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Jun Hesselberg

The Third World in lransition The Case of the Peasantry in Botswana

Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala

The Third World in Transition

The Third World The Case of the Pesantry in Botswana

Scandinavian Institute of African Studies, Uppsala 1985

Jan Hesselberg is professor in Development Geography at the Department of Geography, University of Oslo. His main research interests are production processes in rural areas and levels of living in the Third World. He has conducted field work several times in Botswana and Sri Lanka.

This book has been published with support from the Norwegian Agency for International Development.

ISBN 91-7106-243-2 @

Jan Hesselberg and Nordiska afrikainstitutet

Printed in Sweden by Motala Grafiska AB, Motala, 1985

PREFACE

The o b j e c t i v e o f t h e p r e s e n t work i s t h r o u g h t h e c a s e of Botswana t o d i s c u s s

the creation of poverty in the period of transition from tribal to modem society in the Third World today. t h e peasantry.

T h i s i s done by a n a n a l y s i s f o c u s s i n g a t

The r e c e n t l y renewed f a s h i o n o f b l a m i n g t h e

peasants

for lack

o f improved f o o d p r o d u c t i o n and t h u s a l s o f o r p o v e r t y a t l o c a l and n a t i o n a l l e v e l s is questioned.

I n a s h o r t n o t e i n 1 9 6 1 F a l l e r s l e f t no d o u b t t h a t a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n A f r i c a c o u l d and s h o u l d b e c a l l e d p e a s a n t s e c o n o m i c a l l y , p o l i t i c a l l y and culturally.

P e a s a n t c o m m u n i t i e s a r e more d i f f e r e n t i a t e d t h a n t r i b a l s o c i e -

t i e s b u t l e s s s o t h a n modern o n e s .

P e a s a n t s c o n s t i t u t e t h e n a c a t e g o r y of

p e o p l e f o u n d i n a c o u n t r y where f u n d a m e n t a l c h a n g e s o c c u r l e a d i n g t o a soc i e t y of a d i f f e r e n t kind.

I t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e semi- autonomy o f p e a s a n t s

r e l a t i v e t o l a r g e r s y s t e m s t h a t i s u s e d i n t h e argument o f t h e o p t i o n t h o u g h t available t o peasants of

withdrawing

a s p e c t s d e a l t w i t h i n t h e work a r e :

from p r o d u c t i o n f o r m a r k e t s . s o c i e t a l evolution,

i n e q u a l i t y a n d p o v e r t y , and r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n .

The main

agrarian transition,

These a s p e c t s provide

t o g e t h e r a f a i r l y comprehensive p i c t u r e of t h e n a t u r e of t h e t r a n s i t i o n i n which Botswana f i n d s i t s e l f .

The d a t a u s e d i n t h e e m p i r i c a l p r e s e n t a t i o n a r e p r i m a r i l y t a k e n from L e t l h a kenq and Tutume, two medium- sized v i l l a g e s i n Botswana.

Similar studies

were c a r r i e d o u t i n 1976 and 1980 a l l o w i n g f o r a t i m e p e r s p e c t i v e .

I n addi-

t i o n , i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t t h e c o u n t r y a t l a r g e i s u s e d whenever p o s s i b l e t o enhance t h e s t r e n g t h of t h e f i n d i n g s .

The t h e o r e t i c a l p e r s p e c t i v e h a s b e e n t r e a t e d r e l a t i v e l y e x t e n s i v e l y .

I t en-

compasses i n a few i n s t a n c e s more t h a n t h e d a t a g a t h e r e d p e r m i t t o t e s t .

This

i s d e e m e d u s e f u l because of t h e e x p l o r a t i v e c h a r a c t e r of t h e s e p a r t s of t h e work,

I t is a l s o regarded t o be f r u i t f u l t o include a thorough discussion of

the concept development, of development studies and of development geography. At the present early stage in the evolution of development geography, this part of the work may have some merit per se, in addition to explaining the choice of research approach.

Over the years I have had recurrent useful discussions with Gerd Wikan. The arguments forwarded here have also benefitted from her penetrating question-marks.

Sylvi Endresen has pointed at several fine nuances of

meaning in the manuscript.

Jan Hesselberg August, 1984

I am grateful to both of them.

CONTENTS Preface PART I

INTRODUCTION

1. DEVELOPMENT AND GEOGRAPHY Development and related concepts Some empirical observations Development studies: causes and remedies of inequality and poverty Development geography Some problematic aspects of development studies Conclusion

2. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES PART I1

THEORETICAL P E R S P E C T I V E

3. PEASANT AND RELATED CONCEPTS Definitions of peasant Peasant studies Characteristics of peasant production Conclusion 4. SOCIETAL EVOLUTION AND AGRARIAN TRANSITION

Societal evolution Agrarian transition Peasant differentiation Conclusion

5. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT AND RURAL SETTLEMENT PATTERN Agricultural development Rural settlement pattern 5. THE PEASANT CONCEPT, QUESTION AND HYPOTHESES The peasant concept Questions and hypotheses Conclusion PART 111

BOTSWANA

7. APPROACH AND DATA A note on peasant and related concepts in the literature on Botswana 8. SOCIETAL EVOLUTION 9. AGRARIAN TRANSITION "Work position" and types of agricultural producers Characteristics of the agricultural production process Multiactivity at the household and individual levels Conclusion 10. INEQUALITY AND POVERTY Inequality Poverty Conclusion

11. AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT Policies and programmes relevant for agricultural development in Botswana Viewpoints on agrarian policies in Botswana Conclusions

203

12. RURAL SETTLEMENT PATTERN 13. THE PEASANT CONTROVERSY

-

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION

2 17

APPENDIX 1. Definitions 2 . Functions in Letlhakeng and Tutume 1976 and 1980

229

REFERENCES

231

224

PART I

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER 1 DEVELOPMENT AND GEOGRAPHY

DEVELOPMENT AND RELATED CONCEPTS

Development constitutes a process. fairly general level.

The concept is normally used at a

It includes a wide variety of changing features.

It is in common usage equated with improvements.

The word development

thus has a positive connotation regardless of how it is defined.

To pre-

tend otherwise, as Seers (1972) says, is just to hide one's value judgements.

Moreover, it is often difficult to separate the positive from the

negative in a process of change.

For instance, the building up of formal

education is in most cases a good and necessary element for change.

In

many Third World countries formal education may nonetheless have negative side-effects such as alienation regarding strenuous work in, for instance, agriculture.

Due to the arguments above one may opt for adopting a defi-

nition of development which is goal-free.

Brookfield (1975) takes this

stance when he defines development as "the whole process of change brought about by the creation and expansion of an interdependent world system". In analytical work it is, however, necessary to establish a concept with a specified content and regarding the process of development also to give the concept a positive meaning.

Since concepts such as change and evolu-

tion (which are broader concepts) cannot replace development as a general, descriptive and goal-free concept, it seems essential to refrain from defining development in a detailed manner.

Development should instead be

used, as is usual, to denote a complex process of change that may, although not necessarily in the short-run then later, result in improved levels of living for the world's population at large, that is, the collective betterment of mankind.

In thinking about development it is easy to

fall pray to the use of a framework of mechanical evolution, of thinking in linear historical sequences leading to a typical modern Western (or Eastern) society.

This is not implied in the concept in the present work.

In fact, one should strivc for an acceptance of multitudinous cultural definitions of the good life. of vagueness.

~ h u s ,the concept has a certain amount

This is as it should be.

The concept should refer to a

movement of a society as a whole to a better but undetermined position.

However, this "third option" should imply high economic welfare with low ecological imbalances and a minimum of personal alienation. There may be cases in which beneficial structural changes take place without immediate improvements in material satisfaction.

At a later stage such struc-

tural changes may prove to be the key to economic and social development. The point is that we do n o t a p r i o r i know what brings about development or what the necessary principal structural changes are in concrete empirical situations.

It is common to split

the concept development into economic growth and

social change which, for instance, UThant (1965) did at the start of the UN's First Development Decade. difficult to quantify.

Social change is a broad concept and

In view of the above discussion economic and so-

cial development will be used as analytical categories.

Economic devetop-

m a n t refers to economic growth (increases in GNP) and a more equal distribution of economic means (measured by income and employment).

It is im-

portant to note that economic growth at the national level does not automatically reduce poverty and inequality or provide sufficient employment, at least not in the short-run. growth and development.

Many scholars

confuse the concepts of

The reason is often, as for instance

Sundrum

(1983) anticipates, that as soon as attitudes and behaviour of people

in

their economic activities become more like "economic man", growth becomes automatic and welfare in an encompassing sense ensues.

By s o c i a l develop-

ment is meant improvements regarding such aspects as life expectancy, nutrition and educational standard.

In short, social development refers to

the realization of the potential of the human personality.

This is of

course generally accepted. The path to this realization is, however, highly disputed.

A pivotal controversy is, for instance, the possible ad-

verse effect of redistribution of income on economic growth. advocated of course contains its own contradictions.

Each path

Development is ge-

r,erally a result of the interplay of "old" and "new" artifacts, social structures and cultural values.

Normally, conflicts arise between the

"old" or indigenous and "new" or imported elements.

