music conjunto with violin, clarinet, accordion, and guitar, and the Cáceres brothers, who also had a conjunto with violin, bandoneón, and guitar. Both musical groups performed regularly at dancing parties and other social events in Guarambaré. Around this time, the combination of voice-guitar-harp for the interpretation of folk music was very successful abroad – mainly Argentina – but not in Paraguay. Bordón also admired the technique and achievements of harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo, who had already made quite a name for himself perfoming with a musical group in Argentina.

Bordón vividly recalls how

captivated he was by Pérez Cardozo’s playing, …cuando estaba en la escuela…me encantó el sonido del arpa…¡Pájaro campana! Me pareció una máquina la forma que tocaba Félix Pérez [en la radio]. Me acuerdo que de tardecita venía corriendo a casa para practicar el arpa. (Luis Bordón, interview with the author, Asuncion, August 2002). […when I was in elementary school… I loved the sound of the harp…Pájaro campana! The way Félix Pérez would play [on the radio] seemed to me like a machine. I remember that at sunset I would come home running to practice the harp.] During his childhood, Luis Bordón observed the performance practices of popular harp players (arperos) at the veladas (vigils), popular musical soirées with singing, 123

poetry reading, and short theater plays, the calesitas (carousels), and the casillas ([game] stands) at fairs connected to Catholic religious festivities. Young Luis attended the musical performances organized by his uncle Gabino Bordón, who was a bandoneón player and owned a dance hall in Guarambaré, where he frequently hosted veladas featuring artists such as comedian and musician José L. Melgarejo (1897-1984), harp player Santiago Cortesi (1913-1992), and actress Máxima Lugo (1910-1990), among others. According to Luis Bordón, who yearned to play the harp and perform on stage like the velada artists, Paraguayan polcas such as Teresita, Minero sapukái (The Cry of the Miner), Guapo che (I Am A Hard Worker), and Paraguaya Linda (Beautiful Paraguayan Girl) were favorites with the public.42 In the 1940s Bordón moved to Asuncion where he initially played the harp for the Conjunto de los Hermanos Bordón, in which his cousins Cleto and Marcelo Bordón sang and played guitar, and later performed with other musical groups such as the Conjunto Asunción of singer Tolentino Sarubi and the Dúo Melga-Chase. In 1950, he was invited to join Julián Rejala’s Conjunto Folclórico Guaraní (The Guarani Folk Music Conjunto), which traveled and performed throughout Paraguay and southern Brazil. In 1951, he moved to Brazil to work as an electronics engineer and to serve as harp player for other Paraguayan musical groups coming to São Paulo to record long

42

“Yo soñaba con tocar el instrumento, y decía [algún día] voy a ser como ellos, voy a subir al escenario como ellos.” [My dream was to play the instrument, and I used to say [some day] I am going to be like them, I will go on stage like them.] As a child, Bordón was fully aware of the social stigma associated with the arperos and, frequently, his uncle’s dance hall witnessed some of the stereotypical behavior that propagated the stigma. According to Bordón, Victoriano Verón, a neighbor in Guarambaré and a harpist, indulged in large quantities of alcohol prior to performing for his patrons. Bordón recalls one occasion when Verón was said to be playing a composition entitled Mi teniente, mi teniente (My lieutenant, my lieutenant), but, in reality, it was the polca Carretaguy. Bordón also indicated that Verón used to mix up the names of pieces or simply apply different names to Carretaguy. (Luis Bordón, interview by the author, Asuncion, August 2002)

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plays. Composer Oscar Nelson Safuán (b. 1953), a colleague and personal friend of Bordón, indicated to me that, in regard to the Paraguayan harp, one must acknowledge a “before and after Félix Pérez Cardozo,” the performer who placed the instrument on the regional map, and a “before and after Luis Bordón,” the performer who initiated the conception of the Paraguayan harp as a solo instrument.43 In 1959, Bordón, who was living in São Paulo, was invited to record with the musical conjunto of the Meaurio brothers from Paraguay who, just days before the recording session, decided to dissolve the group.

Bordón, who was left with the

responsibility of informing Mr. Palmeira – manager for the Chantecler recording label in São Paulo – of the group’s last minute decision, was invited by Palmeira himself to record a LP record with instrumental music. Bordón approached the proposition with reluctance as no one had previously recorded an entire LP record of instrumental music featuring the Paraguayan harp as a solo instrument. Days later, the performer arrived at the studio with a list of proposed titles and gave them to Palmeira, who immediately decided which compositions to include in the 1959 landmark recording, Harpa paraguáia (Paraguayan Harp), Bordón’s first LP as a solo harpist.44 Indeed, this particular recording

43

“…hay un antes y después de Félix Pérez Cardozo, y un antes y después de Luis Bordón.” [There is a before and after Félix Pérez Cardozo and a before and after Luis Bordón.]. (Oscar Nelson Safuán, interview with the author, Asuncion, August 2002) Indeed, Pérez Cardozo was the first harpist who achieved fame and prestige in Argentina during the 1930s and 1940s, while Bordón was the first Paraguayan performer who dedicated entire recitals and recording sessions to the harp as a solo instrument. 44

The program notes of this first recording indicate the following sequence of compositions: Harpa paraguáia (Paraguayan Harp), polca by Luis Bordón and Yoly Sánchez; India (Indian Girl), guarania by José Asunción Flores; Carretaguy (Under the Wagon), polca, motivo popular (popular [musical] motif) – anonymous; Llegada (The Arrival), polca by Féliz Pérez Cardozo; Lamento indio (Indian Lament), fantasia by Luis Bordón; Canto de pajarito (The Song of the Little Bird), polca by Luis Bordón; Pájaro campana (The Bell Bird), polca, motivo popular, anonymous); Cerro Corá (Corá Hill), polca-canción by Herminio Giménez; Galopando (Galloping), polca by Feliciano Brunelli; Solito en la noche (Alone in the Night), polca by Mauro da Costa Lima; Rodríguez Peña, tango by Vicente Greco; and Malvita (Sweet Malva), polca by Herminio Giménez.

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has become significant in the history of the instrument for two main reasons. First, the diatonic harp was featured on an entire recording as a solo instrument for the very first time and, second, the title of Bordón’s first solo recording led to the coining of the term arpa paraguaya (Paraguayan harp) in reference to any diatonic harp made in Paraguay. Indeed, one of the compositions that Bordón recorded for that first LP was entitled Harpa paraguáia (Track 10, Accompanying CD #1). Although Félix Pérez Cardozo was the first Paraguayan harp performer to make a professional recording of the diatonic harp, his first recording from the 1930s featured traditional vocal music from Paraguay and Argentina and some instrumental pieces, unlike Bordón’s Harpa paraguáia recording which showcased the harp as a solo instrument.45 Luis Bordón received two golden record awards for Harpa paraguáia and six golden record awards for his 1960 recording A harpa e a cristandade (Harp and Christmas),46 which also appeared in the Guinness Book of World Records for an extraordinary sales volume (See Figure 9).

Overall,

Bordón recorded and re-edited thirty-eight commercial recordings of Paraguayan and

45

Luis Bordón indicates, [Yo] fui el primero en grabar música cantada en el arpa, es decir, utilizando al arpa netamente como instrumento solista y no de simple acompañamiento. Félix Pérez Cardozo fue el primero en trascender el arpa más allá del Paraguay, pero con un conjunto, ocasionalmente tocaba solos instrumentales… el grupo se dedicaba más a la musica vocal paraguaya y argentina. (Luis Bordón, interview by the author, Asuncion, July 2002) [“[I] was the first [harpist] to record sung music on the harp. I mean, using the harp as a solo instrument [for the entire recording] and not just accompanying [vocal music]. Félix Pérez Cardozo was the first [harpist] to make the harp transcend beyond Paraguay, but with a conjunto, occasionally he played instrumental solos… the [musical] group mainly performed Paraguayan and Argentine vocal music.”]

46

“Harp and Christmas” was recorded for the Chantecler label in São Paulo. This LP record features traditional Christmas carols from Europe, the United States, and Brazil.

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“international music,” including boleros, tangos, traditional music from Latin America, musical themes from movies, and Christmas songs.47

Fig. 9. Professional photo of Luis Bordón taken in the early 1960s. In the 1970s, he decided to reissue an augmented version of his first recording and, with the help of Paraguayan composer Oscar Nelson Safuán,48 who arranged the compositions and conducted the studio orchestra, Bordón re-recorded the album Harpa paraguáia in its entirety. Around this time, he also purchased the Chantecler label and 47

The following is a comprehensive list of Luis Bordón’s recordings: Mono LP recordings: Harpa paraguáia em hi-fi (vols. 1-3), A harpa e a cristandade (vols. 1 and 2), A harpa romántica (The Romantic Harp), Bordon Tropical, Os grandes sucessos da harpa paraguáia em hi-fi (Great [Musical] Hits of the Paraguayan Harp in Hi-Fi), Tangos para você (Tangos for You), Nostalgia del Paraguay (Nostalgia for Paraguay), Recordando carnavais – Marchas (Remembering Carnival – Marches), Recordando sucessos Junino (Remembering the Musical Hits of Junino), O réi da harpa paraguáia (The King of Paraguayan Harp), O carnaval brasileiro (Brazilian Carnival), Harpa paraguáia em 3 D (Paraguayan Harp in Three Dimensions), and Luis Bordon e sua harpa paraguáia (Luis Bordon and His Paraguayan Harp). Single and double recordings: O velhinho, A harpa e a Cristandade, Harpa paraguáia em hi-fi, Luis Bordon: Solista de harpa paraguáia. Stereo LP recordings: Harpa paraguáia em stereo, A harpa paraguáia em estereofónico, and re-editions of A harpa e a Cristandade – Vol. II, Tangos para você, and Bordon Tropical. In addition, fourteen of these recordings have been re-edited as compact discs in the 1990s. 48

At this time, Oscar Nelson Safuán, who had been living in Brazil since the 1960s, was singing with the Trio Los Tres Soles (The Three Suns) and working as a musical producer and arranger of música sertaneja (music from the Brazilian hinterland).

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became a musical producer for other artists. Bordón performed extensively in Brazil, Chile, The Netherlands, the United States, and Japan. Several awards and prizes testify to the great extent of his success as a recording artist and harp performer, among them, awards from the Ministry of Communications and the Asociación de Arpistas del Paraguay (Paraguay), the Paraguayan Embassy, the military police of São Paulo, and the Historical and Geographical Institute of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil), the Fort Hood Semper Altimo military distinction, and the keys to the city of Dallas (Texas, USA). Bordón lived in Brazil for over thirty years and performed for about three years in the United States (mainly in Dallas and Las Vegas) before retiring and moving back to Asuncion, Paraguay.

In 2001, in recognition of his international musical achievements as a

performer of the Paraguayan harp, UNESCO gave him the Orbis Guaraniticus (The Guarani Universe) medal.49 A prolific composer, Bordón has produced over a dozen instrumental compositions, among them Alonsito (Little Alonso Bird), Arpa paraguaya (Paraguayan Harp), Caballito andador (Galloping Little Horse), Canto de pajarito (Song of the Little

49

The text of the diploma of recognition reads: El Sr. Koichiro Matsuura, Director General de la Oganización de las Naciones Unidas para la Educación, la Ciencia y la Cultura, que tiene como uno de sus principales objetivos velar por la Cultura Universal, confiere la Medalla ORBIS GUARANITICUS y el presente Diploma al Maestro LUIS BORDON en justo reconocimiento a su excepcional calidad profesional en la ejecución del Arpa Paraguaya, su brillante trayectoria artística y el exitoso fomento internacional que brinda a la Música Guaraní. Asunción, 27 de septiembre de 2001. Edgar Montiel. Representante de la UNESCO en el Paraguay. Consejero de Cultura para el MERCOSUR. [Mr. Koichiro Matsuura, General Director of the United Nations Department of Education, Science, and Culture, whose principal goal is to oversee Universal Culture, confers the ORBIS GUARANITICUS medal and the present diploma upon Maestro LUIS BORDON in just recognition of his exceptional professional credentials as a performer of the Paraguayan harp, his brilliant artistic endeavors, and the successful international promotion that he gives to the Guarani Music. Asuncion, September 27, 2001. [Signed by] Edgar Montiel. UNESCO Representative in Paraguay. Cultural Advisor for the MERCOSUR.]

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Bird), Danza seductora (Seductive Dance), Despertar nativo (Native Awakening), El arpa y la danza de mi tierra (The Harp and the Dance of My Land), El diálogo del guyraú con el caballo (The Dialogue Between the Blackbird and the Horse), Fiesta de la selva (Celebration in the Jungle), La voz del viento (The Voice of the Wind), Lamento indio (Indian Lament), Leny, and Sonrisa hechicera (Charming Smile).

Fig. 10. Arpín made by Luis Bordón in the 1980s. In the 1980s, while visiting a recording studio in California, Bordón had the opportunity to examine a harpsichord and was immediately inspired to experiment with the construction of a similar string instrument. The result was an arpín (little harp), which resembled a psaltery and had twenty-five metal strings (Figure 10). He used this instrument to achieve special effects in some songs for his Christmas music recordings. In 1985, his friend Oscar Nelson Safuán also used the arpín for his Avanzada recording. As an innovator of sound effects on the diatonic harp, Bordón also experimented with the placement of a piece of metal on the console of the harp for the recording of Pájaro campana, as originally arranged by Félix Pérez Cardozo and India by José Asunción Flores. The piece of metal, which had the shape of the console and a long cut in the

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middle, served as a resonator through which the strings of the harp were inserted. Although Bordón has experimented with special sound effects on the diatonic harp, he remains a strong proponent of maintaining the diatonic aspect of the instrument in the performance of traditional music and new compositions.50 Bordón’s unique approach to the creation of varying tonal palettes within the diatonic system of the Paraguayan harp is evident in El arpa y la danza de mi tierra (“The Harp and the Dance of My Land”), one of the most celebrated compositions by Luis Bordón and Oscar Nelson Safuán.

Although this composition exhibits

characteristics of a traditional Paraguayan polca in 6/8, the composer switches tonalities from the area of e minor to E Major in an unusual way for the performance of Paraguayan traditional music (Track 11, Accompanying CD #1). He tunes the harp in E Major, but lowers G# and D# by a half step on the bordonas, spanning about an octave of the lower register. He begins the composition by playing a melody on the bordonas in the tonal area of e minor, along with an ostinato pattern on the arpín. The second half of the composition consists of an exuberant dance-like section in verse-refrain form and in the tonal area of E Major. The composition in its entirety presents a colorful collage of 50

During a published interview, in reference to the newly introduced mechanic levers and other means of producing half steps on the Paraguayan diatonic harp, Bordón indicated, Igualmente, creo que no hay que agregarle aditamentos raros al sencillo diatónico de apenas 5 kilos, de fina madera fragante de bosques y 37 o 38 cuerdas, que no podrá competir con el de 54 kilos, reforzado con hierro, y siete pedales que es el arpa de concierto. Hay que dejar al arpa paraguaya así como está, de lo contrario va a perder su identidad. (“El arpa: Singular historia que llega desde el fondo del tiempo” [The Harp: Singular History Coming from the Depth of Time] Ultima Hora, A&E Supplement (Asuncion), November 8 1985, pp.4-5.) [At the same time, I believe strange attachments should not be added to the simple diatonic [instrument] of almost five kilograms, [made] of fine wood scented with the fragrance of the forest and [with] thirty-seven or thirty-eight strings, that will not be able to compete with the [instrument] of fifty-four kilograms, [which is] covered with iron, [and has] seven pedals, [and] that is the concert harp. The Paraguayan harp must remain as it is, otherwise it will lose its identity.] The same view was expressed by Bordón during a conversation in July, 2002.

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elements unique to the Paraguayan folk music tradition, namely the e minor section exemplifying the distinctive timbre of the arpa paraguaya on the bordonas and the E Major section vividly depicting a lively popular dance.51 This change of tonality is perhaps striking because the diatonic nature of the instrument lends itself to the movement from one key to its relative Major or minor, a practice commonly observed among arpistas, but rarely to the parallel Major or minor. Currently, Luis Bordón resides in Asuncion where he teaches privately and performs regularly with his son Luisinho, who accompanies him on the guitar.

Digno García Digno García (1919-1984) was born in Morascué, district of Luque, Paraguay. The young Digno, who had taught himself how to play the guitar and the harp, started early to compose and to work as a luthier, searching to improve the sound quality of the diatonic harp. In 1935, he played guitar and sang with Julián Rejala’s musical group Conjunto Folclórico Guaraní for a series of broadcastings at ZP5, Radio Nacional del Paraguay. Around this time, he also collaborated with other performers of traditional music such as Tito Fernández, Ignacio Melgarejo, and Demetrio Ortíz. In the early 1940s, García accompanied singers Gumercindo Ayala Aquino (1910-1972) and Luis Osmer Meza, also known as “Luis Alberto del Paraná” (1926-1974), during a five-year musical tour of Central America and Mexico. For several years, his 1944 composition Cascada (Waterfall or Cascade), inspired by the Salto Chololó, a waterfall located in Piribebuy, in

51

El arpa y la danza de mi tierra and Despertar nativo (“Native awakening”) were the only pieces featuring the Paraguayan harp along with a orchestral accompaniment during a series of three performances of traditional music organized by the Philharmonic Society of Asunción and presented by the Asunción Symphony Orchestra in March of 2002. For this occasion, Luis Bordón appeared as soloist.

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the central eastern region of Paraguay, served as the musical theme for the broadcastings of Vatican Radio Latin America (Szarán 1997:217). In 1947, while still in Mexico, the Ayala-García-Meza trio, known as Trío Guaireño, separated and, along with singers Luis Alberto del Paraná and Humberto Barúa, Digno García formed the Trío Los Paraguayos, which resided in Peru. In 1952, Barúa left the trio and decided to stay in Lima, at which point García and Paraná returned to Asunción and invited singer Agustín Barboza (19132000) to join the group. In 1954, the new Trio Los Paraguayos traveled to Europe, where the ensemble performed and recorded Latin American music (Figure 11).

Fig. 11. The Trio Los Paraguayos in 1954: Agustín Barboza, Digno García, and Luis Alberto del Paraná. The conjunto operated under the endorsement and sponsorship of the Paraguayan government, which officially conferred upon the performers the title of ambassadors, issuing them diplomatic passports and providing monetary benefits. With this group,

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García recorded his version of Pájaro campana and Cascada for the Philips label in Holland. Three years later, after having completed the official musical tour, García left the group and organized the Trío Los Pampas with singers Juan Alfonso Ramírez (b. 1926) and his wife Bonifacia “Chinita” Montiel (b. 1929), as well as requinto52 player Julio Jara. Years later, the group was dissolved53 and García formed the conjunto Digno García y sus Carios54 (Digno García and His Cario Indians) with singers Antonio Alvarez, Leonardo López, and Arnaldo Peralta. García performed with this group for many years, concertizing in forty-seven countries throughout Europe, Africa, and Asia. As in the case of similar musical ensembles from Paraguay and Latin America, this conjunto performed at hotels, restaurants, night clubs, theaters, on television shows, and in private recitals as guests of political and intellectual figures. Digno García y sus Carios performed for Princess Margaret (Great Britain), Queen Fabiola (Belgium), President Ferdinand Marcos (Philippines), and artist Salvador Dalí,55 among others. In Barcelona, García received a special award for his composition Costa Brava released by the Belter recording label. In 1958, he moved to Brussels, where he married Belgian artist Vera Lynn.

52

The requinto is a small high-pitched guitar, usually associated with Mexican boleros and vocal trio singing. 53

Juan Alfonso Ramírez, Chinita Montiel, and their son Juan Alfonso “Johny Monte” Montiel (b. 1948) formed the musical conjunto Los Indios, traveling extensively throughout Europe, the Middle East, and Japan for over than thirty years. 54

Although García, Alvarez, López, and Peralta were not “Indians,” the name of the group exhibited a high degree of exoticism. The Carios were part of the Guarani group that inhabited the area surrounding present-day Asuncion at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards during the sixteenth century. 55

Salvador Dalí created for Digno García a work of art in crystal entitled La Guitarra (The Guitar), which was dedicated to the musician.

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García, who recorded more than fifty-four LP records, composed over a hundred and twenty vocal and instrumental pieces of various styles. Some of his most performed traditional pieces include A mi Paraguay (To My Paraguay), A mis dos amores (To My Two Loves), Acaray (a region in southern Paraguay), Aromita (a type of herb), Arrorró (Lullaby), Canto a mi tierra (Song to My Land), Cascada (Waterfall), Costa brava (Costa Brava, Spain), Chiperita (Sweet Girl Baking Chipá, a type of cornstarch bread), Chochi mí (My Little Chochi), Dulce ilusión (Sweet Illusion), El Indio (The Indian), Ismelda,56 Las mejores rosas (The Best Roses), Luna llena (Full Moon), Luqueñita (Sweet Girl from Luque), Madrecita (My Sweet Mother), Marina, Mi compañera (My Companion), Mi nostalgia (My Nostalgia), Moras Cué (the section of town where he was born), Navidad triste (Tearful Christmas), Noches asuncenas (Evenings of Asuncion), Ñandutí (Ñanduti, literally, “spider web,” a type of local folk art), Ñeá purahéi (Let Us Sing), Paisaje de mi tierra (Landscape of My Land), Rosalinda, Tristeza India (Indian Sadness), Vals de papá y mamá (The Waltz of Mom and Dad), Viajera (The [Female] Traveler), Ykuá ka’aguy (The Spring Behind the Bushes), and others. In the early 1980s, Digno García received the national medal of honor (Medalla de oro al mérito nacional) and the title Hijo dilecto de la ciudad de Luque (Renowned Son of the City of Luque). In 1982, García visited Paraguay for the final time, where he gave a series of harp recitals prior to returning to Europe. The performer passed away in Gerardsbergen, Belgium in 1984. Eighteen years later, in 2002, a music festival was organized in Luque, García’s hometown, to collect funds for the construction of a

56

Ismelda was composed for and dedicated to Ismelda Marcos, wife of Ferdinand Marcos, former president of The Philippines. (Stete Borba 1990:121)

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mausoleum where the body of García was scheduled to be placed after repatriation. The festival, which was highly promoted by the major newspapers in the country, gathered local artists who had known or had performed with the harpist.57 Unfortunately, no further efforts have materialized in response to the goals set out by the repatriation committee. García’s accomplishments are still celebrated in Europe, where every year since the composer’s death, a series of performances entitled La Fiesta Paraguaya Digno García Para Siempre (The Paraguayan Celebration [of] Digno García Forever) has taken place in Belgium in honor of the Paraguayan harpist. In 2004, the twentieth anniversary concert celebration took place on November 13 at the Okapi Forum Theater in Aalst. The program included performances by Paraguayan singers Daniel Cardozo and Félix de Ypacaraí, the duo Los Carios, harpist Ismael Ledesma, and Belgian pop artists Boogy Boy, Gibson Brothers, Jessy, Koen Crucke, MnC, and Francesca van Thielen.58 Cascada, García’s most celebrated and performed instrumental composition, exemplifies the main characteristics of virtuoso Paraguayan harp music: clear melodic lines, programmatic unwritten text, and onomatopoeic sounds in conjunction with the 6/8 polca rhythm.

Example 6 (Track 12, Accompanying CD #1) is an excerpt of the

beginning of the composition as originally recorded by the composer.

Track 13

(Accompanying CD #1) includes an arrangement of Cascada as performed by harpist Lorenzo Leguizamón.

57

The festival took place on March 1, 2002 at the stadium “Feliciano Cáceres,” owned by the Club Sportivo Luqueño, a local soccer team. 58

See http://www.dignogarcia.com/lafiesta/programma.html

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136

Ex. 6. First sixteen measures of Cascada by Digno García.

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Lorenzo Leguizamón Considered one of the last members of the generation of harpists who placed Paraguayan traditional music on the international map, Lorenzo Leguizamón (b. 1925) was born in Ybytimí, Department of Paraguarí, Paraguay. Although, around this time, popular harp players (arperos) were not well regarded by society,59 the young Lorenzo expressed a strong interest in becoming a harp performer. As in the case of most harp players, he learned the fundamentals of playing the instrument by observing other performers and by taking a few lessons from neighbors and friends in Ybytimí. In the early 1940s, he made his professional debut participating in a live folk music show broadcast by Radio Teleco in Asuncion.60 He subsequently traveled to Argentina where he accompanied the conjunto of Reinaldo “Rubito” Medina (1927-1986). In Buenos Aires, Leguizamón played for various ensembles and worked for about two and a half years with harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo who, at the time, was directing his own musical conjunto. After Pérez Cardozo’s death in 1952, Leguizamón became the musical director

59

During an interview Leguizamón indicated, Yo siempre, de niño, quise tocar el arpa. Conste que antes el arpista no era muy bien mirado. Era un arpero nada más. Y antes andaban ellos tocando en las calesitas y cosas así. Me parece que yo nací con el arpa, luego. (“Merecido Homenaje a Lorenzo Leguizamón” [Worth Tribute to Lorenzo Leguizamón] A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asunción), May 15 1987. p. 2.) [Since always, from childhood, I wanted to play the harp. Even though back then harp players were not very well seen. He [a harp player] was only an arpero. Back then they [harp players] played by the carousels [at fairs] and things like that. I believe that I was already born with the harp.]

60

Invited by musician Toledo Núñez, Leguizamón first appeared on the Domingos de gala (Gala on Sundays), broadcast by Radio Teleco.

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of the ensemble61 and they performed for about nine years at confiterías (restaurants), clubs, and for radio shows in Buenos Aires.62 In the early 1960s, Lorenzo Leguizamón accompanied other conjuntos, such as Los Guaraníes and Luis Alberto del Paraná y Los Paraguayos, and kept a rigorous touring schedule, which included performances in Europe and, later, Japan and the Middle East. As a recording artist for Barclay, Columbia, Philips, Odeón, and RCA Victor, among other labels, Leguizamón has released at least one hundred and twenty LP records.

These myriad recordings also featured Leguizamón as a guest artist

accompanying various Paraguayan folk music conjuntos based in Paraguay, Argentina, and Europe from the1960s through the 1980s. As a composer, he has produced numerous traditional music works, among them: A mi estrellita (To My Little Star), A orilla del Sena (By the Sena), Aka’é pará (Noisy Crows), Arpapú rory (The Joyful Sounds of the Harp), Charará (The Charara Birds), Chavela (Miss Chavela), Kara’í Fermín (Mister Fermín), Kara’í Guazú (Mister Boss), Melgarejo jeroky (Dancing [at] Melgarejo[‘s House]), Mi abuelita (My Sweet Grandmother), Ña Seve (Miss Seve[riana]), Playa Asunción (Asuncion Beach), Soldado del Chaco (Soldier of the Chaco [War]), Sombrero’í (Little Hat) ,Ybytimí (Town of Ybytimí), Ykuá Potrero (The Spring of Potrero), and Yvapovóguype (Under the Yvapovó Tree).

61

Lorenzo Leguizamón directed the Conjunto de arpas y guitarras de Félix Pérez Cardozo, which included musicians Reinaldo Meza, Tito Fernández, Eulogio Pérez, and Ovidio Juárez. 62

From the 1930s to the 1960s, Radio El Mundo, Radio Splendid, and Radio Belgrano were the leading broadcasting venues for live music shows in Buenos Aires prior to the advent of the television age. Their programs were broadcast throughout the Río de la Plata area (Argentina, Uruguay, and Paraguay) and reached a large body of listeners.

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Unlike Luis Bordón’s unconventional approach to the performance of the Paraguayan diatonic harp, Leguizamón typifies the traditional approach to folk music utilizing standard harmonic progressions (I-V-I-IV-I-V-I), short melodic phrases, and verse-refrain form, thus rendering his compositions ideal for pedagogical purposes. This approach is most evident in his recording of Arpapú rory (The Joyful Sounds of the Harp), where short melodic phrases are repeated with little variation (Track 14, Accompanying CD #1). In 2000, the local recording label Producciones Fonográficas “The Song,” released a compact disc compilation of sixteen traditional pieces previously recorded by Leguizamón on LP records. Currently, Lorenzo Leguizamón resides in Asuncion where he teaches privately and gives occasional harp performances. His son Heriberto (b. 1955), also a harpist, teaches and performs actively in Paraguay, Australia, and Japan.

Tito Acuña Justo Ilirio (“Tito”) Acuña (b. 1952), born in Caballero, Paraguay, was instilled at a very early age with a passion for music by his father who played the harp in the arpero tradition. A precocious child, Tito followed the practice of self-instruction prevalent among Paraguayan harp performers and taught himself how to play the instrument by observing and listening to his father. In my August 5, 2002 interview with Mr. Acuña, he indicated to me that his earliest recollections of performing with the harp include a 1963 performance at his elementary school when he was eleven years old and his first professional engagement, an appearance with the Medina brothers, a professional voice and guitar duo, in the town of Franco Ñú. In 1968, Tito moved to Asuncion where he

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joined the conjunto of singer Vicente Santacruz and gave his first performance in the capital at a live music show for Radio Nacional. Later, he met the Torres brothers from Paraguarí, with whom Acuña toured southern Paraguay and the province of Formosa (northern Argentina). The conjunto sang traditional music with the accompaniment of guitar, accordion, and harp. In the early 1970s, Tito recorded his first professional LP for the Elio label, Mitakuña’í (Sweet Little Girl) and, in the mid-1970s, the harp player recorded with his own ensemble Las Calandrias del Sur (The Birds from the South) and with the Dúo Colman-Medina. In 1978, at the end of the musical tour with the Torres brothers, Acuña joined the Dúo Rojas y Rojas with whom he recorded for the Humaitá label. With the Dúo Rojas y Rojas, Acuña traveled extensively for about six months throughout the interior of Paraguay performing for radio shows and at social events in Caaguazú, Encarnación, Iturbe, Pilar, and San Pedro del Paraná. As in the case of the Torres brothers, this conjunto also included guitars, accordion, and harp. In Asuncion, they performed at folk music shows broadcast by Radio Ñandutí and television station Channel 9. The same year, Acuña traveled to São Paulo with Ireneo Ojeda Aquino and his conjunto Los Zorzales Guaraníes (The Guarani Robins) to record five LPs of Paraguayan traditional music and to perform in various cities in southern Brazil. Upon his return to Asuncion, Acuña, who had been playing the harp at La Curva (The Curve),63 was invited by Lorenzo Pérez to join him for a series of performances in Europe. Acuña embraced the opportunity and the newly established guitar and harp Dúo Pérez-Acuña set out on the musical tour, performing at nightclubs in Switzerland and Italy. The duet, which later acquired another guitarist, became the Trío Pérez y Pérez y 63

La Curva restaurant is still one of the main venues offering performances of traditional music in Asuncion.

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Acuña and traveled extensively throughout Europe. Once he had fulfilled his touring contract with the trio, he joined Paraguayan singer Elio Serafini in Spain for an eightmonth tour of Spain, Germany, Italy, Greece, and Egypt. In the early 1980s, during breaks from his European tour, Tito performed in South America with the vocal trio of singers Rigoberto Arévalos, Tito Martínez, and Lalo Martínez. This group, comprised of three singers and two guitarists, had been performing Paraguayan and Latin American traditional music with a special emphasis on bolero repertoire. Altogether, Acuña lived and traveled throughout Europe and northern Africa for about five years. In 1984, along with his brother Digno Acuña, Tito joined singer and guitar player Juan Carlos Oviedo, with whom they embarked on various musical tours to Argentina and Chile. Since then, they have been performing together as the Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los hermanos Acuña.

With twenty-four commercial recordings, the conjunto, which

specializes in traditional repertoire, has become one of the most popular and representative folk music groups performing in festivals and other musical events in Asuncion, the interior of the country, and abroad, primarily Argentina and Chile. For Acuña, the essential repertoire of Paraguayan traditional music consists of the polca repertoire of musicians such as Flaminio Arzamendia, Dúo Gómez-Quiñónez, Dúo Melga-Chase, Dúo Vargas-Saldívar, and others. This view is also espoused by Juan Carlos Oviedo, whose group bases its musical performances around this core of traditional repertoire. Acuña asserts that the traditional music festivals of del Takuare’e (Guarambaré), del Lago Ypacaraí (Ypacaraí), del Ñandutí (Itauguá), and de la Raza (Guairá), no longer in place,64 are the most significant of all folk music events annually 64

Chapter Four offers details about the folk music festivals of Takuare’e, Ñandutí, and Lago Ypacaraí. Originally conceptualized as a celebration of Columbus Day (October 12) or the encounter of the two

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organized in the country.

Tito Acuña, who employs a traditional harp technique

including bordoneados and arpegios, is a veritable powerhouse of a performer whose playing exhibits a unique balance between extraordinary virtuosity and keen sensitivity to the music and to the vocal lines.

Both Campamento Cerro León (Track #15,

Accompanying CD #1) and Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí” (Track 05, Accompanying CD #2) exemplify Acuña’s harp sonorities and high level of technical virtuosity. Figure 12 shows Acuña performing a Paraguayan polca and showing off his harp acrobatic skills with the instrument at a family gathering.

Fig. 12. Tito Acuña performing at a family gathering in Asuncion.

worlds (Europe and the New World), as well as the pride of the Paraguayan nation, the Festival de la Raza ([Music] Festival of the Race) was cancelled as of the late 1980s due to the lack of official interest and support.

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Nicolás (“Nicolasito”) Caballero Viewed by his colleagues and by the general public as the most versatile contemporary Paraguayan harp performer, Nicolás Caballero (b. 1949) was born in Asuncion. A true prodigy, at the age of three Nicolás started to take harp lessons from his father, harpist Isidro Caballero, and a year later, he made his debut at the Teatro Municipal in Asuncion. In the mid-1950s he traveled throughout the interior of Paraguay and to Uruguay and Argentina performing with the Trio Paraguay Tropical, a conjunto led by his father Isidro and singers Adolfo Duarte and Lauro Romero. In the late 1950s, Nicolasito, as he came to be known, traveled to Spain with the new configuration of the Trio Paraguay Tropical, which now included his father Isidro Caballero, singer Pura Aguero Vera, and harpist Pablo Morel. Between 1962 and 1965, Caballero traveled and performed extensively throughout Europe. In Russia, he won first prize for a solo harp performance at the International Music Festival (1962) and, in The Vatican, he played a private recital for Pope Paulo VI (1965). In the late1960s, Caballero attended the Paris Conservatory, where he studied pedal harp and other string instruments while seeking a degree in orchestral conducting. During the early 1970s, Caballero taught harp at the Conservatorio Municipal de Música in Asuncion and, in 1975, he established residency in Spain, where he lived for about twenty-five years before returning to Paraguay. In Spain, he performed regularly at the Vihuela concert hall in Madrid and taught harp lessons.

Prior to his return to Paraguay, he embarked on one last extensive tour,

accompanying various musical conjuntos throughout Europe, Northern Africa, Turkey, Israel, and East Asia.

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Caballero, influenced by his formal training on the pedal harp, searched for ways to play half-steps on the Paraguayan diatonic harp and experimented with llaves (keys), small thin pieces of wood or plastic placed between the fingers that, when pressing the strings, would tense them and, consequently, raise the sound a half-step higher. Although other Paraguayan harp players use this device as well, Caballero has perfected the system to the point of being able to perform an extensive repertoire of music. With the use of the llaves, Caballero has branched out from the Paraguayan traditional repertoire and recorded tangos, boleros, and rock and pop music.65

As a composer for the harp,

Caballero has produced traditional pieces such as Campana de Pascua (Passover [Easter] Bell), Ka’í jeroky (The Dance of the Monkey), Sol María, Vuelo de pájaro (Bird Flight), and others. As in the case of Pájaro campana and other traditional pieces by harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo, Caballero explores the colorful variations of sound using the harp as an onomatopoeic instrument, an approach that is quite evident in Ka’í jeroky (Track 16, Accompanying CD #1), where the composer uses the full extension and register of the instrument to show the programmatic nature of the piece. In Sol María (Track 17, Accompanying CD #1), Caballero displays his virtuosity in the use of the llave and his remarkable steady rhythm in continuous fast musical passages. From the late 1990s and through 2002, Caballero traveled continuously to Japan, where he taught harp, coached Japanese Paraguayan-music groups, and played at different venues in Tokyo and Osaka. In 1984, he recorded in Spain “New Sounds,” an LP with jazz and pop music performed 65

Using the llaves Caballero recorded Melodías inolvidables en solo de arpa (Unforgettable Melodies for Solo Harp) for the Elio label in the late 1990s. This compilation included arrangements of musical themes from movies such as The Godfather, Love Story, Charles Chaplin, and Chariots of Fire; boleros such as Contigo aprendí (With You I Learned) and La distancia (Distance); the tango El día que me quieras (The Day You Love Me); the folk song La paloma (The Dove); instrumental renditions of Beatles songs (Hey Jude, Yesterday, and Let It Be); and Rock Around the Clock, among other selections.

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on the Paraguayan harp.

Besides Navidades and Tango, in which he performed

Christmas music and tango selections, Caballero released three other recordings for the Elio label between 1997 and 2000: Secretos del arpa paraguaya (Secrets of the Paraguayan Harp), Maestros del arpa paraguaya (Maestros of the Paraguayan Harp), and Melodías inolvidables en solo de arpa (Unforgettable Melodies in Solo Harp). In 2002, Caballero recorded two compact discs, Arpa and Polka, as part of the series “Memories from Paraguay” for the Living Sounds label. Currently, Nicolasito Caballero performs regularly and teaches harp in Paraguay and serves as musical advisor and arranger for the Elio recording studio in Asuncion.

César Cataldo César Cataldo (b. 1951) was born in Clorinda, Province of Formosa, Argentina (Figure 13). Following his parents’ repatriation, young César became a Paraguayan citizen, and the family settled in Puerto Pinasco, Paraguay. Cataldo’s ardent interest in music took root during his elementary school years when he would play guitar at home and listen very intently to musical shows aired on Radio Nacional.