Development accor-

dingly constitutes a dialectical process in a Hegelian sense, that is, a rigorous ded.

prediction of societal evolution, as in Marxism, is not inclu-

It is the method that is highlighted, and development in future does

not necessarily have to contain similar negative effects everywhere, such

as the creation of an internal "proletariat".

If we then are to under-

stand the process of development, we have to look for conflicts and stress created when the "old" and "new" merge without a p r i o r i knowing the fundamental forces of change in particular places.

Development has by some been substituted with liberation (Goulet 1971), that is, with social justice and basic political freedom.

Liberation

means the removal of an elite by a majority who then assumes control over its own process of change.

The most common example is nation-building by

the majority in a country.

To use liberation instead of development, to

talk about strategies for change of political and economic power r a t h e r than how higher material and social levels are to be achieved, is to adopt a revolutionary in contrast to a reformist attitude. To my mind, liberation is nothing but a necessary prerequisite for development in certain countries, and cannot replace development as a concept of general concern. There are, for instance, few prospects for economic development (not to say social development) in South Africa short of a struggle of liberation including violence.

After a successful liberation struggle the question

arises of what long-run content development should be given.

Should the

content be limited to economic and social aspects or should also the dimension of control over the forces of change be included?

Rodney (1972)

includes the latter aspect in his definition of economic development:

"A

society develops economically as its members increase jointly their capacity for dealing with the environment".

Can Third World countries become

masters of their own transitions or must they depend on imports of technology and culture from the West (or the East), or let transnational companies dominate their large-scale economic activities?

Undoubtedly, econo-

mic development can only in exceptional cases, if at all, take place in isolation from other more developed countries.

The dependence on techno-

logical know-how is, for instance, a common characteristic of Third World countries i n t h e i r present s t r a t e g y for development.

(BY strategy is meant

a set of internally consistent plans deduced from a general or several parttheories given certain goals.)

The question then arises whether the nc,ga-

tive effects of the relations Third World countries have with developed countries put a number of poor Third World countries at a dead end.

The

concept zinderdevelopment denotes usually, in addition to undesirable conditions for work and life, such a situation where economic development is im-

possible due to the characteristics of the relations such countries have with developed countries.

This is a relational mode of explanation.

Other scholars, who maintain that the developed countries are not a c t i v e l y underdeveloping the Third World, argue that nondevelopment (or undevelopment) is a better description of most Third World countries. non-relational mode of explanation.

This is a

It should be underlined that none of

the economies in the Third World are stagnant, both quantitative and qualitative changes occur, although often at a relatively low level.

Nonde-

velopment and underdevelopment thus make sense only in comparing levels of development.

The choice of words are evidently closely related to views

adopted on causes for lack of development, whether the causes are originating mainly internally or externally.

(What appears to be internal cau-

ses often have an external dimension wholly or in part.)

All Third World

countries may be said to have been underdeveloped in a historical perspective.

However, whoever or whatever is to blame historically for the exis-

ting inequality and poverty, the situation today is that an active underdevelopment as the main characteristic of the relationships (positive and negative relations will "always" exist) with the developed countries cannot be maintained for all Third World countries.

Thus the designation un-

derdeveloped countries is not appropriate for the Third World as a whole. Nonetheless, both underdevelopment and nondevelopment are useful concepts for sub-groups of the Third World category.

The recent economic growth in some Third World countries has made the concept dependent development

popular.

In particularly the "Newly Industria-

lizing Countries" (NICs) economic and social development, if not political development, have occurred to some extent.

This development is, however,

heavily dependent on foreign inputs of capital both private and governmental.

The debt-burden to multilateral development banks (for instance the

International Monetary Fund (IMF), the World Bank and private transnational finance institutions) reduce the freedom of choice for these countries regarding national economic policy generally.

A question-mark is therefore

put, through the use of the label dependent(in contrast to interdependent), on whether their rapid economic development can be sustained.

S p a t i a l development is a major concern in geography.

To decide whether a

spatial pattern is optimal, is difficult in other but a limited economic sense.

Once other criteria are included, it becomes less useful to at-

tempt to establish an optimum pattern.

It is thus more relevant to ask

if the spatial pattern functions in such a way as to justify the label developed.

It is then often easy to see that spatial reorganization is

necessary in order to attain economic and social development.

Various

alternative spatial patterns may thereafter be suggested. The choice o f a t e r n to designate the poor and non-modern countries of the world implies a judgement on what the main causes for poverty or nonmodernity are.

In the 1950s and 1960s backward regions and less develo-

ped countries were commonly used.

In contrast to these concepts, the con-

cept "proletarian states" was used to point at the relations between nations as the main explanation for poverty and relatively permanent structural imbalances, that is, underdevelopment.

In the 1970s underdeveloped

countries gained popularity, as did the more optimistic term developing countries.

Personally, I prefer poor countries to the former term but

since poverty includes both a quantitative position and a structural dimension, neither poor nor underdeveloped are appropriate designations. Since the structural changes that take place in many Third World countries are not conducive of economic and social development, the term developing country is not an appropriate description of reality generally.

Myrdal

(1968) calls it a diplomatic euphemism. Others may be of another opinion and hence choose this term.

It has been a fashion today to split the Third World into a number of often overlapping categories.

oil-importing/oil-exporting developing countries,

low-income/middle-incomedeveloping countries, most severely affected count-

ries, least developed countries, non-oil least developed countries, island developing countries, landlocked developing countries, newly industrializing countries and others. three categories:

(The rest of the world is usually divided into

Industrialized (market) countries, centrally planned eco-

nomies and capital-surplus oil-exporters.) categories of Third

The more specified and limited

World countries represent an important reorientation

of the development debate because those categories are more empirically relevant than the often extreme generalizations made in the last three decades. Nonetheless, there are some structural characteristics which are common to the Third World.

To my mind, it is most adequate to use the term

Third

World and Third World c o u n t r i e s at the general level because, as has been said above, only some countries are today being actively underdeveloped and

only some are developing both economically and socially.

Moreover, the

concept Third World escapes an explicit comparison with the developed either capitalist or socialist countries.

According to Lacoste (1965),

the designation Third World was first used by Sauvy in an analogue with "Tiers Etat" denoting all the disadvantaged groups in France in 1789 that were opposed to the nobility and clergy. is neutral.

The concept Third World

By using this concept, the scope is open for more complex

explanations, and no a priori decision is made of the main causes of underdevelopment/nondevelopment at a general level.

The First World refers

to developed market economies and the Second World to the developed socialist countries.

These terms are little used in the literature, and will

not be applied here.

The last argument for adopting the concept Third

World is the implicit notion of (or hope for) a third path, an undetermined but possible path to a "sane society".

At least it represents an-

other, undefined option for development thinking and planning.

The Third World is negatively defined "all nations that did not become, during the historical process of the establishment of the present World Order, industrialized and wealthy" (Abdalla 1978).

Exploitation and re-

shaping of the economy and distortion of social, cultural and psychological patterns during the colonial epoch are essential common factors.

The

category Third World is therefore still useful in spite of the existing heterogeneity regarding, for instance, population size, resource endowment and level of development.

This heterogeneity, or rather different

combinations of undesirable characteristics, which the Third World countries have, makes a short and positive definition less appropriate.

Most

countries have all or approximately all of the following characteristics: Insufficient food supply (or a skewed distribution among groups and/or regions), low productivity in agriculture, high population growth, physical and other resources which are unused or used by foreigners, huge unemployment, low degree of industrialization, incomplete market system, unequally developed economic sectors hampering economic circulation, large tertiary sector and social structures contradlcotry to economlc optimisation.

The relative importance of these factors will vary from country to

country.

The main point is the existence of a large number of these (and

other) factors at the same time. countries earlier.

This was not the case in the developed

In view of the above, the following two examples of

definitions (somewhat shortened here) clearly become unsatlsfactory:

A

region is underdeveloped when there are a net flow of capital out from the region, structurally caused unproductivity and increasing poverty (Frank

A country is underdeveloped when it is dominated from outside and

1967).

when sectors are thereby created which are not linked and have large differences in productivity (Amin 1974).

It is necessary when operationalizing the concept the Third World to rely on measurable aspects.

In fact, the GNP together with structural imbalan-

ces of a relatively permanent nature give the group of countries included by the United Nations in the category developing countries.

Moreover, since the Third World is not the unit of analysis in the present work, it is in spite of its inadequacies acceptable in certain instances to use the World Bank concept "developing countries", which is adopted in major international statistical publications.

The World Bank (1980 a)

uses national income per person as the criterion of classification.

Low-

income (developing) countries (poor Third World countries) are those at or below 300 (1977) US dollars GNP per person.

The middle-income developing

countries include those countries which have a GNP per person above 300 (1977) US dollars and which are not included in any of the following categories:

Industrialized countries, centrally planned economies or capital-

surplus oil-exporting countries.

The last category includes such count-

ries as Kuwait, Libya, Oman and Saudi-Arabia.

The middle-income develop-

ing countries comprise also Southern European countries such as Spain and Greece, and Israel and South Africa.

These latter countries do not re-

present Third World countries because they have highly developed and relatively efficiently functioning government administrations. They have lastly no similar colonial experiences as the Third World. countries have such experiences.

and industrial production do not yet coincide. exhaustible resource.

The oil-rich

Furthermore, in these countries wealth In addition, oil is an

It is thus possible to argue that the oil-rich

countries should, due to structural considerations, be included in the Third World category.

The magnitude of their wealth seems, however, to

prohibit such a reasoning. lications for lack of data.

China is often not included in statistical pubThe reason for arguing that China should be

excluded from the Third World category, is that China was never really dominated by a western power. Furthermore, the Chinese culture never collapsed.

Its present coherent social structure, well organized economy and

equality (although at a relatively low level of living) may make it appro-

priate to include China in the category centrally planned economies, and exclude it from the Third World category.

Although the Chinese leader-

ship maintains that the country belongs to the Third World (South, May 19831, this is not a sufficient reason to include it.

It should be noted

that the category centrally planned economies is rather heterogeneous in that it contains East-European countries and the Sovjet Union on the one side and China, Cuba, Vietnam and North-Korea on the other.

In sum, ~~>hc-n T r c ? f & > r to t h e Third W o ~ l d , I eccclude t h e Southern European

c o u n t r i e s , I s m e Z , South A f r i c a , China arid t h e capital- surplus oil-export i n g c o u n t r i ~ s . Some of these countries may, however, be included when international statistical data are used.

To offset this discrepancy, the

category poor Third World c o u n t r i e s will be preferred whenever possible. The rationale behind the above delimitation of the Third World is two-fold:

F i r s t , poverty and not a relatively low GNP per person is a necessary characteristic of a Third World country.

Second, underdevelopment in the

structural dimension alone is not sufficient for a country to be included in the Third World category.

When poverty is used here, it implies mass poverty, that is, a relatively large amount of a country's population which is living in either absolute or relative poverty.

Absolute poverty refers to such aspects as inadequate

dietary and health standard; physical needs.

in short, to insufficient provision of basic

A distinction may also be made between primary and secon-

dary absolute poverty.

Primary ( a b s o l u t e ) poverty refers to lack of enough

food to sustain physical fitness for an individual (Rein 1970).

Secondary

povc?rty exists when the income earned is high enough for physical fitness but is used for other purposes.

By r e l a t i v e poverty is meant that a part

of a country's population has a less than acceptable (related to a national or world standard) satisfaction of basic needs and/or is kept away from political and/or cultural participation. Most often this means a lack of resources necessary to permit participation in diets and activities commonly approved by society.

An interesting question, although of only theoretical

significance, is whether there is only secondary poverty in the world today or a redistribution of wealth and income would result in global primary poverty.

In the super-industrial and post-industrial societies envisaged by

Kahn (1976) the whole world will be inhabited by numerous people who are rich (GNP per person above 2 000 (1975) US dollars) and in control of the forces of nature.

Economic growth will slow down and eventually stabilize.

1 0 0 y e a r s l a t e r t h e g a p b e t w e e n t h e 1 0 % r i c h e s t and 20% p o o r e s t c o u n t r i e s , now a t 100 t o 1 , w i l l b e o n l y 5 t o l .

T h i s "economic t r a n s i t i o n " w i l l b e

p o s s i b l e with a v a i l a b l e resources here on e a r t h .

Nonetheless,

extra-ter-

r e s t r i a l a c t i v i t i e s s u c h a s autonomous c o l o n i e s i n s p a c e i n v o l v e d i n raw m a t e r i a l and e n e r g y p r o c e s s i n g w i l l t h e n , Kahn m a i n t a i n s , a l s o e x i s t . my o p i n i o n t h i s i s a w r o n g k i n d o f optimism.

In

Although one should claim t h a t

development p a r t i c u l a r l y s o c i a l development i s p o s s i b l e , i t o u g h t t o b e l o o k e d upon a s a non- ending s t r u g g l e - development w i l l s u c c e e d o n l y i f t h e world r e a l i z e s t h a t it can f a i l .

To q u a n t i f y p o v e r t y i s d i f f i c u l t .

I t i s v i r t u a l l y impossible t o a r r i v e a t

a n o b j e c t i v e c a l c u l a t i o n of a b s o l u t e p o v e r t y .

P o v e r t y c a n b e shown t o v a r y

i n a c o u n t r y f o r t h e same y e a r a c c o r d i n g t o a c c e p t a b l e b u t d i f f e r e n t o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s of t h e concept.

F u r t h e r m o r e , d i f f e r e n t s c h o l a r s may f i n d

t h a t p o v e r t y d e c l i n e s o r i n c r e a s e s o v e r t i m e i n t h e same c o u n t r y f o r s i m i l a r reasons.

This has obviously important p o l i c y implications.

The s e l e c t i o n o f

i n d i c a t o r s and c h o i c e o f methods f o r m e a s u r i n g a b s o l u t e o r r e l a t i v e p o v e r t y o r f o r e s t a b l i s h i n g a c o m p o s i t e i n d e x , a s o c a l l e d po73erty d o n e w i t h o u t v a l u e judgement.

line, cannot be

Moreover, a p o v e r t y l i n e w i l l b e r e l a t i v e

when u s e d i n a c o m p a r a t i v e s t u d y .

D i f f e r e n t s t u d i e s have, f o r i n s t a n c e ,

g i v e n t h a t t h e p o v e r t y l i n e i n USA i s 1 0 t o l 7 t i m e s t h a t o f I n d i a ( S c o t t 1981).

I n a T h i r d World c o u n t r y u r b a n and r u r a l d i s p a r i t i e s a r e a l s o impor-

t a n t , making t h e p o v e r t y l i n e c o n c e p t a r b i t r a r y t o a c e r t a i n e x t e n t .

An

example p r o v i d e d by S c o t t c l e a r l y shows t h e d i f f i c u l t y i n " drawing a l i n e " : I n r u r a l W e s t - P a k i s t a n i n 1963/64 34% o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n would f a l l below t h e p o v e r t y l i n e i f a Rs 2 2 5 income was u s e d f o r i n d i v i d u a l s .

I f t h e same amount

was u s e d b u t t h i s t i m e m e a s u r i n g e x p e n d i t u r e 26% were below t h e l i n e .

By

u s i n g 2 1 0 0 c a l o r i e s a s a minimum r e q u i r e m e n t a s much a s 808 o f t h e populat i o n could be s a i d t o be a b s o l u t e l y poor.

The c o n c l l ~ s i o ni s 1 .

t h a t i t 1s

b e t t e r t o r e l y on a l e s s g e n e r a l c o n c e p t t h a n a b s o l u t e p o v e r t y , s u c h a s maln o u r i s h m e n t , and 2 .

t h a t it i s more u s e f u l t o o p e r a t e w i t h a d i s t r i b u t i o n

o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n o v e r t h e income r a n g e . b e t h e 20% w i t h l o r r e s t income.

The p o o r would t h e n , f o r i n s t a n c e ,

I n a c o u n t r y w i t h o u t a l a r g e p o r t i o n of t h e

p o p u l a t i o n i n wage employment, o r o t h e r w i s e e a r n i n g money, o r w i t h o u t a n i n come p o l i c y , i t i s more i n t e r m s w i t h r e a l i t y t o u s e d u r a b l e consumer goods ( e . g . b l a n k e t , t o r c h ) i n g e n e r a l demand i n t h e a r e a s t u d i e d t o e s t a b l i s h t h e concept of r e l a t i v e poverty.

The f u n d a m e n t a l p o i n t i s t h a t p o v e r t y d e n o t e s

n o t j u s t l a c k of r e s o u r c e s , it r e f e r s t o l a c k o f r e s o u r c e s used (and f e l t t o be r i g h t l y used) by t h e r i c h .

SOME EMPIRICPL OBSERVATIONS

There i s a t p r e s e n t a d i s m a l o v e r a l l s i t u a t i o n i n t h e T h i r d World d e s p i t e t h e e x i s t e n c e of economic growth on a v e r a g e and g e n e r a l improvements on some s o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s .

Below t h i s i s d i s c u s s e d .

There h a s even i n t h e poor T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s been economic growth p e r p e r s o n i n t h e p e r i o d 1960-1980.

The a v e r a g e a n n u a l growth p e r p e r s o n (con-

s t a n t p r i c e s ) was 1.7% (World Bank 1981 b ) . had i n comparison a 3.3% growth.

I n d u s t r i a l market economies

The income gap i s t h u s widening b y the

r i c h countries g e t t i n g r i c h e r , and n o t t h e poorer g e t t i n g poorer.

~t should

b e u n d e r l i n e d t h a t t h e r e a r e v a r i a t i o n s i n s i d e t h e group o f poor T h i r d World countries.

I t was i n 1970 t h o u g h t p o s s i b l e f o r t h e T h i r d World t o a c h i e v e

a n economic growth p e r p e r s o n of 3.5-4.5% (Heppling 1 9 7 1 ) .

Moreover, t h e

P e a r s o n r e p o r t (1969) h e l d t h a t 3.5% economic growth p e r p e r s o n o r 6% t o t a l growth would s u f f i c e t o c r e a t e economic development on a s u s t a i n e d b a s i s . The growth t h a t o c c u r r e d was, a s shown above, much lower t h a n e x p e c t e d , and lower t h a n t h e n e c e s s a r y l e v e l f o r development t o speed up.