At the age of

fourteen, he began taking harp lessons with Rubí Addario de Báez (b. 1923)66 and explored the techniques of other musical instruments such as the mandoline, the piano, and various percussion instruments. In 1968, along with a musical conjunto sponsored by Colegio Cristo Rey where he attended high school, César won second place for solo harp performance at the Segundo Festival del Folclore (Second Festival of Folklore). In the 1970s, while majoring in accounting at the Universidad Nacional de Asunción, he 66

Harp teacher and composer Rubí Addario first studied harp with Abel Sánchez Giménez (b. 1934) and later with harpist and luthier Cristino Báez Monges (1930-1987), whom she ultimately married.

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joined other colleagues in promoting the newly established Nuevo cancionero (New Song) movement.67

As part of this musical movement, Cataldo composed several

instrumental pieces, accompanied conjuntos such as Juglares (Singers), Ñamandú (Remembering), and Sembrador (The Sower), and toured with them throughout Latin America and Europe playing at various music festivals. Cataldo participated in numerous local musical events such as the Festival del Lago Ypacaraí and the Festival Rochas del Arpa where, in 1990, he won first place in the category of solo harp performance. Currently César Cataldo performs solo harp recitals, teaches music at Colegio Cristo Rey, and gives private harp lessons.

Besides his numerous recording

collaborations with local musical groups, he has recorded three compact discs as a soloist:

Música Paraguaya en Arpa y Orquesta (Paraguayan Music with Harp and

Orchestra) in 1997; César Cataldo: Arpa Paraguaya (César Cataldo: Paraguayan Harp) in 2000; and Exitos del arpa paraguaya ([Musical] Hits of the Paraguayan Harp) in 2001.

Fig. 13. Cover of César Cataldo’s 1997 recording Música Paraguaya en Arpa y Orquesta

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Details about the Nuevo Cancionero movement are included in Chapter Three.

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As a composer, Cataldo has written about fifty instrumental and vocal compositions. His most frequently performed pieces include the instrumental pieces Coloquio (Colloquium), Decidamos (Let Us Decide), Gotitas (Little Drops), Jerokyrã (Time to Dance), Resurgir (Revival), and Tereréhápe (At the Tereré Circle); Che rope’aguype (Under the Hammock) with text by poet Elvio Romero; El canto del hombre (Song of Man) and Vy’a pave nendivé (Our Joy) with lyrics by Rudy Torga; En verde y rojo (In Green and Red) and Tierra colorada (Red Land) with texts by Carlos Federico Abente; and Señor del llanto (Lord of Weeping) in collaboration with Maneco Galeano. Cataldo’s compositions and performance style are characterized by the use of clear melodic lines and ornaments such as mordents and short trills. At times he also uses harmonic sequences borrowed from other musical genres and styles such as ballad and pop music. Coloquio (Track 18, Accompanying CD #1) and Decidamos (Track 19, Accompanying CD #1) typify Cataldo’s style of composition for the diatonic harp. His particular technique and his use of a harmonic vocabulary, which is not exclusively traditional, have set him apart from other arpistas profesionales with the denomination of arpista profesional de técnica estilizada (harpist of stylized technique).

Raquel Lebrón Born in Asuncion, Raquel Lebrón (b. 1954) has forged a name for herself as one of the few active female harp performers in Paraguay where, unlike other regions in Latin

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America,68 the harp performance tradition is almost exclusively male-oriented.69 Lebrón studied in Asuncion with harp teachers Santiago Cortesi, María Cristina Gómez, and Nicolás Caballero. Because of her training, harp technique, and extensive list of musical performances, Lebrón could be placed in the category of arpista profesional (professional harpist) and also denominated arpista profesional de técnica estilizada (harpist of stylized technique). Aside from recitals in Paraguay, she has given harp performances and lectures in Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Peru, Uruguay, South Africa, Portugal, and Germany. In 1991, she received first prize for solo folk instrument performance at the International Music Festival in Eusteddfod, South Africa. In 1992, she signed a contract with Deutsche Welle in Köln, Germany for a recording and a series of exclusive harp performances. Lebrón also filmed the documentary Harfen aus Paraguay [Harps of Paraguay] for ARD German television and performed in Bonn, Frankfurt and at the Opera House in Wiesbaden. Currently, Raquel Lebrón performs regularly in Asuncion, giving lecture recitals in concert settings typically associated with the Western tradition. In most of her harp performances and lectures, Lebrón uses the expression arpa estilizada (stylized harp) to denote the particular quality and seriousness of her performing style and musical interpretation.

Indeed, as a performer, she plays with precision and

elegance, always asserting the validity of the Paraguayan harp as a concert instrument

68

In some Latin American countries the harp has a distinctly female association, as in Chile, where a tradition of female harp players was established in the nineteenth century. 69

Nevertheless, Rubí Addario de Báez Monges (b. 1923); María Cristina Gómez (b. ca.1930); Rocío Lebrón (b. 1956), sister of Raquel; Teresita Rivas (b. ca.1925); Ada Valiente, a.k.a. Nenequita Cáceres (1925-1982); and Carmen Villalba (b. 1930) are among the most renowned female harp performers in Paraguay.

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capable of playing any style of music. Between the early 1990s and 2002, Lebrón made six commercial recordings for the Blue Caps label in Asuncion.70 Under the sponsorship of the embassy of Spain, Lebrón offered a harp lecture recital on June 26, 2002 at the Centro Cultural de España “Juan de Salazar” in Asuncion.

The performance entitled Raquel Lebrón: Arpa Estilizada included

Paraguayan traditional music and música internacional (Figure 14).

Fig. 14. Program to Raquel Lebron’s Arpa Estilizada Recital. June 26, 2002. Asuncion.

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The six recordings are Cascada (Waterfall), Clásicos del folclore paraguayo (Classics from the Paraguayan Folklore), Lo mejor de Raquel Lebrón (The Best of Raquel Lebrón), Melodías en arpa (Melodies on the Harp), Música internacional con gran orquesta (International Music with Great Orchestra), and Polcas paraguayas en solo de arpa (Paraguayan Polcas for Solo Harp). Raquel Lebron’s website is located at http://www.supernet.com.py/arpaparaguaya/discografia.htm.

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In the first half of the program, Lebrón performed Cascada (Waterfall) by harpist Digno García, Alto Paraná (Parana River) by composer Herminio Giménez, Danza Paraguaya (Paraguayan Dance) by guitarist Agustín Barrios, Guten Abend Gute Nacht (Lullaby) by Johannes Brahms, and Campamento Cerro León (Leon Hill Campground), an anonymous epic composition from the nineteenth century. After a fifteen-minute intermission, Lebrón came back on stage to perform Candilejas (Candles), the musical theme from the movie “Charles Chaplin,” Misionera (The Girl from Misiones) by harpist Fermando Bustamante, Standchen by Franz Schubert, Recorrido musical por Latinoamérica (Latin American Potpourri),71 Lamento indio (Indian Lament) by harpist Luis Bordón, and Pájaro campana (The Bell Bird) as collected and arranged by harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo. Track 20 (Accompanying CD #1) includes a recording of Félix Pérez Cardozo’s Mi despedida (My Farewell) as performed by Raquel Lebrón. Both performer and public observed proper Western concert etiquette throughout the recital. Not only did the performer demonstrate that one could play traditional music on the Paraguayan diatonic harp with elegance and “style,” but that pieces by classical composers, in this case Brahms and Schubert, and the varied popular music repertoire from Latin America could be performed with equal appropriateness and finesse on the instrument.

Lebrón’s determination to present the Paraguayan harp as a concert

instrument on par with the status and prestige of any Western instrument is a point of great interest. For many years, Paraguayans considered the Paraguayan diatonic harp a

71

The musical potpourri included Paisajes de Catamarca (Landscapes from Catamarca) a zamba from Argentina; Las dos puntas (The Two Points), a cueca from Chile; El Humahuaqueño (The Boy from Humahuaca), a huayno from Bolivia; Moliendo café (Grinding Coffee), a cumbia from Colombia, and Cielito lindo (Beautiful Sweet Heaven), a son from Mexico.

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low-class instrument, solely connected to popular music and festivities, and to popular performers (arperos) with very little education. The fact that the Paraguayan harp and its music have gained recognition abroad, mainly in Europe and Japan, has motivated harp performers such as Lebrón to champion the Paraguayan diatonic harp as a sophisticated and serious instrument.

Ismael Ledesma Exhibiting the most colorful stage presence and most adventurous approach to composition, harmonic language, and performance style among the arpistas profesionales, Ismael Ledesma72 (b. 1962), born in Lambaré, Paraguay, took his first harp lesson at the age of five from his father, harpist Raimundo Ledesma.

With the

encouragement of his father and his mother, singer and guitarist Luisa Lucena, Ismael decided to pursue a musical career. In the early 1980s he moved to France, where he studied music at the Conservatoire International de Musique de Paris.

Ismael’s

performance career flourished and he began concertizing throughout Europe and Israel with several traditional music conjuntos. In 1983, he traveled to Israel with Los Tres Brillantes Paraguayos (The Three Paraguayan Diamonds). Between 1985 and 1986, he performed in France with America Latina con Alegría y Fuego (Latin America with Joy and Fire) and Los Diablos del Paraguay (The Devils of Paraguay) and, in 1987, he recorded with Peru Andino (Andean Peru). Since 1985, Ledesma has pursued a solo career, arranging and composing for the Paraguayan harp, and performing in Turkey, Lebanon, Austria, Germany, Belgium, and

72

See www.ismaelledesma.com

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France. In 1991, he received first place for his harp composition Aromas del mundo (Aromas of the World) at the Festival Rochas del Arpa in Asuncion, an achievement which inspired him to explore new styles and techniques in composition. Between 1991 and 2001, Ledesma performed extensively in Paraguay, Egypt, France, the Czech Republic, Italy, England, The Netherlands, Belgium, and Luxembourg. As a recording artist, he has produced eight compact discs, most of them featuring original compositions.73 His pieces are characterized by a unique combination of long melodic phrases, sophisticated harmonies, background instrumental accompaniment drawn from diverse styles, and genres such as “light” classical, pop, new age, and ballad, and rhythmic features unique to the Paraguayan polca and guarania. The performer himself has denominated his style of composition neofolclore (neo-folklore). His 2000 recording La Balada del Indio (The Indian’s Ballad) can be characterized as an instrumental suite of programmatic nature. Using the diatonic harp, as well as electronic instruments in the background, Ledesma’s compositions in the neofolclore style have descriptive titles such as El lago salvaje (The Wild Lake), El indio pensativo (The Pensive Indian), La balada del indio (The Indian’s ballad), Cuerdas al aire (Open Strings), Influencias (Influences), Amazonas, Melodía corta (Short Melody), and La peregrinación (The Pilgrimage). Track 21 (Accompanying CD #1) includes Ledesma’s El lago salvaje, where the composer explores some of the musical ideas found in his neofolclore style. For many Paraguayan musicians, Ismael Ledesma is a sort of enfant terrible of the Paraguayan harp tradition. 73

His highly experimental approach,

Paraguay en solo de arpa (Paraguay in Solo Harp)(1996), Yacaré (Crocodile), (1997), Paraguay (1998), Paraguay: Terra (1999), La Balada del Indio (The Indian’s Ballad)(2000), Renaissance de la Harpe Paraguayenne (The Renaissance of the Paraguayan Harp) (2000), Arpa Danza (Harp Dance) (2003), and En vivo y en directo (Live) (2004).

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which includes some traditional musical gestures as well as a touch of avant-garde, has elicited some criticism from traditionalists who express difficulty in understanding what exactly makes Ledesma’s playing “Paraguayan” per se. On the other hand, the public, for the most part, has bestowed its seal of approval upon the artist whose recitals and compositions are well received in Europe, an indication that he has “triumphed” abroad and should be lauded at home.

Arpa, Arperos, Arpistas: Conclusion Adopted and adapted into the traditional musical vocabulary of the Paraguayan folklore, the diatonic harp developed in its function, construction, and various performance techniques through the work of luthiers, arperos, and arpistas.

Harp

luthiers still consider themselves the recipients of a type of tradition and knowledge that connects them with the past and contributes to the perception of a Paraguayan identity embodied and epitomized by the instruments that they make. While popular arperos are still seen as unsophisticated individuals and nostalgic figures from the past, arpistas profesionales are recognized as distinguished musical artists for their achievements as arrangers, composers, performers, recording artists, and harp instructors. The musical longevity of the ever-expanding arpista profesional tradition can be examined from three angles:

the wide range of repertoire chosen by individual performers, the various

approaches to the musical interpretation of that repertoire, and the performer’s formal musical training. In terms of repertoire, while some professional harpists have concentrated their efforts on performing the traditional music of Paraguay and Latin America, exclusively, others have explored the possibility of performing pop, rock, and light-classical music – 154

also denominated música internacional – on the diatonic harp. In the following synopsis of the innovations that led to the expansion of the harmonic vocabulary of the diatonic harp, I will outline how these changes in the form and function of the harp have served to broaden the selection of repertoire suitable for the instrument. Until the 1950’s, the type of repertoire available for the Paraguayan harp consisted primarily of traditional diatonic music, and the addition of chromatic pitches was achieved solely by pressing the top of the selected string, thus creating the desired tension. That practice changed when harpist and luthier Abel Sánchez Giménez placed small bone and wooden rods on the harmonic cover of the instrument next to the strings. This invention facilitated the production of half steps or sharps, which could be achieved by pressing the strings against the small rods. In the 1970s, harpist Nicolás Caballero experimented with a llave, a small and thin piece of wood or plastic placed between fingers of one or both hands. This llave, resembling a ring with an elongated flat upper surface, was used to produce half steps by pressing the device against the string with the back of the fingers, a method that required a great deal of virtuosity and finesse. Some conservative harp performers have opted to adhere to the original manual method of producing half steps, while others simply play chromatic passages as diatonic. In the 1980s, Abel Sánchez Giménez added mechanic levers to the console of the diatonic harp, thus offering the possibility of playing in all tonal areas without having to manually adjust pegs and retune the entire instrument. This last innovation, which can be found on Paraguayan harps constructed today, has had the greatest impact on the versatility of the instrument, allowing artists to branch out from the traditional repertoire of the Paraguayan diatonic harp to a multitude of musical genres and styles.

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After the 1950s, as a result of the Western musical training of local composers and the influence of other Latin American musical genres, the harmonic language used for Paraguayan polcas and guaranias came to include sequential passages from the relative minor of the tonic key. Compositions also incorporated a series of dominantseventh chords, quick modulations between major and minor tonalities within the same song, and various innovative formulaic ending cadences, among them the I-VI(b)-I andV7-I7, already present in the popular music from other regions and traditions. Innovation in regard to harmonic sequences was not a new concept in the performance of Paraguayan traditional music, as Paraguayan musicians living in Buenos Aires around the 1930s were influenced by the harmonic vocabulary and performance practices associated with the tango. Consequently, Paraguayan polcas, in a departure from the traditional V-I rallentando-like closing cadence, began to exhibit the energetic bouncing V-I-[V-I] cadence typical of the tango. With time, attributes of other musical genres and styles such as bossa-nova, bolero, and pop music found their way into the harmonic language of both guaranias and polcas. Since the 1950s music literacy has come to signify a certain status for professional Paraguayan harp players.

Most of them received their formal musical

training abroad, mainly in Buenos Aires, São Paulo, and Europe while touring with musical groups or after establishing residency in a major city. Such is the case of Digno García, who studied in Mexico and Belgium; Nicolás Caballero, who received training in Paris and Madrid; and Dionisio Arzamendia, who studied in Cuba, Hungary, and Paris; and others. In 1954, harpist Santiago Cortesi (1913-1992), who performed and lived in Buenos Aires for almost two decades, returned to Paraguay and initiated with great

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success what is now considered the first Paraguayan harp pedagogy tradition. Following in Cortesi’s footsteps, other professional harpists dedicated themselves to teaching and, in recent years, to the production of instruction materials. Collective resolve to embrace the diatonic harp as a symbol of identity in Paraguay appears to be inextricably linked to the reception and success of the instrument abroad, a topic that will be further developed in Chapter Five. To construct the broad context behind the musical milieu which fostered the advent of the contemporary arpista profesional and the ample harmonic vocabulary and versatile performance practices employed by Paraguayan harpists today, we must take a step back and examine the genres and staple repertoire which constitute the foundation of the Paraguayan diatonic harp performance tradition.

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CHAPTER THREE: Paraguayan Traditional Music Although researchers of Paraguayan musical traditions have published works discussing general aspects of certain musical expressions typical of the region, no comprehensive or systematic study of Paraguayan traditional music from the perspective of the cultural analysis of music has been conducted or published.1 Among Paraguayan researchers of the various local folk traditions, Juan Max Boettner, Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo, Florentín Giménez, Luis Szarán, and José Fernando Talavera have emerged as the leading scholars. Boettner’s 1954 Música y Músicos del Paraguay (Music and Musicians of Paraguay) was the first attempt to present a comprehensive study of the music of Paraguay. Published in 1981, Cardozo Ocampo’s Mundo folclórico paraguayo (Paraguayan Folk World) in three volumes together with his work Mis bodas de oro con el folclore paraguayo (My Gold Anniversary with the Paraguayan Folklore), published in 1985, offered a good introduction to various Paraguayan folk traditions, including music and literature. While Florentín Giménez’ La Música Paraguaya (Paraguayan Music) was published as a textbook and intended for use at the Conservatorio Nacional (National Conservatory), Luis Szarán’s Diccionario de la Música en el Paraguay (Dictionary of Music in Paraguay) was designed as an introductory guide to the music and musicians of Paraguay. Both Giménez’ and Szarán’s publications were released in 1997. In 1987, Talavera’s Herminio Giménez, previously released in 1983 under the title Herminio Giménez: un 1

Some studies of particular indigenous communities have been conducted by foreign and local anthropologists, among them Bartomeu Meliá’s Los Pai-Tavyterã, etnografía guaraní del Paraguay contemporáneo (The Pai-Tavyterã, [a] Guarani Ethnography in Contemporary Paraguay) (1976), José Antonio Perasso’s Los Guarayu: Guaraníes del Oriente Boliviano (The Guarayu: Guaranies from Eastern Bolivia) (1988), Alfred Metraux’s Etnografía del Chaco (Ethnography of the Chaco) (1996), to name a few.

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músico latinoamericano (Herminio Giménez: A Latin American Musician), offered a biography and analysis of Paraguayan composer Herminio Giménez from the standpoint of his contribution to traditional music. Talavera incorporates biographical data and general information regarding various Paraguayan musical traditions within their historical and social contexts, while integrating the folk, popular, and academic discourses.

Paraguayan Traditional Characteristics

Music:

Repertoire

and

General

The phrase música paraguaya (Paraguayan music) encompasses the vocal, instrumental, and dance music produced in Paraguay and cultivated by all social groups through diverse musical genres. For some, the Paraguayan polca rhythm2 in 6/8 appears to be the defining feature which renders a specific musical composition “Paraguayan” and for others it is the particular combination of both guitar and harp that lends the unique “Paraguayan” sound to traditional music.

Others yet assert that música

paraguaya is defined by the combination of particular performance practices and the use of Guarani or jopará3 in vocal music. In the latter case, performance practices signify the instrumental or vocal qualities characterizing two distinctive styles: kyre’y (lively or playful) and purahéi asy ([as in the style of a] song of intense emotion [produced by melancholy or mourning]). All of these elements, in combination with socio-cultural practices and local traditions work in tandem to give the traditional music of Paraguay its distinctive “Paraguayan” sound. 2

Sometimes the 6/8 polca rhythm is also referred as ritmo paraguayo (Paraguayan rhythm) or el ritmo que nos caracteriza (the rhythm that characterize us). 3

Literally, “mixture.” Jopará is a local dialect that combines words and phrases in Guarani and Spanish.

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The primary function of the diatonic harp in the performance of Paraguayan traditional music includes the accompaniment of polcas4 and guaranias, specific genres within the large body of musical expressions in Paraguay. This accompaniment consists of steady harmonic and rhythmic patterns as well as occasional melodic interactions with the vocal or instrumental lines. Other musical genres in which the harp plays an essential accompaniment role are the compuesto, the galopa, and the vals or valseado. Since the 1940s, Paraguayan harp players have expanded their performance repertoire to include various traditional songs from Latin America as well as some internationally recognized popular compositions. This “international repertoire,” commonly referred to as música internacional, often includes folk, popular, and classical compositions borrowed and adapted to fit the technical capabilities and stylistic conventions of the Paraguayan harp. Prior to examining the salient traits of specific Paraguayan musical genres, we must first consider the general musical features that characterize the traditional music repertoire. Paraguayan traditional music shares some similarities with the musical traditions found in other Latin American countries; namely, a primarily diatonic harmonic vocabulary, the use of short melodic phrases, and improvised harmonies in parallel thirds or sixths. In general, the traditional music of Paraguay is tonal, with whole step melodic motion and infrequent use of chromaticism. Melodies may also skip in intervals thirds, fourths, or sixths before continuing to move by whole steps. One feature unique to Paraguayan traditional music is the melodic syncopation frequently found between the last beat of a measure and the first beat of the following, consequently creating the distinct impression that the melody is lagging behind the beat. Although the melody is 4

As in the case of the word “folklore,” which is spelled folclore in Spanish, the word “polka” is also spelled polca in Spanish.

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expected to end on the tonic, depending on the rhythmic characteristics of the composition, the last phrase can at times end on the third. The Spanish influence on Paraguayan traditional music can be felt both in the harmonization of the melodic line using parallel thirds or sixths and in the use of the Andalusian cadence. Most traditional compositions use the 6/8 (compound duple) meter with sesquialtera or hemiola rhythmic characteristics. The sesquialtera rhythm results in an aural ambivalence felt by the listener when the performer combines both duple and triple meters. Other rhythmic effects common to Paraguayan traditional music include the rapid exchange between compound duple (6/8) or simple duple (2/4) meter and triple meter, as well as a more sparingly used pattern consisting of the pairing of eight beats (two groups of four, known as cuatrillos) against the six beats of the 6/8 compound duple meter.

Three final

categories – the valseado or vals (waltz) in triple meter, marcha (march) in duple meter, and the rasguido doble (double strumming), in the Habanera rhythm – conclude this brief survey of the basic rhythmic lexicon of Paraguayan traditional music. In regard to form, traditional compositions tend to fall into the song category typically presenting several stanzas and a refrain. Either a short instrumental introduction and a bridge or recurrent instrumental interludes are performed before and between stanzas. Regardless of the rhythmic energy and pace of a song in the old performance tradition, compositions frequently ended with a rallentando-like effect in which the harp and guitar would emphasize the tonic area by playing ascending broken chords at a very slow tempo in three or more octaves, a practice that most contemporary performers have opted to replace with a fast and vivacious ending style borrowed from the Argentine tango.

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Polca and Galopa Perhaps the best known and most cultivated of all musical forms in Paraguay, the polca or polka, characterized by its lively rhythmic drive, is a song and dance in compound duple (6/8) meter. Its name derives from the transplanted Bohemian polka that became very popular in Paraguay during the second half of the nineteenth century; however, apart from its name, the Paraguayan polca’s does not correspond to the dance of European origin. The short melodic phrases are highly syncopated, usually connecting the last beat of a measure with the first of the following. In general, tonal harmonies in parallel thirds or sixths frequently following a I-V-I-IV-I-V-I harmonic sequence accompany the melodic line. Bolstering the steady rhythmic propulsion characteristic of the Paraguayan polca is a typical accompaniment pattern consisting of broken chords usually performed on the harp or guitar. The first documented reference to the name polca appears in El Semanario (The Weekly), the main newspaper published during the presidency of Carlos Antonio López (1790-1862), first president of Paraguay.

An excerpt from an article published on

November 27, 1858 recounts the details of a celebration in honor of the opening of Vicepresident Venancio López’ new house. According to the article, a band was hired to play polcas and mazurcas as entertainment for the crowd at the event. Despite the article’s mention of the polca in its adapted spelling, no conclusive evidence exists to link the polcas played at the López residency to the 6/8 Paraguayan polca as it is known today.5

5

The commentary indicates, En medio del campo llamado del Hospital, había una banda de música militar, destinada exclusivamente para diversión del pueblo que bailó sus cuadrillas, sus polcas y mazurcas al compás de esta ruidosa orquesta y alumbrada por hachones de Bengala. (Boettner 1997:199).

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Nevertheless, there is no conclusive evidence to determine if the polcas played at the Lopez’ residence correspond to the 6/8 Paraguayan polcas known today. Surviving anonymous polcas from the late nineteenth century such as Campamento Cerro León (León Hill Campground), Guaimí pysãpe (The Toenails of the Old Lady), Mamá cumandá (Mother’s Beans), Ndarekói la culpa (It Is Not My Fault), and Polca ka’ú (The Drunkard’s Polca) are in compound duple meter with syncopated melodies. Track 01 (Accompanying CD #2) includes the anonymous polca Ndarekói la culpa as performed by arpero Tacho’í.

Notwithstanding the apparent connection between the

aforementioned anonymous nineteenth century polcas and the contemporary Paraguayan polca, certain works composed in the mid-nineteenth century such as Dalmiro Costa’s Gran polka militar “El 10 de Noviembre” (Grand Military Polka “November 10”) – a piece in duple meter composed for and dedicated to President Francisco Solano López (1827-1870) – exhibit the musical characteristics of a European polka (Track 02, Accompanying CD #2), calling into question the notion that the Paraguayan polca did not derive its musical attributes from the European polka. Boettner links the inception of the Paraguayan polca to a particular dance of Iberian origin that reached the continent around 1750. He associates the Paraguayan polca with the gato dance, supporting his inference by quoting musicologist Carlos Vega, who indicated that the Spanish Gato Mis-Mis dance, later referred as Gato in Argentina, was already known in Peru in 1780 (Boettner 1997:199). Moreover, Boettner reinforces this view by citing Italian traveler Giovanni

[In the middle of the field known as the Hospital’s, there was a band of military music, appointed exclusively for the entertainment of the people, who danced their quadrilles, their polkas and mazurkas to the beat of this noisy orchestra, which was illuminated by lanterns of Bengal.]

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Pelleschi, who visited Humaitá (in southern Paraguay) in 1880 and recorded names of dances in his diary, among them the gato.6 Closely connected to the origin and the development of the polca, the galopa dance also uses a lively rhythm in compound duple meter. The name galopa derives from the European salon dance Gallop, introduced in South America first in Montevideo, Uruguay, around 1849 (Ayestarán 1953). Boettner indicates that before the Paraguayan people adopted the term polca in the second half of the nineteenth century, the term galopa was used in reference to this already existing dance in 6/8 (Boettner 1997:198). The distinction between the polca and the galopa remains hazy although some explanations have been offered in an attempt to differentiate between the two dances. Although not exclusively, galopas seem to have a closer association to folk and traditional dancing with band accompaniment.7 Composer Oscar Nelson Safuán indicates that while the polca is composed as one continuous musical section, the galopa is a polca divided into two sections. The second half of the galopa presents significant variations in the rhythmic patterns played by the percussionists.8 Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo (1988) shares this view and believes that the galopa and the polca kyre’y are intrinsically similar in spirit .9 Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo’s original composition Galopera (Galopa Dancer), 6

“Aquí Vd. debe tomar parte en una cuadrilla francesa o un chotís, vals milanés o en el gato o la zamba nacional…” (Boettner 1997:199) [Here you must participate in a French cuadrilla or a chotis, a waltz from Milan or in the gato or the national zamba…] 7

A banda típica or banda koyguá (folk band) is comprised of two trumpets, two saxophones or clarinets, two trombones, a tuba, a snare drum, and a bass drum with two crash cymbals on top. 8

Oscar Nelson Safuán, interview by author, Asunción, August 2002.

9

Cardozo Ocampo comments, En espíritu no se diferencia de la Polca kyre’y; es alegre, incitante; de ritmo séis por ocho en tres, pero con la particularidad de una variación total en las acentuaciones en la segunda parte. La primera parte es igual a la polca paraguaya, en cambio el ritmo de la segunda parte es totalmente

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inspired by the vivacious musical tradition of the galopa dance (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:51-52, 1989:77-96), displays striking similarities to the polca. Perhaps the most internationally recognized song from Paraguay, Cardozo Ocampo’s Galopera encapsulates the melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic features found in the traditional vocal music repertoire. Since other Paraguayan folk music ensembles do not typically use percussion instruments, the galopa when accompanied by a band, appears to be the only genre within the Paraguayan folk tradition that exhibits a systematic use of percussion (Track 03, Accompanying CD #2). A curious reference to the genre appears in the late nineteenth century. Published in 1874, Luis Cavedagni’s Album de los toques más populares del Paraguay (Album of the Most Popular Songs of Paraguay), includes a piano transcription of To-ó, a “Galopa de arpa y galopa paraguaya” (Harp Galopa and Paraguayan galopa), with the indication “galopa que se toca en ocasión de felíz noticia o por expansión de júbilo popular.” [galopa that is performed on the occasion of good news or for the enjoyment of the people.] (Szarán 1997:212-13). Currently, the galopa To’ó is not recognized as part of the traditional repertoire associated with the diatonic harp or other instruments (Track 04, Accompanying CD #2). Studying the rhythmic characteristics of the polca, Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo classifies at least four distinctive subcategories within the genre: polca syryry (flowing

diferente. Es música exclusivamente para banda, … tiene dos ritmos y esa diferencia rítmica se obtiene con los instrumentos de percusión que son: platillos, bombo y tambor o caja. (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:51) [In spirit [the galopa] is not different from the polca kyre’y; it is joyous, provocative; in 6/8 rhythm [with the bass] in three, but with the characteristic of a complete variation on the second section. The first section is identical to the Paraguayan polca, however, the rhythm of the second half is completely different. It is music exclusively [designed] for band [performances], … it has two rhythms, and that rhythmic difference is achieved by the percussion instruments, which are: cymbals, bass drum, and snare drum or caja.]

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polca), characterized by a more relaxed pace than the average polca; polca kyre’y (lively or playful polca); polca popó (jumping polca) or jeroky popó (dancing and jumping polca); and polca galopa, a polca accompanied by a banda típica (folk band) using the rhythmic form of the galopa (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:50-52). In addition to Cardozo Ocampo’s classifications, composer Luis Szarán mentions two other subcategories: the polca sarakí (playful polca), a fast paced instrumental polca, and the polca jekutú (stomping polca), named after the choreography of that particular dance, which includes the stomping of feet (Szarán 1997:392).

Composer Florentín Giménez, who

fundamentally disagrees with the classifications proposed by Cardozo Ocampo and Szarán, maintains that the Paraguayan polca and the purahéi ([Paraguayan] song), are géneros intermedios (in-between genres) or stages in the development of two main forms of musical expressions: the guarania and the kyre’y (Giménez 1997:117). He labels the polca as a sub-genre with a slower rhythm than the kyre’y, which for Giménez is the appropriate term to describe the lively rhythmic compositions in 6/8, commonly referred to as the polca, found in Paraguayan traditional music.10 In his study on the Argentine chamamé, a folk music genre from the northern Province of Corrientes closely connected in style and history to the Paraguayan polca, anthropologist Rubén Pérez Bugallo

10

When referring to the 6/8 meter, Giménez uses the expression ritmo sesquiáltero (sesquialtera rhythm). The composer also observes, La Polca paraguaya y el Purahéi, géneros intermedios dentro de los principales que son la Guarania y el Kyre’y, deben ser tratados de forma diferente. La Polca propiamente debe ser considerada dentro de un ritmo más lento que el Kyre’y, y puede ser cantada, como así mismo comstituye un género apropiado para solista. (Giménez 1997:117). [The Paraguayan polca and the Purahéi, intermediate genres within the main [musical genres] which are the Guarania and the Kyre’y, must be discussed separately. The polca, indeed, must be considered [as being] with a slower rhythm than the kyre’y, and could be sung, as it constitutes an appropriate genre for the [singer] soloist.]

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indicates that the [Argentine] zamba and the chamamé, as well as the Paraguayan polca seem to share a common origin in the practices of the Iberian-Peruvian musical tradition (Pérez Bugallo 1996:198). He emphasizes that before the creation of the Viceroyalty of Rio de la Plata in 1776, Paraguay was part of the Viceroyalty of Alto Peru, and the mandatory commercial route of the times established by the Spanish Crown was LimaPotosí-Asunción. Asuncion, which became the civil and religious center of the Rio de La Plata area after Buenos Aires was destroyed in the late sixteenth century, became a receptive milieu for the cultural and religious influence of the Iberian Peninsula. Indeed, the Spanish fandango and other Iberian dances were adapted and incorporated into the performance of other musical forms found in the region. Pérez Bugallo links the origin of the Argentine chamamé to the introduction of the fandango through what he denominates the “Alto Peru-Paraguay” cultural route. (1996:19, 178).11 When Paraguayan polcas are presented as a vocal genre, compositions are usually, though not exclusively, performed at a slower pace and referred to as polcacanción or simply, polca. Various initiatives to replace the name polca with a Guarani or Spanish term have been unsuccessful, as the present denomination is deeply embedded in 11

Summarizing his discussion on the Spanish fandango, the author indicates, …el fandango se gesta en España en el S. XVI e inicia un rico proceso de difusión y multiplicación en subespecies por toda América criolla. Llegó hermanado a la guitarra y en el Perú – donde funda una gran familia de bailes de pareja suelta – se le asocian el charango, el arpa e importantes elementos kinéticos y vocales propios de los negros esclavos. … el cambio ocurrido en el Paraguay con el fandango – pareja suelta por pareja tomada, pero conservando los zapateos masculinos – es la piedra fundamental que dio origen al chamamé en nuestro país. (Pérez Bugallo 1996 178) […the fandango originates in Spain in the sixteenth century and it initiates a rich process of dissemination and multiplication in sub-genres throughout Spanish America. [The fandango] came connected to the guitar, and in Peru – where it produced a large family of separate-couple dances – it was joined by the charango, the harp, and important kinetic and vocal elements associated with black slaves. … the change produced in the fandango in Paraguay – separatecouple for joined-couple, but preserving the male shoe-tapping – is the cornerstone that originated the chamamé in our country.]

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the popular tradition.

While composers Remberto Giménez (1898-1977) and José

Asunción Flores (1908-1972) have endorsed the Guarani word kyre’y (lively, playful, witty), composer and band conductor Luis Cavedagni (1858-1916) and guitarist Agustín Pío Barrios (1885-1944) used the term danza paraguaya (Paraguayan dance) to refer to the [polca] instrumental and dance form. Regarding the song form, composer Juan Carlos Moreno González (1916-1983) has assigned the Guarani word techagaú (nostalgia) in reference to polca-canción compositions, while others prefer canción paraguaya (Paraguayan song) and purahéi ([Paraguayan] song) (Boettner 1997:198). Concerning the current repertoire of the diatonic harp, some of the most frequently performed traditional instrumental Paraguayan polcas and the urban renditions12 of those polcas include the following: Carretaguy, anonymous, though some have attributed the composition to arpero José del Rosario Diarte; Misionera by Fernando Bustamante; Despertar nativo and El arpa y la danza de mi tierra by Luis Bordón and Oscar Nelson Safuán; Isla Sakã by Santiago Cortesi; Cascada by Digno García; Malvita by Herminio Giménez; Caturi Abente by Prudencio Giménez, Arpapu rory by Lorenzo Leguizamón; Pájaro campana, Llegada, Mi despedida, and Tren lechero by Félix Pérez Cardozo; El boyerito by Enrique Samaniego; and Piririta by Alejandro Villamayor; among others. In addition to original instrumental compositions for solo harp, the most requested instrumental versions of polca-canciones and galopas include the following: 3 de Mayo by Julián Alarcón; Colorado, 18 de octubre13 and Pájaro choguy, anonymous; Galopera

12

Current urban renditions of polca may include the use of an electric bass emphasizing the bass line, the addition of synthesizers producing string and brass sounds, a strong emphasis on text enunciation, and the controlled use of vibrato in the voice.

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by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo; Felicidades by Cirilo R. Zayas; and others. Nowadays, the expression solo de arpa (solo harp performance) can refer to three distinct styles of presentation: the performance of the diatonic harp by itself, the performance of the diatonic harp with the accompaniment of one or two guitars, and the performance of the diatonic harp accompanied by a conjunto with guitars and an electric bass.14 Example 7 (Pages 146-50) presents a transcribed segment of Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí” (Thirteenth Regiment “Tuyutí”), a Paraguayan polca recorded by the Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los Hermanos Acuña.

This particular composition encapsulates the

fundamental characteristics of Paraguayan traditional music as sung by a vocal duet accompanied by guitars and harp. Track 05 (Accompanying CD #2) includes the full version of the musical excerpt.15

With lyrics by popular poet Emiliano R[ivarola]

Fernández and music by Ramón Vargas, Regimiento 13 Tuyutí celebrates the heroic actions of a group of Paraguayan soldiers during the Chaco War with Bolivia (19321935). Sung in Jopará (the Guarani-Spanish dialect), a literal translation of the first three stanzas (first thirty-eight measures of the composition) are also included at the end of the segment musical transcription (See Example 7).

13

Colorado is the official polca of the Partido Colorado (Colorado Party), the political party that has been in power since 1947. 18 de octubre is the official polca of the Partido Liberal Radical (Radical Liberal Party), the rival political party. 14

Currently, the third instrumental configuration appears to be the norm for commercial recordings of instrumental and vocal traditional music. 15

Other listening examples of the Paraguayan polca are also found on Tracks 04-18, 20 (Accompanying CD #1) and Tracks 01 and 03 (Accompanying CD #2).

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Ex. 7. Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí.” First thirty-eight measures. Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí” (Lyrics by Emiliano R. Fernández) Na tahupimí mano a la visera Ha tambojojá che mbaraká mí. Amongaraívo Nanawa trinchera Taropurahéi “Trece Tuyutí.”

[Placing my hand on the visor And taking my little guitar I remember the trench at [the fort] Nanawa [And] I want to sing [about] “Tuyutí Thirteenth”

Aropurahéita “Regimiento 13” Nanawa de gloria jeroviahaité; Ha ityvyrá´i “Regimiento 7” La muralla viva mopuã haré.

I am singing [about] “The 13th Regiment” Covered in glory at Nanawa Along with its companion “The 7th Regiment” Also known as the living wall.

Ro’ata ma hágüi tesaráietépe Peteí koéme ro ñeñanduká, Rohejá hagua ore ra’y répe Pedestal de gloria omaé haguá.

Let us never forget That [one] day when they were slaughtered. We [all] saw our sons there Reaching the eternal pedestal of glory.]

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Compuesto The compuesto (literally, “composed”) is a literary genre developed in Paraguay during the late nineteenth century and highly cultivated during the first half of the twentieth century. Generally speaking, the compuesto is based on a suceso (event) or caso (case) which, in most instances, refers to a tragic event. Although the texts of most compuestos are of anonymous sources, musicians nowadays tend to improvise or compose a specific musical setting or to write newly composed text and music. Compuestos can be performed in 6/8 (compound duple) meter using the melodic, harmonic, and rhythmic features of the Paraguayan polca, or in simple duple meter, in the style of rasguido doble (double strumming), another traditional music genre. The only distinctive difference between the polca and the compuesto is the presentation of the poetry which, in the case of the compuesto, is usually structured in coplas (four-line verses) or décimas (ten-line verses) without a refrain. Sung in Guaraní or Jopará, the compuesto may have a refrain in the middle or at the end of the text. The traditional ensemble performing compuestos includes two singers accompanied by guitars, harp, and accordion.

Compuesteros, performers of compuestos, usually receive their musical

training through oral tradition and, although many of them travel to Asuncion for work purposes or occasional musical presentations, they appear to have been influenced very little by the practices associated with current urban renditions of polca. For many, compuestos are seen as the root of the authentic performance practices of Paraguayan traditional music.

Some compuesteros performed individually, accompanying

themselves on the guitar, harp, or rabel (spike fiddle). Such was the case of Roquito Mereles (1889-1985) who, with the accompaniment of his rabel and that of fellow

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musician Anselmo Orué on the guitar, sang about Chaco War stories and current events at the Plaza Uruguaya in Asunción,16 and of arpero popular Agapito Morínigo “Tacho’í” (ca. 1910-1993). Studies on the compuestos have been published by journalist Víctor Barrios Rojas (2002), composer and researcher Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo (1988:53, 99-107), and composer and conductor Florentín Giménez (1997:261-292).

In compuesto

performances, the diatonic harp, the accordion, and the guitar serve exclusively as accompanying instruments, providing an introduction as well as musical interludes between stanzas, but very rarely featured as solo instruments during performances. For some, the Angelito purahéi or canto para angelito (song for the little angel), a vocal composition dedicated to a deceased child, also belongs to the compuesto tradition. Usually, the performance takes place during the velorio (wake) or all-night vigil that precedes the burial of the body. Although not marketed for the large audience or for commercial purposes, recent recordings of compuestos include:

Motivos Populares Tradicionales del Paraguay

(Traditional [and] Popular [Musical] Motifs of Paraguay), recorded by Los Compuesteros de Carapeguá to accompany Víctor Barrios Rojas’ 2002 publication; Los Compuesteros Carapegueños: Grupo Calazán-Caje, a recording released in 1996; and Compuestero música (The Music of Compuesteros), a musical anthology produced in 1994 showcasing

16

According to Luis Szarán, Roquito Mereles, singing praises to the government of president Alfredo Stroessner (in power from1954-1989) was featured on a daily show broadcast by Radio Nacional del Paraguay in the 1970s. (Szarán 1997:314-15)

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musical groups Los Roqueñísimos, Dúo Calazán-Ibarra, and Dúo Fleitas-Garcete.17 Some of the most popular compuestos are Guyrá Farra (The Party of the Birds), Marcelino ha Marcelina (Marcelino and Marcelina), Mateo Gamarra, Pancha Garmendia, and Un Crimen de Qui’indy (A Crime in Qui’indy),18 all of anonymous authorship.

Track 06 (Accompanying CD #2) corresponds to compuesto Pancha

Garmendia as performed by the Compuesteros de Carapeguá during the 2002 Encuentro con Emiliano ([Musical] Encounter with Emiliano), a traditional music festival celebrated annually in Guarambaré, Paraguay.

Guarania The Guarania is a vocal and instrumental urban musical genre19 created in 1925 by composer José Asunción Flores (1904-1972). Born in Asuncion, Flores received his musical training at the Banda de Música de la Policía de la Capital20 (Music Band of the Asuncion Police Academy).

Flores played trombone and studied under renowned

teachers, such as the Italian musicians Eugenio Campanini (1887-1955), Salvador 17

Los Roqueñísimos: Vicente Ayala, Lucio Camacho, and Juvencio Flores; Dúo Calazán-Ibarra: José Calazán Centurión Vega and Hernán Ibarra accompanied by Oscar Lasaga Ruiz Diaz and Regino Riveros Sánchez; Dúo Fleitas-Garcete: Prisciliano Fernández Fleitas and Edilacio Garcete. 18

Guyrá Farra (The Party of the Birds) tells about a house party where bird names are assigned to guests. When, in the middle of the night, the police comes to the party to investigate some gunshots, Alonsito [a guest, also the name of a local bird] literally, “flies away.” Marcelino and Marcelina tells the story of Marcelino, who murdered his girlfriend Marcelina in the town of Yvycu’í. Mateo Gamarra also refers to a crimen pasional (crime of passion) wherein Mateo gets murdered by his jealous wife during a house party. Pancha Garmendia tells the story of Francisca Garmendia, lover of Paraguayan President Francisco Solano López. Pancha Garmendia was executed in 1869 during the Triple Alliance War. Un Crimen de Qui’indy (A Crime in Qui’indy) refers to the mysterious murder of childhood friends Manuel Leite and Nenito Chávez in the town of Qui’indy. 19

Hereinafter, the term urban, when used in reference to genres, denotes any musical style of composition and performance modeled after a folk tradition but cultivated in an urban center. 20

Created in 1912, the Banda de Música de la Policía de la Capital constituted one of the main centers for musical instruction and performance during the first half of the twentieth century.

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Dentice (1882-1949), Nicolino Pellegrini (1873-1933), and Paraguayan composer Gerardo Fernández Moreno (1900-1946). In 1915, while Flores was taking violin lessons from Fernando Centurión (1886-1938) at the Gimnasio Paraguayo (Paraguayan Gymnasium),21 he composed [President] Manuel Gondra, his first polca. In 1925, during one of the Banda de la Policía rehearsals, Flores experimented with an arrangement of Ma’erápa reikuaasé (Why Do You Want To Know[?]), a popular polca by Paraguayan composer Rogelio Recalde. Flores suggested that Maestro Dentice conduct the piece at a slower tempo in order to facilitate its phrase accentuation and syncopation.

The

experimental tempo and its resulting aural effect inspired Flores to produce other compositions following a similar rhythmic pace. Thus, in 1928, Flores composed Jejuí (Jejuí [River]), Kerasy (Somnolence), and Arribeño resay (The Tears of the River Dweller),22 pieces in compound duple meter using the newly explored slow tempo. The name guarania was later applied to this new musical style. Some sources attribute the name guarania to a poem by Guillermo Molinas Rolón (1892-1945) entitled Canto a la raza (Song to the [Guarani] Race), 1910, which had a great impact on Flores.23

Local

21

Founded by violinist Fernando Centurión in 1913, the Gimnasio Paraguayo (Paraguayan Gymnasium) offered string instrument instruction and fostered the establishment of the Cuarteto Haydn, the first string quartet in the country. In 1934, the institution merged with the Instituto Paraguayo (Paraguayan Institute), originally founded in 1895 and, together, established a new school of Fine Arts: the Ateneo Paraguayo (Paraguayan Athenaeum). 22

Jejuí is the name of a river in the eastern region of the country. Kerasy (Somnolence) and Arribeño resay (The Tears of the River Dweller) capture the ethos of purahéis asy (mournful song), a type of melancholy singing style associated with the old slow-paced folk songs from the countryside. 23

A segment from this poem written in 1910 reads, ... y fue también Guarania, la región prometida como tierra de ensueño, de ilusión y de vida, tierra donde nacieron las flores santiarias de robustas pasiones y gestas fabularias.’ (Szarán 1997:239-40) […and Guarania was also the promised region as a land of dreams, illusion, and life, [a] land that gave birth to the blessed flowers of robust passions and heroic deeds…]

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musicians embraced the rhythmic innovation proposed by Flores and, soon thereafter, other guaranias were composed and disseminated. With the collaboration of close friend and poet Manuel Ortíz Guerrero (1894-1933), Flores produced some of his most celebrated guaranias, among them Buenos Aires salud (Hail, Buenos Aires), India (The Indian Girl), Ne rendápe ajú (I come to [by] You[r Side]), Panambí-verá (Shining Butterfly), and Paraguaype (Asuncion).24 Due to political circumstances after the Chaco War with Bolivia (1932-1935), Flores left Paraguay and moved to Buenos Aires where he organized and directed a music ensemble, the Orquesta Manuel Ortíz Guerrero, which performed and recorded both Paraguayan and Argentine traditional music. In 1936, he returned to Paraguay to teach music in public schools and to conduct the newly created Orquesta Folclórica Guaraní (The Guarani Folk Orchestra). Flores’ stay in Paraguay was cut short when, due to his association with socialist ideas, he was asked to resign from his various positions and was sent into exile. In the 1950s, Flores experimented with the symphonic form, premiering and recording in Buenos Aires and in Moscow his three Guaranias sinfónicas (Symphonic Poems in Guarania Form): Pyharé Pyté (Deep Night), Ñanderuvusú (Our Great Father), and María de la Paz (Mary of Peace).25 Two official government documents touted José Asunción Flores as one of the most significant composers of Paraguayan traditional music. The first, signed by President

24

Buenos Aires salud is a homage to Buenos Aires, Argentina, where Flores lived for many years during his political exile; India presents a reflection of the attributes and qualities of an exotic Guarani girl; Ne rendápe ajú is the song of a traveler who dreams of returning to his home; Panambí-verá mixes themes of nature and romantic love; and Paraguaype describes the emotions felt while walking through the colonial city. 25

Pyharé Pyté (1954) is a symphonic poem for solo, double chorus, and orchestra; Ñanderuvusú (1957) is a ballet inspired by the Guarani legend of Creation; María de la Paz (1961) is a cantata dedicated to the city of Hiroshima and its inhabitants.

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Higinio Morínigo on July 24, 1944, declared the composition India, with lyrics by Manuel Ortíz Guerrero and music by José Asunción Flores, as the Guarania nacional (National Guarania).26 The second document, signed by President Juan Carlos Wasmosy on August 25, 1994, establishes August 27th as the Día Nacional de la Guarania (National Day of the Guarania).27 While the origin and development of the guarania have been discussed to some extent by Boettner (1997:208-212), Cardozo Ocampo (1988:53-54 and 1989:153-61), and Szarán (1997:239-241), Giménez has advocated a study of the musical genre from the theoretical and analytical points of view (1997:57-123).

Apart from documented

biographical information and interviews with Flores, two publications, Almada Roche (1984) and Talia (1976), have offered insights into the origin and musical implications of the guarania, though a major socio-historical and analytical study addressing the contributions of José Asunción Flores to Paraguayan academic and traditional music has yet to be written. Although the guarania shares similar melodic and harmonic features with the polca, its slow rhythm in compound duple meter offers the possibility of creating longer musical phrases and variations in melodic accentuation and syncopation. Originally conceived as an instrumental genre, the guarania quickly became known as a song form. Both Cardozo Ocampo (1988:53-54) and Giménez (1997:126) believe that the guarania is strongly connected to the purahéi asy (mournful song), a genre previously cultivated

26

The same official document also decrees Cerro Corá with lyrics by Félix Fernández and music by Herminio Giménez as Canción Epica Nacional (National Epic Song). 27

August 27th (1904) is also the date of birth of José Asunción Flores.

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by an older generation of popular musicians.28 Throughout the 1940s and 1950s other Latin American musical genres and styles, such as the bolero and the bossa nova, influenced the harmonic language and vocal performance practice of the guarania.29 Nowadays, the diatonic harp is the par excellence instrument for the musical accompaniment of guaranias.

Its melodic and harmonic capabilities provide ample

possibilities of playing delicately while accompanying a vocal soloist or improvising during introductory musical passages and interludes. Since Luis Bordón’s arrangement of India for his 1959 Harpa Paraguáia recording, instrumental versions of guaranias showcasing the harp as a solo instrument have been featured regularly in folk music festivals, recitals, and recordings. Some of the most frequently performed and recorded guaranias include: Anahí by Argentine composer Osvaldo Sosa Cordero, India by José Asunción Flores and Manuel Ortíz Guerrero, Asunción by Federico Riera, Mi dicha lejana (My Distant Joy) by Emigdio Ayala Báez, Mis noches sin ti (My Evenings

28

Discussing the guarania, Cardozo Ocampo indicates “… es hija del purahéis asy, pues conserva su espíritu; su ritmo es séis por ocho y tiene una intensa variedad de subritmos, … desde luego es ancestro en nuestra música.” (1988:53-54) […[the guarania] is a daughter of the purahéi asy, since it has its spirit; its rhythm is in 6/8 and it has a large variety of sub-rhythms, … of course, [the guarania] is [a] forerunner [genre] in our music.] Giménez connects the purahéi asy to colonial times and sees in Flores’ musical creativity the redemption of this old practice. The writer observes, El género Purahéi asy, que pervivió instintivamente en el ser nacional desde la etapa de la colonización como una expresión natural de los aborígenes y luego en el mestizaje, no fue advertido por los músicos y creadores hasta la propuesta, con la nueva luz, del Maestro José Asunción Flores. (1997:126) [The Purahéi asy genre, which survived instinctively in the national being since colonial times as a natural expression of the aborigines and later during the miscegenation process, was not properly perceived by musicians and composers until the [musical] proposal, with the new[ly shed] light, of Maestro José Asunción Flores.] 29

Since then, the use of dominant seventh chords and the use of the relative major or minor areas of the home key have been systematically incorporated into the performance of new and old guaranias. In general, the singing style has become more mellow and breathy, with the addition of the straight-tone and vibrato effect at the end of phrases and, at times, a style of ornamentation on the long notes typical of the current practices of pop singing.

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Without You) by María Teresa Marquez and Demetrio Ortíz, Recuerdos de Ypacaraí (Memories from Ypacaraí) by Zulema Mirkin and Demetrio Ortíz, Sueño de Angelita (The Dream of Angelita) by Féliz Pérez Cardozo, and others.30 Track 07 (Accompanying CD #2) is Luis Bordón’s instrumental version of the guarania, India.

Vals or Valseado Locally adapted during the nineteenth century, the European waltz quickly grew in popularity throughout Paraguay and the region. The genre received two names, which are still in use in Paraguay: vals and valseado. While the two names can be used interchangeably to refer to the genre, vals pertains more to the dance genre while valseado refers specifically to the musical accompanying style in triple meter. Track 08 (Accompanying CD #2) includes Golondriana (The [Dance of the] Swallow), a popular late nineteenth century waltz of anonymous authorship. Cardozo Ocampo asserts that the vals was developed in Paraguay as both a dance and a song form with some distinctive features differing from the traditional European waltz. Cardozo Ocampo supports his claim by describing two distinctive features of the valseado paraguayo:

first, the

Paraguayan version of the dance includes the alternating movement of the feet from one side to the other and then back to the center and, second, guitar strumming is traditionally used to accompany the rhythm (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:52, 117-120). Paraguayan valses present short repetitive melodic phrases, standard harmonic progressions (I-V-I-IV-I-V30

Anahí refers to the legend of an Indian girl condemned to die on the stack because of a forbidden love. According to the story, when her body was burning, she received forgiveness and transformed into the ceibo, the national flower of Argentina. Asunción, sometimes known as canción, is a tribute to the city by a poet living abroad. Mi dicha lejana (My Distant Joy), Mis noches sin ti (My Evenings Without You), and Recuerdos de Ypacaraí (Memories from Ypacaraí) present romantic lyrics. Sueño de Angelita (The Dream of Angelita) is a lullaby dedicated to Angela Rosa, daughter of harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo.

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I), and a steady triple meter accompanied by harp and guitars.

The most popular

Paraguayan vals or valseado is the internationally known Desde el alma (From the Soul)31 composed by Rosita Melo (1895-1981).

Although not as widespread, other

known valses include: Ansiedad (Anxiety) by José Saravia, Besos de amor (Kisses of Love) by harpist Abel Sánchez Giménez, Tu Olvido (Your Disregard) by Vicente Epina, and Nati32 by harpist Dionisio Aguayo (Track 09, Accompanying CD #2). In addition to traditional repertoire, contemporary harp players sometimes perform a selection of Johann Strauss waltzes as part of a potpourri of international music. The genre has also entered the realm of academic music as part of the Paraguayan zarzuelas (Spanish operettas) written by Juan Carlos Moreno González and Florentín Giménez, as well as other vocal compositions by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo and José Asunción Flores (Giménez 1997:131-32).

Rasguido doble Developed in the early twentieth century, the Paraguayan rasguido doble (literally, double strumming) bases its rhythmic foundation on an adaptation of the Habanera pattern. As in the case of the Paraguayan polca, parallel thirds or sixths may accompany the melodic line, musical phrases are short and syncopated, and harmonies are tonal in nature.

While Cardozo Ocampo (1988:52-53, 109-115) and Szarán

(1997:406-407) trace the origin of the rasguido doble to the Habanera, Giménez (1997:128-30) argues that the rasguido doble must be considered a distinctive genre

31

Desde el alma (From the Soul) rapidly gained recognition in Argentina and throughout Latin America during the first quarter of the twentieth century. 32

Ansiedad, Besos de amor, and Nati are instrumental valses originally composed for the harp.

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exhibiting unique rhythmic characteristics that was incorporated into the local musical language.33

The Paraguayan rasguido doble shares similarities with the typical

accompaniment patterns of the Argentine tango and milonga and of the Uruguayan candombe. Some of the most popular rasguido doble compositions include: Despierta mi Angelina (Awake, My Angelina) by Emiliano R. Fernández; Noches blancas (White Nights) by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo; Pancha Garmendia, compuesto by an anonymous composer; Rojas Silva rekávo (Captain Rojas Silva) by Emiliano R. Fernández and Julio Sánchez; Un cielo de ñandutíes (A Sky of Ñanduties) by Oscar Cardozo Ocampo; and Ya viene la aurora (The Dawn Is Already Coming), collected by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo.34 Track 06 (Accompanying CD #2) includes Pancha Garmendia, a compuesto with rasguido doble accompaniment. The genre has also been adapted and incorporated by composers of academic music, among them Juan Carlos Moreno González (1916-

33

Giménez explains that the rasguido doble guitar accompaniment differs in its accentuation from bass accompaniment of the Habanera, … en este género popular nuestro el acompañamiento se ha generado exclusivamente en el rasguido de la guitarra de los cantores nativos, que al pulsar con el arpegio (abanico), el golpe posterior sobre el valor de la segunda corchea obligatoriamente debe ser acentuado, notándose con ello la diferencia en la ejecución de la Habanera. (Giménez 1997:128) [… in this our popular genre, the accompaniment has been exclusively developed in the strumming of the guitar [performed] by folk singers, who when playing arpeggios (fan), [emphasize] the second strike on the value of the second eighth-note, that being the difference in the [rhythmic] performance of the Habanera.] 34

Despierta mi Angelina (Awake, My Angelina) is a love song inspired by a singer who serenaded his girlfriend before dawn. Noches blancas (White Nights) describes the summer evenings of Asuncion. Pancha Garmendia was discussed in conjunction with the compuesto genre. Rojas Silva Rekávo (Captain Rojas Silva), in the narrative style of a compuesto, tells the story of Captain Rojas Silva, who was murdered in 1927 by a Bolivian soldier. Un cielo de ñandutíes (A Sky of Ñandutíes – literally, “spider-webs” are a type of hand-made folk art) is a description of the natural beauties found in Paraguay. Ya viene la aurora (The Dawn Is Already Coming) is an anonymous translation of a poem by Victor Hugo. Originally sung in French to the rasguido doble accompaniment, this particular composition was very popular in the 1920s in Asuncion. (Cardozo Ocampo 1988:53)

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1983) and Manuel Frutos Pane (1906-1990), for their 1956 two-act Paraguayan zarzuela, La tejedora de ñandutí (The Ñanduti Maker).

Marcha Although not a Paraguayan musical genre per se, the march is traditionally used in Paraguay for the interpretation of songs of patriotic and epic nature. Special sound effects such as the muffling of bass strings on the guitar and the harp are generally used to evoke the timbre of drum rolling. Track 10 (Accompanying CD #2), as well as Track 15 (Accompanying CD #1), present two examples of marchas played on the harp. Some of the musical characteristics of this genre include the standard I-V harmonic progression and a strong emphatic binary rhythm. The anonymous instrumental composition Diana Mbayá (The Rise of Diana)35 and Chaco Boreal (Northern Chaco)36 by Gerardo Fernández Moreno (1900-1946) are among the most frequently performed Paraguayan marchas. Popular vocal marchas of patriotic inspiration include Canto de esperanza (Song of Hope) by Carlos Noguera (b. 1950) and Patria querida (Beloved Country)37 by Marcelino Noutz (1892-1963), compositions written as part of the Nuevo cancionero movement.

35

Diana Mbaya (The Rise of Diana) is performed daily by a band at the flagpole in most military institutions. The first part of this composition has been used as the introduction of Campamento Cerro León, an epic polca collected and transcribed by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo (1988:174-81). 36

Chaco Boreal (Northern Chaco) pays tribute to the Paraguayan soldiers who fought in the Chaco War with Bolivia (1932-1935). 37

Both Canto de esperanza and Patria querida were used as “call to arms” hymns by the Nuevo Cancionero (New Song) movement, which became very popular in the 1970s and 1980s as an agent denouncing social and political injustice. Nevertheless, the musical setting to Patria querida, with lyrics by French priest and poet Marcelino Noutz, comes from the French military march La Madeleine.

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Nuevo cancionero Concluding the list of prominent musical genres constituting the main body of Paraguayan traditional repertoire, the Nuevo cancionero (New Songster), for which a typical accompaniment ensemble may or may not include the diatonic harp, has been the center of an ongoing debate regarding its classification as a distinctive musical genre. Developed in the 1970s and 1980 in parallel with the Chilean Nueva canción (New Song) and the Cuban Nueva Trova (New Song), the Paraguayan Nuevo cancionero movement integrated highly politicized texts denouncing social injustice into the already existing musical vocabulary of the various traditional musical genres, as well as more contemporary genres such as ballad, pop, and soft rock. While some regard the Nuevo cancionero as a musical genre in and of itself, others view it as part of a social movement or a particular musical style that utilizes pre-existing musical conventions to propagate a voice of social protest. For almost twenty years, texts by Paraguayan intellectuals and poets such as Augusto Roa Bastos (b. 1917), Elvio Romero (b. 1926), Rudi Torga (19382002), and Carlos Villagra Marsal (b. 1932), were set to music by harpist César Cataldo (b. 1951), and singer-songwriters Rolando Chaparro (b. 1965), Maneco Galeano (19451980), Jorge Garbett (b. 1954), Carlos Noguera (b. 1950), and others. The various musical groups that embraced the movement employed traditional folk instruments from Paraguay and Latin America, as well as electric guitar and bass, percussion, and synthesizers. Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Nuevo cancionero songs served as the voice of college students and young professionals who witnessed and wished to express concern over the social unrest and political distress of the times.

The movement

essentially dissolved after 1989, when a coup d’etat overthrew the military government

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of President Alfredo Stroessner, forcing him into exile. Among the most active Nuevo cancionero

groups

were

Sembrador

(Seeder),

Juglares

(Singers),

Ñamandú

(Remembering), and Vocal dos (Two Voices). Currently, some of these musical groups participate in folk music festivals and give recitals benefiting social causes or paying tribute to popular musicians. Tracks 11 and 12 (Accompanying CD #2) present the following examples of Nuevo cancionero songs: Viva! (Live!), performed by Vocal Dos, and Para vivir (To Live), performed by Sembrador.

Other Paraguayan Musical Genres While the Paraguayan harp’s emblematic role as a symbol of identity is closely associated with the development and cultivation of the aforementioned traditional music genres, some Paraguayan urban musical genres such as the Avanzada (Avant-garde), the Rock nacional (National Rock), the Tecno-cumbia paraguaya (Paraguayan Technocumbia), and the Canción social urbana (Urban Social Song) do not necessarily call for the use of this instrument. Created and developed by composer Oscar Nelson Safuán (b. 1943), the Avanzada combines the rhythmic patterns of the Paraguayan polca with those from the guarania in a 2:1 measure ratio, resulting in a hybrid rhythmic structure in compound duple meter that can be applied to both instrumental and vocal music.

Track 13

(Accompanying CD #2) includes Tema Paraguayo (Paraguayan Theme) by Safuán. For part of the composition, Safuán uses the arpín developed by harpist Luis Bordón. Developed in the late 1960s and rising in popularity throughout the 1970s and mid-1980s, the Rock nacional combined Spanish lyrics with musical elements borrowed

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from the performance practices of American and European rock groups. Although the movement declined during the 1980s and 1990s due to the appearance of disc jockeys with traveling discotheques, a new branch of rock paraguayo (Paraguayan rock), highly influenced by heavy metal, ska, and fusion, has gained a following since 2001. Track 14 (Accompanying CD #2) includes an example of an experimental rock composition by Orlando Bonzi (b. 1975), Esa tormenta pasó (That Storm Went By), which integrates rock music elements with the compound duple Paraguayan polca rhythm. Developed in the 1990s and extremely popular among the working class, the tecno-cumbia paraguaya, better known as cachaca,38 is a hybrid of the widely spread Pan-American cumbia. This locally adopted and adapted musical genre, which has gained a tremendous following throughout the nation, is the center of a heated debate among traditional musical circles, where the cachaca or tecno-cumbia is viewed as a factor that to some extent displaces or dilutes the significance of the Paraguayan polca and other traditional music genres which have been crucial in the affirmation of Paraguayan identity. Sung in Spanish or Jopará, the cachaca is highly influenced by other similar musical genres such as the cumbia villera (shanty-town cumbia) and the musica grupera ([cumbia] group music) from Argentina, the música norteña from Mexico, and the Colombian cumbia. Most Paraguayan tecno-cumbia groups perform with the accompaniment of electronic and percussion instruments. In recent years, a group of female dancers has been a popular addition to the performances of tecno-cumbia ensembles.

Track 15 (Accompanying CD #2) includes Soñador eterno (Eternal

38

The term cachaca has been borrowed and adapted from the Portuguese word cachaça, a type of sugarcane rum made in Brazil and consumed throughout the region.

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Dreamer), a cachaca or tecno-cumbia paraguaya as performed by the Máximo Cumbieros. Created in the late 1990s by Paraguayan singer-songwriter Víctor Riveros (b. 1969) and Uruguayan singer-songwriter Aldo Mesa (b. 1970), the Canción social urbana is a type of socio-musical commentary addressing current events associated with the social struggles, distresses, and achievements of people living in the city. According to Riveros, the genre does not have a commercial agenda and is aimed toward a select audience, mostly high school and college age groups.39 The canción social combines elements from other musical genres and styles such as bossa-nova, jazz, and ballad, as well as the Paraguayan polca rhythm.

Track 16 (Accompanying CD#2) includes

Mbarakapúpe (The Sounds of the Guitar), a canción social urbana by singer-songwriter Víctor Riveros, who combines the musical features of the ballad and the Paraguayan polca, paying tribute to Paraguayan guitarist Agustín Barrios (1885-1944). The musical expressions discussed in this chapter represent the wide spectrum of performance and listening preferences of various age groups and social classes. Although the growing young population of major urban centers such as Asunción, Ciudad del Este (Alto Paraná), Encarnación (Itapúa), and Villarrica (Guairá), may show a strong preference for foreign musical expressions, the vast majority of the working, middle, and upper classes in Paraguay still identify with traditional music, primarily with the Paraguayan polca and the guarania.

Traditional music genres and traditional

instruments such as the guitar and the harp were, and still are, widely regarded as symbols of national pride and social identity among the various classes. The following

39

Víctor Riveros, interview by author, Asuncion, August 31, 2002.

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chapter will present a discussion on the manner in which the contemporary emblematic status of the Paraguayan harp has been articulated through various performances of traditional music and socio-political discourses, which together, have rendered the diatonic harp an icon representing Paraguayan identity.

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CHAPTER FOUR: Traditional Music and Performing Discourses Introduction Public discourse in twentieth and twenty-first-century Paraguay— in the official, academic, professional, popular, and commercial realms — has consistently demonstrated an interest in the dissemination of traditional music throughout the country, which often coincides with the endorsement of other agendas.

While the official

discourse has focused on the promotion of traditional music and newly-created compositions inspired by folk music in an attempt to create a national folklore and a heightened sense of national identity for the Paraguayan people, the academic discourse— through the process of jerarquización,1 the systematic training in the performance of traditional instruments, the promotion of compositions that emulate the nationalistic approach of the late nineteenth-century European composers, and the publication of various methods of harp instruction— has focused on the “elevation” of the diatonic harp into the realm of academic music. In the professional sphere, musicians have pointed to the success of performing artists who have traveled abroad and brought international recognition to Paraguayan traditional music, thus meriting the treatment of traditional music as an art form that should be cultivated in a more conservative, as opposed to popular, setting, i.e., a theater or a concert hall. The popular discourse has focused on embracing traditional music as a voice of solidarity, national pride, and purpose as expressed in the performances and rhetoric of traditional music festivals and

1

Jerarquización is a term that was first adopted during the 1950’s by the academic music circles in Paraguay to signify the high significance or the placement of Paraguayan traditional music in a hierarchy on a par with Western European “art” music.

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articulated in the concepts of Paraguayan tekó (the [Paraguayan] way of being) and paraguayidad (Paraguayan-ness) that are reflected in these performances and festivals. The commercial discourse, which concentrates on the economic revenue generated by the marketing of traditional music, has been propagated by the small Paraguayan recording industry, the daily radio broadcasts targeting a large audience in the interior of the country, and the local restaurants hosting folk music shows.

While the various

discourses are presented separately in this chapter, they are often interconnected, in that they interact with and inform one another. To illustrate this point, traditional music festivals, although appealing to the popular aesthetic, are usually funded by a government agency or a private local business and validated by the presence of renowned academic composers and conductors as musical judges or by the performance of professional musicians as guest artists. This chapter will discuss the various discourses within the context of the articulation of national identity through the dissemination of traditional music, specifically that of the diatonic harp as the quintessential symbol of Paraguayanness. The diatonic harp, in its role as the emblematic musical instrument of Paraguay, has contributed to the construction, development, and reinforcement of a national identity among the various social groups represented in the country. As such, it has maintained a prominent presence in the variety of discourses that will be examined in this chapter. The study of these discourses will focus on official documents and resolutions, radio and television programs, musical methods and academic compositions for the diatonic harp, and musical events, primarily recitals of traditional music in formal settings and

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traditional music festivals, observed during the course my of fieldwork (March 2001September 2002) in Paraguay.

The Official Discourse: Government Policies Since the 1930’s, official resolutions, decrees, and policies related to music have been used to promote a nationalistic agenda, targeting various musical expressions and events, among them traditional music repertoire and performances, as well as holidays commemorating musical landmarks. On May 12, 1934, President Eusebio Ayala signed the first of these resolutions, declaring Remberto Giménez’ (1898-1977) musical arrangement of the reconstructed national anthem the official version.

The same

document recognized the lyrics of the national anthem as corresponding to the original poem by Uruguayan poet Francisco Acuña de Figueroa commissioned by President Carlos Antonio López in the 1840’s and later published by the newspaper El Semanario (The Weekly [News]) on December 31, 1853. President Ayala’s resolution was the culmination of a long search to determine the authorship of the national anthem, of which the original musical score was lost during the Triple-Alliance War (1865-1870). On July 24, 1944, President Higinio Morínigo declared India by José Asunción Flores and Manuel Ortíz Guerrero as guarania nacional (national guarania) and Cerro Corá (Corá Hill) by Herminio Giménez and Félix Fernández as canción épica nacional (national epic song). Both compositions have maintained their poularity to this very day, Cerro Corá as a favorite composition for vocal ensemble performances and India as one of the most frequently performed guaranias on the harp. From the 1960’s through the1980’s, under President Stroessner’s regime, all radio and television stations in the country were required to devote a certain percentage of their 193

daily broadcasts to traditional music. This mandate promoted the large-scale popular exposure of traditional music as performed by the soloists and conjuntos officially endorsed and funded by the government. While many artists were awarded recording contracts and performance opportunities, others, who were opposed to the government, were subject to harassment and persecution.

In addition to a standard traditional

repertoire comprised of popular polcas, an official list of traditional music repertoire endorsed by the government included purahéi kele’é (songs to wheedle) and polcas dedicated to the character and achievements of politicians and the military. Accompanied by guitars, harp, and accordion, singers of purahéi kele’é praised President Stroessner, his family, and other political figures in songs such as A nuestro gobernante patriota (To Our Patriotic President), A la primera dama de la nación (To the First Lady of Our Nation), Al gran reconstructor (To the Great Rebuilder), General Stroessner, Gracielita (Sweet Graciela – Stroessner’s daugther), León guaraní (The Guarani Lion), Líder de la paz (Leader of Peace), and Presidente encarnaceno (Our President from Encarnación). After the 1989 coup d’etat, this particular musical practice was rendered all but obsolete. Currently, most radio stations broadcast traditional music at the request of the public and sponsors or in conjunction with shows scheduled by radio and television impresarios. On July 30, 1993, resolution No. 2437 of the Ministry of Education and Culture officially adopted the Bandera Folclórica Paraguaya (Paraguayan Folklore Flag) and the Escudo Folclórico Paraguayo (Paraguayan Folklore Emblem) as designed by composer and researcher Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo and detailed in two of his publications (1972:184-87 and 1988:202-205). One side of this coat of arms presents a collage of the

194

ñandutí, the mbokajá tree (coconut palm), and the leaves of the yerba mate (iliex paraguaiensis). The other side of the emblem includes an illustration of the Paraguayan countryside with a superimposed harp and a guyrá campana (bell bird). See figure 15 for a reproduction of the Escudo Folclórico.

Fig. 15. Escudo Folclórico as designed by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo Signed by President Juan Carlos Wasmosy on August 25, 1994, a resolution declared August 27th, José Asunción Flores’ date of birth, as Día Nacional de la Guarania (National Day of the Guarania).

Another document signed by President

Wasmosy on June 11, 1997 designates June 9th as Día Nacional del Arpa Paraguaya (National Day of the Paraguayan Harp). Other official resolutions have established August 22nd as Día Nacional del Folclore (National Day of Folklore) and August 30th as Día Nacional del Idioma Guaraní (National Day of the Guarani Language). These official holidays are observed as part of the school-year calendar and promoted through conferences, recitals, and music festivals of popular nature.

In the course of my

fieldwork, I observed that while most people, due to local media coverage, were aware of these holidays and the events associated with them, the Día Nacional del Arpa

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Paraguaya and the Bandera Folclórica Paraguaya in particular were more or less perceived as obsure relics of an era of heightened government involvement in the cultural affairs of the nation. Four major points, all highlighting the significance of the diatonic harp as a symbol of national identity, were detailed in a 1997 petition by the director of the Department of Higher Education and Cultural Promotion to the Vice-Ministry of Culture in regard to the establishment of the Día Nacional del Arpa Paraguaya. This petition, entitled Designación del “Día Nacional del Arpa ” presents the harp as the quintessential embodiment of the national musical expression and endorses the establishment of the holiday as a means of preserving and propagating the significance of the instrument as a national emblem in the popular perception. 2 In addition, the petition designates June 9th,

2

The complete text of the Designación del “Día Nacional del Arpa” reads, El Arpa, llamada generalmente “Arpa Paraguaya,” es el instrumento que identifica la expresión musical nacional y, por ese motivo constituye un símbolo de la nacionalidad. A partir de esta premisa proponemos designar un día como el “DIA NACIONAL DEL ARPA,” para fortalecer, preservar, y proyectar la importancia del instrumento en el consenso de la cultura popular. Uno de los consagrados cultores del Arpa como intérprete y creador de bellas páginas del cancionero popular latinoamericano fue el ciudadano compatriota, oriundo del Guairá, Don Félix Pérez Cardozo, cuyo deceso de produjo repentinamente el 9 de junio de 1952 en Buenos Aires; inspirados en este hecho sugerimos que el Día Nacional del Arpa sea el día 9 de junio de todos los años. Solicito que la designación se produzca por decreto del Poder Ejecutivo, que sirva de precedente para gestionar ante organismos internacionales la designación del Día Mundial del Arpa en la misma fecha; y paralelamente en cogestión con el Gobierno Municipal designar una plaza donde erigir el Monumento Nacional al Arpa. [The harp, generally referred to as “Paraguayan Harp,” is the instrument that identifies the national musical expression and [that] for that reason, constitutes a symbol of nationhood. Following this premise, we propose to designate a day as the “NATIONAL DAY OF THE HARP” to strengthen, preserve, and project the significance of the instrument, in the consensus of the popular culture. One of the acclaimed proponents of the Harp, as interpreter and composer of beautiful [musical] pages for the Latin American popular repertoire, was the fellow citizen, from Guairá, Don Félix Pérez Cardozo, who died suddenly on June 9, 1952, in Buenos Aires. Inspired by this fact, we suggest June 9th, of every year as the National Day of the Harp. I request that the designation be [officially] declared by the Executive Power, [so] that it may serve as a precedent to arrange before international organizations the designation of World Harp Day on the same date; and that simultaneously, in conjunction with the Municipal government, a public square may be chosen to erect the National Monument to the Harp.]