The income d i s -

t r i b u t i o n among people i n t h e poor Third World countries has not improxed during t h e 1 9 7 0 s . 4.9

The p e r c e n t a g e of income r e c e i v e d by t h e l o w e s t 20% was

i n 1970 and 4 . 1 around 1977 (World Bank 1980 b).

These d a t a i n d i c a t e

t h a t t h e r e i n s e v e r a l T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s h a s been an i n c r e a s i n g inequal i t y and t h u s no economic development a l t h o u g h economic growth may have t a ken p l a c e .

I f unemployment i s i n c l u d e d a s a n i n d i c a t o r on economic develop-

ment, t h e above c o n c l u s i o n i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d , t h e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e economic a c t i v e p o p u l a t i o n s e e k i n g work i s i n c r e a s i n g .

A f u r t h e r important p o i n t i s

t h a t self- employment o f t e n y i e l d s a n i n a d e q u a t e income t o meet b a s i c needs f o r a family.

Those who a r e self- employed may t h u s want ( a d d i t i o n a l ) work

without a c t u a l l y seeking it.

T h e e s t i m a t e d f i g u r e of underemployment (of

t h e t o t a l . l a b o u r f o r c e ) i n t h e T h i r d World was a s much a s 36% i n 1975 ( K i m and Hanson 1 9 8 2 ) .

On some of t h e i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l development t h e r e h a s been a p o s l t i v e change i n t h e 1970s. t h e T h i r d World.

L i f e expectancy i s s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s i n g on a v e r a g e i n

The same i s t h e c a s e w i t h t h e p e r c e n t a g e of t h e popula-

t i o n which i s l i t e r a t e .

I f food p r o d u c t i o n p e r p e r s o n i s used a s an i n d i -

c a t o r f o r n u t r i t i o n a l s t a n d a r d , t h e p i c t u r e i s n o t p o s i t i v e (assuming a n unchanged d i s t r i b u t i o n ) .

The a v e r a g e index (1969/71 = 100) f o r 1977-1979

was 97 f o r t h e poor T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s ( I n d i a excluded)

(World Bank

1981 b ) .

S o c i a l development may e v i d e n t l y be s a i d t o occur o r n o t occur

The conclusion must therefore be that

according t o i n d i c a t o r s s e l e c t e d .

important improvements have taken place i n the social dimension i n the Third World, but on the whole social deve lopment, as economic deve Zopment, i s not found.

I t i s t h e n n o t s u r p r i s i n g t h a t t h e number of

poor i s high and i n c r e a s i n g .

(absolute)

A t p r e s e n t about 750 m i l l i o n people a r e held

t o be e i t h e r " d e s t i t u t e " ( i n a c u t e poverty) o r "absolute" poor i n t h e Third World.

The f i g u r e w i l l i n c r e a s e t o 850 m i l l i o n s by t h e y e a r 2 000 accor-

ding t o t h e low-growth World Bank s c e n a r i o which i n c l u d e s "unprecedented economic and s o c i a l advance i n some p a r t s of t h e world".

The poor a r e

b a r e l y s u r v i v i n g on incomes judged i n s u f f i c i e n t t o s e c u r e t h e b a s i c necessit i e s of l i f e .

(The p o v e r t y l i n e used i n t h e s e c a l c u l a t i o n s a r e based on

r e a l buying power i n each c o u n t r y . )

Although t h e r e a r e p o c k e t s of poverty i n developed c o u n t r i e s , t h i s poverty

i s a r e s u l t of a skewed d i s t r i b u t i o n of income, t h a t i s , t h e r e i s secondary poverty.

I n t h e poor Tnird World c o u n t r i e s t h e r e i s l i t t l e t o d i s t r i b u t e

although t h e i n e q u a l i t y of income and a s s e t s o f t e n i s extremely high, t h a t i s , primary poverty i s found a t n a t i o n a l l e v e l .

Although t h e number o£

undernourished and hungry i n t h e Third World i s n o t known, e s t i m a t e s p u t i t a t 500-600 m i l l i o n s (Brandt 1 9 8 0 ) .

About 8 m i l l i o n c h i l d r e n below 5

y e a r s of age d i e every year from d i a r r h e a caught from p o l l u t e d water. f u r t h e r examples could be given.

Many

T h i s s u f f i c e , however, t o p o i n t a t t h e

bad s t a t e of our p r e s e n t world.

DEVELOPMENT STUDIES:

CAUSES AND REMEDIES OF INEQUALITY AND POVERTY

A f t e r t h e Second World War t h e d e b a t e concerning poverty and i t s causes i n t h e Third World s t e a d i l y i n c r e a s e d i n p o p u l a r i t y . beginning seen t o be a problem of t y p i c a l of t h e 1950s.

Development was i n t h e

Lack of capital and s k i l l s .

T h i s was a l s o

G a l b r a i t h (1979) m a i n t a i n s t h a t what t h e developed

c o u n t r i e s could a s s i s t t h e Third World with, were taken t o be t h e causes of poverty.

I n a long p e r i o d i n t h e 1950s p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e on land and food

supply were, according t o G a l b r a i t h , n o t regarded t o be causes of poverty because t h a t would have a l i e n a t e d t h e C a t h o l i c s of t h e developed c o u n t r i e s f o r whom family planning was i d e o l o g i c a l l y impossible.

The development op-

t i m i s m of t h e 1950s e x i s t e d a l s o i n t h e n e x t decade, t h e F i r s t Development

Decade.

Nonetheless, it was now recognized by most scholars that eccnomic

factors were not the only relevant factors for explaining or eradicating poverty.

The "low-equilibrium trap", "cumulative circular causation" or

"vicious circle of poverty" became catch words.

A large number o f i n t e r -

n a l f a c t o r s (economic, social, psychological, political etc.) were seen to go together to produce a situation where a change had to be initiated in several dimensions in order to bring about progress.

Although technology

still was held to be the key factor, it was realized that technological adoption was not a sufficient condition for development.

The "discovery"

of the limited ability of economics to solve the question of poverty in the Third World, resulted in that development studies became popular in many social sciences and in history.

Nonetheless, modernization in the

sense of westernization (the Western societies were made equal to the state of being modern, Bernstein 1973) continued to be the prevalent goal of development.

This ethnocentrism was not widely criticized until the end of

the 1960s.

The view that development constituted a "total process" em-

phasized the need to transcend the conventional segregation of economic and non-economic factors.

This was the base for the diffusion of the fa-

shion of multidisciplinary research and "General Systems Theory" in the early 1970s.

This fashion led to little actual empirical research but re-

sulted in that team work of scholars of several disciplines became more common.

In the 1970s particularly history and sociology brought studies of

colonialism and neo-colonialism and of class relations to the forefront of development studies.

Poverty and (structural) underdevelopment were seen

to be closely related to the various previous and p r e s e n t Zinks between

devclopcd c o u n t r i e s and t h e T h i r d World.

During colonialism people were,

according to Mabogunje (1980), "... reduced to a state of imitative dependence, a highly degraded state associated not only with an inability to provide themselves adequately with the material means of sustenance but also with the loss of cultural and psychological integrity".

The remedy

was logically a (selective) delinking from the developed countries.

In

economics critical voices were heard, for instance, in the attack on the notion of comparative advantage and the doctrine of free trade among countries at different levels of development.

As in the two previous decades,

the empirical relevance or testing of statements were often inadequate.

Each discipline has a tendency to magnify its own importance.

The result

in this connection is that core subjects of a discipline are often made into

l e a d i n g c a u s e s o f p o v e r t y , s u c h a s gemeinschaft-gesellschaft i n s o c i o l o g y , c a p i t a l - o u t p u t r a t i o s i n economics a n d a b s e n c e o f n a t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l i n s t i t u t i o n s i n p o l i t i c a l science. explanatory f a c t o r .

H i s t o r i a n s made c o l o n i a l i s m i n t o t h e main

A l t h o u g h l a c k o f s k i l l s i s h e l d by some s c h o l a r s t o

b e e v e n more e s s e n t i a l , h i s t o r i a n s may s a y t h a t l a c k o f s k i l l s i s o n l y a cause i n t h e s e n s e t h a t causes and consequences r e i n f o r c e each o t h e r .

The

r e a s o n f o r l a c k o f s k i l l s may, f o r i n s t a n c e , b e f o u n d i n t h e b a n o n manuf a c t u r i n g which England i n t r o d u c e d i n many o f i t s c o l o n i e s .

E l i t e s and do-

minant c l a s s e s i n a l l i a n c e s w i t h " c a p i t a l i s t s " i n developed c o u n t r i e s a r e s e e n b y many t o r e p r e s e n t t h e main p o s t - c o l o n i a l c a u s e o f l a c k o f d e v e l o p ment i n t h e T h i r d World.

A s o c i a l i s t s t a t e is t h u s advocated.

O t h e r s would

a r g u e t h a t s o c i a l i s m i n t h e T h i r d World t o d a y would p u t a h e a v y c l a i m on the scarcest resource - administrative talent.

They t h e r e f o r e a r g u e t h a t

e n t r e p r e n e u r s a n d m a r k e t s a r e i n e v i t a b l e i n p o o r T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .