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the date marking the death of Félix Pérez Cardozo, who passed away in Buenos Aires in 1952, as the proposed date for the holiday and expresses the hope that the ensuing presidential decree would set into motion an initiative by international organizations to establish June 9th as the Día Mundial del Arpa (World Harp Day). The last clause of the petition also proposes that the presidential decree, in conjunction with efforts on the part of the municipal government, designate a public square for the erection of a national monument in honor of the harp. Although the official resolution declaring June 9th as the Día Nacional del Arpa Paraguaya was signed by President Wasmosy on June 11, 1997, the commemoration of the holiday has been presently forgotten and no efforts have been undertaken to build a monument. On June 9, 1999, a group of professional harpists from Asuncion traveled to Hy’aty, Guairá to perform at a festival commemorating the Día Nacional del Arpa Paraguaya organized by the Vice-Ministry of Culture and the Association of Paraguayan Harpist. That festival marked the beginning and the end of an initiative to render the Día Nacional del Arpa Paraguaya a holiday of great popular interest, as the 1997 resolution now constitutes but a vague recollection in the minds of most Paraguayans, including harpists. In addition to passing official decrees and resolutions supporting the dissemination of traditional music as part of a nationalistic agenda, the Paraguayan government has endorsed and funded the activities of a number of traditional conjuntos and ballet groups performing at music festivals and similar activities of international nature. Throughout the calendar year, the Secretaría General de Turismo (the General

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Secretariat of Tourism) promotes folk music activities in downtown Asuncion, where conjuntos and dancers, mainly from the interior of the country, perform on Palma Street. These performances take place on Saturday mornings and are usually associated with popular festivals in Asuncion or in the interior. Operating under the supervision of the Department of Folklore, the Museo de Arte Popular (The Museum of Popular Art) collects and displays books, photographs, recordings, and memorabilia which reflect the history of prominent folk music conjuntos. During my 2002 visit to the museum, I was dismayed to find the harp made by Epifanio López for Félix Pérez Cardozo in poor condition, despite the protection of the glass case in which it was displayed. In an August 2002 interview, the director of the museum, Rubén Milessi Gómez, expressed to me his concern over the government’s failure to honor its promises of financial support. At the time, financial reverberations of the political instability which plagued the presidency of Luis González Macchi could be felt in all sectors, having a particularly detrimental effect on cultural programs, as well as initiatives in the areas of education and health care. In order to applaud the achievements of academic and popular musicians, composer and conductor Florentín Giménez proposed in 1993 the creation of the Premio Nacional de Música (National Music Award) which, approved by the Senate as Ley (Law) No. 348/94, has been presented annually to various performers and composers in recognition of artistic excellence. Some of the recipients of the award included popular singer and composer Agustín Barboza (1997), who had received the medal Orden Nacional al Mérito (National Merit Order) in 1994; composer and conductor Luis Szarán (1997); and composer and conductor Diego Sánchez Haase (2001). In 1997, Ley 858/96 authorized the creation of the Conservatorio Nacional de Música (National Conservatory

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of Music), an institution that would play a vital role in the academic discourse. A separate resolution subsequently allocated funds for the establishment of the institution and appointed composer and conductor Florentín Giménez as its director. On December 22, 1997, President Juan Carlos Wasmosy conferred upon Professor Giménez the national rank of Comendador. Since the 1990’s, the government has also endorsed and sponsored the publication and distribution of materials such as books and compact discs through the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Vice-Ministry of Culture, and the FONDEC, Fondo Nacional para el Desarrollo de la Cultura (The National Foundation for the Development of Culture). Recently endorsed publications include, among others, the works of Arzamendia (2003), Barboza (2000), Encina (2000), Barrios (2002), Geymayr (2002), and Insfrán (1999). Although official endorsement and sponsorship is annually given to various projects through the Ministry of Education and Culture, the Vice-Ministry of Culture, the FONDEC, and other government agencies, approved proposals and awards, such as music publications and the Premio Nacional de Música, are usually connected to the interests and agendas of the committees which, in many cases, have already decided ahead of time what portion of the budget will be assigned to new projects or the nominees for that year.

The Media Discourse: Radio and Television The history of Paraguayan radio and television begins with radiotelegraphy stations operated by the military in the 1910s. In the early 1920s, the first public broadcast of news and music was aired from the studios of CXZ-27, reaching the towns located between Asuncion and San Bernardino. 199

In 1924, short-wave broadcasts were

aired by the military dispatch at Paraguarí and, shortly thereafter, the first private radio transmitters were placed in four main cities in the eastern portion of Paraguay: Encarnación, Villarrica, San Pedro, and Nueva Germania. In 1926, ZP1, Radio Cultura Paraguaya (Paraguayan Culture Radio) aired news and music from its studios in Asuncion. One of the first live musical broadcasts took place at 9:00 p.m. on March 17, 1926 and was aired from the presidential residency in Asuncion.3.

According to

newspaper El Orden (The Order), the concert included a performance by Argentine pianist Miguel Morosoli, who was hired in 1920 by the Instituto Paraguayo (Paraguayan [Musical] Institute) as piano faculty (Szarán 1997:403).

In 1927, the government

authorized the free import of radio receptors and in 1928, the state established the first government-sponsored station, Radio Marconi. Throughout the 1930s several privately owned stations were established, among them ZP4 Radio Continental, ZP5 Radio Paraguay, and ZP1 Radio Prieto. Founded and sponsored by the Franciscan Order in 1936, Radio Charitas was, for many decades, the only station to continually broadcast live recitals, zarzuelas, and other musical shows. From the 1930s through the 1950s, Paraguayans commonly tuned into programs broadcast from radio stations based in Buenos Aires, which often featured live performances of Argentine traditional music and tango orchestras. When Paraguayan

3

The announcement read, Radio Cultura Paraguaya – Concierto por Radio. La nueva Sociedad de Radio Cultura Paraguaya de cuya reciente constitución están informados nuestros lectores, dará esta noche a las 9 una audición de radiotelefonía, la que será transmitida desde el domicilio del Presidente Don Alfonso Sá, con el concurso del profesor Morosoli y otros. (Szarán 1997:403) [Paraguayan Culture Radio – Concert by Radio. The new Society of Paraguayan Culture Radio, the recent establishment of which our readers have been informed, will offer tonight at 9 [p.m.] a radio program, which will be broadcast from the house of President Don Alfonso Sá, with the participation of Professor Morosoli and others.]

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musicians first traveled in the late 1920s and early 1930s to perform and record in Buenos Aires, they were offered contracts to appear on some of the Argentine daily radio shows. The first generation of Paraguayan performers working in Argentina included, among others, soloist Samuel Aguayo, singers Herminio Giménez and Justo Pucheta, and the conjunto of Diosnel Chase, Ampelio Villalba, and harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo. Paraguayans in Asuncion and in the southern region of the country followed attentively these live performances aired by Argentine radio stations such as Radio El Mundo, Radio Belgrano, and Radio Splendid.

Saturday and Sunday radio shows, which generally

attracted the largest constituency of listeners, often lasted over six hours, airing musical performances presented for a live audience at rented theaters and halls such as the Teatro San Martín in Buenos Aires. In 1941, making an exception for Radio Charitas, the Paraguayan government cancelled all radio licenses and implemented a new system of government regulation for newspapers and radio stations. In the 1940s, the only authorized operating stations, under the new system of heightened government control, were ZP1 Radio Prieto, ZP3 Radio Teleco, ZP4 Radio Stentor, ZP5 Radio Paraguay, ZP6 Radio Livieres, ZP7 Radio Uruguay, ZP10 Radio Guaraní, ZP13 La Voz del Aire, and ZP20 Radio Universal. In 1942, the government created Radio Nacional del Paraguay which, in addition to serving as a conduit for the propagation of the government’s political agenda, devoted a significant portion of its programming to the dissemination of popular and traditional music. In my 2002 visit to the Radio Nacional studios, I observed that, while many of the shows aired on the station focused on local and international news and sports, Radio

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Nacional has maintained a strong commitment to broadcasting shows that daily feature traditional music. In the 1950s and 1960s, private radio stations were created, capitalizing on technological advances, which allowed transmitters to increase their signal reach and, since the 1970s, numerous FM stations have been established throughout national territory. Although most of them feature Latin, pop, rock, and alternative music, some of them have committed a segment of their daily programming to traditional and folk music. In a few cases, mainly in the interior, both AM and FM radio stations have been created for the exclusive promotion and broadcasting of traditional music. Television broadcasting in Paraguay traces its roots to the late 1960s, when Canal 9 TV “Cerro Corá,” established in 1967, emerged as the first television station in Paraguay, broadcasting news, traditional music shows, foreign movies, and comedy shows. For more than a decade Canal 9 reigned as the sole television station with daily broadcasts from 5:00 p.m. until midnight on weekdays, and special broadcasts on Saturdays and Sundays starting at 11:30 a.m. with a thirty-minute segment of vocal and instrumental traditional music followed by a live musical show.

One such show,

Domingos Folclóricos (Folklore on Sundays), which later became known as Felíz Domingo (Happy Sunday), featured soloists, conjuntos, and ballet groups performing traditional music and dance. Primarily drawn from a pool of artists who had already gained some measure of recognition performing in Asuncion, in the interior, and abroad, these performers were endorsed by the government and “authorized” to appear on the show in a selection process unknown to the general public. Characteristic of these colorful performances were highly choreographed dances with elaborate costumes

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reflecting the popular conception of Paraguayan “folk” attire. In reality, the attire of dancers and singers exhibited no intrinsic folk elements unique to Paraguay, as it was adopted by touring folk ballet groups and conjuntos in the 1950s and 1960s who modeled their costumes after other Latin American folk attire, such as that of the Argentine gaucho, in an attempt to market their music with a visual collage of regional elements and perceived exoticism. Canal 9, in close association with the government’s agenda to instill the Paraguayan citizenry with a national folklore, capitalized on the existing perceptions of what constituted Paraguayan “folk” traditions and presented elaborate displays of traditional Paraguayan music and dance, which typically included an accompaniment ensemble of guitars, harps, and accordion for soloists and conjuntos and a banda típica or folclórica (folk music band) playing traditional polcas and galopas for the dances. Since the first recordings of Paraguayan traditional music and the advent of live radio shows in Buenos Aires in the 1920, the general public has not differentiated between newly-composed music based on folk elements4 and “authentic” folk or traditional music as defined by Paraguayan folklore specialists. Nowadays most Paraguayan traditional music is lumped together under the title música folclórica (folk music) or música de nuestra tierra (music from our land). A current debate among professional musicians and a small constituency of the general public centers on the classification of Paraguayan traditional music into two distinct categories:

the

“authentic” folk music, which consists of pieces such as the anonymous Paraguayan polcas Ndarekói la culpa (I Am Not Guilty) and El solito ([The] Lonely [Boy]), among 4

These folk or traditional music elements included features such as short melodic phrases in parallel thirds, repetitive standard harmonic progressions (I-V-I-IV-V-I), and the 6/8 Paraguayan polca rhythmic style.

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others, and música de inspiración folclórica

(folk-inspired music) or música de

proyección folclórica (music of folk [elements] projection), which consists of compositions such as harpist Digno García’s Cascada (Waterfall) and harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo’s Tren Lechero (The Milk-run Train), that are based on folk elements and have become an integral part of the current body of traditional music repertoire. The general public, which is the primary consumer of traditional music, has for the most part remained indifferent to the distinction. Created in 1981 as part of the Red Privada de Comunicación (Private Network of Communication), a media conglomeration consisting of a television channel, a local newspaper and two radio stations, Canal 13 became the country’s second television station. In the 1990s, private stations such as CVC – Cable Visión Comunicaciones (Cable Vision Communications); Canal 2, now Red Guaraní (The Guarani Network); Canal 7 Telefuturo; and other cable television companies began to operate, diversifying the industry once dominated by Canal 9. Nowadays, most television stations continue to broadcast traditional music shows, but to a lesser extent due to rising popular demand and requests by commercial sponsors for pop music and techno-cumbia. In July of 2001, Humberto Rubín Presenta (Humberto Rubín Presents), a daily current events show sponsored by Canal 7 Telefuturo, aired a special program in which composers, performers from various musical styles, and journalists engaged in a dialogue focusing on Paraguayan traditional music and national identity.

Among the topics

discussed was the question of what constitutes “authentic” Paraguayan folk music and whether or not compositions inspired by folk music elements and emerging popular genres incorporating folk elements should be considered a part of the general body of

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Paraguayan traditional music. Throughout the discussion, certain expressions such as la música paraguaya (Paraguayan music), la música que nos identifica (the music that identifies us), nuestra música (our music), and música nacional (national music) were used in reference to traditional genres, particularly the polca and the guarania. While Humberto Rubín Presenta provided an important arena for the discussion of what constitutes traditional Paraguayan music and which qualities render specific musical genres or styles distinctly “Paraguayan,” the nature of the show precluded an in-depth exploration of the subject at hand, as the discussion was periodically interrupted by commercial breaks in the program every nine to ten minutes and live music performances.

Within the diverse group of panelists, some of them recognized the

widely popular tecno-cumbia paraguaya or cachaca and the new national rock movement as legitimate expressions, while others scoffed at those musical genres, choosing to focus the discussion on la música netamente paraguaya (the clearly [authentic] Paraguayan music), a term used in reference to the traditional polca and the urban guarania. Unfortunately, the program ended with too many unanswered questions. In August 2002, another television program, aired by Canal 13 Red Privada de Comunicación, featured a panel discussion addressing the very same issues as the July 2001 installment of Humerto Rubín Presenta. El Ventilador (The Fan), a weekly talk show geared toward high school and college-aged viewers, invited musicians, performers, journalists, and a selected audience from the general public to discuss the ways in which music informs and shapes national identity.

Although the program

appeared frivolous at times, the young audience did manage to convey a general sense of appreciation for Paraguayan traditional music as an expression of equal value to foreign

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or popular musical expressions, much to the disapproval of conservative musicians and journalists who expressed the belief that composers and performers should strive to inculcate the young generation with an appreciation for authentic Paraguayan music (traditional and new) “sin que se pierda su esencia” (without it losing its essence). Several radio and television shows, the most popular of which are Lo Nuestro (Our Thing), Kay’uhápe ([At the Time of] Drinking Mate), and Ñanemba’eté (Our Very Own Authentic Thing),5 continue to feature Paraguayan traditional music through the coverage and promotion of religious feasts, festivals, and national events associated with folk traditions. The three shows, all of which appear on both radio and television (Lo Nuestro in Spanish, Kay’uhápe in Guaraní, and Ñanemba’eté in Jopará), regularly showcase the diatonic harp, which is systematically presented as a symbol of national identity, accompanying traditional conjuntos and featured as a solo instrument.

The Academic Discourse Recitals of Paraguayan Music in Formal and Academic Settings In addition to attending folk music festivals and other musical events of popular interest during the course of my fieldwork, I was able to attend a series of performances of Paraguayan music in formal academic settings. Since the mid-1990s, the OSCA or Orquesta Sinfónica de la Ciudad de Asunción (Asunción Symphony Orchestra) has offered an annual series of performances of música paraguaya (Paraguayan music), in

5

At the 2004 annual Luis Alberto del Paraná Awards ceremony in Asuncion, Kay’uhápe and Ñanemba’eté received the Paraná de Oro (The Golden Paraná) for best shows promoting national music and folklore traditions. This annual ceremony has been informed and influenced by the practices of similar ceremonies in the United States such as the Emmy, Grammy, and Tony Awards.

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addition to its regular concert season. During the May-December season, the OSCA performs works by Paraguayan composers, as well as the standard wetern European symphonic literature. A parallel series of free performances sponsored by the municipal government, Conciertos de mi Ciudad (Concerts of My City), takes place during the concert season and features the Asuncion Symphony usually performing at various churches, schools, small soccer stadiums, and public spaces such as squares and parks throughout Asuncion. A typical program for these Conciertos de mi ciudad may include compositions such as the overture to Bizet’s Carmen, a concerto movement featuring a guest soloist, a selection of Viennese waltzes by Strauss, some musical themes from movies (The Pink Panther, Gone with the Wind, among others), and a selection of instrumental arrangements of songs by The Beatles.

The program often includes

arrangements of traditional polcas and guaranias, as well as vocal music and symphonic works by Paraguayan composers. These concerts, which target a large popular audience, are usually very well attended. Since its establishment in 1957, the OSCA has become a major proponent of Paraguayan music, regularly performing both traditional and academic works by Paraguayan composers. Conductors Remberto Giménez (1957-1976), Florentín Giménez (1976-1990), and Luis Szarán (1990-present), have devoted their careers to the promotion of what is referred to in the academic circles as música nacional (national music). Música nacional, in this particular case, denotes a body of literature conceived or arranged for symphony orchestra by Paraguayan composers, both popular and academically trained.

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Prior to the establishment of the OSCA, various instrumental ensembles had also made it a point to promote compositions by Paraguayan composers. After the creation and dissolution of several small chamber ensembles throughout the first half of the twentieth century and various attempts at establishing a symphony orchestra,6 the Orquesta Sinfónica de la Asociación de Músicos del Paraguay (Symphony Orchestra of the Association of Musicians of Paraguay) was organized in 1951 by composer and conductor Carlos Lara Bareiro (1914-1987).7 Four years later, in its quest to obtain official recognition, the ensemble assumed the name Orquesta Sinfónica de la Asociación Filarmónica del Paraguay (Symphony Orchestra of the Philharmonic Association of Paraguay) in 1955. Lara Bareiro, a staunch supporter of the promotion and performance of both popular and academic Paraguayan compositions, was sent into exile on June 22, 1955, after a wave of political intolerance forced him to resign his position. Prior to departing for Argentina, where he sought political asylum, Lara Bareiro appointed Remberto Giménez as the orchestra’s new conductor who, in 1957, received official authorization to establish the OSCA.

6

In 1890, conductor Cantalicio Guerrero (1853-1908) created the Orquesta Nacional (National Orchestra) with forty musicians. The main function of the ensemble was to accompany operas and zarzuelas at the Teatro Nacional. In 1928, almost forty years after the inception of the National Orchestra, violinist and conductor Remberto Giménez organized the first symphony orchestra, giving sporadic performances for a few years. Although a municipal resolution was passed in 1945 with the intent of creating the Asuncion Symphony Orchestra, these efforts did not proceed beyond the planning stages (Szarán 1997:345). 7

The recipient of a scholarship from the Brazilian government, Carlos Lara Bareiro studied composition and conducting at the Universidade do Brasil in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil. After his graduation in 1950, Lara Bareiro returned to Paraguay and in 1951 organized the country’s first symphony orchestra. Due to his interest in the socialist doctrine and his refusal to abide by the government’s guidelines in regard to the management of his ensemble, Lara Bareiro was branded as subversive and forced into exile in 1955. He settled in Argentina, where he composed, conducted, and taught until his death in 1987. In 1996, the Paraguayan government conferred upon Lara Bareiro, posthumously, the highest national award, the Honor al Mérito Nacional (Honor to the National Merit).

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Since 1995, the OSCA has presented an annual series of concerts denominated Ciclo de Conciertos de Música Paraguaya (Concert Series of Paraguayan Music). The 2002 Ciclo de Conciertos de Música Paraguaya took place between March 15th and 25th at the Teatro del Banco Central del Paraguay. The first concert included solo piano pieces and traditional music performed by the symphony and guest soloists. The second concert in the series featured the OCM, the Orquesta de Cámara Municipal (The Municipal Chamber Orchestra), with guest soloists performing instrumental and vocal polcas and guaranias. The final concert, out of the series of three, included instrumental arrangements of traditional music and symphonic works by composers José Asunción Flores and Herminio Giménez. The program also featured harpists Luis Bordón and Papi Galán. Accompanied by the symphony, Bordón performed Despertar nativo (Native Awakening) and El arpa y la danza de mi tierra (The harp and the dance of my country), polcas composed by the performer in collaboration with Oscar Nelson Safuán. Galán performed his arrangement of Félix Pérez Cardozo’s composition Tren Lechero (The Milk-Run Train). The theater was packed during the entire series. Although most members of the audience were aware of formal concert etiquette, some departed from the expected behavior and clapped during the performance of the most well known Paraguayan polcas. 8 Although the clapping seemed to momentarily transform the formal atmosphere of the event, the structured nature of the program and the formal setting of the recital was not conducive to extensive audience participation, which is encouraged and expected in festivals of traditional music.

8

In a more informal setting, the audience typically claps on the first and fourth beats of fast polcas.

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Since the early 1970s, the performance of traditional music has been promoted by institutions such as the Conservatorio Municipal de Asunción (Asuncion Municipal Conservatory) and the Escuela de Bellas Artes (Fine Arts School). Established in 1997, the Conservatorio Nacional (National Conservatory) has been a cornerstone in the cultivation and propagation of Paraguayan traditional music, offering academic courses, instrumental instruction, and performances.

In 2002, the National Conservatory

remodeled a small concert hall belonging to the Ministry of Education and made it part of its campus. Since then, various conservatory ensembles and guest soloists have offered weekly performances of academic and traditional music at the Sala de Conciertos Emilio Biggi (Emilio Biggi Concert Hall).

In July 2002, I attended one of these events,

advertised as an evening of traditional music with guest artists. During the first half of the program, harpist Luis Bordón accompanied by his son, guitarist Luisinho Bordón, performed several of Bordón Sr.’s compositions and some traditional guaranias. After a brief intermission, Los Hijos del Paraguay (The Sons of Paraguay), a conjunto of three singers accompanying themselves on harp and guitar, sang traditional polcas and guaranias, as well as some traditional Latin American compositions.

Although the

environment seemed extremely formal at times, the diverse audience comprised of students, faculty, and members of the general public actively participated in the recital by singing and clapping during the best-known polcas. As I have found to be the case at festivals and other traditional music events, organizers and performers at this particular recital expressed their concern over the preservation and cultivation of a national identity through music.

Throughout the evening, I heard from the organizers phrases and

expressions such as: “el conservatorio nacional está dedicado a la preservación de la

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música folclórica que nos identifica” (the national conservatory is dedicated to the preservation of the folk music that identifies us), “la música paraguaya que viajó por el mundo es la que hasta hoy nos representa” (Paraguayan music, which has traveled around the world, is what represents us to this day), and “la generación joven debe dedicarse al rescate de nuestros valores culturales” (the young generation must devote itself to the salvation of our cultural values). As many consider traditional polcas and guaranias the true representations of national identity and the agents best qualified to promote it, the expressions echoed at this recital seemed to reflect a concern for the local musical traditions displaced by other genres and styles such as tecno-cumbia. After the performance, some members of the audience met with the artists and indicated to them their fascination with the rhythmic energy displayed throughout the performed compositions. While the audience, for the most part, did not seem overly concerned with issues related to national identity, my sense was that by general consensus, the diatonic harp was designated as a visual symbol of paraguayidad (Paraguayan-ness). This view was articulated through accounts of the instrument’s warm reception abroad and the uniquely Paraguayan repertoire that the instrument was showcasing for an international audience. Clearly, the collective pride bolstering the diatonic harp’s emblematic status was linked to the instrument’s success abroad and the experiences of Paraguayan soloists and conjuntos performing outside of the national territory.

My evening at the

Conservatorio Nacional left me with the distinct impression that for many Paraguayans, or at least the group represented at that particular recital, the diatonic harp is seen at once as the musical voice of the Paraguayan people – accessible and poignant for the individual listener – and as an icon that can be observed and admired from afar.

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Intrigued by that impression, which confirmed my initial assumptions about the instrument, I expanded my quest for discovering the ways in which Paraguayan identity is constructed, articulated, and reinforced through the harp and its music.

Written Musical Methods for the Paraguayan Harp Although most Paraguayan harp players have learned to play through oral tradition, which is explained by most of them as “practicando” (practicing or playing) and “de oído” (by ear), some harp teachers have developed methods for teaching the Paraguayan harp technique and its traditional repertoire.

For those involved in

developing such methods, the production and use in instruction of a musical method for the harp points to a higher level of musical proficiency and to a deep commitment and dedication to the music on the part of both instructor and student. This is perhaps the result of a prevalent view, that academic or conservatory training is the only legitimate and effective way to receive musical training or to become a serious musician. In spite of that perception, students interested in the techniques and repertoire of a particular professional or popular harp performer have continued to seek individual instruction with those performers and have carried on the practice of learning to play the instrument through oral tradition. For more than fifty years, official programs in guitar, piano, and voice have been designed by departments of the Ministry of Education and applied systematically in public and private musical conservatories. Established in 1997 by an official resolution (Resolución 858/96), the Conservatorio Nacional is the only music institution offering a performance degree in Paraguayan harp and basing its curriculum on a written method. Dionisio Arzamendia

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Párriz, a harp instructor at the conservatory, has developed a method entitled Manual didáctico del arpa sin pedales o diatónica – Método en 7 años (Pedagogy Manual for the Harp Without Pedals or Diatonic – 7-Year Method), which is now the official curriculum at this institution. Two additional methods for the diatonic harp published in Paraguay are Método para arpa paraguaya (Method for the Paraguayan Harp) by harpist Armando Ortega and Curso de Arpa Paraguaya en Solfeo – Método para aprender el arpa en solfeo ([Musical] Course for the Paraguayan Harp Using Solfège – Method to Learn the Harp Using Solfège) by harpist Roquelino Insfrán.

Método para arpa paraguaya Published in 1974 and reissued in the early 1990s, Armando Ortega’s Método para arpa paraguaya includes instructions in Spanish, English, and French.

Since

Ortega recommends tuning the harp to the key of E Major, all exercises and musical transcriptions included in this work are in the tonal area of E Major. Ortega uses red strings to indicate E as the tonic and blue strings to indicate B as the dominant. The method begins with several scale and broken chord exercises. In addition to rhythmic exercises for both hands in 6/8 and 3/4 meters, Ortega includes some ascending, descending, and glissando exercises. All of these preparatory exercises are related to the first musical transcription, Ortega’s arrangement of 3 de mayo (May Third), a polca by harpist Julián Alarcón.

Next, he introduces rhythmic exercises and accompaniment

patterns for the right hand, as well as preparatory exercises for the [Paraguayan] tremolo.9 9

To achieve this particular effect, Ortega indicates: “se emplean los dedos 2 y 3 bien tensos marcando las dos primeras notas simultáneas abajo, las otras dos arriba y así sucesivamente.” (1974:13) [Fingers 2 and 3 must be very stiff, marking and playing simultaneously the first two notes down, then the same ones up and thus successively.]

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These musical techniques are then incorporated in the transcription of Misiones by arpero José del Rosario Diarte. In preparation for the last musical transcription, Llegada by Félix Pérez Cardozo, the author introduces accompaniment pattern variations using quadruplets in the right hand. The piece is followed by other technical exercises, such as variations on the tremolo and separate and simultaneous arpeggios for both hands. The last section of the method gives indications on how to tune the harp in other tonal areas. This particular method could be considered effective due to the proposed sequence of technical exercises and the systematic incorporation of those exercises into the transcription of traditional instrumental pieces. It is certain, however, that both instructor and student must possess a thorough knowledge and command of music theory and harmony in order to benefit from and maximize the effectiveness of Ortega’s method.

Curso de Arpa Paraguaya en Solfeo Published in 1999 by the Ministry of Education and Culture and the ViceMinistry of Culture, Roquelino Insfrán’s Curso de Arpa Paraguaya en Solfeo10 begins with information on the characteristics of the harp. Designating the key of F Major as the instrument’s principal tonal area, this section also includes directions for re-tuning the harp in other tonal areas. Under the heading Ejercicios preparatorios para aprender a ejecutar arpa por solfeo (Preparatory exercises for learning to play the harp using solfège), Insfrán presents twenty-two short lecciones (lessons) in the key of F Major, using 6/8, 2/4, and 4/4 meters. These lecciones are combined into a progressive segment,

10

In the Paraguayan academic musical realm, solfeo (solfège) implies musical reading. For the general public the term solfeo is associated with music literacy and denotes that someone who knows it or studies it, is a professional musician.

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which includes exercises with chords, broken chords, scales, accompaniment patterns for both hands, and arpeggios. Unfortunately, the continuous sequence of exercises and the lack of clear physical demarcation between those exercises may prove too daunting for the average harp student.

Moreover, little, if any, instruction is given before each

exercise, which may suggest that the author is the only expert who can teach the method with success. As in the case of Ortega’s method (1974), both instructor and student must already have a good knowledge of music theory and traditional harmony to make effective use of this publication. Although Insfrán’s method offers a valuable compilation of original compositions and musical transcriptions, as well as a fairly comprehensive survey of the different genres within Paraguayan traditional music, like any attempt to transcribe music that is normally passed down through oral tradition, his good intentions are obscured by problems with the notation of certain musical pieces that lose their essence in the process of transcription. Among the harp arrangements included in Insfrán’s method are the guaranias, Mis noches sin ti (My Nights Without You) and Recuerdos de Ypacaraí (Memories from Ypacaraí) by Demetrio Ortíz and Panambí-verá (Shining Butterfly) by José Asunción Flores; the polcas 3 de mayo (May 3rd) by Julián Alarcón, Cascada (Waterfall) by Digno García, Che Mbo’eharépe (My Teacher) by Epifanio Méndez, Che symi porã (My Beautiful Sweet Mother) by Mauricio Cardozo Ocampo, Llegada (Arrival) by Félix Pérex Cardozo, Inspiración luqueña (Luque Inspiration) and Polca pensada (Thought Polca) by Juan Gilardoni, Pájaro Choguy ([The] Choguy Bird) of anonymous authorship (indicated with the pseudonym Pytaguá), and Recuerdo de mi patria (Memory of My Country) by Rubbi Addario de Báez Monges. His original

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compositions include the polcas, Ciudad de gloria (City of Glory), Dalila, and Roqueli; the march, Pamela Rocío; the ballad, Balada para María del Carmen (Ballad for Maria del Carmen); the waltz, Esperar (Waiting); and the rasguido doble, Monica Vanessa.11 In the prologue of the publication, Nicanor Duarte Frutos, former Minister of Education and Paraguay’s president since August 2003, introduces the book, highlighting its particular musical and cultural significance: El Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, consciente de su compromiso de brindar a los niños y a las niñas del Paraguay del siglo XXI el acceso a una educación de calidad con equidad, ofrece a docentes y estudiantes este Método para aprender arpa en solfeo, del profesor Roquelino Insfrán, que pretende así llenar un vacío en esta área. Esta obra se ha actualizado al pasar de la etapa intuitiva y oral a la etapa de la ciencia musical y con escritura (solfeo). (Insfrán 1999:1) [The Ministry of Education and Culture, aware of its duty of bringing to the Paraguayan boys and girls of the twenty-first century equitable access to a quality education, offers to teachers and students this Method of Learning the Harp Using Solfège, by Professor Roquelino Insfrán, who desires to fill a gap in the area. This work has been brought up to date with the times, moving from the intuitive and oral stage to that of musical science and written form (solfège).] The prologues offers insight into the Ministry of Education’s position regarding the transition from musical instruction through oral tradition to instruction through written academic material, a position that clearly welcomes “musical development” as a milestone of cultural and educational progress. Rudi Torga, former General Director of the Department of [Folklore] Research and Cultural Support, also endorses this viewpoint and appaluds Insfrán’s work with the following commentary: Con esta obra se abre un nuevo horizonte al arpa, porque ingresa en el universo de la ciencia musical, para revelar con más plenitud su apasionante vida como instrumento nacional por su excelencia. (Insfrán 1999:8)

11

Although rasguido doble compositions are characteristically in 2/4 meter, Insfrán’s composition, Monica Vanessa, appears in 6/8.

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[With this work opens a new horizon to the harp, because it comes into the universe of musical science to fully reveal its exciting life as our national instrument due to its excellence.] Generally speaking, the public considers any officially endorsed publications, whether they have the full or partial financial sponsorship of the government, as serious and reliable materials. Due to a lack of understanding and support at the official level and a scarcity of available resources, musical pedagogy and research in Paraguay are in dire need of major improvement.

Manual didáctico del arpa sin pedales o diatónica – Método en 7 años Published in 2003, Dionisio Arzamendia’s Manual didáctico del arpa sin pedales o diatónica – Método en 7 años, is intended to offer a systematic and comprehensive approach to the instruction and performance of the diatonic harp. Endorsed by the ViceMinistry of Culture, the Paraguayan Authors Association (APA), and the National Conservatory, the publication begins with historical information about the instrument and a biography of the author and his brother, guitarist and conductor José Arzamendia. Dionisio Arzamendia suggests C Major as the tuning key for the instrument and the use of red strings for the note E and blue strings for the note A. Although the first lessons are presented in C Major, most of the exercises and musical pieces are in F Major or its relative, d minor. Divided into seven sections corresponding to years or levels of study, the Manual provides a music theory overview, includes brief discussions on issues related to the harp, and offers exercises for developing technical facility on the instrument. The first level of the Manual contains exercises comprised of chords, broken chords, short melodic

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passages, and arpeggios, which are later incorporated into short original pieces composed by Arzamendia.12 Level two presents different types of 6/8 accompaniment patterns for both hands in exercises designated as células rítmicas paraguayas (Paraguayan rhythmic cells). At this level, Arzamendia includes slow 6/8 pieces, galopas, and waltzes. The third level, which introduces technical exercises emphasizing intervals, harmonic progressions, and the Paraguayan tremolo, includes pieces such as Arzamendia’s harp trio arrangement of Sueño de Angelita (The Dream of Sweet Angelita) by harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo. The fourth level incorporates scale exercises in various tonal areas, short études for both hands, and harp duet transcriptions of Llegada (Arrival) and Mi despedida (My Farewell) by Pérez Cardozo.

In addition, Arzamendia includes the following

original compositions: a kyre’y, Alborada (Dawn); a guarania, No me olvides (Do Not Forget Me); and a guarania for harp trio, Rosa de Abril (Rose of April). For the fifth 12

Instead of [Paraguayan] polca, Arzamendia applies the term kyre’y (lively) to Paraguayan traditional compositions of fast and lively nature in 6/8, and employs the term galopa for his transcriptions of Digno García’s Cascada (Waterfall), Félix Pérez Cardozo’s arrangement of Pájaro campana, and Alejandro Villamayor’s Piririta. His 2003 publication also includes original compositions reflecting a variety of genres and styles: Aire del Altiplano (Air from the Highlands) has the indication ritmo andino (Andean rhythm) and reflects elements from the Peruvian huayno; Al Maestro (To the Maestro) is a guarania/kyre’y dedicated to José Asunción Flores; Alborada (Dawn) is a kyre’y; Amor no se mendiga (Love Is Not Something to Beg) is a Venezuelan pasaje (1960); Arroyito (Little Stream) is a kyre’y dedicated to Arzamendia’s town; Aurora is a waltz dedicated to a former student; Cantar del arpa (The Singing of the Harp) is a guarania dedicated to Félix Pérez Cardozo (1972); Carmita (Little Carmen) is an Ecuadorian albazo (1966); Chochi (the name of a bird), combines both guarania and kyre’y rhythms; Danza a porã sy (Dance to the Mother of Beauty) is a danza in 6/8 (1966); Don Azamé (Mr. Azamé) is a kyre’y dedicated to his father Santiago Arzamendia, known as “Azamé;” Fontanar (Fountains) is a Colombian bambuco; Ko’eti (Dawn) is a kyre’y of onomatopoeic nature inspired by the barking of Dionisio’s pet dog “Koe’ti” (1971); Kunu’ú mandu’apy (Unforgettable Sweetness) is a kyre’y; Madre salvadora (Salvadora, [My] Mother) is a kyre’y, originally written as a waltz, dedicated to Salvadora de Jesús, Arzamendia’s mother (two versions: 1953 and 1970); Mainumby Vevé (The Flight of the Hummingbird) is a kyre’y of onomatopoeic nature; No me olvides (Do Not Forget Me) is a guarania dedicated to his wife Katherine (1991); Nostalgia is a Colombian bambuco (1995); Ofrendaria (An Offering) is a kyre’y dedicated to Juan Max Boettner, MD, who assisted Arzamendia in the 1950s; Pasaje a Teolinda (Pasaje to Teolinda) is a Venezuelan pasaje (1961); Rosa de Abril (Rose of April) is a kyre’y with emphasis on the continuous use of the Paraguayan tremolo; Una bella ilusión (A Beautiful Dream) is a melancholy guarania, Viento y camino (Wind and Road) is a Peruvian polca in 2/4; and Yvyty rusú poty (Blooming High Hill) is a kyre’y inspired by a mountain range near Villarica in the department of Guairá.

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level, Arzamendia intersperses technical and music theory exercises, the traditional Paraguayan pieces Angela Rosa and Coronel Martínez by Pérez Cardozo, and compositions based on various Latin American musical traditions, among them, a Colombian bambuco, a Peruvian huayno, and a Venezuelan pasaje. 13 Arzamendia’s Manual culminates with levels six and seven, which introduce more technical exercises for both hands, variations on glissando and tremolo patterns, variations on melodic and accompaniment rhythmic patterns in 6/8 meter, and additional pieces from Paraguayan and other Latin American traditional repertoires. Arzamendia’s harp duo arrangement of Cascada (Waterfall) by harpist Digno García and his own composition Chochi (a type of bird), both found in level seven, require a great level of technical and musical dexterity. In a departure from the terminology employed by popular and academically trained musicians, Arzamendia uses either the term galopa or kyre’y in lieu of polca when referring to traditional pieces in the fast 6/8 meter. Throughout the book, the author emphasizes the diatonic aspect of the instrument, suggesting that performers, instructors, and students should preserve, musically speaking, this particular characteristic of the Paraguayan harp.

The musical exercises and

transcriptions included in Arzamendia’s Manual are, indeed, of a diatonic nature, avoiding the use of chromatic passages. Arzamendia, who does not encourage the use of llaves (the plastic or metal device designed to press the strings in order to create halfsteps), chromatic levers, or other mechanical means of producing half steps, firmly advocates the exclusive performance of diatonic music on the instrument. Of the three

13

These last three compositions are by Dionisio Arzamendia: the bambuco Nostalgia, the ritmo andino [huayno] Aire del Altiplano (Air from the Altiplano), and the pasaje Pasaje a Teolinda (Pasaje to Teolinda). (Arzamendia 2003:242-46, 252-54)

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methods for Paraguayan diatonic harp discussed in this chapter, Arzamendia’s Manual is the most comprehensive and accessible in that it gradually guides the student through a progressive series of exercises and compositions, providing thorough explanations and a systematic breakdown of the techniques involved in each exercise. Although basic music literacy and a rudimentary knowledge of the instrument are prerequisite for any of the aforementioned methods, Arzamendia’s Manual is most akin to the pedagogical approach of conventional western instrumental methods.

Academic Music Composed for the Paraguayan Harp Composed by guitarist Felipe Sosa (b. 1945) and premiered in 2001 by harpist César Cataldo, the Concierto Op. 35 No.4 en “Sol Mayor” para Arpa y Cinco Guitarras “Homenaje a Félix Pérez Cardozo” – por un mundo ecológico y más humano (Concerto Op. 35 No.4 in G major for Harp and Five Guitars “Tribute to Félix Pérez Cardozo” [Dedicated] To A More Ecological and Human World), constitutes the only academic musical work written for the diatonic harp as a solo instrument. Dedicated to harpist Dionisio Arzamendia, the piece is organized in the form of an instrumental suite, comprised of the five continuous movements: Canción, Kyre’y, Guarania, Canción, and Kyre’y. Although the melodic lines of the harp are essentially diatonic throughout the piece, instrumental passages played by the guitars provide some degree of chromaticism. The principal musical motif of the second and fifth movements, Kyre’y (Track 15, Accompaying CD #2), quotes the first six measures of Pájaro campana, the popular tune arranged for harp by Félix Pérez Cardozo in the 1930s.14

14

As part of the concert program notes, composer Felipe Sosa indicates,

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While this composition

maintains the general stylistic features of Paraguayan traditional music, it departs from its traditional foundation with the accompaniment of parallel harmonies in different tonal areas, the use of chromatic passages, and the development of musical themes following the conventions of western academic composition. The vast majority of twentieth century and contemporary Paraguayan composers of academic music15 such as Agustín Barrios (1885-1944), Emilio Biggi (1910-1969), Luis Cáceres Carísimo (1926-1965), José Asunción Flores (1904-1972), Florentín Giménez (b. 1925), Herminio Giménez (1905-1991), Remberto Giménez (1898-1977), Carlos Lara Bareiro (1914-1987), Daniel Luzko (b. 1966), Diego Sánchez (b. 1970), Luis Szarán (b. 1953), and others, have written works for chamber ensembles and symphony orchestra, but have not produced works for the diatonic harp.

For some, the diatonic

nature of the instrument is seen as a musical handicap. Others have regarded the harp as an instrument for the performance of traditional music exclusively in a conjunto setting, while others yet have simply chosen the traditional western symphonic forms for their

El concierto tiene las tres modalidades de nuestra música, que son la Canción, la Guarania y el Kyre’y, y lleva como leimotiv los séis primeros compases de Pájaro Campana, en la inmortal versión de Félix Pérez Cardozo. En el transcurso de la obra el arpa desarrolla una melodía bien definida, propia del instrumento. En contrapartida las guitarras despliegan un trabajo cuyas características se basan en la enorme riqueza armónica y tímbrica que gozan, permitiéndome lograr una conjunción armónica contemporeanea, a tal punto que el público va a sentir una música paraguaya que camina hacia el tiempo en que vivimos y nos ubicamos los compositores actualmente. [The concerto has the three genre types of our music, which are the Canción, the Guarania, and the Kyre’y, and it has as a leimotiv, the first six measures of Pájaro Campana, [as they appeared] in the immortal version of Félix Pérez Cardozo. Throughout the piece, the harp develops a welldefined melody, appropriate for the instrument. In contrast, the guitars show a [type of musical] work of which the enormous richness of harmony and timbre that the instruments enjoy, which has allowed me to achieve a contemporary harmonic combination to the extent that the audience will notice a [type of] Paraguayan music that moves toward the time in which we composers live and are placed.] 15

Most of these composers have also written popular music or have received their initial musical training performing and composing traditional music.

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musical works. Unfortunately, until this day some academic composers see the diatonic harp as merely a folk instrument associated with the musically illiterate, and popular, and unsophisticated, albeit valid, traditions.

Nevertheless, most Paraguayan academic

compositions of the twentieth century reflect the influence of folk music elements, among them instrumental sections in galopa, polca, kyre’y, or guarania rhythmic styles, and musical quotes from popular and traditional folk tunes.

The Popular Discourse: Traditional Music Festivals Traditional Music Festivals: Historical Overview The history of the traditional music festival phenomenon in Paraguay can be traced back to 1927, when pianist Aristóbulo “Nonón” Dominguez (1896-1930) organized a series of folk music festivals at the Teatro Granados and the Teatro Nacional in Asunción. Dominguez’ intention was to promote folk musicians and musical groups from the interior performing traditional compositions and popular tunes, which he presented as aires nacionales (national airs). During these musical events, Dominguez “discovered” and promoted popular musical figures, among them harpists José del Rosario Diarte and Félix Pérez Cardozo, and singers and guitarists Ampelio Villalba and Diosnel Chase. The success of the recitals motivated Dominguez to travel with a group of musicians throughout the interior and the northern Argentine provinces. A historical photograph (Figure 16) taken on August 6, 1927 shows Dominguez with his newly formed orquesta folclórica (folk orchestra).

The ensemble includes four guitars, a

requinto (a type of small guitar), three harps, an accordion, and a gualambau (a musical bow with a gourd).

Between the 1930s and 1960s, different ensembles performed

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traditional, popular, and contemporary music at various venues and events; however, no performances dedicated exclusively to traditional music were again organized in the form of recitals or festivals until the late 1960s.

Fig. 16. The orquesta folclórica of Aristóbulo “Nonón” Domínguez in 1927.

In 1968, the first Festival Nacional del Folklore (National Folklore Festival) took place in the city of Encarnación, Department of Itapúa, in southern Paraguay. The annual festival was moved to Asuncion in 1969, where it remained until 1970, at which point it was cancelled for political reasons. During the 1970s, university students initiated the inception of two distinct types of traditional music festivals: endorsement, the other sponsored by private donors.

one with official

The latter propitiated the

development of the Nuevo Cancionero (New Song) movement, which lasted for about two decades and featured musical compositions of high social content.

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Considered for several years the main traditional music event in the country, the Festival del Lago Ypacaraí (Festival of the Ypacaraí Lake) was first organized in September 1971. The Paraguayan counterpart to musical events such as the Festival de Cosquín in Argentina or the Festival de Viña del Mar in Chile, the Festival del Lago was celebrated in the town of Ypacaraí, Paraguay, until 1984, when it was moved to Argentina for political reasons. The organizers of the Festival del Lago were seen by the government as social agitators because they were allowing protest songs and featuring Paraguayan and foreign performers who were not “officially” authorized. Rather than submitting to government censorship, or enduring persecution, the organizers opted to relocate in northern Argentina, directly across the river from Paraguay, where the festival carried on for four years, literally, “in the exile.” After the 1989 military coup d’etat, the Festival del Lago returned to Paraguay, where it has remained a much-anticipated annual event ever since. Although extreme commercialization of the festival, which takes place in a picturesque lakeside setting, has deterred a significant number of performers and spectators, who since the mid-1990s have chosen to focus their musical interests on other events of a similar nature, the Festival del Lago de Ypacaraí continues to be a major player in the promotion of traditional music from Paraguay and other South American countries, regularly showcasing touring musical groups from Argentina, Brazil, and Chile.16 In the1970s and 1980s the Festival del Lago served as a prototype for the development of similar events throughout the country. Since then, every major city, town, or region has established its own festival of traditional music, usually in 16

The Festival del Lago also regularly features traditional dances performed by the [Paraguayan] Maká Indian group.

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conjunction with a particular attraction or characteristic of the place.17 In addition to these festivals of traditional music, other music festivals accommodating diverse interests appeared in the 1980s, among them the Festival Mandu’arã in Asunción, promoting popular music of social content; the Festival Internacional de Música Coral in Encarnación, dedicated to the performance of academic and traditional choral works; the Festival Rock Sanber in San Bernardino, promoting local and foreign rock groups; the Festival del Arpa Paraguaya and the Festival Rochas del Arpa in Asuncion, created as an arena for the performance of traditional repertoire and new compositions for the harp. The large number of music festivals in the country led to the 1994 establishment of a national coordinating office, the Coordinadora de Festivales de Música del Paraguay (The Coordinating Office of Paraguayan Music Festivals).

Harp Festivals Festival del Arpa Paraguaya, Festival Rochas del Arpa In 1985, the group Paraguay Ñe’e18 organized the first Festival del Arpa Paraguaya, a national musical festival featuring professional and amateur harp players. Paraguay Ñe’e saw the festival as an opportunity to highlight the cultural significance of the harp and to promote a host of harp performers who, for a variety of reasons, were not 17

Some of these events include the Festival de la Sandía de Paraguarí (The Watermelon Festival of Paraguarí), the Festival del Poivy de Carapeguá (The Poivy [a type of hand-made blanket] Festival of Carapeguá), the Festival de la Frutilla de Areguá (The Strawberry Festival of Areguá), the Festival de la Yerba Mate de Pedro Juan Caballero (The Yerba Mate [the regional infusion drink] Festival of Pedro Juan Caballero), and the Festival del Poncho de Sesenta Listas de Piribebuy (The Threading Sixty-Line Poncho Festival of Piribebuy). 18

Paraguay Ñe’e was a small conglomeration of local artists, artisans, dancers, journalists, musicians, and intellectuals, who, from 1984 through the early 1990s, sponsored and organized various artistic events promoting Paraguayan folk traditions.

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actively involved in the numerous traditional music festivals already in place.19 The first annual festival, presented as Homenaje a Félix Pérez Cardozo (Tribute to Félix Pérez Cardozo), took place in 1985 at the Teatro Municipal (Municipal Theater) in Asuncion, from November 6th through the 9th. The evenings were organized into three categories: harp performance contestants, performances of new harp compositions, and performances by professional harp players.20 The panel of judges for the first harp performance contest included recording impresario Aníbal Riveros, owner of the “Blue Caps” label and recording studio, and harpists Cristino Báez Monges, Luis Bordón, Santiago Cortesi, and Abel Sánchez Giménez.

Guest performances by various professional players were

grouped under specific themes such as El arpa y el sentimiento de patria (Harp and Patriotic Sentiment), El arpa y los animales (Harp and Animals), El arpa y la ternura (Harp and Tenderness), El arpa y el romance (Harp and Romance), El arpa y el terruño (Harp and Home), and El arpa y el paisaje (Harp and [Our] Landscape). Overall, more than two hundred compositions for the diatonic harp were performed during the festival. One of the most coveted awards was the opportunity to record a LP, produced by Aníbal Riveros, featuring the six best new compositions. The first Trofeo Félix Pérez Cardozo para la revelación (Félix Pérez Cardozo Award for New Artist), the highest prize

19

Members of Paraguay Ñe’e declared their goals for the festival in an article published by a local newspaper advertising the second annual harp festival. (“Segundo Festival del Arpa: Una cita para exaltar a Cristino Báez Monges” [Second Festival of the Harp: An Appointment to Extol [Harpist] Cristino Báez Monges], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 10 July 1987, p. 2.) 20

In the November 6, 1985 edition of Ultima Hora, a report indicated the participation of Rolando Ortíz and Victor Villalba, among others, in the modalidad competitiva (performance contest category); Wilfrido Méndez, Rito Pedersen, Juan Antonio Rojas, and others in the modalidad “nuevas canciones para arpa” (new songs for the harp category); and a long list of professional harp players including: Rubi Addario, Dionisio Aguayo, Cristino Báez Monges, Papi Basaldúa, Luis Bordón, Virgilio Ibarra, Roquelino Insfrán, Raquel and Rocío Lebrón, Teresita Rivas, Abel Sánchez Giménez, “Bebito” Vargas, and Samuel Vera. (“Primer Festival del Arpa” [First Harp Festival], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 6 November 1985, p. 21.)

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awarded at the festival, was given to Clelia Carolina Sanabria, an eleven-year old performer and a student of harpist Carlos Alfonso. The second annual Festival del Arpa was held on July 11, 1987 at the Teatro Municipal in Asunción21 and included the following two categories: performances by professional harp players and new song competition.22 The third and final installment of this series of harp festivals took place on two consecutive evenings in August 1988 at the Teatro Municipal. The event included a special tribute to harpist Santiago Cortesi, as well as performances by contestants in the categories established at the previous year’s festival judged by a panel of seven professional harpists.23 The winning contestant in the performance category, Francisco Giménez, received the Félix Pérez Cardozo New Artist Award and a new harp donated by harpist Rubi Addario in memory of her late husband, harp luthier and performer Cristino Báez Monges.24 Unfortunately, the lack of interest on the part of sponsors, who had previously committed to supporting the series, brought the festival to an end after its third year. Fortunately, the short-lived Festival del Arpa Paraguaya was not the last of its kind, as a similar musical event, the Festival Rochas del

21

Although the festival was scheduled for 1986, plans were cancelled when Paraguay Ñe’e and other artists decided to embark on an extensive musical tour of Europe that year. 22

The 1988 festival judges were harpists Luis Bordón, César Cataldo, Santiago Cortesi, Aníbal Riveros, and Abel Sánchez Giménez. The professional performance section of the program included solos by all of the musical judges, as well as harpists Papi Galán, Aparicio González, and Enrique Samaniego. (“Segundo Festival del Arpa: Una cita para exaltar a Cristino Báez Monges” [Second Festival of the Harp: An Appointment to Extol [Harpist] Cristino Báez Monges], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion) 10 July 1987, p. 2.) 23

Judges included harpists Luis Bordón, Santiago Cortesi, Papi Galán, Lorenzo González, Martín López, Oscar Nelson Safuán, and Abel Sánchez Giménez. (“3er Festival del Arpa Paraguaya” [Third Festival of the Paraguayan Harp], Noticias (Asuncion), 13 August 1988, pp.4-5.) 24

(“Mucha juventud en Festival del Arpa” [Many young people at the Harp Festival], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 17 August 1988, p. 26.)

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Arpa, which had already been in existence for a year, continued to offer valuable performance opportunities for harp players.

Festival Rochas del Arpa Established in 1987 through the initiative of the Alianza Francesa de Asunción (Asuncion French Alliance) and the sponsorship of the private enterprise groups Monalisa and La Gioconda, the Rochas Harp Festival constituted, for about seven years, one of the main artistic events promoting the Paraguayan harp and its music.25 The name of the festival referred to the perfume Rochas, distributed and represented in Paraguay by La Gioconda, a branch of the Brazilian import enterprise Monalisa.

The festival

objectives included a five-year promotion of harp music performances with the goal of establishing Paraguay as the “world birthplace of the harp;” an international harp performance contest scheduled for 1988;26 and the creation of the Conservatorio de Arpa [Paraguaya] de la Alianza Francesa de Asunción (Asuncion French Alliance 25

Reconstructing the history of this particular harp festival has proved a formidable challenge. Informal conversations with harpists and research in the archives of newspapers were the main sources for this section. During the period of my fieldwork in 2002, the staff of the Asuncion French Alliance had little knowledge of the festival and sent me to the offices of the La Gioconda group for archival materials. With changed management and irregular work hours, La Gioconda did not provide any help either. 26

A communication promoting the event states, Debe señalarse que a través de [la promoción de] todas las Alianzas del Mundo, en 1988 tendrá lugar el Concurso Internacional de Interpretación [en el Arpa], al cual están invitados a participar todos los arpistas paraguayos y latinoamericanos, así como demás cultores extranjeros de nuestro folklore. Este certamen será promovido con mayor énfasis en Perú, Ecuador, Venezuela, México, Chile, y Colombia, por ser países cultores de este instrumento. (“Quieren hacer del Paraguay la cuna mundial del arpa.” [They Want to Make Paraguay the World Birthplace of the Harp], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 20 November 1987, p. 3.) [It must be noted that through [the promotion of] all the world [offices of the] French Alliance, the International [Harp] Performance Competition will take place in 1988, in which all Paraguayan, Latin American, and foreign harpists of our folklore are invited to participate. This competition will be especially promoted in Peru, Ecuador, Venezuela, Mexico, Chile, and Colombia, countries where the instrument is cultivated.]

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[Paraguayan] Harp Conservatory).27 The organizers of the event justified the creation of the festival by stressing the significance of the diatonic harp and the musical compositions and performers associated with the instrument. A memorandum released to the press indicated the following: Con la desaparición progresiva de los maestros de la segunda generación, los que fueron discípulos o contemporáneos de Félix Pérez Cardozo, obras originales de gran valor musical (equivalentes algunas de ellas, a las mejores composiciones clásicas), están cayendo en el olvido y corren peligro de ser definitivamente perdidas. Este patrimonio nacional es también patrimonio de la humanidad. Por esto, la refinada y exclusiva marca de perfume francés Rochas, vía su representante en el Paraguay, el grupo Monalisa, conjuntamente con la Alianza Francesa de Asunción, han resuelto apoyar, durante cinco años seguidos, un ambicioso programa de promoción que hará del Paraguay la cuna mundial del arpa. (“Quieren hacer del Paraguay la cuna mundial del arpa” [They Want to Make Paraguay the World Birthplace of the Harp], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 20 November, 1987, p. 3.) [With the progressive loss of the [harp] maestros of the second generation, those who were disciples or contemporaries of Félix Pérez Cardozo, original compositions of great musical value (some of them, equivalent to the best classical [music] compositions) are being forgotten and are in danger of being completely lost. This national heritage is also a heritage for all humanity. For that reason, the refined and exclusive brand of French perfume Rochas, through its representative in Paraguay, the group Monalisa, in conjunction with the Asuncion French Alliance, have decided to support for five consecutive years an ambitious promotion program, which will make Paraguay world birthplace of the harp.] The views expressed by this festival committee coincided, and still coincide, with the general perception of the symbolic presence of the harp. The lack of official or private interest in the “national” instrument appears to have enhanced the festival organizers’ drive to affix a hallmark of distinction to the Paraguayan harp performance tradition. In spite of the obvious commercial motivation of the sponsors, a sincere concern for the continuation of the harp performance tradition and the promotion of new 27

The conservatory was established on December 4, 1987.

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compositions for the instrument, were the impetus for the festival. The reference to some pieces from the traditional and folk music repertoire as equal to “the best” European classical compositions, reflects an attempt to assign to Paraguayan traditional music the status of “high art,” developed through the efforts of professional harpists, who reshape traditional music and produce new works according to the highest musical standards. Unfortunately, with time, the festival became commercialized and exclusive, drawing criticism from popular harpists who were not invited to participate in it. The first Rochas festival included six days of amateur and professional harp performances, along with appearances by other ensembles and guest artists. All recitals were free to the public and performed on the stage of Teatro Moliére at the Asuncion French Alliance. The festival program for the first day included performances by the Gilda Ruiz de Segovia Ballet, the chamber orchestra of Ramón Barrios, singer Zully Maidana, and harp performers Américo Cañete and Santiago Cortesi. The program for the second day included the Segovia Ballet, the Barrios orchestra, the vocal conjunto Altiplano 4, and performances by harpists Juan Fernández and Aparicio González. The next four days of the festival followed the same program format, featuring performances by professional harp players such as Rubí Addario, Carlos Alfonso, Papi Basaldúa, César Cataldo, Juan de la Cruz Fernández, Raquel and Rocío Lebrón, Lorenzo Leguizamón, and Teresita Rivas. The second Rochas festival took place between September 27th and October 15th, 1988.

Four different categories28 were established and selected pieces29 from the

28

It is not clear whether these four categories implied different levels of difficulty in the compositions or referred to the background and musical ability of the contestants. Awards included a golden harp trophy, cash, and a harp made by Miguel Angel Mendoza from the Mangoré factory for the first category; a silver harp trophy, cash, and a harp made by Fernando Báez Addario from the Pájaro campana factory for the

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Paraguayan harp repertoire were assigned to the contestants.

Since most of these

compositions were not very well known to the general public, the organizers of the event intended to promote them, along with more traditional compositions. For the 1988 festival, the organizers published a magazine with details of the event and the biographies of harp contestants and performers.30 In addition to the previously selected official judges, the organizers decided to invite twenty-one randomly selected members of the audience to function as popular musical judges.

This particular festival had an

international dimension: a group of foreign harpists, among them the presidents of the Harp Societies of England and the United States, attended and evaluated the performances. For many, even professional harp players and musicians, the foreign visitors and their credentials were factors pointing to the imminent success of this particular festival and any Rochas festivals to come.31 Guest artists and performing ensembles for the second annual Festival Rochas del Arpa included the Teresa Capurro Ballet, singer Amambay Cardozo Ocampo, and an instrumental chamber group led by

second category; a bronze harp trophy, cash, and a harp made by luthier Timoteo Rojas for the third category; and cash and a harp made by Adelio Ovelar from the Santa Cecilia factory for the fourth category. (“Buscar la trascendencia internacional del arpa” [Searching for the International Transcendence of the Harp], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 21 September, 1988, p.25., and “El arpa está de fiesta con el Festival Rochas” [The Harp is Partying at the Rochas Festival], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 30 September1988, p.3.) 29

The compositions performed included A orillas del Sena (By the Siena), Amanecer (The Dawn), Apolonita (Sweet Little Apolonia), Bella flor (Beautiful Flower), Cajita de música (Little Music Box), Gladys, Guarania para una mujer (Guarania for a Woman), Nde pukavy (Your smile), Pinozá poty (Blooming Pinozá), Resurgir (Revival), Saludo a París (Greeting to Paris), and Sol del Paraguay (Sun of Paraguay). While the program did not indicate the authors of all the pieces, we know that Lorenzo Leguizamón is the composer of the waltz A orillas del Sena, and that Enrique Samaniego is the composer of the polca Apolonita. 30

One such biography was published in the newspaper Ultima Hora (“Abel Sánchez Giménez,” Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 27 September, 1988, p. 27.) 31

For many years now, approval and endorsement of local folk and artistic festivals by foreign specialists have, in some circles, validated the events and given weight to the performances.

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conductor Luis Szarán. Participating harpists included Rubí Addario, Papi Basaldúa with his musical group Cantares, César Cataldo, Aparicio González, Pedro Gamarra, Lorenzo Leguizamón, Rito Pedersen, Enrique Samaniego, Clelia Carolina Sanabria, and Abel Sánchez Giménez.

Some of the contestants included young harpists such as Oscar

Ovidio Leandro Duarte Pereira, Blas Esteban Flor Marecos, Luis Fernando Ortellado Fernández, and Leticia Rosa Zayas Salinas. In addition to support from the sponsoring agencies, the fourth annual32 Rochas festival received endorsement and funding from the Asociación de Arpistas y Fabricantes de Arpas del Paraguay (The Association of Harpists and Harp Luthiers of Paraguay). The series of performances took place at the Teatro Moliére between November 11th and December 8th, 1990. This time, a composition category with four awards was added to the festival.33

Performers included harpists Rubi Addario, César Cataldo, Osvaldo

Gaona, Francisco Giménez, Virgilio Ibarra, Roquelino Insfrán, Cecilia Mitzuko, arpero Agapito Morínigo “Tacho’í,” and Raúl Solís, among others. In addition to his polca compositions Tereréhápe (At the Tereré Circle) and Transparencias (Transparencies), harpist César Cataldo performed arrangements of El breve espacio en que no estás (The Small Space in Which You Are Not) by Nueva Canción composer Violeta Parra, and songs by John Lennon and Paul McCartney. Osvaldo Gaona, a harpist who lived for many years in Brazil, performed some of his own compositions, which integrated musical elements from Paraguayan and Brazilian 32

No information is available regarding details on the third, fifth, and sixth annual Festival Rochas del Arpa. Unfortunately, the archives of the three main local newspapers, ABC Color, Noticias, and Ultima Hora, did not contain sufficient information on the subject. 33

Two awards of distinction (first and second) were given in both professional and amateur categories. In addition to cash prizes, the four winners received harps made by the following luthiers: Constancio Sanabria, Fernando Báez Addario, Timoteo Rojas, and Adelio Ovelar.

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folklore: Danza del indio acongojado (Dance of the Grieving Indian), Imperio Guaraní (The Guarani Empire), Macumba, Sortilegios (Lucky Strikes), and Pichirí-Pichará (onomatopoeic sounds). The participation of Tacho’í, one of the last performers in the arpero tradition, generated a unique level of interest among members of the audience, most of whom were, up to that time, unaware of the existence of the old school of harp performance. Tacho’í performed the polcas 3 de mayo (May 3rd) by Julián Alarcón and Malvita (Sweet Little Malva) by Herminio Giménez, the anonymous compuesto Mombyry ajeheká (From Far Away I Search), and the onomatopoeic song Pajaritos (Little Birds). During the fifth annual Festival Rochas del Arpa, held in 1991, the organizers decided to continue with two more series of recitals, one in 1993 and the other in 1995. The seventh and last Rochas festival took place in Asuncion at the Teatro del Centro Paraguayo Japonés (Theater of the Paraguayan-Japanese [Cultural] Center) between November 24th and 25th, 1995. Ballet groups, musical guest artists, and an instrumental ensemble34 led by conductor Oscar Nelson Safuán performed, along with both professional and amateur harpists. One of the evenings was designated as La Noche de los Maestros (Evening [Performance] with the Maestros) and included performances by harpists Rubi Addario and Alejandro Acosta, among others. The second evening, La Noche de los Jóvenes (Evening [Performance] with the Young [Artists]), promoted young performers and new compositions. Harpists Francisco Giménez, Marcial Guerrero, and

34

The ensemble included Oscar Nelson Safuán and Carlos González (guitars), Oscar Fadlala (keyboard), Vicente Morales (double bass), and Toti Morel (drums). (“Los maestros del arpa ya tiene[sic] sustitutos” [The Harp Maestros Already Have Substitutes], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 27 November, 1995, p. 53.)

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Marcos Lucena35 presented their compositions, and Juliana Bogado, Rosalía Cabral, José David Ojeda, Norma Ortega, Alcides Ovelar, and Jorge Luis Royg performed in the category of new young artists. The last Festival Rochas del Arpa marked the end of a decade of continuous harp performances, which began with the first Festival Nacional del Arpa. While the general public increasingly focused its attention on other musical expressions, the diatonic harp continued to appear in solo recitals and traditional music festivals both as a solo instrument and in the accompaniment of conjuntos. On May 10, 1999, harps and harpists once again took center stage at the Centro Paraguayo-Japonés. The event featured Japanese harpist Hirohiko Honda performing a solo recital with the participation of guest harpists from various generations, among them Tito Acuña, Luis Bordón, Nicolás Caballero, Papi Galán, Francisco Giménez, Aparicio González, Lorenzo Leguizamón, Willi Méndez, Rito Pedersen, Martín Portillo, and Enrique Samaniego. The seventh annual Festival Rochas del Arpa remains until this day the last gathering of harpists in a festival setting, and no harp recitals involving the congregation of a large group of harpists have been scheduled since 1999. During informal conversations in the course of my fieldwork (2001-2002), some harp performers36 fondly remembered the “good old days” of the harp festivals, indicating that such support and general interest for the instrument was, indeed, part of an exciting and happy story that came to a sudden end.

35

Marcos Lucena is the harpist of the Asuncion Symphony Orchestra.

36

Among them Tito Acuña, Luis Bordón, Oscar Nelson Safuán, and Abel Sánchez Giménez.

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Folk Music Festivals: 2001-2002 Festivals of Paraguayan folk and traditional music are held almost every weekend of the year in various locations throughout the country. Most of these events last six hours or more and may include instrumental and vocal music performed by professional musicians and amateur contestants, choreographed dances, poetry recitations, and short plays in Guaraní or Jopará, as well as the presentation of achievement awards to significant artistic figures and prizes to amateur contestants. The festivals often serve as a venue for a host of improvised stands serving food and drinks typical of the region, and marketing local crafts, books, and music (tape cassettes and compact discs). The following discussion presents a survey of the performance and function of the diatonic harp in four major popular events featuring traditional music that I attended during the course of my fieldwork in Paraguay: Festival del Ñandutí, Festival Internacional Zeballos con el Folclore, Festival del Takuare’e, and Encuentro con Emiliano. I have chosen the latter two for detailed ethnographical study, but will provide a general overview of the first two.

Festival del Ñandutí Organized in 1977 in celebration of the ñandutí, 37 Itauguá’s local folk art form (figure 17), this particular festival of traditional music includes performances by professional musicians and amateur contestants competing for three awards.38 I attended

37

The ñandutí (literally,“spider-web”) is a traditional woven traditional folk art form that emulates the natural intricacies of spider webs. Cultivated by the women of Itauguá, a town in the interior of Paraguay known as the capital de la artesanía paraguaya (capital of Paraguayan crafts), the ñandutí has become the quintessential Paraguayan folk art form and has made its way into virtually every tourist shop in the major urban centers. 38

Awards include the Ñandutí de oro (Golden Ñandutí) and the Ñandutí de plata (Silver

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the twenty-fourth and twenty-fifth annual Festival del Ñandutí, held in late July (2001) and early August (2002), respectively, at the soccer stadium of the Olimpia sports club in Itauguá.

Fig. 17. Ñandutí made in Itauguá

The 25th anniversary festival, which took place on Saturday, August 3, 2002, showcased twenty-seven vocal and instrumental soloists, conjuntos, choral ensembles, comedians, and dance groups performing from 9:00 p.m. until 4:00 a.m. for an audience ranging from adult spectators to young children. Stands with crafts, compact discs, and Ñandutí) for top musical performances and the Félix Fernández trophy for best original composition.

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refreshments provided a respite from the marathon of performances and a distraction from the bitter cold.

The diatonic harp accompanied the polca and guarania

performances of vocal soloist Hernán Ramírez, vocal trio Las Maravillas (The Marvels), and the Conjunto of Juan Carlos Oviedo y los hermanos Acuña. The extreme cold curtailed audience participation, prompting most people to huddle over warm mate, rather than engage in the animated singing and clapping customary in festivals of traditional music.39 Though the diatonic harp was used sparingly throughout the night, its distinctive sound stirred some members of the audience to burst into spontaneous couple dancing, particularly during harpist Tito Acuña’s performances. Track 15 (Accompanying CD #1) offers an example of one of the songs (Campamento Cerro León) performed by Tito Acuña during the festival.

Festival Internacional Zeballos con el Folclore As in the Festival del Ñandutí, the Festival Internacional Zeballos con el Folclore (International Festival Zeballos with Folklore) consists of an annual gathering of numerous performers of traditional music. The festival, established in 1996 with the primary goal of providing the Zeballos Cué community with a variety of performances by popular and international artists, takes place outdoors at the Colegio Nacional Las Residentas (The Residents National School) in Zeballos-Cué.

In addition to the

performances of local artists, dance groups from Argentina and Brazil also participate in the eight-hour festival. A particular characteristic of this festival is its non-competitive aspect, whereby the festival committee applauds the accomplishments of professional 39

Winter in Paraguay begins on June 21. Since the stadium was not heated nor entirely covered, the audience endured temperatures as low as 1˚C (about 33.8˚F).

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performers of various musical styles. I attended the February 9, 2002 Festival in which the Paraguayan harp was featured during the performances of two musical groups: the Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los Hermanos Acuña and the Conjunto de Quemil Yambay y Los Alfonsinos. The audience consisted mostly of children, young adults, and families from the community and neighboring towns. As in the case of other festivals, concession stands with crafts, games, and food, were available to the public.

Tito

Acuña’s performance of Pájaro campana elicited “wild” ovations, prompting singers Juan Carlos Oviedo and Digno Acuña, who had already appeared at the beginning of the event, to continue on stage and indulge the audience’s requests for additional singing. Once again, the appearance of the diatonic harp seems to have “awakened” the audience which, up to that moment, had displayed little enthusiasm for other musical performers. Although the diatonic harp was not the main attraction of the festival, its presence seemed to have breathed life into the gathering, validating the entire musical event.

Festival del Takuare’e In 2001, the Festival del Takuare’e (Festival of the Sugarcane) launched its twenty-fourth annual celebration of traditional music and dance. Established in 1977 in the city of Guarambaré,40 later as part of the Asociación de Festivales del Mercosur (Mercosur [Folk Music] Festivals Association) and the International Organization of Popular Art, the Festival del Takuare’e has, in recent years, gained a reputation as one of the foremost popular events associated with traditional music in the country. 40

This

Guarambaré was originally founded by Domingo Martínez de Irala in 1539 and re-established in 1632 under orders of Governor Juan Díaz de Andino. Located thirty-two kilometers southeast of Asuncion, Guarambaré’s economy is primarily based on sugarcane industry.

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particular festival is the much-anticipated culmination of an annual selection process by which traveling judges attend pre-festivals – smaller scale festivals of traditional music taking place year-round in various towns throughout the region – and choose contestants who will perform and compete in the Festival del Takuare’e. Some of these pre-festivals take place abroad, mainly in Argentina and the United States, specifically Washington D.C. and New York, where a significant number of Paraguayan immigrants have been living and working since the early 1950s. The twenty-fourth annual Festival del Takuare’e, denominated Paraguay y América cantan en Guarambaré (Paraguay and America Sing in Guarambaré), took place in November 2001 at the Luis Alberto de Herrera sports club and featured professional performers of traditional music sharing the stage with amateur contestants from various musical categories, among them:

vocal and instrumental solo performance, choral

ensemble, conjuntos, popular theater play, and dance. advertising the festival.

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Figure 18 presents a poster

Fig. 18. Poster advertising the main musical performances (jornadas centrales) of the 2001 Festival del Takuare’e The events associated with the 2001 festival included a contest for traditional dance groups on November 3rd entitled Takuare’e Poty Danza (The Dance Blooms at the Takuare’e [Festival]), a pre-audition for vocal and instrumental amateur contestants on November 4th, and the two main performance events: the first on November 9th featuring musical guests and contestants, and the second on November 10th featuring professional soloists and groups.

Although the bulk of festival events did not take place until

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November, two previous events, a popular outdoor musical gathering known as Encuentro con Emiliano ([Musical] Gathering with Emiliano) on August 4th and a galopa-dance contest in Yvysunú, Guarambaré, on September 7th, celebrating the Catholic feast of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary, had officially signaled the start of the 2001 Festival del Takuare’e. Organized by the festival committee and drawing a diverse crowd from various sectors in Guarambaré, the event received financial support from FONDEC, or the Fondo Nacional para el Desarrollo de la Cultura (The National Foundation for the Development of Culture), Itaipú Binacional (the Brazilian-Paraguayan hydroelectric consolidation), the government of the Central Department, and several private enterprises.41 The committee was also responsible for the publication of the festival’s annual magazine, which contained articles and information related to the series of events (Figure 19).

41

Support and sponsorship of festivals is divided according to the various logistical aspects of the event, such as general promotion, posters and magazines, sound amplification systems, recording studios, and stage construction.

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Fig. 19. Cover to the 2001 edition of the Revista Takuare’e

In addition to the magazine, a compact disc featuring the live performances of amateur contestants from the previous year was released. An excerpt from a bulletin handed out at the festival emphasizes the cultural and political significance of this event reads: El [Festival del] Takuare’e es un evento totalmente identificado con el país, es un 242

símbolo de resistencia cultural al avance nocivo de corrientes extrañas a nuestra cultura, que si bien en buena medida traen también sus valores positivos, no es menos cierto que hay que cuidarse de los efectos destructivos y alienantes que también acarrea[n]. Con todos los festivales organizados en el país aporta un grano de arena para constituirse en Defensa Nacional. [The Takuare’e [Festival] is an event absolutely identified with the country, it is a symbol of cultural resistance against the ill advances of foreign practices,42 alien to our culture, although, to some extent, they may bring some positive values, truthfully, one must take care with the alien and destructive effects that they also bring. Along with [the other musical] festivals organized in the country, [Takuare’e] gives its small contribution to become the National Defense. The views expressed in the festival bulletin echoed some similar sentiments to those expressed in an article released to the press in September 2000. Promoting the twenty-third annual Festival del Takuare’e, Alfredo Vaesken, member of the festival committee, indicated among other things: Somos concientes y muy seguros de que los fetivales organizados en principio con el fin de enaltecer la vigencia de la TRADICION Y EL FOLKLORE y no como trampolín para otras actividades, son barreras muy positivas contra todo lo negativo que nos llena de cultura foránea. Por lo menos una gran parte de nuestra cultura, de nuestra identidad se mantiene con los festivales. … Muchos responsables del gobierno no valoran o no comprenden el valor que tienen los festivales, inclusive para las buenas costumbres. Ejemplo: Los festivales del Takuare’e concluyen en cada jornada a la madrugada, no viéndose a jóvenes borrachos, no tirados en el suelo esperando el amanecer, porque van acompañados de sus padres o van a los festivales con una meta definida y no como simples patoteros. Los Festivales, además, constituyen espacios para los artistas profesionales que de alguna manera ganan el sustento dignamente. Y lo más importante, un Festival bien definido, bien organizado, es la identidad de una comunidad. (Press Bulletin, October 9, 2000) [We are very aware that [music] festivals, first organized to promote the continuity of [our popular] TRADITION AND FOLKLORE and not as a platform for other activities, are very positive barriers against all the negative aspects that we receive from foreign influences. … Many government authorities do not appreciate or do not comprehend the value of the festivals, even when they relate to good social practices. For instance, the Takuare’e festivals end every show in the early morning hours, without any young drunkard or bum asleep on the streets waiting for the dawn, because they are accompanied by their parents or [because] 42

In reference to the influences of the widely spread cachaca or tecno-cumbia paraguaya phenomenon.