Of

l e a d i n g c a u s e s r e l a t e d t o n a t u r e , u n f a v o u r a b l e c l i m a t e , b a d s o i l s and m a l a r i a a r e o f t e n mentioned.

I n t h e p s y c h o l o g i c a l dimension " accomodation t o p o v e r t y " ,

t h a t i s , t h e f a c t t h a t p e o p l e o f t e n p r e f e r t o s t a y w i t h what t h e y a r e a c customed t o , i s h e l d t o b e a s t r o n g e x p l a n a t i o n f o r u n s u c c e s s f u l d i f f u s i o n of innovations.

The s p a t i a l s t r u c t u r e o f i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and economic a c t i -

v i t i e s which w e r e l e f t when t h e c o l o n i e s a t t a i n e d i n d e p e n d e n c e , shows a t y p i c a l p a t t e r n of "periphery- centre" d i r e c t i o n .

The r a i l w a y l i n e s go from t h e

i n t e r i o r t o t h e c o a s t w i t h few o r no l i n e s c o n n e c t i n g " p e r i p h e r y " w i t h " p e r i phery".

O t h e r c e n t r e s o f economic a c t i v i t i e s t h a n t h e p l a n t a t i o n s o r mines

from which t h e r a i l w a y l i n e s commonly o r i g i n a t e d a r e l o c a t e d a t p o i n t s b e s t s u i t e d f o r t r a d e w i t h Europe o r f o r s e t t l e m e n t o f w h i t e p e o p l e u s e d t o a more t e m p e r a t e c l i m a t e .

L o c a t i o n s t h a t would h a v e been s e n s i b l e i n r e g a r d

t o t r a d e a n d o t h e r r e l a t i o n s w i t h n e i g h b o u r i n g c o u n t r i e s h a v e s e l d o m become centres.

The above s k e t c h o n l y r e v e a l s t h e d o m i n a n t t r a i t s o f t h e d e v e l o p m e n t l i t e r a ture.

The v a r i o u s o p i n i o n s o n c a u s e s and r e m e d i e s o f i n e q u a l i t y and p o v e r t y

h a v e e x i s t e d a n d c o n t i n u e t o e x i s t 7:n r*'ifferc7n/,m i l i e u s .

There h a s been an

a c c u m u l a t i o n o f p a r a d i g m s p r a c t i c e d by d i f f e r e n t m i l i e u s o r by i n d i v i d u a l scholars.

The s h i f t o f p a r a d i g m i n f a s h i o n i s a r e s u l t o f , among o t h e r

t h i n g s , t h e l a c k o f s u c c e s s i n t h e e f f o r t s o f d e v e l o p m e n t i n most T h i r d World countries.

I n a number o f c o u n t r i e s t h e r e h a s i n f a c t b e e n economlc growth

n o t w i t h development b u t w i t h i n c r e a s i n g p o v e r t y .

Today and s u r e l y i n t h e

r e s t o f t h i s d e c a d e a wide v a r i e t y o f r e m e d i e s t o p o v e r t y a r e and w i l l con-

tinue to be suggested - from extreme isolationistic self-reliance to maximum borrowing of foreign capital from multilaterial development banks. Poverty is, however, a many-sided and highly integrated phenomenon.

Remedies must therefore also be of such a kind.

solution does not exist.

The one-factor

Some scholars accordingly argue that "invest-

ments in the poor" will yield positive results such as higher productivity and production by an appropriate mix of infrastructural provisions. Obviously, deuelopment p ~ m n i n gshould in this situation include, as an explicit goal, the "satisfaction of an absolute level of basic needs" (ILO 1976).

Development efforts should hence be more directly focussed

on the poorest groups of people.

McNamara's speech at the World Bank annual meeting in 1973 was seminal in redirecting the attention (at least at the level of rhetoric) to poverty as the essential preoccupation of aid.

Economic growth was then

accepted not to be a sufficient indicator, in fact, development was no longer thouyhtto follow automatically from economic growth.

In addition,

it was decided that the smallholder was a legitimate unit to support in order to increase global food production.

The lending policy of the

World Bank did, however, not change much in the following years.

(In the

period 1975-1978 only 9.6% of the Bank's loans went to the "least developed countries", while 30.3% was given to the "upper middle-income group" (Laar 1980).)

Undoubtedly, both economic growth and redistribution are

necessary to solve the problem of poverty.

Other scholars maintain that

there is no alternative but to rely on the modern sector either the plantation or the export industry sector as the engine of growth and thus development.

The urban slums become in this perspective a necessary evil in

a period of transition.

The optimism of the 1950s and 1960s and the critical views of the 1970s have been replaced by a widening pessimism in the early 1980s, despite a short-lived fairly general optimism around the turn of the decade based on the high rates of growth achieved by the NICs before their serious balance of payment difficulties became too apparent.

No wonder that slogans such

as "alternative" or "another development" find ample space In journals. The stagflation of the world economy has made Keynesian economics insufficient.

According to Frank's (1967) thesis, there should now be a better

possibility for self-centred economic and social development (as he showed was the case for a short while in Latin America during the depression from 1929 onwards).

The common view is, however, that the relatively

high degree of interdependence among most countries today, leads to

the

opposite conclusion, the Third World will be adversely affected by global economic stagnation.

Warren (1980) was a representative of the orthodox

Marxists maintaining that capitalism is presently developing the Third World and that this development of the productive forces is a necessary stage in the evolution towards a s u c c e s s f u ~socialist revolution. The immediate preoccupation of orthodox Marxists is similar to the only preoccupation of conservatives and liberals, that is, the identification of the forces in the market economy and elsewhere that hamper a market economy development.

Although a full-fledged market economy development

eventually will arrive, the strategy is to assist this process by removing barriers, also barriers which are created by the process itself (figure 1). Neo-Marxists (for instance Amin 1974, 1977, 1980, Wallerstein 1974, 1979) base their writings more on Luxemburg (1913), Lenin (1917) and Baran (1957) than on Marx.

They argue that peripheral or dependent capitalism in the

Third World has qualitative differences from capitalism in the centre. The existence of poverty in the Third World is an outcome of the peripheral nature of capitalist expansion in most of the Third World and of insufficient socialist mobilization in other Third World countries.

In the former

case the market forces are not able to eradicate traditional forms or production completely but they are strong enough to transform these forms of production into what may be called a transitory - not completely traditional, not fully modern

Figure 1.

-

form.

The penetration and contradiction of capitalism

Capitalist penetration

--c------

l =

Contradictory forces

Traditional

Thus, t h e c o n d i t i o n s p r e v a i l i n g i n r u r a l a r e a s i n t h e T h i r d World a r e r a t h e r a r e f l e c t i o n of t h e c o n t r a d i c t o r y f o r c e s i n t h e expansion o f t h e m a r k e t economy t h a n t h e r e s u l t o f a s i m p l e d i f f u s i o n p r o c e s s .

The pe-

n e t r a t i o n o f market f o r c e s c r e a t e s both o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r and o b s t a c l e s t o development.

The e m p i r i c a l v a r i e t y of l o c a l and r e g i o n a l a r e a s a r e

furthermore of p a r t i c u l a r importance. day.

However, more s o e a r l i e r t h a n t o -

I n c r e a s e d i n t e g r a t i o n h a s changed t h e o f t e n u n i q u e r e s u l t s o f t h e

c o m b i n a t i o n o f l o c a l t r a d i t i o n a l economy and c u l t u r e a n d t h e p e n e t r a t i o n of outside forces.

E a r l i e r , economic r e l a t i o n s were t h e d o m i n a n t f o r c e s ,

b u t now c u l t u r a l u n i f i c a t i o n o f t h e West and t h e T h i r d World i s a l s o h a v i n g a tremendous i m p a c t on t h e T h i r d World.

The i n d i r e c t e f f e c t s o n

d e v e l o p m e n t of t h e s e p r o c e s s e s a r e viewed t o b e o n e o f t h e p r i m a r y r e a s o n s behind t h e c r e a t i o n of

(mass) p o v e r t y i n t h e T h i r d World.

The t r a r i s l t o r y form of t h e p r o d u c t i o n s t r u c t u r e

(and s o c i e t y a t l a r g e ) i s

t h o u g h t t o b e o f a r e l a t i v e l y permanent c h a r a c t e r .

transition" i s a p p l i e d t o t h i s s i t u a t i o n .

The c o n c e p t '%Locked

Since t h e blocked t r a n s i t i o n

h a s b e e n c r e a t e d by t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f g l o b a l m a r k e t f o r c e s , some s c h o l a r s i n t h i s s c h o o l o f t h o u g h t m a i n t a i n t h a t a d e l i n k i n g from a t l e a s t t h e world m a r k e t i s a n e c e s s a r y p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r a i ~ t o n o m o u sa n d s e l f - c e n t r e d economic and s o c i a l development.

I n my o p i n i o n it i s i m p o r t a n t n o t t o u s e t h e t e r m c a p i t a l i s m when r e f e r r i n g t o t h e m a r k e t economies e x i s t i n g t o d a y .

The r e a s o n f o r t h i s i s t h a t t h e

a l r e a d y w i d e l y u n d e r e s t i m a t e d p r e s e n t and p o t e n t i a l r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i n many T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s i s f u r t h e r e d .