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they go to the festivals with a clear goal and not as common hooligans. In addition, the festivals provide a space to the professional artists who, in this way, make an honorable living. And furthermore, a well-defined and organized festival is the identity of a community.] When I interviewed Vaesken in March 2002, he reiterated these points and bemoaned the lack of interest and support from current official authorities toward the planning and promotion of that year’s festival. At that time, the news media was having a feeding frenzy over some serious cases of corruption involving the president, some senators, and other political figures. Vaesken expressed concern that the ensuing fallout would have a detrimental effect on cultural events across the board due to a lack of funding from official and private sources. Despite the declining government support and interest for festivals of traditional music, the festival committee was able to gather sufficient funds to support a large-scale festival and, on the evenings of November 9 and 10, 2001, sections of the soccer stadium (saloon soccer) at the Luis Alberto de Herrera sports club, were rearranged. A stage was accommodated, a large sound amplification system was installed, chairs were set up for the public, and stands were constructed for the vending of local crafts and food. Both evenings of the festival were broadcast live by several radio stations, among them Radio Charitas, Radio Nacional del Paraguay, Radio Cardinal, and their affiliate stations. Outside the sports club, additional stands were set up to sell food, drinks, crafts, and an assorted variety of compact discs. Small stereos, owned by vendors selling their goods outside of the club, filled the air with sounds of rock music, techno-funk, and technocumbia, competing with the sounds of traditional music emanating from the loud speakers within the club, where a crowd of about one thousand spectators anxiously awaited the start of the musical event. In Guarambaré, as in other towns in the interior of

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Paraguay, traditional music festivals constitute a social and a family event where parents and children sit together, though it is not uncommon to see groups of teenagers and young adults talking among themselves outside of the stadium before or after their favorite musical group has performed. The second evening of performances, I noticed more people socializing outside the premises than inside the club. The first evening of the festival commenced with a performance of traditional polcas and galopas by a dance group comprised of teenagers and young adults from Guarambaré, who had won first place in the November 3rd dance competition associated with the festival. The dances were accompanied by a local banda típica (folk band), consisting of two trumpets, two trombones, a saxophone, a Sousaphone, a snare drum, and a bass drum with parallel crash cymbals on top. In addition to traditional dances presented by the Guarambaré group, the Maká Indians performed ritual dances and sang on stage. Accustomed to clapping after every musical number, the audience had a difficult time knowing when the Maká dances were beginning or ending. Disoriented by the configuration of the stage, the Makás had difficulty performing this series of dances, which was ultimately perceived as separate musical pieces. Aside from traditional dance and music, other expressions such as popular poetry43 and short theater plays in Jopará and Spanish were included in the first evening of performances. While vocal music essentially dominated the musical agenda of the first evening, the diatonic harp did make two appearances throughout the night. Contestant Alcides Ovelar performed a solo arrangement of Taita jeroky (Taita’s dance), a polca composed by harpist Papi Galán, and Sixto Tadeo Corvalán, first place winner for 43

Presented in rhymed form, this type of poetry is known as caso ñemombe’ú (story telling) and is usually accompanied by a guitar improvising short melodies.

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solo harp performance in the 1996 Festival del Takuare’e, performed his arrangement of Pájaro campana, accompanied by a second harp. About to undertake a performance of the best known and most popular musical composition for the instrument, Corvalán was called to the stage with the following introduction (Track 16, Accompanying CD #2):44 Como diría [el arpista] Cristino Báez Monges,”ejecutar el arpa paraguaya no es una profesión, es una identidad.” Si tiene treinta y séis cuerdas, nos remontamos al tiempo en que el arpista debería ejecutar a treinta y dos cuerdas. José del Rosario Diarte, el Sanjuanino, el amigo de Hya’ty Félix Pérez Cardozo, Carlos Talavera, el arpa, la guitarra, Carlitos Talavera, es el motivo de inspiración para este sonido onomatopéyico. Hoy por hoy treinta y séis cuerdas, podemos hablar de tantos arpistas, de tantas gentes que ejecutan a partir de Nenequita Cáceres, igualmente el talento del olímpico Albino Quiñónez, los grandes talentos. Pero nos detenemos en el tiempo y en el espacio para hasta oir a un hombre excepcional, todos los años aquí como jurado, como arpista, como colaborador, Luis Carlos Encina Lupo, aplausos para él. Es el pasaporte paraguayo ante el mundo, dos arpas, dúo mixto en arpa paraguaya, pasaporte e himno internacional del Paraguay: el Guyra pón o el Pájaro campana.45 [As [harpist] Cristino Báez Monges would have said, “playing the Paraguayan harp is not a profession, it is an identity.” If it has thirty-six strings, we go back in time when the harpist had to play on thirty-two strings. José del Rosario Diarte, from San Juan, Félix Pérez Cardozo, the friend from Hy’aty, Carlos Talavera, the harp, the guitar, Carlitos Talavera, it is the inspirational motif to this onomatopoetic sound. Today, thirty-six strings, we could talk about so many harp players, many people who have performed, beginning with Nenequita Cáceres, similarly, the Olympic talent of Albino Quiñónez, the great talents. But we stop in time and space to hear an exceptional man, here every year, as part of the judges, as harpist, as a helper, Luis Carlos Encina Lupo, let’s give him a hand. It is the Paraguayan passport to the world, two harps, mixed duo on the Paraguayan harp, passport and international hymn of Paraguay: the Guyra pón or the Bell Bird.] This presenter epitomized the art of improvisatory speech typical of announcers at Paraguayan festivals of traditional music. His ebullient introduction, which was laced with terms such as” Paraguayan harp,” “identity,” and “international hymn,” among 44

The transcribed introduction to the song is verbatim, and it reflects the characteristics of an improvised speech at festivals of this nature. 45

Festival del Takuare’e. Guarambaré: Tape Takuare’e 01, November 9, 2001.

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others, served to reinforce the prevailing sentiment regarding the symbolic significance of the harp and to pay homage to festival judges as well as to professional harpists who had performed at the festival in years past. Although specific times are allocated for general announcement and recognition of judges, masters of ceremony frequently take advantage of logistical adjustments, such as sound checks and the retuning of instruments, and engage in long florid speeches relating to the performers or the composition to be performed. The second evening of the festival included performances by professional vocalists, conjuntos, comedians, and visiting folk-dance groups from Argentina and Chile. The evening’s program started with the Guarambaré dance group performing a variety of traditional dances with music and poetry recitation in the background. Some of the ideas and themes represented in this performance reflected the pressing social and political issues of the times, namely the political and economic distress, the blatant military and police corruption, and the alarming rise in destitution, as well as a collective sentiment of hope for el nuevo Paraguay (the new Paraguay), a quasi-socialist concept related to the Paraguayan tekó, 46 capturing a collective aspiration for a new nation governed by the principles of social justice, equality in distribution of land, and financial stability.

Interestingly, the unlikely proponent of social justice and the author of the

script for this particular performance was none other than a government official (Rudi Torga, Director of the Department of Folklore [Research], a branch of the Vice-Ministry of Culture), endorsing an agenda that was ostensibly undermining the very establishment in which he served. The fact that this apparent dichotomy did not cause major ripples 46

The Paraguayan tekó (the way of being) will be discussed further in Chapter Five.

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points to a changing political climate, since prior to the 1989 overthrow of Stroessner’s regime, Rudi Torga’s script would have been tantamount to treason. Unlike the social context echoed in the script for the performance, the musical landscape had undergone relatively few changes.

Evoking the old configuration of the orquesta típica with

bandoneón, violins, guitar, and double bass, an orquesta estable (house folk ensemble) with bandoneón, violin, guitar, electric bass, and synthesizer accompanied most of the performances that evening.

The first half of the program also included traditional

dancing by the group Katupyry,47 a short political-satire, and performances by choral groups and conjuntos. The diatonic harp appeared at various times throughout the evening accompanying such musical groups as Los Corales, the Conjunto of Juan Carlos Oviedo y los Hermanos Acuña, and the Dúo Mongelós-Torales, all of which sang traditional music in Guaraní and Jopará. While Los Corales performed in their typical style of infusing traditional music with social commentary, the Dúo Mongelós-Torales and the conjunto of Juan Carlos Oviedo focused on popular tunes.

Among the memorable

moments of the evening were the following performances: Los Corales’ rendition of Ñande rekohá (Our Place), a song calling for the preservation of Paraguay’s natural ecology, and Receta del tío Sam (Uncle Sam’s Prescription), a musical satire criticizing the current politic maneuvers of the Paraguayan government and its foreign policy toward the United States; and Juan Carlos Oviedo and the Acuña brothers’ performance of Asunción del Paraguay (Asuncion of Paraguay), a poem describing the city in the early

47

Comprised of adults from Itauguá, the Katupyry dance group was introduced with the following disclaimer: “… éste no es un grupo de ballet folclórico, sino un cuerpo de baile.” [… this is not a folkballet group, but a dance group). All of the members of this dance group were amateurs in their fifties and sixties.

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1940s, and Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí” (13th Regiment “Tuyutí), a tribute to a group of soldiers who fought during the Chaco War with Bolivia, both songs with lyrics by popular poet Emiliano R. Fernández (ca.1895-1949).48

During some of the songs,

Oviedo’s conjunto and the Mongelós-Torales duo performed together, exchanging verses and instrumental solos. Throughout the songs, the audience accompanied each one of the performances with rhythmic hand clapping (emphasizing beats 1 and 4 in compound duple meter), whistling, and vocal interjections.49

Accompanied by accordion and

guitars, harpist Tito Acuña performed an instrumental arrangement of Llegada (Arrival), a polca by harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo. Wrapping up the first half of the program, the Dúo Mongelós-Torales performed María Escobar, a polca-canción of romantic nature attributed to Emiliano R. Fernández, and Ndarekói la culpa (It Is Not My Fault), a traditional instrumental polca of anonymous authorship, among other songs. The other half of the program was dedicated to folk dances and vocal music performed by visiting artists,50 the award ceremony for contestants in the various amateur categories, and the recognition of some local artists and performers.51 Aside from certificates awarded to singers, poets, journalists, artisans, and radio shows, lifetime achievement awards were

48

Born in Yvysunú, Guarambaré, Emiliano R[ivarola] Fernández is one of the main poets and musicians associated with the popular tradition. 49

Whistling and other vocal interjections typically occur during the instrumental introductions to fast-paced songs. These expressions include high-pitched sounds and phrases such as eeeheee, peepooh, arriba Paraguay! (Hail, Paraguay!), and others. 50

Among the visiting groups were the winners of the Festival Nacional del Malambo (Malambo National Festival) in Laborde Córdoba, the chamamé group Los Criollos del Taraguí (The Criollos of Taraguí) from Argentina, and the Manu Nere dance group from the Pascua Islands in Chile. 51

The number of artists honored with marks of distinction was twenty-four, coinciding with the number of years that the festival had been running.

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presented to professional harpists Nicolás (“Nicolasito”) Caballero and Dionisio Arzamendia. Although the diatonic harp was not exclusively featured throughout the program, collective assertion of its vital role as a symbol of identity was reiterated through commentary and through the wave of excitement that spread through the audience each time the instrument appeared on the stage. When a harp player displayed a high level of virtuosity, particularly during renditions of well-known instrumental pieces or in the accompaniment of vocal performances, the audience would perk up with a fervent attentiveness that was seemingly lost on the other performances. For many, the presence of the harp bestowed a seal of authenticity upon the Festival del Takuare’e, providing the appropriate and expected medium for the reinforcement and reaffirmation of identity through musical performance.

Encuentro con Emiliano Associated with the preliminary annual activities of the Festival del Takuare’e, the Encuentro con Emiliano ([Musical] Gathering with Emiliano), named after popular poet and composer Emiliano R[ivarola] Fernández, constitutes one of the most popular of all traditional music events in the country. Taking place in Yvysunú, Guarambaré, around August 8th,52 at the Monumento a Emiliano (Monument to Emiliano), located at the Quinta Núñez (country house of the Núñez family), the event is a day long festival with informal performances of traditional music and concession stands with crafts, games, and food. The activities begin around 8:00 a.m. with a mass at the local Catholic

52

Emiliano R. Fernández’ hometown and birth date, respectively.

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church, which is followed by a desfile folclórico (folk parade) with the participation of jinetes (horse riders) and improvised folk dances performed by members of the community and various dance groups (Figure 20). Accompanied by a banda típica, the procession of folk music performers covers approximately three kilometers, from the entrance of town to the Monumento in Yvysunú.

At the Quinta Núñez and the

Monumento, a calesita (carousel) and a popular fair with games, crafts, and food cater to spectators who come from Guarambaré, Asuncion, and nearby towns. Since this in an outdoor event and people come and go at will, chairs and tables are available for rent. At the back of the property, men and women prepare asado a la estaca (a traditional bar-bque roasted over firewood), mandioca (yucca root), and other regional food.

(Fig. 20. The Katupyry dance group and members of the audience dancing galopas

Although the Encuentro promotes traditional music genres and styles, which tend to appeal to listeners of an older generation, the festival draws a diverse crowd that includes children, teenagers, and young adults, as well. The general performance practice among musicians involves simply “showing up” and deciding among each other, on the spot, the order of artist appearances and the songs to be performed. The relaxed informal atmosphere, the meaningful location, and the various popular elements displayed and

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celebrated (music, food, crafts) serve as the backdrop for the articulation of different aspects of a common shared identity. During the course of my fieldwork, I attended the 2002 Encuentro con Emiliano Organized by the committee for the twenty-fifth annual Festival del Takuare’e, and partially sponsored by FONDEC. The event took place on Sunday, August 4th. An improvised stage was placed adjacent to the steps at the back of the monumento, the front of which was used as a gathering place for performers. Broadcast live by Radio Nacional and Radio Charitas, the event included vocal and instrumental performances featuring soloists and conjuntos, poetry recitation in Guarani, and choreographed traditional dances. In the following traditional speech, Alfredo Vaesken, one of the organizers of the Encuentro, gave a powerful summation of the social relevance of the festival: El encuentro con Emiliano es un encuentro popular, defendiendo la paraguayidad. Este evento no cuenta con patrocinadores, especialmente del gobierno. Esta celebración popular se convierte en un frente común, frente al desconcierto sociopolítico que vive el país. Esta es una celebración en conjunto de lo que somos y de lo que nos gusta: la música paraguaya. [The [Musical] Gathering with Emiliano is a popular gathering, in defense of Paraguayan-ness. This event does not have sponsors, especially from the government. This popular celebration becomes a common front facing the sociopolitical distress in which the nation lives. This is a joined celebration of who we are and what we like: Paraguayan music.] Vaesken’s remarks were well received and evoked feelings of solidarity among the public, the majority of which belonged to the working class.

Although I heard an

occasional murmur among the audience in regard to the socio-political situation of the time, the general state of frustration all but dissolved in a collective sentiment of nostalgia and empowerment that persisted through nearly eight hours of musical performances.

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In contrast to other popular festivals of traditional music, this event featured the harp in most of the musical selections. Throughout the morning and afternoon, the diatonic harp appeared accompanying various musical groups, among them Los compuesteros de Carapeguá (The Carapeguá Compuesto Singers), Papi Basaldúa and Cantares (Singers), and the Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los hermanos Acuña. Although soloists and conjuntos at most music festivals perform three, rarely four, musical selections, the Encuentro affords musicians the opportunity to perform extended sets and respond to the public’s demand for more songs in some cases. For the most part, the public participated actively throughout the event, singing and clapping along with the music, and expressing their enthusiasm with various vocal interjections. Around 7:00 p.m. the sun started to set, signaling the end of the Encuentro,53 and prompted by the exciting rhythmic drive of the Paraguayan polcas, couples from the audience burst into spontaneous dancing.54 Singing compuestos in Guarani and Jopará, Los Compuesteros de Carapeguá were accompanied by harp, accordion, and two guitars. Their vocal performance style typified the popular mode of singing found in the interior of the country, which is characterized by a nasal timbre, open-throat sound production, and enunciation in jahe’ó (crying or lament-like) style. The harp player accompanied most of the songs on the bordonas (bass strings), emphasizing short melodic passages in the low register and improvising melodic accompaniment patterns along with the accordion. In this style of performance, no instrumental solos of high virtuosity are displayed.

Track 06

53

Since the event was held in the countryside, no artificial illumination was provided for the stage; hence the closing of the Encuentro in conjunction with the sunset. 54

This took place during the performance of the Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los hermanos Acuña.

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(Accompanying CD #2) includes the compuesto, Pancha Garmendia, as performed by Los Compuesteros de Carapeguá at the Encuentro con Emiliano. Whereas the style of performance epitomized by Los Compuesteros de Carapeguá features no virtuosic instrumental solos, harpist Papi Basaldúa, who performed a variety of traditional compositions in Spanish and Jopará along with his musical group Cantares, displayed a high level of technical virtuosity on the harp during the introductions and interludes of polcas and guaranias. In addition to singing and playing the harp, the versatile performer accompanied the two other members of the group on electronic keyboard, at times alternating between the harp and the keyboard. The singing style of this group reflected the “professional approach” to traditional music, featuring precise enunciation of words, sudden crescendos and decrescendos, elaborate three-part harmonies, and straight-tone vocal production followed by wide vibrato at the end of cadences.55

Track 16 (Accompanying CD #2) presents a version of Digno

García’s Che Camba-mí (My Sweet Dark-Skined Girl) as performed by Papi Basaldúa’s musical group at the Encuentro. With Tito Acuña on harp, and Juan Carlos Oviedo and Digno Acuña accompanying themselves on guitar, they performed Paraguayan polcas in Jopará, singing in the purahéi hoyvy (duo singing) tradition with their own particular blend of popular and professional vocal styles (Fig. 21).

55

Vibrato at the end of cadences has been a common trend in traditional and popular singing since the mid1960s.

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Fig. 21. Conjunto de Juan Carlos Oviedo y los Hermanos Acuña

A favorite in most festivals and recitals, the conjunto’s unique performance style motivated the audience to participate by singing and clapping during all of their songs. The group’s musical selections included very well known songs and compositions by popular poets and musicians such as Emiliano R. Fernández. Through my inquiries regarding the events associated with the Encuentro and the cultural significance of the various performances and activities related to the festival, I was able to gain some significant insights from a number of sources, including audience members Víctor Barrios (journalist), Victoria Giménez (wife of popular composer

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Herminio Giménez), members of a family seated next to me, performers Tito and Digno Acuña, and festival organizers Carlos Rubén Ojeda, Delia Picaguá, and Alfredo Vaesken. The information that I gleaned in the course of these conversations highlights a few salient points that shed light on the socio-cultural forces behind the inception and cultivation of this festival, as well as the collective mentality that gives the Encuentro its particular atmosphere of solidarity and social awareness. The Encuentro con Emiliano reigns as the country’s most popular traditional music gathering, the various components of which validate and authenticate the traditions displayed and performed in the course of the event. Participation in the Encuentro helps to secure one’s identity as a Paraguayan by placing a protective barrier that discourages the dilution of that identity as a result of exposure to outside influences. Furthermore, the Encuentro is a self-supported event, organized by the people and for the people, which validates its role as a cultural stronghold against political oligarchy. Tired of unfulfilled promises and political dishonesty, the people of Paraguay unite in the performance of what constitutes, for some, a true act of paraguayidad: the celebration of the traditional musical expressions of the country.

Indeed, at the Encuentro con Emiliano, the

preservation and reinforcement of Paraguayan and national56 identity, is achieved through the repeated performance of social activities seen as “traditional.” In the case of the Encuentro, listening to music, dancing, singing, speaking Guarani and Jopará, eating traditional foods, socializing, and sharing a common space with others engaged in similar activities, combine to represent the social kaleidoscope which is Paraguayan culture. Within these myriad activities, the presence of the diatonic harp figures dominantly as a 56

In this particular case, “national” does not imply an official or political agenda, but rather the state of “being Paraguayan.”

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symbol of national identity, acting as a conduit for the musical language that is common to all age groups and social groups gathering annually in Yvysunú, Guarambaré.

Conclusion As we have seen, official documents and recitals of traditional music in formal settings have played an important role in the attempt to foster an academically oriented view of Paraguayan music among Paraguayans. Musical institutions offering Paraguayan harp lessons as part of their curriculum, as well as the various available written methods and composed music for the instrument, suggest that the diatonic harp holds a place of certain significance within the academic circles. The diatonic harp is not, however, the exclusive domain of the academic sphere, as the instrument has captured the popular admiration of the crowds attending festivals of traditional music. These popular festivals particularly appeal to members of the working class, who have been socially slighted and historically disregarded in the planning and implementation of most government resolutions. Not only have these festivals provided a space where traditions are displayed and recreated, but they have also served as an arena for the promotion of socio-political ideologies.

Some of these ideologies address the concept of the Paraguayan as an

individual in search of his true identity, which has been a part of the Paraguayan mindset throughout history. Others highlight the duty of the Paraguayan citizen defending the national territory, the national symbols (the flag, the national anthem), and the staples of Paraguayan cultural heritage (historical sites, traditional music, popular religious festivities, the Guarani language) against foreign influence. Since the early 1990s, a common thread among traditional music festival has been an emphasis on the

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significance of the Paraguayan as a free individual in charge of his own decisions and destiny, the cultural pride associated with the Paraguayan nation and its historical past, and the social values linked to friendship, family, and religion, which inform the individual’s actions.

The emblematic role of the diatonic harp in the history and

development of a Paraguayan identity, as articulated through the interwoven concepts of the Paraguayan tekó and paraguayidad, will be discussed in Chapter Five.

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CHAPTER FIVE: The Construction of Paraguayan Identity The Shaping of Paraguayan Identity: Introduction Considering the viewpoint that identity is the ground of action, constructed through a splitting between that which one is and that which is the other (Hall 1991:47), and existing in a constant state of flux, in accordance with the idea of identity being continually in transit1 (Melià 2000:18-20), I will explore in this chapter how Paraguayan identity has been articulated, constructed, and reinforced in the collective social imagination through the socio-historical process and through the performance of certain popular traditions, namely the cultivation of traditional music through festivals and through the Paraguayan diatonic harp.

Presently, most middle and working-class

Paraguayans assert their sense of social and cultural identity through the espousal of a collective outlook known as paraguayidad (Paraguayan-ness), which encompasses at least three distinct areas in the Paraguayan frame of mind: the specific geographical territory, the history of Paraguay as a nation, and the manifestation of certain social, spiritual, and cultural values, which are also closely connected to what is referred to as the tekó (the way of being), a culturally imbedded concept, historically inherited from the cosmovision of the Guarani (See Table 2). 1

In Identidad paraguaya en movimiento (Paraguayan Identity in Motion), Melià indicates, La identidad está siempre en tránsito en un continuo hacerse y deshacerse, en una construcción y deconstrucción incesante. … Pero si enfocamos la identidad como movimiento, nos aproximamos, creo, a una categoría esencial de su propia existencia. … Entre los seres humanos se da un encuentro. Esta es fundamentalmente la identidad en movimiento. (2000:19-20) [Identity is always in transit, in a continuum of being made and unmade, unceasingly being constructed and deconstructed. … But if we focus on identity as motion, we reach, I believe, a category that is essential to its own existence. … There is an encounter among human beings. [And] That is fundamentally identity in motion.]

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Table 2. Elements of paraguayidad as a reflection of Paraguayan identity

PARAGUAYAN IDENTITY

PARAGUAYIDAD

Territory

Socio-cultural Values

History

Guarani Terminology Cultural Values: Language Folklore Traditions

Ñane Ñe’e Ñanemba’é Ñanemba’é

Spiritual Values: Monotheistic Faith Tekopave’y Popular religiosity Tekopave’y mba’e Social Values:

Friendship Family Solidarity Pride Honesty

Tekopyty Tekó-ogayguá Tekojojá Teko-katueté Tekopoti

Paraguayidad is a socially constructed idea that intends to reflect “Paraguayan identity,” another invented and inculcated notion, presented purposely in Table 2 within a dotted line diagram. Despite numerous configurations of geographical boundaries due to past wars and appropriation of land by neighboring countries (Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil), Paraguayans take pride in the current conformation of their geographical territory and in

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their history. Although the initial concept of a Paraguayan nation (which resulted from the 1811 proclamation of independence) was promoted by a Paraguayan intellectual elite, the contemporary notion of the term “nation,” embraced by most Paraguayan citizens, appears, on the surface, to be devoid of political associations, reflecting instead the constructed idea of a group of people with a rich history and well-defined cultural and social values. In addition to this “way of being” (tekó), Paraguayans also recognize the place where they exist and the expressions (beliefs, traditions, values) associated with that existence, as the tekohá (literally, the place where people exist and operate, culturally speaking). In the cosmovision of the Guarani, the tekohá could also be interpreted as the place to be, the place of being, or the place where people are who they are (Melià 1997:47, 54). This cultural world or cultural arena known as the Paraguayan tekohá is intrinsically linked to that which, in the mentality of the Paraguayan people, is the very essence of the individual – the tekó. An important component of the tekó is the teko-katú, which could be explained as the agreement between what is thought and what must be done in order to be, or as the cultural context in which people give meaning to their actions. As we will further notice in this chapter, the teko-katú encapsulates certain constructed cultural ideas, which are distinctly Paraguayan, and which intend to portray or explain the attitude and lifestyle of most Paraguayans (See Table 3).

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Table 3. Elements of the tekó in relationship to paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity

PARAGUAYAN IDENTITY

PARAGUAYIDAD

Territory

Socio-cultural Values

History

Guarani Terminology Cultural Values: Language Folklore Traditions

Ñane Ñe’e Ñanemba’é Ñanemba’é

Spiritual Values: Monotheistic Faith Tekopave’y Popular religiosity Tekopave’y mba’e Social Values:

Friendship Family Solidarity Pride Honesty

Tekopyty Tekó-ogayguá Tekojojá Teko-katueté Tekopoti

TEKO (The way of being)

Tekohá

Teko-katú

Tekorã

(The place to be, The place of being)

(The agreement between what is thought and what must be done in order to be)

(The place and the people that we will become)

Yvy marane’y - Ore poriahú - Ñane Ñe’e - Koyguá

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(The land of no evil)

For Paraguayans from the working and middle classes, understanding the tekó, the tekohá, and the teko-katú, is essential to attaining the tekorã, an idealized place of existence, which is also closely associated with the Guarani concept of the yvy marane’y, an expression that refers to an ideal soil for agriculture, but which sometimes is also explained as the “land of no evil.” As we will further explore in this chapter, through various expressions such as musical practices and popular traditions, the imbedded idea of the tekó, along with the concepts of the tekohá, the teko-katú, and the tekorã, are of paramount significance to the construction and affirmation of Paraguayan identity. Transplanted, transformed, and adapted to the performance practices of Paraguayan traditional and popular music through various socio-historical processes, the diatonic harp has assumed, in the twentieth century, the status of a national symbol of Paraguayan identity. Prior to discussing the role of the diatonic harp in the articulation of Paraguayan identity, let us consider some historical events that through time, have served to shape the distinct but interrelated concepts of nation, paraguayidad, and Paraguayan identity. Before detailing the socio-historical processes involved in the articulation of Paraguayan identity, I would like to clarify my theoretical approach to the three aforementioned concepts. With the term “nation,” I refer to the various socio-historical dynamics of an imagined political community (Anderson 1991) where people as an active creative force (Dahlhaus 1980) define who they are and develop a system of culturally related values in order to become who they intend to be. For most Paraguayans, the idea of nation is clearly expressed in the relationship between the three interlocking ideas inherited from the Guarani, referred to as tekó-tekohá-tekorã (literally, the way of being, the place of existence or the cultural system, and the place and people we will become),

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which I will discuss further in this chapter. “Paraguayan identity” is used in two ways: first, to signify the social and political agents that define and promote an identity in transit, and second, to explain identity in the context of imagination as a social force (Appadurai 1996) and as a way in which people can experience a sense of cultural belonging with a specific political and ideological significance (Tomlinson 1991). Finally, paraguayidad, as a reflection of Paraguayan identity, implies the various social processes and local traditions which serve to validate, promote, and reflect a certain degree of “Paraguayan uniqueness” in practices that are both ingrained in the daily reality of life in Paraguay and performed in the collective social imagination. In this particular case, “Paraguayan uniqueness” refers to various socio-cultural practices cultivated in Paraguay, such as the practice of speaking or singing in Guarani or Jopará, the particular sounds and musical elements found in the Paraguayan polca and the guarania, the performance of traditional music at specific locations connected to the popular tradition, the performance practices associated with traditional guitar and harp music, and the consumption of regional food and drinks.

The Socio-Historical Process of Paraguayan Identity In Identidad nacional (National Identity), a study aiming toward reforms in the elementary and secondary education system, Celsa Añazco and Rosalba Dendia (1997:17) identify certain epochs in the formation of Paraguayan identity. As noted in the introduction of the present dissertation, I have chosen to include these historical periods, as first conceived by Añazco and Dendia, as a point of departure to examine the socio-political forces which, throughout history, have shaped Paraguayan identity. Although it is certain that any chronological exposition of historical facts may carry the 264

subjective view(s) of the writer(s), I must indicate that one of the objectives of the study conducted by Añazco and Dendia and published in Identidad nacional, was to determine the degree to which contemporary Paraguayan society identifies itself with the invented and inculcated current socio-cultural values. Identidad nacional does not claim to be an in-depth anthropological, historical, sociological, or theoretical work on contemporay Paraguayan society, instead, the study targets key areas (cultural, political, social) and challenges specific subjects (mainly history and language) and current teaching methodologies used at the primary and secondary levels. The goal of the publication is to assess the general views and concerns that educators, parents, students, and sociologists have in regard to Paraguayan education, and to propose an educational reform suitable for the times and the needs of present-day Paraguayans. I have also chosen to include these historical epochs or vignettes to provide a brief historical background for the discussion which will follow on Paraguayan identity, paraguayidad, and the diatonic harp. Although a discussion regarding the adaptation and development of the diatonic harp in Paraguay is not interwoven with the historical facts presented in this section, as we will later note, the idea of the invented arpa paraguaya is a cultural phenomenon of the twentieth century. However, we must also note that invention of the arpa paraguaya as an imagined symbol of identity coincides, to some extent, with other imagined and constructed ideas such as nation, paraguayidad, and tekó, which were socio-culturally created and inculcated through events taking place during these historical epochs. The first epoch (1537-1811) includes the period of the conquest, the colonial project, and the birth of the Spanish-Guarani mestizo, resulting in the fusion of two races and two systems of cultural values. The second period (1811-1840) reveals the shaping

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of a national sentiment, which first project was the independence process. The third stage (1841-1870) shows a period of social and economic progress followed by foreign aggression, resistance, and the loss of a vast territory. The fourth stage (1870-1935) is characterized by economic and socio-political reconstruction and reorganization, as well as by the reaffirmation of identity. While the fifth period (1935-1953) includes various attempts to bring democracy into the political arena, the sixth period (1954-1989) spans across nearly four decades of totalitarian rule aimed at prescribing a sense of national and cultural identity within the framework of a political agenda. The seventh period (19891997) is distinguished by the establishment of a democratic government and the renewed struggle against social injustice. With the advent of this final period, for the first time in the history of the Paraguayan nation, the cultivation of a collective consciousness of cultural belonging appears to have been socially accepted and promoted. In addition to the epochs detailed in Identidad Nacional, I have chosen to include an eighth period (1997-2003), which is marked by a time of economic and political transition within the current democratic process. Beginning with the foundation of the city of Asuncion in 1537 and ending with Paraguayan independence in 1811, the first period is characterized by one of the most significant socio-political projects during colonial times – the mestizaje. In my study of the various elements which throughout history have served to create and shape Paraguayan culture and identity, I have considered three cultural domains widely regarded by Paraguayan anthropologists, sociologists, and historians as the fundamental building blocks of the contemporary Paraguayan culture: the Spanish, the Guarani, and the mestizo. During this first historical period, the Spanish domain, represented by the

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Crown, the colonists, the language, and the social customs and values of the Iberian people during colonial times, came into contact with the Guarani domain, represented by the Guarani indigenous groups and its language, giving rise to the cultural domain of the mestizo, a blend of cultural values inherited from both domains. While the interaction of these three groups or cultural areas has been documented by historians, it must be noted that Paraguayan history has been recounted exclusively from the perspectives of the Spanish and criollo2 writers and the Jesuit chronologists. Unfortunately, a history from the Guarani perspective never found a voice.

Colonial historians have explained

mestizaje from both the biological and socio-cultural perspectives. The process promoted in Asuncion and adjacent towns was the result of a biological mestizaje between Guaranis, mainly the Carios group, and Spaniards. Socio-cultural mestizaje was the result of a fusion of Spanish and Guarani social and cultural values. Since Jesuit mission Indians were not allowed to blend with Spaniards, criollos, or mestizos, 3 they were not involved in the biological mestizaje, but took part in a type of a cultural mestizaje, propagated by the systematic indoctrination of European social and religious practices. After 1767, year of the expulsion of the Jesuits from all Spanish dominions, mission Indians were integrated into the colonial biological mestizaje project. While historian Josefina Plá sees colonial mestizaje in Paraguay as a process of consensual agreement between Spaniards and Indians4 (CEP 1986:19-20), sociologist Manuela de Peña believes

2

Persons of Spanish descent born in the New World colonies.

3

A comprehensive socio-historical introductory study of the Guarani culture and cosmovision during colonial times is presented in Bartomeu Melià’s El Guaraní conquistado y reducido (The Reduced and Conquered Guarani) (1997). 4

Writer and historian Josefina Plá observes, Fue en efecto un mestizaje temprano y masivo, al cual se llegó como consecuencia de un acuerdo

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that the mestizaje process was the result of violent situations of which Indian women were the victims5 (CEP 1986:129). Historian and theologian Antonio González Dorado explains colonial mestizaje as a socio-political project carried out by the Spanish Crown and certain religious orders endorsed by the Catholic Church, among them the Jesuits (CEP 1986:27, 41). While the Spanish mestizaje project aimed at integrating the Indians into colonial towns and forcing the mestizos to submit to the Crown and to the Catholic faith, the [cultural] mestizaje endorsed by religious orders constituted a reaction against the Spanish abuse of and socio-political pressures on the indigenous people. Initially established by the Franciscans6 and later continued and controlled by the Jesuits,7 the religious project, which operated with the goal of protecting Guarani Indians from the contraído libremente por ambas partes, y como sello de ayuda mutua. …funcionó en ellos un intercambio cultural primario. Fuerza sin experiencia del lado hispánico; experiencia sin fuerza del lado guaraní. … Y prendas del pacto fueron las mujeres indígenas. (CEP 1986:19-20) [It was, indeed, an early and massive mestizaje, which was the consequence of a mutual agreement freely achieved by both parties, and as a seal of solidarity. … a primary cultural exchange took place between them [Spaniards and Indians]. Force without experience on the Hispanic side; experience without force on the Guarani side. … And the Indian women became trophies of the pact. 5

Manuela de Peña, member of the Paraguayan Center for Women Studies at the Catholic University indicates, Es cierto que [las mujeres] fueron protagonistas del mestizaje, pero… el mestizaje no se dio en un marco de tranquilidad y libre aceptación de las partes, sino a través de situaciones de violencia que supusieron la quiebra de tabúes y costumbres (CEP 1986:129). [It is true that [women] were participants of the mestizaje, but… [the] mestizaje [process] was not achieved in an atmosphere of peace and free will on the part of both parties, but through situations of violence that involved the breaking of taboos and customs.] 6

In 1580, the Franciscan priests Luis Bolaños and Bernardo de Sanbuenaventura who had arrived in Paraguay in 1575, founded the first Franciscan mission in the town of Altos with one thousand Guarani Indians. Through the casas de doctrina (houses of doctrine) Franciscans gave instruction to Indians, criollos, and mestizos in reading, writing, and catechism (Añazco 1997:48). 7

In 1610, with the endorsement of Hernando Arias de Saavedra (Hernandarias), the first criollo governor elected by popular vote, the Jesuits founded the Colegio de la Asunción. As part of a government initiative, instruction in reading and grammar was mandatory for criollo and mestizo children. As Jesuits gained control over education, Franciscans diminished their activities in that area (Añazco 1997:49).

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repressive encomiendas social system8 created by Spanish colonists in 1555, was based on a complex system of evangelization and inculcation of the Indians with Catholic social beliefs. Not far removed from the objectives of the Spanish colonists, the main goals of the religious Orders in regard to the Guaranis were evangelization, submission to the Spanish Crown, and instruction in European social customs. 9 A major contribution by the Jesuits to the mestizaje process consisted of the written codification of the Guarani language which, until that point, was primarily an oral language. While in the Jesuit missions the predominant spoken language was Guarani, Spanish town mestizos were fluent in both Spanish and Guarani. The written codification of the Guarani language not only helped shape mestizo identity and grant validity to the language, but its significance has extended to present-day Paraguay where it serves as a means of preserving and propagating Paraguayan culture. Throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, criollos and mestizos gained social and political strength and endeavored to assert their newly established identity through language and social practices. Although the mestizo was neither Spanish nor Guarani, he could not deny or forget the influences of both cultures.10 Toward the end of the eighteenth century, the comuneros’ effort to overthrow

8

As indicated in Chapter One in the discussion of the encomienda social system, approximately twentyseven thousand Guarani family groups were distributed among three hundred Spanish encomenderos, who forced them into labor under the pretext of facilitating their incorporation into society. 9

These three goals were the means to a higher end – peaceful coexistence between Indians and Spaniards. “Peaceful coexistence” also implied refined living, which was understood as “civilized” according to European Catholic standards. 10

Josefina Plá indicates, … una vez desaparecidos los españoles conquistadores, sus hijos criollos y mestizos se hacen cauce y fluir de una cultura que no es ya la española en su integridad, pero que no la desmiente; que no es tampoco indígena en su más secreta intimidad, pero que no puede olvidarla, … (CEP 1986:22).

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Spanish rule brought about political persecution of revolt leaders and imposed major economic and political sanctions on the inhabitants of the Province. Mobilized as a result of persecution and social injustice, a group of Paraguayans, no longer divided along cultural distinctions between criollos or mestizos, found the appropriate arena for the inception of an independence process. With the birth of the new independent nation in May 1811, Paraguayans asserted their new identity as a free people living in a specific geographical territory. Shortly after the establishment of independence, a series of political disagreements among the founding fathers regarding leadership of the fledging nation hurled the country into a tumultuous period whereby various forms of government attempted to take root, ultimately paving the way for the assumption of power by the dictatorial regime of José Gaspar Rodríguez de Francia (1814-1840), the policies of which were dictated by a fervid xenophobia. Although the dictator’s isolationist policies, which included closing off the borders, severely restricting trade, and prohibiting travel in and out of the country, secluded the Paraguayan people from the outside world, his extreme measures served to promote self-sufficiency and ultimately led to the creation of a national sentiment. For the first time, the country had to rely almost exclusively on its own resources which, in turn, benefited small local industries and prompted many people to move to the countryside to work the land. On the one hand, the implementation of Rodríguez de Francia’s policies, which financially benefited the lower social classes, helped to solidify Paraguay’s nascent economy and educational system and marked the beginning of a

[… once the Spanish conquistadores disappear, their sons, criollos and mestizos, become the current and flow of a culture which is no longer Spanish as a whole, but which is not denied as such; [a culture] which is neither Indian in its most intimate aspect, but which cannot be forgotten…]

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collective quest to create and define Paraguayan national identity. On the other hand, as in the case of any totalitarian regime, freedom of expression was squelched, creating an atmosphere of repression and fear.