The s t a t e may, i f t h e p o s i t i v e

a n d n e g a t i v e f o r c e s of t h e p r e s e n t m e r g e r o f "new" and " o l d " p r o c e s s e s a r e i d e n t i f i e d , a s s i s t t h e good and hamper t h e had f o r c e s and t h u s c r e a t e development.

A l s o t h e t e r m m a r k e t economy h i d e s t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e i s a

mixed economy i n most T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .

C o u n t r i e s s u c h a s C h i n a and

Tanzania have p r i v a t e a g r i c u l t u r a l p l o t s a l o n g s i d e t h e c o l l e c t i v e ones. B u t e v e n t h e s o c a l l e d c a p i t a l i s t c o u n t r i e s may h a v e s t a t e f a r m s and v a r i ous forms of c o o p e r a t i v e s . nomy i n most c o u n t r i e s .

I n r e a l i t y t h e r e a r e d e g r e e s o f mixed eco-

S i n c e t h e t e r m mixed economy a c c o r d i n g l y i s n o t

a d e q u a t e , m a r k e t economies a n d s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s w i l l b e u s e d .

The r e a -

s o n f o r h e t e r o g e n i e t y i n s o c i a l i s t T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s may l i e i n t h a t t h e s o c i a l i s t form of p r o d u c t i o n i s n o t implemented i n a l l s e c t o r s o r i n

all parts of a country, because of, for instance, lack of political or military strength.

Finally, it should be stressed that the problem of

development in most Third World countries is specific to each country, that is, in no circumstances will a "selective delinking" or "forced socialization" be sufficient conditions for development.

Furthermore,

development in the Third World is, on the whole, qualitatively different from the transition from tradition to modernity in Europe.

The Third

World exists in a fundamentally different world than Europe did during, what Hettne (1982) has called, the original transition.

DEVELOPMENT GEOGRAPHY

Development geography is a subdiscipline which together with similar subdisciplines within economics, social anthropology, sociology, political sclience etc. are called development studies.

Development studies may be

defined as studies that are dealing with the alleviation of poverty in the Third World and with the reduction of inequality inside the Third World and between the Third World and developed countries.

To conduct a

geographical study in a Third World country thus does not automatically qualify a scholar for the category development geographer.

The aim and

often also the approach of the study must beseleckd in such a way as to allow a discussion of poverty and development related matters in order for the scholar to be included in this category.

Development geography is

accordingly a subdiscipline of a particular kind because it comprises topics which are studied in various other subdivisions of the discipline. It should be mentioned that it is not possible to formulate development relevant research objectives regarding all the topics studied in geography. No single (sub)discipline holds the key to such a compiex problem as the existing global misery.

The development geography's point of view high-

lights some aspects neglected or only rudimentary treated by other social sciences.

There is, as mentioned above, a constant risk that a discipline

overemphasizes the importance of its own core subject matter.

In develop-

ment g e o g r q h y spatial variation has been given a dominant place in the discussion on development.

In reality geography as a spatial science is

regarded by most other scholars and even some geographers to be of less centrality to the question of development.

It is essential to relate spa-

tial variation and spatial flows to the broader structure of society in

o r d e r t o g a i n e x p l a n a t o r y power.

I f t h i s i s accepted, i t becomes a matter

of d i s p o s i t i o n whether economic, s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l and o t h e r p r o c e s s e s r e l e v a n t i n a p a r t i c u l a r c o n t e x t should be d i s c u s s e d before o r a f t e r t h e t r e a t m e n t of s p a t i a l a s p e c t s . placed a t t h e end.

I n t h e p r e s e n t work t h e s p a t i a l a s p e c t s a r e

Geography (geography i s used and n o t human geography

t o e n s u r e t h a t p h y s i c a l a s p e c t s a r e understood t o be of r e l e v a n c e i n human geography) may provide d a t a , i n s i g h t s and an understanding v a l u a b l e t o t h e development d e b a t e .

The d i s c i p l i n e s deemed most u s e f u l regarding an under-

s t a n d i n g of t h e problem o f p o v e r t y d e p e n d on t h e a s p e c t s of t h e problem looked a t .

The r e l a t i v e importance of economics and geography concerning

economic development may a t f i r s t hand be s a i d t o favour t h e former.

How-

e v e r , t h i s i m p l i e s t h a t t h e r e i s a g e n e r a l agreement on t h e causes of underdevelopment o r nondevelopment.

This i s n o t t h e case.

In t h e p r e s e n t

s i t u a t i o n of incomplete knowledge, a determining of t h e r e l a t i v e relevance of d i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o undertake.

I n p a r t i c u l a r con-

t e x t s t h e a s p e c t s thought t o be of l e s s r e l e v a n c e may e v e n t u a l l y prove t o b e key f a c t o r s .

The major source of new i d e a s and concepts f o r development geography w i l l , a s was t h e c a s e i n t h e p a s t , probably be development ( s u b ) d i s c i p l i n e s i n other s o c i a l sciences.

Innovations may, b u t i s l e s s l i k e l y t o o r i g i n a t e

i n development geography i t s e l f because of t h e r a t h e r l i m i t e d m i l i e u s . Another source o f novel concepts b u t p a r t i c u l a r l y of methods of study i s o t h e r p a r t s of geography.

To t e s t t h e a p p l i c a b i l i t y of such innovations

i n t h e Third World should be a t a s k f o r development geography i n f u t u r e . I t must n o t b e f o r g o t t e n t h a t t h e main t h e o r e t i c a l and methodological de-

b a t e i n geography a s w e l l a s most e m p i r i c a l geographical s t u d i e s f o c u s on developed c o u n t r i e s.

Development geography h a s c o n t r i b u t e d l i t t l e t o development theory.

This

is p r i m a r i l y due t o t h e r a t h e r weak t r a d i t i o n of explanation i n geography. Both

r e g i o n a l geography, which was t h e leading paradigm b e f o r e and s h o r t l y

a f t e r t h e Second World War, and t h e

d i f p s ~ s i o nstudies of t h e 1960s (Gould

1964, Soya 1968) were r a t h e r d e s c r i p t i o n s of f a c t s than e l u c i d a t i o n s of causes.

The d i f f u s i o n paradigm was taken from economics, p o l i t i c a l science

and sociology of t h e 1950s. the

This s o c a l l e d modernization paradigm r e s t s on

n o t i o n of dualism, and of development through i m i t a t i o n and i n t e g r a -

tion with the western world.

Development was equated with spatial difThe diffusion was thought

fusion of modern elements from growth centres.

to occur eventually after an original phase of polarization.

These stu-

dies have been heavily criticized (Brookfield 1973, 1978, Slater 1974, 1977).

For instance, the sophisticated modernization surfaces produced

by Gould (1970) and Riddell (1970) reveal little about the process of development. (These studies are nonetheless part of development geography because the assumption of the studies is that development is brought about through a "trickling down" of modern, i.e. western techniques, organization and culture, that is, development is regarded primarily to be a process of diffusion.)

The diffusion paradigm was not

replsced but two other categories of development geographical studies appeared to become more popular in the 1970s.

The first wasneo-

Marxist dependency studies (an approach based on a particular theory), the other multidiscipZinary studies (not necessarily based on any explicit theory). level.

These two categories remained largely at the prcqraarmatic

Few studies used explicit Marxist concepts and methods of study.

The multidisciplinary studies turned out to become team work consisting of disciplinary specialists rather than one scholar combining concepts from and studying research objects "belonging" to a number of other disciplines.

The conclusion that can be drawn is that mainstream geography

continued to prevail.

This in fact applied also to many of those scholars

who used non-traditional geographical concepts.

Since the basic approach

used was mainstream geography, the use of some "new" concepts became a form of "window-dressing" with certain exceptions.

Those adhering to the

Marxist category focussed explicitly on spatial structures.

This has been

called the dialectic development geography approach (De Souza 1982).

To

those more inclined toward multidisciplinary team work, space seldom became the dependent variable. Poverty and resource use became study.

the foci of

Space was nonetheless included whenever it was regarded to be of

relevance;

the spatial point of view was never lost sight of.

Browett

(1980,1981) maintains that if the neo-Marxist dependency approach is accepted by development geography generally that would imply a repetition of the mistake of the 1960s of adopting the diffusion approach when that aproach was being discarded in other social sciences. two paths for development geography in future:

To Browett there are

The reformist path con-

cerned with micro-macro scale dialectics and the (orthodox;.)MamZst path, that is, a structural, political economy approach with historical analyses

of the "totality" and of the fundamental processes of change.

Of course,

dependency theory in its crude (Frankian)form is not tenable.

However,

to deny the existence of dependency relations between developed countries and transnational companies on the one hand and many Third World countries on the other would be false and imply to "throw out the baby with the bath water".

Since the r a i s o n d ' z t r e of development geography is relevance to major global problems, geography a s a s p a t i a l s c i e n c e i n a narrow s e n s e will often be inappropriate. It is important not to limit geography to "a Geography confined to a spatial science, for

discipline in distance".

instance, in the form of correlations of spatial patterns, is in danger of spatial determinism.

This is not to say that space a s t h e o b j e c t of

r e s e a r c h cannot be of relevance in the Third World.

The point is rather

that space as a p o i n t o f view on another (the primary) topic is held to be of greater significance to an understanding of poverty.

Although a

truism, it must not be forgotten that socio-economic processes are not reducible to spatial patterns, and furthermore that people and groups of people are active agents of change.

In other words, spatial relationships

must be given meaning through other processes in order for geography to become explanatory.

"...spatial structures are implicated in social struc-

tures and each has to be theorized with the other."

(Gregory 1978).

Space

should be regarded as one of a number of relevant factors, such as the physical environment, that need to be taken into consideration in an analysis of inequality and poverty.

This does not, however, mean, as pointed out

above, that space is thought to have a crucial explanatory power on inequality and poverty as implied by Soya (1980) in his call for socio-spatial dialectics.

I argue accordingly for a pragmatic and broad view of geo-

graphy, in contrast to a narrow and, according to Johnston (1979), spatial separatist view.

There is only one possible path for a geographical discipline aiming at explanation.

This path is s y s t e m a ~ i cgeography, that is, the selection of

one topic for analysis and the study of this topic in several places or through time, thereby enabling generalization. To reach beyond the stage of classification through area1 differentiation (Hartshorn 1939, 1959) has proved futile.

Regional geography in the sense of a study of the interre-

lations of features in specific localities (in contrast to regionalism)

has furthermore been fairly widely accepted to be empirical, inductive and inescapably caught in the web of uniqueness.

There are of course a number

of interesting exceptions to general findings which must and should be studied as unique cases.

But for a science generalization is necessary

because that is the basis of theory.

Without theory we are left with sub-

jectivity, and in the case of regional geography often a form of art.

If

the above fundamental difference between systematic and regional geography is accepted, the frequently quoted argument of Berry (1964) that geographical studies may be found anywhere in a continuum from many characteristics in one locality to one characteristic in many localities, is misleading.

It gives the impression that there is no fundamental difference

between systematic and regional geography.

The characteristics of a lo-

cality, its "total milieu", cannot but be unique and therefore, if that is the purpose of study, there is a fundamental difference between systematic and regional geography.

If the purpose is not the character of the

locality per se but a topic, then the question arises of appropriate approach.

The objective of the present work is to contribute to an enhanced understanding of poverty and the nature of the process of development.

This

is a complex subjective matter and a choice has been made to analyse this at what could be called middle-level complexity.

The study does not pur-

port to be "holistic" in any sense but to include a number of variables that are thought to be of general relevance. thus regarded to be most appropriate.

A case-study approach was

This type of approach may be a lon-

ger route to generalization but its aim is nonetheless the formulation of hypotheses and testing of theory.

Studies at "middle-level complexity"

are important in order to gain insight into relatively comprehensive processes.

This point should be seen in the light of the urgent need for in-

formation of development planning institutions.

I n c o n c ~ u s i o n ,the distinguishing features of geography, besides the preoccupation with space, is the interest in resources, t h e production pro-

cess and l e v e l of l i v i n g of s p e c i f i c groups of people i n p a r t i c u l a r Zocalities.

I agree with Gregory (1978) that what makes geography diffe-

rent as a social science, is not the falsely stated aim of eventually attaining the grand synthesis of man and nature but "its attempts to operate within specifically regional contexts".

Although the overall aim of de-

velopment geography is description and explanation of uneven spatial de-

velopment, t h i s should n o t p r i m a r i l y b e understood a t t h e l e v e l of an i n d i v i d u a l geographer b u t a t t h e l e v e l of geography.

SOME PROBLEMATIC ASPECTS OF DEVELOPMENT STUDIES

Development geography and o t h e r development s t u d i e s a r e and t h u s s a i d t o be i n e s c a p a b l y

normative.

problemoriented

This is correct insofar a s

t h e meaning of t h e term normative i s t h a t a s c h o l a r h a s t o s e l e c t h i s Then a l l s o c i a l s c i e n c e work i s normative.

t o p i c of r e s e a r c h .

Although

a t h e o r y is used t o determine t h e e x a c t way of posing q u e s t i o n s and formul a t i n g hypotheses, a s c h o l a r s e l e c t s t h e t o p i c t o which t h e t h e o r y belongs. S i n c e t h e r e s o u r c e s f o r r e s e a r c h a r e s c a r c e , a l i m i t e d number of p o s s i b l e s c i e n t i f i c jobs, f e l l o w s h i p s e t c . e x i s t .

A s c h o l a r ' s c h o i c e of r e s e a r c h

o b j e c t w i l l t h e r e f o r e c o n t a i n a p o l i t i c a l dimension, h i s c h o i c e w i l l r e s t on v a l u e judgement.

T h i s i s a l s o t h e c a s e i f he chooses a t o p i c a t t h e When t h e s e l e c t i o n of a t o p i c h a s been made, it i s

research frontier.

p o s s i b l e a l s o i n t h e s o c i a l s c i e n c e s t o a c h i e v e a high d e g r e e of o b j e c t i v i t y i n d a t a c o l l e c t i o n , p r o c e s s i n g and a n a l y s i s i n t h e s e n s e of i n t e r s u b j e c t i v e t e s t a b i l i t y of r e s u l t s .

I n t h i s r e s p e c t development s t u d i e s

a r e no e x c e p t i o n .

I n s h o r t , t o s t u d y " r e l e v a n t " problems does n o t g i v e

normative t h e o r y .

Normative t h e o r y i s produced when an e n d - s t a t e i s

g i v e n and t h e p a t h t o i t s a t t a i n m e n t analyzed.

Development s t u d i e s do not

n e c e s s a r i l y b u i l d normative t h e o r i e s b u t may d i s c u s s r e s e a r c h f i n d i n g s i n a normative way. determined.

One may, however, say t h a t t h e q u e s t i o n s asked a r e value-

The answers o b t a i n e d a r e n o n e t h e l e s s o b j e c t i v e i n s i d e a g i v e n

frame of r e f e r e n c e .

For s c h o l a r s from developed c o u n t r i e s c a r r y i n g o u t r e s e a r c h i n a T h i r d World c o u n t r y , t h e e x i s t i n g p o l i t i c a l - e c o n o m i c system may b e taken a s t h e

frame o f r e f e r e n c e .

The government's p r i o r i t y wishes concerning r e s e a r c h

t o p i c s may be c h o s e n a n 3 t h o s e t o p i c s t h e government i s b l a c k l i s t i n g may be shunned.

The s i t u a t i o n may t h u s a r i s e t h a t t h e t o p i c a group of scho-

l a r s hold t o be e s s e n t i a l r e g a r d i n g development, i s n o t r e s e a r c h e d upon a t all.

A s c h o l a r u n w i l l i n g t o comply w i t h a government's r e s e a r c h p r i -

o r i t i e s , and who i s s t i l l o p t i n g f o r r e s e a r c h on domestic i s s u e s i n a T h i r d World c o u n t r y , may f i n d h i s " a l i b i " i n t h e UN Human R i g h t s C h a r t e r . Myrdal (1968) a r g u e s t h a t a s c h o l a r should n o t b e concerned with t a c t ,

t a c t i c s and diplomacy.

I t i s e s s e n t i a l t h a t r e s e a r c h aims a t t r u t h , and

t h e r e s e a r c h e r m u s t always a s c e r t a i n t h a t t h i s i s achieved. of t h e s c h o l a r t h u s becomes imperative.

The honesty

Tact may n o n e t h e l e s s be neces-

s a r y i f recommendations a r e t o be adopted by a government.

The develop-

ment s c h o l a r has a moral r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o o f f e r recommendations t o governments o r o t h e r r e l e v a n t p a r t i e s .

This i s , however, n o t unproblematic.

I t i s "easy" t o advocate r a d i c a l s o l u t i o n s o r p a i n f u l reforms f o r o t h e r s

when s e a t e d s a f e and comfortable i n a developed country ( S t r e e t e n 1 9 7 4 ) .

Although i t i s widely accepted t h a t b a s i c knowledge i s a common good, t h a t t r u t h cannot be r a t i o n a l i z e d , and t h a t f r e e r e s e a r c h should n o t be l i m i t e d by n a t i o n a l boundaries, t h e r e i s a q u e s t i o n of adequacy when s c h o l a r s go t o an a l i e n cuzture.

Disciplines trying t o i n t e r p r e t a limited topic i n

another c u l t u r e may encounter problems of understanding and t h u s draw f a l The common o b j e c t i o n t o such r e s e a r c h i s t h a t t h e

l a c i o u s conclusions.

concepts, models and h i g h l y s o p h i s t i c a t e d methods t h e s c h o l a r s from developed c o u n t r i e s o f t e n apply i n t h e Third World a r e u t t e r l y inadequate t o t h e r e a l i t i e s of t h i s p a r t of t h e world. t h e n be i n a p p r o p r i a t e .

The p o l i c i e s recommended w i l l

Another n e g a t i v e e f f e c t i s t h a t l o c a l s c h o l a r s

o f t e n i m i t a t e t h e inadequate models of v i s i t i n g s c h o l a r s .

In addition t o

t h i s model and methodological b i a s , a b i a s of r e l e v a n t t o p i c s i n l o c a l r e s e a r c h may e x i s t .