One of Rodríguez de Francia’s noteworthy

accomplishments was his establishment of a system of primary education, which emphasized the teaching of Guarani in schools. However, education past the primary level was all but eradicated for fear that too much knowledge would breed subversion. Although Rodríguez de Francia remains a controversial figure in Paraguayan history, Paraguayan historians, by general consensus, credit his regime with the formation and consolidation of a Paraguayan state as a new secular entity with absolute power, separate from any religious affiliation or loyalty to a crown. At the time of the dictator’s death in 1840, Paraguay had indeed become a sovereign nation with a flourishing economy and a strong collective sense of national identity, expressed through love for the land and a fervent desire to protect that land from foreign aggressors. Despite the inception of a national sentiment, the development of a Paraguayan cultural identity was stunted, as publications were prohibited and cultural expressions of an intellectual nature were severely limited or proscribed, in order to defend, according to Rodríguez de Francia, the stability and well being of the country. After the death of Rodríguez de Francia, two transitional governments were in power until 1844, when Carlos Antonio López became the first elected president of Paraguay. President López opened the country to international commerce, promoted education at the primary and secondary levels, and asserted the country’s sovereignty by exercising strong diplomatic relations and economic trade with neighboring countries and Europe. Around this time, European architecture, music, and other cultural expressions

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flourished in Asuncion and other towns under the sponsorship of López’ government. After Carlos Antonio López’ death in 1862, his son Francisco Solano López, became the country’s second president. Commonly described as an eccentric, idealistic, romantic, and egocentric figure, López, who enjoyed a lavish lifestyle, led the country during the Triple Alliance War (1865-1870) against the coalition forces of Argentina, Brazil, and Uruguay. By the end of the war, the concept and reality of a Paraguayan nation, along with the sense of national identity that was instilled by Rodríguez de Francia’s dictatorship and cultivated during the presidencies of Carlos Antonio López and Francisco Solano López were all but annihilated along with the male population, which was essentially decimated during the war. Argentina and Brazil appropriated portions of the country’s territory and Paraguay’s former population of one million and two hundred thousand was reduced to two hundred thousand individuals, mainly women, elderly men, and children (Prieto 1951:181). In response to the devastation of the five-year war, a major reconstruction effort was undertaken by Paraguayan women who, working together with the male survivors of the war, gradually repopulated the major cities and towns, all the while concentrating on cultivating the land.

During this time, the pressing need to survive preceded any

initiative to affirm or defend a national identity. By the end of the nineteenth century, Paraguay had a little over half a million people. Still vulnerable in the wake of the war, Paraguayans fell prey to the corruption of local politicians who, with the endorsement of the Argentine and Brazilian governments, appropriated extensive pieces of land belonging to the state for use as bargaining chips with foreign companies and individuals. Notwithstanding the major setbacks encountered by the Paraguayan people during the

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post-war reconstruction period, a series of milestones in the history of the Paraguayan nation – the drafting of a constitution (1870), the rise of two political parties (the Partido Colorado and the Partido Liberal), and the establishment of two major educational institutions (the Colegio Nacional de la Capital in 1877 and the Universidad Nacional de Asunción in 1890) – served to promote national stability and generate a renewed interest in the construction and reaffirmation of a national identity. During the first three decades of the twentieth century, the Paraguayan social and political arenas were dominated by a ruling elite interested in the liberal and positivistic ideals prevalent among European intellectuals of the time. Although the government elite was inspired by and oriented toward foreign models, the vast majority of Paraguayan citizens disregarded the political ideologies espoused by the ruling elite and immersed themselves in the practice of their familiar social traditions (Añazco 1997:60). The political and social atmosphere of Paraguay in the 1920s was conducive to the discussion of philosophical thought, but that stage was curtailed by a major military conflict in the early 1930s which brought a deep sense of urgency to the Paraguayan people in regard to the very existence of their nation. The Chaco War with Bolivia (1932-1935) which not only had a detrimental effect on the Paraguayan economy, but resulted in the loss of thousands of lives and part of the national territory in the northern Chaco area, affirmed in the collective consciousness of the Paraguayan citizenry a distinct sentiment of national identity and instilled in the minds of the Paraguayan people an ardent resolve to defend the national soil from foreign invasion. As such, Paraguayans reaffirmed their sense of belonging to a nation within a specific geographical, political, and social territory, and general education dictated and endorsed by the government, became an agent for the promotion of patriotism, within the

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context of an official nationalistic agenda. To this day, themes and stories related to the Chaco War are still voiced through cultural expressions such as poems and songs that celebrate and reinforce courage and national pride as characteristics of paraguayidad. In the years leading up to the Second World War, the political climate in Paraguay was characterized by a power struggle between the Liberal Party and the Colorado Party. The leadership of both political groups was influenced by the ideologies of fascism and nazism, and the ensuing rise in racism and political intolerance led to a civil war in 1947, whereby the Colorado Party assumed power. A civil war paralyzed the nation for more than six months, resulting in the death of thousands of Paraguayans and in the exile of almost a half million people who settled in Argentina and Brazil. Although a coalition force comprised of the Liberal party and socialist and communist groups spearheaded an attempt to confront the fascist tendencies of the Colorado party, the initiative failed, resulting in the relentless persecution of figures in leadership positions belonging to the coalition. Intellectuals, artists, and musicians who did not adhere to the policies and restrictions of the regime were also harassed and persecuted. Many of them, consequently, received official orders to leave the country or decided of their own accord to go into exile. In the aftermath of the civil war and the rise to power of the Colorado party, Paraguay’s political climate in the 1950s proved a veritable hotbed for the social repression, political persecution, and cultural censorship that would characterize the decades to come. In 1954, seeing that President Federico Chávez was losing power to the coalition forces that still threatened to topple the Colorado party, General Alfredo Stroessner, with the support of the military, seized the opportunity to promote himself,

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with the endorsement of the Colorado Party, as the leader of a new totalitarian regime. As in the case of most totalitarian governments, during the first few years of Stroessner’s rule, certain projects in the areas of education, health, and finance did flourish. Although some developments such as the 1967 drafting of a new constitution and education reforms implemented in 1973 could be viewed as progressive, social tension and political persecution characterized most of the thirty-five years of Alfredo Stroessner’s presidency. To this day the country suffers the consequences of an era of financial and political corruption, reflected in an increasing and suffocating national debt. Stroessner’s government did not regard cultural expression in and of itself as an inherited component of national identity. Instead, certain prescribed cultural practices promoted under the guise of asserting a national Paraguayan identity were used as a vessel for establishing the regime’s complete authority over the Paraguayan population. In February 1989, the armed forces of General Andrés Rodriguez overthrew Stroessner’s regime. Initiating a national dialogue focused on political equity and social justice, President Rodriguez’ intention was to install democracy, promising social and political change and seeking to define the national identity of the Paraguayan people. Between 1989 and 1997, the government of Andrés Rodriguez (1989-1991) and the two-term government of Juan Carlos Wasmosy (1991-1994 and 1994-1998) paid close attention and offered valuable support to neglected social and economic issues. Financial assistance was offered to farmers and indigenous communities; education and health became major priorities in the government’s agenda; and freedom of speech and social tolerance were promoted and observed at various levels for the first time. In terms of cultural issues, through the sponsorship of various programs and projects, as well as

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the creation of offices such the Vice-Ministry of Culture, the Department of Folklore, and the FONDEC, the government sought to create a milieu for the affirmation of a national identity by promoting popular and traditional artistic expressions. At the same time, municipal governments and private patrons, endeavoring to affirm their sense of local and social identity in relation to the national view of paraguayidad, endorsed certain cultural projects such as the marketing of crafts, the promotion of tourism, and the organization of music festivals. Characterized by a general state of social distress brought about by a major economic depression and financial instability, the final period in this brief overview of Paraguayan history constitutes a time of transition within the democratic process in Paraguay. After the scandals, financial corruption, and political dishonesty that plagued the presidencies of Raúl Cubas (1998-1999) and Luis González Macchi (1999-2003), the country is still immersed in a quagmire of financial debt. Despite the bleak financial situation, Paraguayans maintain a hopeful optimism in regard to the nationally adopted concept of paraguayidad, which they celebrate, promote, and affirm through various artistic expressions of a popular nature. This particular idea is embodied in the concept of an individual who desires to be globally accepted and culturally connected to Paraguayan historical events, social values, and cultural traditions. Since August 2003, the government of President Nicanor Duarte Frutos has been sponsoring economic, educational, and social reforms, and has endorsed various cultural expressions that affirm the vision of the Paraguayan as an autonomous individual who wants to exemplify the social and national community to which he belongs.

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The historical periods outlined in this chapter have offered a brief glimpse into the way in which Paraguayans have historically perceived the concept of “nation” and through time have developed and affirmed a collective sense of national identity – two processes that until this day elicit much debate among Paraguayans.

While most

Paraguayan sociologists and anthropologists explain Paraguayan identity as a constructed idea, people from the working and middle classes have come to understand Paraguayan identity as synonymous with being a “good Paraguayan.”

As I have mentioned at the

beginning of this chapter, in the minds of many Paraguayan citizens, being a “good Paraguayan” entails the attainment of certain knowledge and the espousal of particular beliefs and practices. Among the attributes that constitute a “good Paraguayan,” are a solid understanding of Paraguay’s historical past, a demonstrated knowledge of elements associated with the Guarani culture (use of the Guarani language – ñane ñe’e – and use of plants and herbs as home remedies) and Paraguayan folk traditions (ñanemba’é), a love for the land expressed through a knowledge of the geography and an appreciation for its natural resources, a belief in a monotheistic doctrine (tekopave’y) expressed through the association with Catholic institutions and ritual practices (tekopave’y mba’é), and an emphasis on certain social values (friendship – tekopyty, family – tekó-ogayguá, solidarity – tekojojá, pride – teko-katueté, honesty – tekopoti).

In response to my

inquiries regarding the current perception of Paraguayan identity, the majority of people11 interviewed in the course of my fieldwork provided examples of specific ideas, practices, and material objects that in their minds exemplify paraguayidad. For this diverse group of people, paraguayidad and “Paraguayan identity” are interchangeable terms that 11

These ideas were expressed by people from the working class attending traditional music festivals, organizers of musical events, musicians, journalists, and young middle-class professionals.

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capture the essence of a national identity rooted in the idea of being a “good Paraguayan.” While most Paraguayans consider the conception of the colonial mestizo as having paramount significance in the development of paraguayidad, there still prevails an attitude of intellectual and social prejudice in regard to the concept of mestizaje in that it implies a direct link between the contemporary Paraguayan and the Guarani culture. Generally speaking, people acknowledge that the practice of miscegenation brought into place the Paraguayan, an intelligent individual who has and who will always suffer the social consequences of being the product of both the Spanish and the Guaranis.12 As Melià observes, the construction of Paraguayan identity has historically taken place in the shadow of the negative views expressed by the upper social classes and the political elite in regard to the concept of mestizaje (Añazco 1997:105).

According to Melià, the

process of mestizaje, which has played a fundamental role in the development of Paraguayan culture, has been consistently associated with the devaluing of the Guarani Indian and, consequently, of the mestizo. 13 Unfortunately, the upper classes generally

12

Anthropologist Miguel Chase Sardi comments that, En nuestro suelo de mestizos, comúnmente honramos orgullosos, con justa razón, al padre español y despreciamos avergonzados a la madre indígena, respetable y digna como el primero. La mayoría del pueblo y la pseudo-intelectualidad paraguaya hacen gala de un ambivalente racismo, en el cual, como lo demostró Cadogán, “cantamos épicas loas a la imaginaria “raza” guaraní y dejamos morir de hambre, sífilis, y tuberculosis, a la vera de los progresistas caminos, a los indios de carne y hueso.” (Virella 1998:12) [In our land of mestizos we generally honor with pride [and] with valid reason the Spanish father, but reject with shame the Indian mother, [who is] respectable and worthy as the first. The majority of the people and the pseudo-intellectual Paraguayans display an ambivalent racism, in which, as it has been demonstrated by Cadogán, “we sing epic praises to the imaginary Guarani “race” and [yet we] allow Indians of flesh and bone to die of starvation, syphilis, and tuberculosis by the roads of progress.]

13

Melià indicates, Se le ha dicho al paraguayo que es mestizo, aunque, numéricamente, el mestizaje biológico nunca

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consider people from the countryside who speak Guarani or Jopará less sophisticated and intellectually inferior. Even those migrating from the countryside to the capital or other major cities in search of financial stability often undergo a detachment from their agrarian origins, adopting a vantage point of superiority vis à vis their campesino (a person from the countryside) friends to whom they refer as koyguá, a Guarani term that currently implies the social placement and geographical location of an individual who is uneducated and unfit for progress. Beginning in the 1940s and through the 1970s, speaking the Guarani language carried a negative social connotation among members of the upper and middle classes, who associated it with illiteracy and social regression. In the 1980s, a reform in the education system mandated the instruction of Guarani grammar in public and private schools and, since the 1990s, elementary school teachers have been required to teach most subjects in both Guarani and Spanish. Although the government has placed Guarani in the classroom and declared it one of the two official languages of Paraguay, urban youth and young professionals exhibit a tendency to use words or expressions in Guarani to joke or to emphasize the meaning of an idea or concept while speaking in Spanish. Nowadays, most members of the upper and middle classes still carry the socio-cultural stigma of the mestizo origin. This phenomenon highlights the fue determinante. El concepto vino más bien teñido de una subvalorización del indio, y nadie quiso identificarse, jamás, con el “indio,” por todo lo que los colonizadores han afirmado de él – sucio, haragán, estúpido, no bautizado. A la hora de la verdad, tampoco se quiere ser mestizo, por la cuota de guaraní que esto conlleva. El mestizaje, que por una parte parece que elimina diferencias, de hecho, las crea. En una sociedad de mestizos predomina el deseo de no ser mestizo. (Añazco 1997:105) [It has been said to the Paraguayan that he is mestizo, although numerically [speaking], biological miscegenation was never [a] determinant [factor]. The concept came along with an ideology of sub-valorization for the Indian; therefore no one wanted to be identified, ever, with the “Indian” because of all that has been affirmed by colonialist about him – dirty, lazy, stupid, non-baptized. At the end of the day, [the Paraguayan] does not want to be mestizo either, due to the quota of Guarani this [concept] implies. Although miscegenation seems to eliminate differences, in fact, it creates them.]

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dichotomy between the collective desire for immersion in Paraguayan uniqueness, which is essentially defined by the language (Guarani/Jopará) and the folklore, on the one hand, and the desire to become globally accepted as well as more educated and refined, following a foreign (i.e., European) model, on the other. In light of the complex and often ambivalent views that Paraguayans express in regard to paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity, we will now examine the emblematic role of the Paraguayan diatonic harp and traditional music in the articulation and promotion of that identity.

Paraguayan Identity, Paraguayidad, and the Diatonic Harp The attachment of socio-cultural value to Paraguayan traditional music, seen by the general public as a reflection of paraguayidad or as an agent reinforcing Paraguayan identity, is a phenomenon that emerged in the twentieth century. Although it is difficult to determine the exact time frame during which the harp became closely associated with Paraguayan traditional music, the documented references mentioned in Chapter One indicate that the diatonic harp, which found its way into the practices of various social circles, became an integral part of the musical landscape of Paraguay and the Río de la Plata region in the nineteenth century. After the expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767, the transplanted instrument, once connected to liturgical musical practices, was partially transformed in its physical appearance and reinvented in its function to accommodate the musical practices of the popular musicians of the time. Although the harp remained part of the Catholic liturgy during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries in Paraguay, its role in the church diminished as the instrument was incorporated into the

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realm of popular music.

Scarcity of documentation makes it extremely difficult to

determine with precision, when and how the diatonic harp was first used in performances of nineteenth century Paraguayan traditional music. Further hindering the attempt to reconstruct a continuous chronology of the diatonic harp’s segue into its current role as an instrument of popular expression, libraries and archives containing documents and references in regard to the various aspects of the cultural life of nineteenth-century Paraguay were destroyed or taken as trophies of war during the Triple Alliance War (1865-1870). Local lore, nevertheless, makes reference to arperos (popular harp players) and guitarreros (popular guitar players) who, at the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, traveled around the various towns in the eastern region of the country, playing traditional music for diverse social gatherings, often in exchange for coins or food.

The contemporary pairing of guitar and harp in the

performance of Paraguayan traditional music, a convention that emerged in the early twentieth century, was not necessarily a common practice among nineteenth-century arperos and guitarreros. The arpero, for the most part, was an independent performer, traveling from town to town, improvising both melody and accompaniment, and sometimes including improvised singing. In the common perception of society, even among popular performers, the term arpero carried a negative social connotation, implying a bohemian lifestyle characterized by vagrancy and drunkenness.

This

particular social view began to change after the astounding commercial success of harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo during the 1930s and 1940s in Argentina.14

14

Pérez Cardozo’s

Although Pérez Cardozo was the first Paraguayan harpist to perform in Buenos Aires, as noted in Chapter Two, arpero José del Rosario Diarte had been previously recognized as both harp composer and virtuoso performer in the southern region of Paraguay and northern Argentina.

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accomplishments motivated other twentieth-century Paraguayan harpists such as Luis Bordón, Digno García, and Lorenzo Leguizamón to travel abroad performing traditional repertoire as part of a conjunto or as solo artists, showcasing the country’s new unofficial emblem of paraguayidad. Following in the footsteps of these performers, a large number of harpists have continued to actively perform in Paraguay, Western Europe, and Japan. Through the dynamic interaction of instrument, performer, and society, the diatonic harp became in the twentieth century an integral part of the body of cultural expressions associated with Paraguayan traditions and folklore. As mentioned in Chapter Two, composer Oscar Nelson Safuán proposed that the history of the diatonic harp in twentieth-century Paraguay should be regarded in the context of four significant stages in the instrument’s development: a “before and after” harpist Félix Pérez Cardozo and a“before and after” harpist Luis Bordón. I agree with this particular view proposed by Safuán.

The invented arpa

paraguaya as the symbol of Paraguayan identity known today, is indeed a social phenomenon of the twentieth century. Although Pérez Cardozo and Bordón were not the only harpists cultivating the instrument at the time of their musical activities in Argentina and Brazil, the fact that both performers achieved commercial success abroad was seen in Paraguay as an indication of the “unquestionable” popularity and social recognition of harp and harpist.

For most present-day Paraguayans, the national, regional, or

international commercial success of performers, translated through record sales, as well as through appearances in radio and television shows, solo recitals, and musical tours, is considered a clear indication of “popularity.” The constructed sentiments of desiring to be recognized and accepted as a people and as a nation, seem to run in parallel with the

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invented and socio-culturally embedded notion of the tekó. The majority of Paraguayans believe that when due to his positive achievement, contribution, or work, a compatriota (compatriot or fellow countryman) is recognized abroad (as, for instance, an educator, intellectual, musical performer, or sportsman), such “international” recognition immediately signifies that both individual and country represented, have been accepted by others than his own, and that consequently, because of such “patriotic acts,” the individual should be lauded at home. Now, let us explore again some of the specific achievements of Paraguayan harpists Félix Pérez Cardozo and Luis Bordón. During the period “before” Féliz Pérez Cardozo, which spanned approximately from the latter part of the nineteenth century into the 1930s, arperos cultivating traditional music, mostly in the interior of the country, were regarded as lower class musicians and seen as outcast members of society. Although Pérez Cardozo himself was trained in the arpero tradition, his 1931 trip to Buenos Aires forever changed the popular perception of the harp performer, as his commercial success in Argentina placed the diatonic harp on the regional map and elevated the status of the harp performer to that of an artist. In addition to his success abroad, Pérez Cardozo, with the help of Paraguayan luthier Epifanio López, introduced changes in the construction of the diatonic harp, threading the strings through the middle and lower portion of the console and adding four extra bordonas (bass strings) to the instrument. By emphasizing melodic passages in the left hand and by introducing original sound effects such as the bordoneado, the twofinger “Paraguayan” tremolo, and short melodic glissandos, Pérez Cardozo also modified the harmonic and rhythmic accompaniment patterns of typical Paraguayan traditional music. Pérez Cardozo, who was regularly featured during the 1930s and 1940s on live

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radio shows in Buenos Aires, recorded Argentine and Paraguayan traditional music with various conjuntos, performed at elite restaurants and confiterias, and toured extensively throughout northern and central Argentina. His folklore-inspired pieces composed for solo harp, among them Llegada (Arrival), Mi despedida (My Farewell), and Tren lechero (The Milk-Run Train), have become staples of the Paraguayan traditional repertoire. Pérez Cardozo’s original compositions and arrangements for the harp of traditional and popular tunes such as Pájaro campana (The Bell Bird) and Carretaguy (Under the Wagon), reflect the ability of the composer-performer to produce some of the most convincing onomatopoeic pieces and idiomatic writing for the instrument, the main function of which, until that time, was the accompaniment of Paraguayan vocal music conjuntos. “After” Pérez Cardozo’s success in Argentina accompanying traditional and popular music from Argentina and Paraguay and showcasing the harp through the performance of solo instrumental pieces, other Paraguayan harp players followed Pérez Cardozo’s example and performed with Paraguayan conjuntos throughout Argentina, Brazil, the Andean countries, the Caribbean, and Central and North America. Not only were Pérez Cardozo’s performance style and technique emulated, but his compositions and arrangements of traditional tunes were widely performed and used by other harpists as prototypes for producing original pieces also based on folk music elements. Pérez Cardozo’s musical accomplishments are still considered a source of inspiration and the model of success for other Paraguayan arpistas profesionales. The performer’s humble beginnings, his commercial success in Buenos Aires, his innovations in the construction of the instrument, and his multiple compositions and arrangements are seen by local

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musicians and the general public as factors that have validated the Paraguayan diatonic harp and established the Paraguayan harpist as a serious artist capable of successfully exploring and playing the repertoire of another musical tradition – that of Argentina. For most Paraguayan harp performers, Pérez Cardozo stands out as an individual who transcended the path set out for him by his training in the arpero tradition and attained tremendous success as a widely recognized artist, thus epitomizing a popular local adage: “cuando el paraguayo procura y se esfuerza, puede llegar a ser alguien.” (When the Paraguayan tries and makes an effort, he is able to become someone.) Indeed, in the culturally imbedded idea of the tekó, the concept of pursuing personal and social success constitutes a factor that motivates most Paraguayans to prove and reaffirm who they are (tekohá) in order to assess what actions to take (teko-katú) to become, in turn, who they intend to be (tekorã). “Before” Luis Bordón, a period spanning from the 1930s through the late 1950s, the Paraguayan diatonic harp typically accompanied vocal music conjuntos performing Paraguayan, Argentine, and other Latin American traditional repertoires, and was periodically featured as a solo instrument during recitals and shows. Around this time, the Paraguayan diatonic harp was known abroad by a variety of names generated in a commercial attempt to exoticize the instrument, among them arpa india (Indian harp), arpa nativa (native harp), arpa criolla (criolla [Iberian descent] harp), or simply, arpa. In 1959, harpist Luis Bordón, who had been living and performing in Brazil for several years, used the expression arpa paraguaya (Paraguayan harp) in reference to an original composition included on an LP record, which also received the cover title Harpa

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paraguáia (Paraguayan harp).15 Not only was Bordón the first to employ the phrase arpa paraguaya in reference to a composition or to the diatonic instrument built in Paraguay, the harpist was also the first Paraguayan performer to release an LP record featuring solo instrumental traditional music for the harp and the first Paraguayan arpista profesional to offer recitals entirely devoted to the instrument. “After” Luis Bordón’s milestone solo recording, Harpa paraguáia, and recitals for solo harp, the Paraguayan diatonic harp came to be known in Paraguay and abroad as the arpa paraguaya.

Although the main function of the Paraguayan diatonic harp

continues to be the accompaniment of vocal music conjuntos, several arpistas profesionales such as Nicolás “Nicolasito” Caballero, César Cataldo, Raquel Lebrón, and Ismael Ledesma, have followed in Bordón’s footsteps, launching careers as solo performers and recording artists, as well as composing new works for the instrument. Although other prominent Paraguayan harp performers and composers, contemporaries of Luis Bordón such as Cristino Báez Monges, Santiago Cortesi, Digno García, Lorenzo Leguizamón, and Abel Sánchez Giménez, performed extensively with their traditional music conjuntos throughout Europe and Asia between the 1950s and 1980s, Luis Bordón stands out as the first performer to introduce and designate the diatonic harp made in Paraguay as arpa paraguaya, the first Paraguayan harpist to give solo recitals of Paraguayan and Latin American traditional music in Brazil, and the first Paraguayan harpist to record Brazilian carnival music, boleros, and tangos – genres and styles later referred to in Paraguay as “música internacional.”

15

Since the recording was produced in Brazil, the name of the song and the cover title of the long play appeared in Portuguese. Details related to this recording and Bordón’s biography are given in Chapter Two.

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Other milestones in the history and development of the Paraguayan diatonic harp include Dionisio Arzamendia’s 1952 introduction in Asuncion of a new performance style that featured simultaneous singing and playing; the contributions of harpist and singer Digno García who, with his wealth of original compositions and unique performance style, was one of the first performers to travel extensively throughout Europe and Asia as part of the Trío Los Paraguayos in the early 1950s, bringing Paraguay’s emblematic instrument into the European performance circuit; the first solo performance of traditional music in a formal academic setting given by harpist Abel Sánchez Giménez in the early 1970s in Asuncion; the experiments with the production of half steps through mechanical means by harpists Abel Sánchez Giménez and Nicolás Caballero in the 1980s; and the innovations applied to the construction of the instrument, mainly the addition of strings by harpists and luthiers Dionisio Arzamendia and Abel Sánchez Giménez in the 1980s and 1990s.16 The production of chromaticism by the pressing of the strings with the pads of the fingers or by mechanical means such as rods, llaves, and levers, has allowed Paraguayan harpists to explore an “international repertoire” comprised of traditional and commercial music from European and Latin American countries, as well as musical themes from movies. The inclusion of this music in the diatonic harp’s repertoire has, for some, elevated the instrument to a position of higher social regard and musical appreciation at home and abroad. This view has also been reinforced by the numerous arrangements and recordings released by Paraguayan arpistas profesionales who have regularly included “international” music as part of their performance repertoire. Not only does the performance of “música internacional” and 16

Detailed descriptions of these innovations are included in Chapter Two.

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film music establish the arpa paraguaya as a “serious instrument” and designate the arpistas profesionales as world-class artists in the minds of the Paraguayan people, but it serves to reinforce in the collective sentiment that the Paraguayan harp and the Paraguayan harpist are capable of attaining success anywhere and performing any type of repertoire which, in turn, solidifies the popular perception of the instrument as an icon of paraguayidad and, consequently, of Paraguayan identity. In addition to the collective adoption of the Paraguayan diatonic harp as an emblem of Paraguayan identity, some Paraguayans proudly view the publication of methods for the instrument as a landmark in the “cultural growth” of the Paraguayan people, for the “instrument of the people,” now cultivated through music literacy, can stand on equal ground with its European counterpart, the pedal harp. Culturally speaking, the diatonic harp has become a symbol of Paraguayan identity through a social process of appropriation and adaptation, a phenomenon that is not unique to Paraguay.

The adaptation and consideration of a particular musical

instrument as an extension of socio-cultural values and beliefs or as a symbol constructing and reinforcing identity, has been documented in cultural studies such as Berliner (1978), Dawe (1996), Qureshi (1997), and Turino (1984). These studies have shown how aesthetic and symbolic elements of culture, as well as aspects of social and cultural identity are imbedded and portrayed in and through the performances of musical instruments.17 As a musical instrument used throughout the twentieth century in the performance of Paraguayan traditional and popular music, the diatonic harp was 17

Paul Berliner has studied the mbira from the Shona people of Zimbabwe. Regula Qureshi has conducted research on the North Indian sarangi. Kevin Dawe has analyzed the lyra-laouto ensemble in Crete. Tom Turino has conducted research on the urban mestizo charango in Peru.

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assimilated into the corpora of popular expressions, particularly instrumental and song performances, which have come to exemplify paraguayidad or the Paraguayan tekó. This socio-cultural assimilation process has been highly influenced by the positive reception of the instrument abroad, often as a manifestation of a commercial push to exoticize the Paraguayan harp. The instrument first attained recognition in the regional music scene through Félix Pérez Cardozo’s performances in Argentina in the 1930s. Over the next few decades the Paraguayan diatonic harp developed a presence in Latin America, primarily Brazil, Peru, and Mexico, and later emerged in the “international music scene” as professional harpists started to perform throughout western Europe and Asia.

Once the instrument received social recognition beyond national territory,

Paraguayan popular musicians of the 1930s and 1940s re-adopted the harp into the traditional, and by now highly commercialized, musical repertoire. The traditional and folk music repertoire also expanded to include newly composed polcas and guaranias by popular musicians who, borrowing the style from widely known folk songs and motivos populares anónimos (anonymous popular [musical] motifs), created “folk-inspired” songs, dances, and instrumental music, which have come to be viewed as part of the core Paraguayan traditional and folk repertoire. Drawing on Erlmann’s reflection on world music as a new aesthetic form of the global imagination and a way of capturing the present historical moment (1990:468), I would like to suggest that Paraguayan traditional music of “folk inspiration” can also be regarded as an aesthetic manifestation of the local imagination and as a process and a means of capturing the present socio-historical

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moment, reinforcing the socio-cultural aspects of paraguayidad and, consequently, contributing to the construction of Paraguayan identity. As we have noted in Chapter Four, festivals of traditional music in Paraguay have historically constituted arenas where the various socio-cultural aspects of paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity have been continually articulated, displayed, and reinforced. Through the performance and recreation of specific traditions such as dance, instrumental, and vocal music, a strong notion of social identity has been systematically ingrained in those individuals participating as performers or audience. With the creation of new popular music festivals in the 1980s, the diatonic harp, along with the guitar, has helped to evoke and recreate aspects of the various traditions and values found in the rural life of late nineteenth century and early twentieth century Paraguay – the “reconstruction period” that followed the Triple Alliance War. These traditions and values (love for the land, solidarity, pride) carry with them a deep sense of nostalgia for an idealized time, now perceived as lost. Considering Hobsbawm’s view that tradition is an invention with a set of practices that are repeated and imply continuity with the past (1983:1), and Erlmann’s concept of tradition as the way in which forms and values are linked together (1991:10), we could suggest that most popular musical expressions displayed in festivals of Paraguayan traditional and folk music have not only been articulated and validated through social performance and repetition, but have also been invented through a series of processes informed by the collective fascination with the past. Along with words and phrases in Guarani and Jopará, the Paraguayan polca, the guitar, and the regional crafts and food, the diatonic harp has become an essential component of the popular expressions displaying paraguayidad and, consequently,

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reinforcing Paraguayan identity among members of the middle and working classes attending traditional music festivals. Although the various popular expressions found in traditional music festivals seem to celebrate the present time or the tekó of contemporary Paraguayans, these expressions seem to also be closely associated with the past and with an attempt to rediscover an idealized identity or to find it in the tekorã, literally, “the better place of being,” which, attainable yet concealed, must be rediscovered. Connerton (1989:36-3) suggests that in evoking recent and distant memories, our images of social spaces, because of their relative stability, create for us the illusion of rediscovering the past in the present, rather than changing. When Paraguayans celebrate tradition and social identity through music festivals and performances of traditional music, they indeed seem to articulate and rediscover in the present past beliefs, traditions, and values. In doing that, they recapture the Guarani idea of searching for the tekorã, which is socially and culturally perceived, at least in the pre-colonial Guarani cosmovision, as associated with the yvy marane’y (literally, “the land of no evil,” or “the place where we will be who we want to become”). This is not to say that a direct link exists between the articulation at traditional music festivals of popular expressions that reflect the identity of present day Paraguayans and the cosmovision of the Guarani community prior to the arrival of the colonists in the sixteenth century. Rather, I am suggesting here that a parallel exists between the socio-cultural experience of the Guaranis and their search for the yvy marane’y, and modern-day Paraguayans in search of their identity, or the place, the people, and the culture that they are to become, as implied and understood in the concept of the tekorã. Although the performance of the teko-katú (the physical demonstration of

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paraguayidad through social customs and material representations of Paraguayan culture) motivates most Paraguayans to seek out a better place of being (the tekorã), their collective performance of those traditions encompassed by the teko-katú also points to a continuous historical line of social and cultural practices that, by repetition, has invented those traditions and reinforced identity through time. Tomlinson’s idea that culture could be explained as the context within which people give meanings to their actions and experiences (1991:7) may be applied to the Paraguayan idea of the tekohá – the social, physical, and spiritual place of being and place to be. Paraguayans, however, are not satisfied with merely defining or placing the tekó or the tekohá within their social experience. Rather, they move forward in search of the tekorã – the idealized place where they will be, or as Melià expresses it, “the culture that we will become” (1997:72). The driving force behind the search for this “culture that we will become” could be also explained and interpreted as a historical association with the pre-colonial Guarani concept of yvy marane’y. Striving to find that mythical yvy marane’y, pre-colonial Guaranis became a nomadic people, constantly migrating and searching for a better soil and for better living conditions.18 Some Paraguayan historians

18

Melià suggests that, La historia semántica de yvy marane’y, de suelo virgen hasta “tierra sin mal,” probablemente no está desligada de la historia colonial que los Guaraní han tenido que soportar. En la búsqueda de un suelo donde poder vivir su modo de ser auténtico, los Guaraní pueden haber hecho cristalizar tanto sus antiguas aspiraciones religiosas como la conciencia de los nuevos conflictos históricos. Yvy marane’y se convertía en “tierra sin mal,” tierra física, como en su acepción antigua, y a la vez tierra mística, después de tanta migración frustrada (1997:108). [The semantic history of yvy marane’y, from virgin soil to “the land of no evil,” is probably not separated from the colonial history that the Guarani had to endure. In search for a soil where they could live their authentic way of being, the Guarani could have crystallized their ancient religious aspirations, as well as the conscience of the new historical conflicts. Yvy marane’y was becoming the “land of no evil,” physical soil as in its old conceptualization and, at the same time, mythical land, after so much frustrated migration.]

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assert that the colonial Guaranis in the Jesuit missions not only found a place of safety, but also a place of solace where they believed to have encountered the physical manifestation of the yvy marane’y, where the tekorã was indeed attainable.

The

expulsion of the Jesuits in 1767 and the mandatory colonial socio-biological mestizaje did not completely extinguish the culturally inherited Guarani idea of the yvy marane’y. The idea morphed to become an intrinsic socio-cultural aspect of the Paraguayan who, throughout history, has been seeking his identity and his placement within the regional – and now global – community and searching for that idealized place of existence, the tekorã. Drawing a parallel between Turner’s concept of communitas (1967) and the values associated with the Paraguayan tekó, Melià explains that the Guaranis understood and experienced the teko-katú as the agreement or conformity between what is thought and what must be done in order to be (Melià 1997:103). However, in practice, presentday Paraguayans understand the teko-katú as their cultivated social traditions and values, usually displayed during local festivities and folk music festivals. The diverse artistic and popular expressions found in Paraguayan folklore, including traditional music, dance, and instruments such as the diatonic harp and the guitar, are indeed part of the tekó and the teko-katú of the Paraguayan. In the same way that Turner (1967) sees ritual and symbols as means to communicate “cultural texts” and meaning associated with the cosmovision of the Ndembu community, Melià identifies three “trees of symbols” as the prism through which one can view Paraguayan culture (1997:105-108). These “three trees” are socio-culturally constructed concepts found in the tekó and in the teko-katú of the Paraguayan: ore poriahú, ñane ñe’e, and koyguá.

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Ore poriahú (we the poor) carries the idea of an individual or a group of individuals who regard the land as a socio-geographical space and as a labored space of existence.

This concept reveals the values of a large agrarian community that has

constituted a major segment of Paraguayan society and placed a high value on the soil as an organism that produces life and creates a commodified space of living.19 Although this idea is accompanied by a sense of pride, sometimes referred to as poriahú ryvatã (the satisfied or content poor), ore poriahú also implies that rich people (the high class society or, sometimes, those in political power) should not contribute to the manufacture of mboriahú (the poor) by means of economic pressure in the form of levying high taxes or creating new taxes, the unavailability of government funds to benefit agricultural projects, and political corruption. Ñane ñe’e (our speech or our word) refers to the Guarani language, which not only offers a practical tool for oral communication, but also represents one of the main socio-cultural values inherited from the Guaranis.20 The word koyguá, when translated literally, reflects the idea of a farmer, or an individual who lives in the countryside and works the land.21 The idea of the koyguá can

19

One of the ultimate status symbols for Paraguayans is the ownership of a piece of land, which shows a degree of social accomplishment and financial stability. 20

Meliá indicates, Hable bien o mal esa lengua, el paraguayo y la paraguaya sienten que poseen en este sistema de comunicación algo que es la matriz de su modo de pensar; el paraguayo y la paraguaya no sólo hablan guaraní, sino que son hablados por el guaraní, lengua a través de la cual le vienen categorías mentales y expresiones que interpretan su mundo. (Melià 1997:107) [Speaking the [Guarani] language well or badly, Paraguayans feel that they posses in this communication system something that is the matrix of their way of thinking; not only do Paraguayans speak Guarani, but they are spoken by the Guarani, a language through which they receive intellectual categories and expressions that interpret their world.

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also encompass the previous two concepts: being poor (ore poriahú) and speaking Guarani (ñane ñe’e). Because the koyguá enjoys the land and its natural resources, his life could be perceived as carefree which, among members of the working class, does not carry a negative connotation, but rather implies freedom from worrying excessively about the future. The concepts of ore poriahú, ñane ñe’e, and koyguá have been articulated and recreated in most popular events associated with traditional music, beginning with Aristóbulo “Nonón” Domínguez’ concerts designated as Ciclo de Aires Nacionales in the 1920s, and with other continuing folk music festivals throughout the twentieth century. In fact, most, if not all, traditional music festivals that I attended in the course of my fieldwork included dances, songs, poetry, and short plays that reflected the significance which Paraguayans assign to these and other symbols of paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity.

In that context, we can highlight the annually celebrated Encuentro con

Emiliano in Guarambaré, Paraguay which, since its conception and as part of the Festival del Takuare’e (discussed in Chapter Four), has served as a milieu for the exemplification of the most popular and traditional of all artistic manifestations associated with Paraguayan identity and folklore. It is not a coincidence that popular musician and poet Emiliano Rivarola Fernández (ca. 1894-1949) after whom the music festival is named, is regarded by many Paraguayans as the personification of the ideals and values found in the Paraguayan tekó, primarily because Fernández was, indeed, a koyguá poriahú, speaking, composing, and singing in ñane ñe’e. Considering Blacking’s view that man 21

In Paraguay, the Guarani term koyguá is sometimes associated with the Spanish term campesino, in reference to the social class working the land. It does not imply the concept of mestizo, nor an ethnic group, as in other regions in South America. The term campesino though, is often used pejoratively by other social classes to denote an individual who is poor, illiterate, and unsophisticated.

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makes music as a patterned event in a system of social interaction and that, in turn, music makes man, releasing creative energy and influencing cultural invention (1973:89, 104), one may also draw a parallel with Stokes’ view of meaning (1994:5) and suggest that in the specific case of the Encuentro con Emiliano, music and the other various artistic and popular expressions associated with the festival are socially meaningful largely due to the myriad ways in which people recognize their social identity and constructed spaces,22 and the boundaries which separate them. As we have seen in Chapter Four, the diverse Paraguayan traditions (vocal music, galopa dancing, poetry reading, games, and typical foods) associated with the Encuentro con Emiliano provide a geographical and social space where people give those traditions meaning as expressions of paraguayidad, a concept which constructs and reaffirms Paraguayan identity. As we have seen earlier, the current socio-cultural value applied to the diatonic harp and to traditional music as symbols of paraguayidad has been actively promoted by the official discourse through government decrees, the endorsement of publications, and the sponsorship of official traditional music ensembles, with the aim of constructing and reinforcing a Paraguayan identity informed and dictated by a strong nationalistic agenda. Since the majority of people consuming Paraguayan traditional music come from the working and middle classes, they did not reject the nationalistic tone of the official musical agenda, since these social classes were open to the idea of endorsing certain traditional genres, songs, and composers that represent them. Thus, most Paraguayans, when attending performances, or singing along with performers of traditional music, their attitude and understanding about phrases and terms such as Paraguayan identity,

22

Space is used in the Giddens sense, a physical setting of social activity as situated geographically.

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paraguayidad, and “being a good Paraguayan,” convey the representation of the sociocultural beliefs and values found in the Paraguayan tekó. Newly composed traditional music, designated by local folklore specialists as “music of folk inspiration,” has also played a fundamental role in the affirmation of paraguayidad or, at least, of what has been considered to be “Paraguayan.” Newly created “folk-inspired” music has not only enriched and expanded the Paraguayan traditional music repertoire, it has also served as a means of promoting dialogue and interaction among the official, academic, commercial, and media discourses, which have found in the popular discourse, mainly festivals of traditional music, a source of information for their various goals and projects. Although this active interaction of the various discourses vis à vis the popular discourse can be perceived as artificial or manipulative, the production and endorsement of the various local folk traditions, including performances of the Paraguayan harp, have been well-received by the general public that by and large has disregarded the official and commercial agendas and welcomed the repertoire, the composers, and the performers that represent who and what the people are, their paraguayidad, and their tekó. Incorporating the views that culture seems to be historically reproduced by action (Sahlins 1988:32-34), and sometimes historically altered by action (Meliá 1997:35), I would like to suggest that Paraguayan social and cultural identities have not only been produced and altered by social action, but they have also been created and articulated in social arenas, among them festivals of traditional music where, through the imbedded ideas of the tekó, the tekohá, and the teko-katú, people have affirmed who and what they

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are in order to become who they want or would like to be. This dynamic fits well with observations made by Paraguayan historian Justo Prieto (1951:236), according to whom throughout history tradition seems to have been a transforming agent for Paraguayan society, and that Paraguayan identity has always followed a path of searching for perfection, while interacting with land, race, and society.23 It also corresponds to the perception of Paraguayan sociologist Ramón Fogel, according to whom cultural identity and Paraguayan self-confidence imply the idea that people recognize and are satisfied with who they are (Añazco 1997:104). Fogel, however, discusses a strong counter force, which works against the self-assurance that accompanies the assertion of cultural identity. He believes that in present-day Paraguay, a type of social mobilization exists with strong foundations in the rejection of Paraguayan culture and that most Paraguayans, as was the case in the early twentieth century, still desire to become “civilized” by adopting foreign norms and values in order to become citizens of the new global community. Searching for ways to define his identity within the global community, the present-day Paraguayan still suffers from a self-doubt or an inferiority complex, which appears to be a contradiction with the idea of the content and proud koyguá, a concept associated with the tekó. 23

To some extent, the social phenomenon of acceptance and rejection of

Prieto indicates, La tradición… es una permanente aptitud de transformarse por la incorporación de nuevos valores creativos; identidad a través del tiempo que clama por un persistente perfeccionamiento; una relación constante y auténtica con la tierra, con la raza, y con la sociedad, ninguna de las cuales es estacionaria y definitiva. Es una fuerza dinámica que, permitiendo ciertas direcciones constantes, acrecientan, remodelan y rectifican otras, en una inconsecuencia aparente, pero que no es sino una afirmación de supervivencia: la innovación en la continuidad. (1951:236) [Tradition… is a permanent capacity of being transformed by the incorporation of new creative values; [an] identity, which, throughout time, cries for a persistent perfection [in] a constant and authentic relationship with land, race, and society, none of which are definite and stationary. It is a dynamic force that, allowing certain constant directions, increase, remodel, and rectify others in an apparent inconsequence, which is only the affirmation for survival: innovation in continuity.]

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Paraguayan culture could be indicative of the constant dynamic shifting and rearranging of Paraguayan identity. Nevertheless, this simultaneous social acceptance and rejection of Paraguayan culture does not necessarily present a contradiction in that the dichotomy constitutes a fundamental characteristic of the tekó, which encompasses the notion of taking pride in one’s teko-katú while seeking out the cultural “perfection” of the tekorã.

Conclusion Revisiting the diagram of Paraguayan identity (see Table 3, p. 262) and reassessing the role of the diatonic harp within the framework of paraguayidad and the Paraguayan tekó brings into relief a point that, at first glance, may call into question whether the Paraguayan diatonic harp has truly played a role in the conception of paraguayidad, and by extension, the construction of Paraguayan identity. If I were to include the diatonic harp in my diagram of Paraguayan identity, the instrument would constitute but a single element in the subcategory of traditions or ñanemba’é within some of the socio-cultural values linked to paraguayidad.

Although the diatonic harp is just one of many

components in the fabric of Paraguayan traditions, I chose the instrument above all other forms of popular expression as the focus of this work because I believe that the diatonic harp has, indeed, played a vital role in the conception of paraguayidad and Paraguayan identity and is not merely a symbol thereof. I would like to reiterate the fact that very little, if any, evidence exists to substantiate the idea that the Paraguayan diatonic harp has any direct link to the Guarani indigenous culture. The transfiguration of the diatonic harp from an instrument used for liturgical purposes in the province of Paraguay during the seventeenth and eighteenth

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centuries to a “secular” folk instrument in the nineteenth century, remains one of the great enigmas in the history of Paraguayan music, as the total lack of extant documents illuminating the instrument’s development between 1767 (year of the Jesuit expulsion) and the late-nineteenth century, renders any account of the instrument’s secularization and adoption into the popular music sphere purely speculative. In light of this historical gap, I have chosen the nineteenth century as a point of departure for my discussion which aims to show how the harp has come full-circle from its nineteenth-century status as a folk instrument to its current status as Paraguay’s folk instrument par excellence and an emblem of Paraguayan identity. Although no basis exists to directly link the diatonic harp to the Guarani culture, I would suggest that the imagined and culturally imbedded idea of the tekó, which was inherited from the Guarani cosmovision, ultimately predisposed the Paraguayan populace to embrace the diatonic harp as a symbol of identity. Whether it was pure coincidence that the harp’s development from the nineteenth century through the twentieth century mirrored the culturally imbedded idea of searching for the tekorã, or whether the life choices and actions of harpists Félix Pérez Cardozo and Luis Bordón, who catapulted the instrument to regional and international recognition, were informed all along by the intrinsic values bequeathed to them, as Paraguayans, by the Guarani cosmovision, the fact remains that modern-day Paraguayans identify the diatonic harp as an agent of cultural growth, which is right in line with their notion of seeking out the “culture that [they] will become” or the tekorã. The various discourses, as discussed in Chapter Four, that served to propagate the idea of the diatonic harp as a symbol of national identity did not generate much resistance or skepticism from the general population which, for the most part, either disregarded or was oblivious to the reasons or

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agendas behind the dissemination and promotion of traditional music. In light of this observation, I am suggesting that the Paraguayan population, which has drawn in its collective subconscious a parallel between the harp’s success abroad and the notion of searching for the tekorã, found no need to question the source or reason behind the music that was being conveyed to them as a representation of their identity, and proved a receptive audience for the kind of inculcation that took place during the twentieth century as part of the official agenda to construct a national folklore. As the nascent democratic government struggled to take root after the fall of Stroessner’s regime in 1989, the collective notion of paraguayidad found voice in traditional music festivals, which celebrated the idea of the Paraguayan as an autonomous individual who wishes to be globally accepted while maintaining a strong connection to some of the components of paraguayidad as outlined in Table 3 — the Paraguayan territory, history, and sociocultural values. This atmosphere of longing for a sense of cultural identity proved conducive for the large-scale commercialization of traditional music, particularly that of the diatonic harp. As previously mentioned, most Paraguayan historians, sociologists, and anthropologists consider Paraguayan identity a constructed idea and, indeed, the fact that the diatonic harp and other forms of popular expression, such as the ñanduti, are highly commercialized lends an air of artificiality to the present-day celebration and promotion of those elements as embodiments of paraguayidad. Further backing the view that the promotion of the harp as a symbol of identity is purely a commercial manipulation are the various attempts to exoticize the harp by linking it to the Guarani culture, when historically no direct link can be established.

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Considering the ongoing debate regarding the “authenticity” of compositions that have become staples in the Paraguayan traditional music repertoire, namely música de inspiración folclórica, one can argue that even the music that is nowadays considered “traditional” by the general population is but a clever construction that appeals to a collective aesthetic nurtured by commercial attempts to capitalize on the success of certain artists, particularly harpists who have attained recognition abroad and added original compositions to the existing repertoire. From that standpoint, this new repertoire that constitutes traditional music in the minds of most Paraguayans does not reflect the true essence of paraguayidad, but rather prescribes an artificial sense of what paraguayidad should be. Not only could the celebration of paraguayidad at traditional music festivals be deemed artificial due to the ostensible catering of traditional music to an aesthetic defined by commercial interests, but the growing presence of música internacional and new hybrid genres such as the tecno-cumbia paraguaya or cachaca, may be indicative of an ever-present dilution of the very “Paraguayan uniqueness” that is celebrated at these festivals. Notwithstanding the aforementioned challenges to the validity of the harp as an active agent in the articulation and development of paraguayidad, when a Paraguayan citizen attends the Festival del Takuare’e or the Festival del Ñanduti and recognizes the sound of a traditional galopa played by a banda típica, or when he sees an ensemble of harp and guitar accompanying traditional vocal music on a concert stage, something inside of him resonates with these displays of paraguayidad, evoking strong sentiments of national pride and nostalgia. Paraguayans not only identify in these expressions, particularly in performances of the diatonic harp, who they are as a people in the twenty-

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first century and who they wish to become, but also use these festivals and harp performances as opportunities to set themselves apart as a people, from all other people. In that sense, the Paraguayan diatonic harp has traversed four centuries to emerge as the quintessential Paraguayan folk instrument, demonstrating the capability of evoking memories of an ideal past, albeit imaginary, and continuously propelling itself forward in accordance with the search for the tekorã— a fundamental component in the dynamic process of constructing Paraguayan identity, which is and will remain in a constant state of flux.

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MECES. Ministerio de Educación y Cultura. Grenón, Pedro, S.J. 1929. Nuestra primera música instrumental, datos históricos. Buenos Aires: Libreria "La Cotizadora económica." Guarania, Félix de. 2000. De la sabiduría popular. Asuncion: Instituto de Artes y Ciencias de la Comunicación. _______________. 2000. Paraguay Cultural. Asuncion: Gráficas Latina. Guasch, Antonio, S.J. 1981. Diccionario Castellano-Guaraní y Guaraní-Castellano. Asuncion: Ediciones Loyola. Gutiérrez, Ramón. 1987. The Jesuit Guarani Missions. Les Missions Jesuites des Guaranies. Rio de Janeiro: UNESCO – Secretaria do Patrimônio Histórico e Artístico Nacional/Fundação Nacional Pró-Memória. Hall, Stuart. 1991. “Old and New Identities, Old and New Ethnicities.” In Culture, Globalization and the World System. Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. Anthony King, ed. Binghamton: State University of New York at Binghamton, Department of Art and Art History. Handler, Richard. 1988. Nationalism and the Politics of Culture in Quebec. Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press. Hobsbawm, Reic and Terence Ranger, eds. 1983. The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Insfrán, Roquelino. 1999. Curso de Arpa Paraguaya en Solfeo. Método para aprender el Arpa en Solfeo. Asuncion: Ministerio de Educación y Cultura, Vice Ministerio de Cultura. Lange, Francisco Curt. 1956. La música religiosa en el área de Rosario de Santa Fe y en el Convento San Carlos de San Lorenzo, durante el período aproximado de 1770 a 1820. Rosario, Argentina: Cursos libres de Portugués y Estudios Brasileños. Sección Publicaciones. Lara Bareiro, Carlos. 1997. Autobiografía y memorias sobre un proceso histórico cultural paraguayo. Asuncion: Editorial Don Bosco. Marcos, Juan Manuel and José Antonio Galeano. 1995. Maneco Galeano. Despertar – Antología. Asuncion: Cromoarte. Mansfield, C. B. 1856. Paraguay, Brazil, and The Plate. Cambridge: Macmillan & Co. McGuckin, John Newell. 1979. “Music and Mission Among the Jesuits in Argentina,

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1585-1767.” Ph.D. dissertation, Southwestern Baptist Theological Seminary. McNaspy, Clement, S.J. 1982. Lost Cities of Paraguay . Chicago: Loyola University Press. Meliá, Bartomeu. 1976. Los Pai-Tavytera: etnografia guaraní del Paraguay contemporáneo. Asuncion: Centro de Estudios Antropológicos de la Universidad Católica “Nuestra Señora de la Asunción.” _____________. 1981. Una nación, dos culturas. Asuncion: RP Ediciones – CEPAG (Centro de Estudios Paraguayos “Antonio Guasch”). _____________. 1991. El Guaraní: Experiencia religiosa. Asuncion: Biblioteca Paraguaya de Antropología – Vol. XIII – CEADUC (Centro de Estudios Antropológicos de la Universidad Católica “Nuestra Señora de la Asunción”) – CEPAG (Centro de Estudios Paraguayos “Antonio Guasch”). _____________. 1992. La Lengua Guaraní del Paraguay. Historia, sociedad y literatura. Madrid: Editorial Mapfre. _____________. 1995. Elogio de la lengua guaraní. Contextos para una educación bilingue en el Paraguay. Asuncion: Centro de Estudios Paraguayos “Antonio Guasch.” _____________. 1997. El Guaraní Conquistado y Reducido. Ensayos de Etnohistoria. Asuncion: Biblioteca Paraguaya de Antropología – Vol. 5 CEADUC (Centro de Estudios Antropológicos de la Universidad Católica “Nuestra Señora de la Asunción”). _____________. 1997. El Paraguay inventado. Asuncion: Centro de Estudios Paraguayos “Antonio Guasch.” _____________. 2000. Identidad paraguaya en movimiento.” Acción. Revista paraguaya de reflexión y diálogo. 203: 18-20. Milligan, Samuel. 1968. “The Harp in Latin America.” American Harp Journal 1(3): 1620. Miró Ibars, Margarita. 2001. Alimentación y religiosidad paraguaya: chipá - pan sagrado. Asuncion: Servilibro. Moreno Gonzalez, Juan Carlos. 1953. Datos para la historia de la música en el Paraguay. Asuncion: Dirección del Departamento de Enseñanza Secundaria y Profesional, Ministerio de Educación. Morínigo, Marcos Augusto. 1989. Raiz y destino del Guaraní. Biblioteca Paraguaya de

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Riveros, Nicolás T. 1995. Dos Almas Musicales: Agustín Pío Barrios y José del Rosario Diarte (Misioneros). San Juan Bautista de las Misiones: n.p. Rodriguez, Miguel Angel. 1992. Semblanzas Biográficas de creadores e intérpretes populares paraguayos. Asuncion: Ediciones Compugraph. Romero de Viola, Blanca Rosa. 1987. Paraguay siglo dieciocho : período de transición. Asuncion: Ediciones Comuneros. Ruiz De Montoya, Antonio. 1993. Arte de la lengua guaraní.(Reprint of the 1724 edition) Asuncion: n.p. Ruiz Rivas De Dominguez, Celia. 1974. Danzas tradicionales paraguayas : método de enseñanza: reseña histórica de la danza en el Paraguay y nociones sobre el folklore. Asuncion: Imprenta Makrografic. Sánchez Haase, Diego. 2002. La Música en el Paraguay. Breve compendio de su historia, acontecimientos y características más importantes. Colección: Hacia un país de lectores 5. Asuncion: Editorial El Lector. Schechter, John. 1992. The Indispensable Harp. Historical Development, Modern Roles, Configurations, and Performance Practices in Ecuador and Latin America. Kent, Ohio, and London, England: The Kent State University Press. Silva, Ramón. 1991. Arandú kaaty aty. Asuncion: Taller Ediciones. Slobin, Mark, ed. 1996. Retuning Culture. Durham: Duke University Press. Stete Borba, Sofía. 1990. “Biografía de Músicos Paraguayos.” Thesis, Universidad Nacional de Asunción. Facultad Politécnica, Escuela de Bibliotecología. Stevenson, Robert. 1959. The Music of Peru: Aboriginal and Viceroyal Epochs. Washington, D.C.: Pan American Union. ______________. 1961. Spanish Cathedral Music in the Golden Age. Berkeley: University of California Press. ______________. 1968. Music in Aztec & Inca Territory. Berkeley: University of California Press. ______________. 1970. Renaissance and Baroque Musical Sources in the Americas. Washington, D.C.: Organization of American States. Stokes, Martin, ed. 1994. Ethnicity, Identity, and Music. Oxford: Berg Publishers. Sugarman, Jane C. 1997. Engendering Song. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.

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Susnik, Branislava. 1965. El Indio Colonial del Paraguay. El Guaraní colonial. Asuncion: Museo Etnográfico “Andrés Barbero.” _______________. 1966. El Indio Colonial del Paraguay. Los trece pueblos guaraníes de las misiones (1767-1803). Asuncion: Museo Etnográfico “Andrés Barbero.” _______________. 1982. El rol de los indígenas en la formación y en la vivencia del Paraguay. Asuncion: Instituto Paraguayo de Estudios Nacionales. _______________. 1991. Una visión socio-antropológica del Paraguay del siglo XVIII. Asuncion: Museo Etnográfico “Andrés Barbero.” _______________. 1992. Una visión socio-antropológica del Paraguay del siglo XIX. Parte Primera. Asuncion: Museo Etnográfico “Andrés Barbero.” _______________. 1993. Una visión socio-antropológica del Paraguay. XVI-1/2 XVII. Asuncion: Museo Etnográfico “Andrés Barbero.” Szarán, Luis, and Jesús Ruiz Nestosa. 1996. Música en lasReducciones Jesuíticas. Colección de Instrumentos de Chiquitos, Bolivia. Asuncion: Imprenta Makrografic. Szarán, Luis. 1997. Diccionario de la Música en el Paraguay. Asuncion: Szarán la Gráfica. Talavera, José Fernando. 1987. Herminio Giménez. Asuncion: Editorial Histórica. Taylor, Timothy. 1997. Global Pop. World Music, World Markets. New York: Routledge. Tomlinson, John. 1991. Cultural Imperialism. Baltimore: The John Hopkins University Press. Turino, Tom. 1984. “The Urban Mestizo Charango.” Ethnomusicology (May, 1984) __________. 1993. Moving Away from Silence. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Turner, Victor. 1967. The Forest of Symbols. Aspects of Ndembu Ritual. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press Velázquez, Rafael Eladio. 1966. Breve Historia de la Cultura en el Paraguay . Asuncion: Editora Litero Técnica. Vera, Saro. 1997. El paraguayo (un hombre fuera de su mundo). Asuncion: Editorial El

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Field recordings Minidisc Emiliano 01, August 04, 2002. Minidisc Ñandutí 01, July 7, 2002/August 4, 2002. Minidisc Ñandutí 02, August 4, 2002 Tape-cassette Manzana 01, Septemer 27, 2001. Tape-cassette Takuare’e 01, November 9, 2001/November 10, 2001. Tape-cassette Takuare’e 02, November 10, 2001. Tape-cassette Ñandutí 01, August 3, 2002. Tape-cassette Ñandutí 02, August 3, 2002. Tape-cassette Emiliano 01, August 4, 2002. Tape-cassette Juan Carlos Oviedo 01, August 28, 2002. Tape-cassette Bordón 01, August 28, 2002.

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Newspaper articles “Digno García: la muerte de un gran maestro del arpa” (Digno García: the death of a great maestro of the harp), Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 6 February 1984, p. 16. “Primer Festival del Arpa” [First Harp Festival], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 6 November 1985, p. 21. “El arpa: Singular historia que llega desde el fondo del tiempo” [The Harp: Singular History Coming from the Depth of Time] Ultima Hora, A&E Supplement (Asuncion), 8 November 1985, pp. 4-5. “Festivales aquí, allá, en todas partes” (Festivals [:] here, there, everywhere), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 31 october 1986, pp. 6-7. “Segundo Festival del Arpa: Una cita para exaltar a Cristino Báez Monges” [Second Festival of the Harp: An Appointment to Extol [Harpist] Cristino Báez Monges], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 10 July 1987, p. 2. “Quieren hacer del Paraguay la cuna mundial del arpa” [They Want to Make Paraguay the World Birthplace of the Harp], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 20 November 1987, p. 3. “Abel Sánchez Giménez,” Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 27 September 1988, p. 27. “3er Festival del Arpa Paraguaya” [Third Festival of the Paraguayan Harp], Noticias (Asuncion), 13 August 1988, pp.4-5. “Mucha juventud en Festival del Arpa” [Many young people at the Harp Festival], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 17 August 1988, p. 26. “Buscar la trascendencia internacional del arpa” [Searching for the International Transcendence of the Harp], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 21 September 1988, p. 25. “El arpa está de fiesta con el Festival Rochas” [The Harp is Partying at the Rochas Festival], A&E Supplement, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 30 September 1988, p. 3. “Mucha concurrencia en torno al arpa paraguaya” (A large crowd around the Paraguayan harp), Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 3 October 1988, p. 33. “Los maestros del arpa ya tiene[sic] sustitutos” [The Harp Maestros Already Have Substitutes], Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 27 November, 1995, p. 53. “Maestro del arpa enseña su arte a niños del Conservatorio.” (Maestro of the harp teaches 314

his art to children at the Conservatory.), ABC (Asuncion), 29 July 2001, p. 24. “Felipe Sosa parte del ‘Pájaro Campana’ para crear una nueva obra.” (Felipe Sosa uses ‘Pájaro Campana’ as a point of departure to create a new composition.), ABC (Asuncion), 11 August 2001, p. 19. “Lucía Shiomitsu recibirá un homenaje esta mañana.” (Lucia Shiomitsu will receive a tribute this morning.), ABC (Asuncion), 22 August 2001, p. 30. “El arpa paraguaya suena suave en la tierra del Sol Naciente.” (The Paraguayan harp sounds soft[ly] in the land of the Rising Sun.), ABC (Asuncion), 29 August, 2001, p. 30. “La comunidad de Zeballos Cue se reunió para celebrar el sexto aniversario de su festival.” (The community of Zeballos Cue gathered to celebrate the sixth anniversary of its festival.), ABC (Asuncion), 11 February, 2002, p. 37. “Digno García. Un luqueño universal” (Digno García. An universal citizen of Luque), Suplemento Weekend, ABC (Asuncion), 1 March 2002, pp. 4-5. “Jóvenes arpistas en una gira por países del Asia” (Young harpists on tour in Asia), ABC (Asuncion), 24 July 2002, p. 37. “Roberto Zayas actuó con el Ballet Ytakyry” (Roberto Zayas performed with the Ytakyry Ballet), ABC (Asuncion), 3 August 2002, p. 28. “Música en Guarambaré y E[usebio]. Ayala” (Music in Guarambaré and E[usebio]. Ayala), ABC (Asuncion), 4 August 2002, p. 32. “Vocal Dos reivindica al Festival del Ñandutí en sus bodas de plata.” (Vocal Dos vindicates the Ñandutí Festival in its silver anniversary), ABC (Asuncion), 5 August 2002, p. 68. “Grupo de Ytakyry, con nuevas propuestas” (Group from Ytakyry, with new performances), ABC (Asuncion), 12 August 2002, p. 28. “Ismael Ledesma presentará sus nuevas composiciones.” (Ismael Ledesma will present his new compositions.), ABC (Asuncion), 21 August 2002, p. 35. “Obras de fuerte pulsación rítmica presentó Ledesma.” (Compositions of a strong rhythmic drive were presented by Ledesma), ABC (Asuncion), 23 August 2002, p. 35. “Juan Carlos Oviedo y los Acuña en recital popular” (Juan Carlos Oviedo and the Acuñas in popular recital), ABC (Asuncion), 28 August 2002, p. 32.

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“El arpista Ismael Ledesma actuará mañana en el CCPA.” (The harpist Ismael Ledesma will perform tomorrow at the CCPA.), ABC (Asuncion), 28 August 2002, p. 33. Alvarez, Mario Rubén, “Tacho’í: La canción del arpa errante” (Tacho’í: the song of the traveling harp), Ultima Hora (Asuncion), Revista Correo Semanal, 27 July 1991, p. 16. Candia, Alberto, “César Cataldo y sus 20 años con el arpa: ‘Seguiré formándome.’” (César Cataldo and his twenty years with the harp: I shall continue with my training.), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 1 May 1987, pp. 2-3. González Frutos, Hedy, “Don Santiago Cortesi. En el otoño de un caballero del arpa” (Don Santiago Cortesi. In the autumn of a gentleman of the harp’), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora, (Asuncion), 25 August 1989, pp. 2-3. Pastoriza, Juan, “El arpa: Singular historia que llega desde el fondo del tiempo” (The Harp: Singular history coming from the deeps of time”) Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 8 November 1985, p.p. 4-5. ____________. “Recuerdos de Mandu’ara” (Memories from Mandu’ara), Suplemento de Arte & Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 13 June 1986, pp. 1-2. ____________. “Tacho-í: Arpista desheredado, símbolo de una época” (Tacho’í: Disinherited harpist, symbol of a time), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 10 April 1987, pp. 6-7. ____________. “Merecido Homenaje a Lorenzo Leguizamón .‘Dí tres vueltas al mundo tocando el arpa.’” (Deserved Tribute to Lorenzo Leguizamón. ‘I circled the globe three times playing the harp.’), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 15 May 1987, pp. 2-3. ____________. “Culmina Festival ‘Rochas.’¡Sublime fragancia del sonido de un arpa!” (The Festival ‘Rochas’ Comes to an End. Sublime fragrance of the sound of a harp!), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 4 December 1987, p. 8. ____________. “Don Cortesi, Ud. rescató el arpa de las orillas.” (Don Cortesi, You rescued the harp from the margins.), Suplemento de Espectáculos, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 11 March 1988, pp. 2-3. Pecci, Antonio, “Ni el canto se salvaba de la represión” (Not even the song was saved from repression), Revista Correo Semanal, Ultima Hora (Asuncion), 25 November 1995, pp. 10-11.

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Magazines Acción. Revista paraguaya de reflexión y diálogo. (203) Asuncion: 2000. ________________________________________. (204) Asuncion: 2000. ________________________________________. (226) Asuncion: 2002. Ocará Poty Cue-mí. (196) Asuncion: 1968. Takuare’e. (25) Guarambaré: 2001.

Personal Conversations Acuña, Tito. August, 2002 Arzamendia, Dionisio. August, 2002. January, 2004. Barboza, Yverá. July, 2002. Barrios, Víctor. July and August, 2002. Benítez, Angel. February, 2002. Bordón, Luis. August, 2002. Cubilla, Alejandro. August, 2002. Dávalos, Odilón. July 2001. August, 2002. Francia Campos, Serafín. August, 2002. Fogel, Gerardo. August, 2002. Giménez, Abel Sánchez. March, 2001. Melià, Bartomeu. July 2002. Monges Báez, Eligio. August, 2002. Ovelar, Adelio. July 2001. Ovelar, Mario. August, 2002. Picaguá, Delia. August, 2002. 317

Riveros, Víctor. August, 2002. Sosa, Felipe. July, 2002. Safuán, Oscar Nelson. August, 2002. Sequera, Guillermo. July, 2002. Torga, Rudi. July, 2001. June 2002. Vaesken, Alfredo. March, 2002. Viola, Alfredo. July, 2002.

Recordings Aguayo, Dionisio. Nati, Dionisio Aguayo. Dionisio Aguayo “Piririta” y su arpa paraguaya. Asuncion: Sello Discos Confort, audiocassette 132. Bonzi, Orlando. Esa tormenta pasó, Orlando Bonzi Band. Orlando Bonzi. Asuncion: compact disc, 2003. Bordón, Luis and Oscar Nelson Safuán. El arpa y la danza de mi tierra, Francisco Giménez. Cuerdas del corazón de América. Música en clace de Telecel Vol. III. Asuncion: Telecel, Confluencia Producciones, Concept Sales S.A., compact disc. Caballero, Nicolás. Ka’í jeroky, Nicolás Caballero. Secretos del arpa paraguaya. Asuncion: Discos Elio, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, audiocassette 249, 1997. _______________. Sol María, Nicolás Caballero. Secretos del arpa paraguaya. Asuncion: Discos Elio, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, audiocassette 249, 1997. Cardozo Ocampo, Mauricio. Galopera, Jorge Castro. Castro. Asuncion: compact disc RB 66.155, 1998. Cataldo, César. Coloquio, César Cataldo. Música paraguaya en arpa y orquesta. Asuncion: Guairá Producciones, compact disc CD 006. ____________. Decidamos, César Cataldo. Música paraguaya en arpa y orquesta. Asuncion: Guairá Producciones, compact disc CD 006. Costa, Dalmiro. Gran Polka Militar “El 10 de Noviembre,” Valentina Díaz-Frenot. Paraguay Siglo XIX. Los años dorados. Asuncion: Estudios Tayí, compact disc, 2000. 318

Fernández, Emiliano R. Regimiento 13 “Tuyutí,” Juan Carlos Oviedo con los Hermanos Acuña. Emilianore purajhei. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA- SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc. Fernández Moreno, Gerardo. Chaco Boreal, Lorenzo Leguizamón. En Solo de Arpa. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc. Flores, José Asunción. India, Luis Bordón. Harpa paraguáia em stereo. Asuncion: Pájaro Campana Producciones, APA-SADAIC, audiocassette. Garbett, Jorge and Fidel Gómez Planás. Para vivir, Sembrador. De amores y recovas. Música en clave de Telecel Vol. 2. Asuncion: Telecel, compact disc SBD97TCD. García, Digno. Cascada, Digno García. Solos de arpa. Barcelona: DIVUCSA MUSIC S.A., compact disc 36-863, 2004. ___________. Cascada, Lorenzo Leguizamón. En Solo de Arpa. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc. Ledesma, Ismael. El lago salvaje, Ismael Ledesma. La balada del indio. Asuncion: Discos Elio, compact disc, 2001. Leguizamón, Lorenzo. Arpapu rory, Lorenzo Leguizamón. En Solo de Arpa. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc. Máximo Cumbieros. Soñador eterno, Máximo Cumbieros. Exitos. Asuncion: compact disc, 2004. Morínigo, Agapito. Costa Ñaro, Agapito Morínigo Tacho’í. Arpa y terruño al estilo “Tacho’í.” Asuncion: Paraguay Ñe’e, audiocassette, 1989. _______________. Polca Guinea, Agapito Morínigo Tacho’í. Arpa y terruño al estilo “Tacho’í.” Asuncion: Paraguay Ñe’e, audiocassette, 1989. Noguera, Carlos. Viva, Vocal Dos. Antología de Vocal Dos. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc CD 12117. Pérez Cardozo, Félix. Despedida, Raquel Lebrón. Polcas paraguayas en solo. Asuncion: Blue Caps Producciones Fonográficas, audiocassette B.C. 5085. _________________. Mi despedida, Félix Pérez Cardozo. Los éxitos de Félix Pérez Cardozo. Buenos Aires: Odeón, long play 4156. _________________. Tren lechero, Miguel Angel Valdéz. Paraguay en solo de arpa.

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Intérpretes varios. Vol. 2. Asuncion: Blue Caps Producciones Fonográficas, compact disc BCCD 5010. Riveros, Víctor. Mbarakapúpe, Víctor Riveros. Tiempo de Actuar. Asuncion: Canción Social Urbana Paraguay, compact disc, 2000. Safuán, Oscar Nelson. Tema paraguayo, Oscar Nelson Safuán. Avanzada. La nueva música paraguaya. Asuncion: IFSA, compact disc 5E-006, 1985. Sosa, Felipe. Kyre’y from Concierto Opus 35 No. 4 en “Sol Mayor” para arpa y cinco guitarras “Homenaje a Félix Pérez Cardozo,” César Cataldo and guitar ensemble. Encuentro Estelar con la Música Paraguaya. Asuncion: Discos ELIO, compact disc F.E.V. 274, 2002. Carretaguy, Lorenzo Leguizamón. En Solo de Arpa. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc. Golondriana, Luis Szarán, Orquesta Philomúsica de Asunción. Paraguay Siglo XIX. Música y Danza. Asuncion: compact disc PHIL0111CD2 DIDX 041867, 1996. Ndarekói la culpa, Agapito Morínigo Tacho’í. Arpa y terruño al estilo “Tacho’í.” Asuncion: Paraguay Ñe’e, audiocassette, 1989. Pájaro campana, Lorenzo Leguizamón. En Solo de Arpa. Asuncion: Producciones Fonográficas The Song, APA-SADAIC-BIEM, compact disc. Pájaro campana, Félix Pérez Cardozo. Los éxitos de Félix Pérez Cardozo. Buenos Aires: Odeón, long play 4156. To-o, Luis Szarán, Orquesta Philomúsica de Asunción. Paraguay Siglo XIX. Música y Danza. Asuncion: compact disc PHIL0111CD2 DIDX 041867, 1996.

Websites http://www.abc.com.py (ABC electronic newspaper, Asuncion, Paraguay) http://alas-py.web.infoseek.co.jp/cd-nicolas.html (“Nicolasito” Caballero, discography) http://www.alfredo-rolando-ortiz.com (Alfredo Rolando Ortíz, harpist) http://www.arpalucia.com/disc/amipara.html (Lucia Shiomitsu, discography) http://www.arpasgsanabria.com.py/principal.html (Gustavo Sanabria Harp Factory)

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http://www.carlosbreton.nl/autor/notas/a_sanabr.htm (Photographs of Paraguayan singer Angel Sanabria) http://www.diarionoticias.com.py (Noticias el Diario electronic newspaper, Asuncion, Paraguay) http://www.harpa.com/victor-salvi-foundation (Victor Salvi Foundation) http://www.harparami.com (Aramí, harpist) http://www.ismaelledesma.com (Ismael Ledesma, harpist) http://lesamisdepablo.free.fr/zic.htm (List of Andean and Latin American music performers in Europe) http://www.makinomasanori.com/disco.html (Makino Masanori, harpist) http://www.mcci.or.jp/www/alhambra/losvie-e.htm (Los Vientos Verdes, conjunto) http://www.musicaparaguaya.org (biographies of composers, music history, songs) http://www.musicaparaguaya.org.py/arpa.html#harp ( Paraguayan harp discussion) http://www.myharps.com (commercial site) http://perso.wanadoo.fr/atacris/cristobal/cristobal2.html (Discography of Luis Cáceres and conjunto Les Guaranis) http://www.ramonromero.com (Ramón Romero, harpist) http://www.saintjeannet.com/infos/evenements/Concert_14decembre2001.html (Cuarteto Andino concert announcement) http://www.uhora.com.py (Ultima Hora electronic newspaper, Asuncion, Paraguay) http://www.sharlenehawkes.com/bio.html (Sharlene Hawkes, official site) http://www.supernet.com.py/arpaparaguaya (Raquel Lebrón, harpist)

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Vita Alfredo Cesar Colman Rodriguez was born in the Republic of Paraguay on April 21, 1967, the son of Salomon Colman and Elda Rodriguez. He graduated from Belmont University in Nashville, Tennessee, in 1993, majoring in church music. He entered the Graduate School of Baylor University in Waco, Texas, where he received a Master’s degree in music history and literature in 1995. During the following two years he served as the music teacher at the Asuncion Christian Academy, worked as a music critic for Diario Noticias and as music and as the worship director for the Fellowship Center congregation, and conducted the Coro Hispanoamericano in Asuncion, Paraguay. In August 1997, through the initial support of a fellowship granted by the Organization of American States, he entered the graduate program in ethnomusicology at the University of Texas at Austin, where he served under the musicology/ethnomusicology division as music teaching assistant for Introduction to Western Music and Music from the Seventeenth and Eighteenth centuries, as assistant instructor for Introduction to Traditional Music in World Cultures, and as assistant editor for the journal, Latin American Music Review. Between 2001 and 2002, Colman also served as an associate music professor at the Universidad Evangélica del Paraguay in San Lorenzo and as a music instructor at the Ateneo Paraguayo in Asuncion.

Permanent address: India esq. Tórtola, Fernando de la Mora, Paraguay (South America) This dissertation was typed by the author.

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