To c o u n t e r a c t b i a s e d r e s e a r c h , everybody should be f r e e

t o c a r r y o u t r e s e a r c h i n t h e Third World.

I n r e a l i t y some f o r e i g n scho-

l a r s w i l l "always" be found i n t h e Third World.

I t i s t h e r e f o r e "always"

a p o s s i b i l i t y t h a t c o r r e c t i o n s should be a p p l i e d by o t h e r s c h o l a r s t o t h e a t b e s t p a r t i a l s o l u t i o n s advocated by t h e " f i r s t " s c h o l a r s .

(Another

reason f o r conducting r e s e a r c h i n t h e Third World i s t h a t b u s i n e s s , cult u r a l and o t h e r l i n k s always w i l l e x i s t between t h e Third World and t h e developed c o u n t r i e s .

Research on t h e s e l i n k s

and t h e i r m a n i f e s t a t i o n s

i n p a r t i c u l a r c o u n t r i e s i s t h u s necessary f o r t h e debate i n t h e developed c o u n t r i e s on t h e i r r e l a t i o n s w i t h t h e Third World g e n e r a l l y . )

T h i s view

i s based on t h e b e l i e f t h a t t h e t a s k of s o c i a l s c i e n t i s t s i s t o provide policy-makers with a range of p o s s i b l e and n e c e s s a r i l y p a r t , o f t e n conf l i c t i n g , i n t e r p r e t a t i o n s of a s o c i e t y .

C o l l a b o r a t i v e r e s e a r c h between

s c h o l a r s from developed c o u n t r i e s and s c h o l a r s from t h e Third World would provide a s o l u t i o n t o t h e above mentioned problems.

Moreover, such a col-

l a b o r a t i o n would i n c r e a s e t h e p o t e n t i a l i n f l u e n c e on policy-makers i n both p a r t s of t h e world.

I n s h o r t , development r e s e a r c h i n t h e Third World in-

c l u d i n g p e r s o n s from t h e d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s s h o u l d b e a form o f d i a l o g u e , and t h i s d i a l o g u e s h o u l d b e l o o k e d upon a s a n i m p o r t a n t p a r t o f t h e e f f o r t t o w a r d s a p e a c e f u l economic and s o c i a l development o f t h e e n t i r e w o r l d . I t m u s t , however,

n o t b e f o r g o t t e n t h a t t h e above argument o f u n f a m i l i a r i t y

w i t h a n o t h e r c u l t u r e o f t e n a l s o a p p l i e s t o " u r b a n " h i g h s t a t u s T h i r d World s c h o l a r s when t h e y e n t e r t h e r u r a l f i e l d i n t h e i r own c o u n t r i e s .

The fresh-

n e s s o f p e r c e p t i o n a c h i e v e d when s h u t t l i n g between c u l t u r e s i s , on t h e o t h e r hand, a n i m p o r t a n t a m e l i o r a t i n g p o i n t .

F o r development r e s e a r c h e r s a c o n t r a d i c t i o n may b e f o u n d between what t h e y s e e a s being of p r a c t i c a l r e l e v a n c e ,

the development research frontier ( o f

t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e d i s c i p l i n e s ) , and t h e a c a d e m i c a l l y r e l e v a n t ,

tional research frontier.

the institu-

T h i s s i t u a t i o n e x i s t s b e c a u s e development s t u d i e s

o n l y c o n s t i t u t e a minor p a r t o f t h e r e s p e c t i v e d i s c i p l i n e s . b e a r i n g o n t h e q u e s t i o n o f employment a t u n i v e r s i t i e s .

This has a

T h e r e i s , however,

no a l t e r n a t i v e i n development s t u d i e s b u t t o c h o o s e t o p i c s r e l e v a n t t o and p l a c e d i n a p e r s p e c t i v e o f development i n t h e c o u n t r y i n which a s t u d y i s carried out.

Because o f t h e n e c e s s a r y

dedication to the problem of develop-

rncnt, t o a l l e v i a t i n g p o v e r t y a n d m i s e r y i n t h e w o r l d , a d e v e l o p m e n t r e s e a r c h e r ' s c h o i c e o f r e s e a r c h t o p i c may h a r b o u r a n e l e m e n t o f d i s q u a l i f i c a t i o n r e g a r d i n g a n academic c a r e e r a t home (Chambers 1 9 8 1 ) .

Thus, i f idea-

l i s m was r e l i e d upon, t h e number o f s c h o l a r s i n t h i s f i e l d would b e extremely low.

Chambers m a i n t a i n s t h a t i n o r d e r t o a c h i e v e r e l e v a n t development r e -

s e a r c h " t h e s y s t e m o f r e w a r d s , p r e s t i g e and p r o m o t i o n h a s t o change i f t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h o s e c o n c e r n e d w i t h ( r u r a l ) development a r e t h e m s e l v e s t o change". The i m p o r t a n t r e a s o n f o r d e d i c a t i o n l i e s i n t h e f o l l o w i n g q u o t a t i o n from Goulet (1971):

"Unless one h a s p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y " tuned i n " on t h e wavelength

o f t h e p o o r , h e ( t h e s c h o l a r ) c a n n o t i m a g i n e e v e n v i c a r i o u s l y what it means t o be underdeveloped.

T h i s j.s e s p e c i a l l y t r u e o f t e c h n i c i a n s working a b r o a d ;

t h e y c a n n o t hope t o g a i n r e a d y a c c e p t a n c e i n u n d e r d e v e l o p e d s e t t i n g s u n l e s s they p r a c t i c e voluntary a u s t e r i t y i n judicious fashion.

...

( T h i s ) must b e

founded o n i n t e r n a l d e t a c h m e n t from e g o c e n t r i c p u r s u i t s a n d o n a c t i v e r e spect for others."

CONCLUSION

The t y p i c a l t r a i t o f d e v e l o p m e n t s t u d i e s i s t h a t o f i n c o m p l e t e knowledge. No g e n e r a l t h e o r y o f d e v e l o p m e n t e x i s t s , a n d i f f o r m u l a t e d i n f u t u r e , no common a c c e p t a n c e i s l i k e l y t o b e f o u n d .

The u r g e n c y o f f i n d i n g a s o l u -

t i o n t o g l o b a l i n e q u a l i t y and

( m a s s ) p o v e r t y i s no l e s s t h a n t h a t o f p r e -

venting a nuclear holocaust.

A

poverty focus was u n d e r l i n e d above a s t h e

main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f d e v e l o p m e n t s t u d i e s . have t o b e given p r i o r i t y .

Thus c e r t a i n r e s e a r c h t o p i c s

A l i s t o f p r i o r i t y t o p i c s h a s t o b e b a s e d on

d e v e l o p m e n t t h i n k i n g , o n t h e f i e l d o f d e v e l o p m e n t r e s e a r c h , and n o t on convenience, p o l i t i c a l expediency o r c a r e e r considerations.

The l i s t

s h o u l d n o t b e o f a n a r r o w k i n d b e c a u s e o f t h e s t a t e d i n c o m p l e t e knowledge. I t s h o u l d f u r t h e r m o r e b e s t r e s s e d t h a t d e v e l o p m e n t i s a n open- ended con-

cept,

a n d t h a t e t h n o c e n t r i s m i s a c o n s t a n t t h r e a t i n c h o i c e of t o p i c and

method o f r e s e a r c h .

The r e s e a r c h a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d s h o u l d b e i n d u c t i v e r a t h e r t h a n d e d u c t i v e , a s e x p r e s s e d b y Hyd6n ( 1 9 8 0 ) :

"We have r e a s o n t o i n i t i a t e a n i n d u c t i v e

s e a r c h t h a t w i l l f i l l t h e empty s p o t s i n o u r knowledge o f development

(in

The r o l e of developmrnt p6.c-

A f r i c a ) and t h e r e f o r e e n r i c h o u r m o d e l s " .

graphy i n t h i s p e r s p e c t i v e s h o u l d b o t h b e t o p r o v i d e a w i d e r v a r i e t y of d a t a which t a k e n t o g e t h e r w i t h s t u d i e s o f t h e d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s discZosa

m d e x p l a i n regional and global i n e q u a z i t i e s , and t o h i g h l i g h t t h e more narrow s p a t i a l d i m e n s i o n o f t h e development p r o c e s s .

The o v e r r i d i n g ques-

t i o n i s why economic and s o c i a l development h a v e o c c u r r e d r a p i d l y i n some a r e a s and s l o w l y i n o t h e r s .

To l i m i t t h e development g e o g r a p h i c a l ana-

l y s i s t o i n c l u d e o n l y forms of s p a t i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n

( i n t h e extreme c a s e

o n l y d i s t a n c e ) a s v a l i d d i m e n s i o n o f e x p l a n a t i o n , i s deemed t o make development g e o g r a p h y a n i r r e l e v a n t d i s c i p l i n e . ment i s " e s s e n t i a l l y a s o c i o - s p a t i a l p r o c e s s "

On t h e o t h e r h a n d , d e v e l o p (Mabogunje 1 9 8 0 ) , and (geo-

g r a p h i c a l ) s p a c e i s a d i m e n s i o n which t h e development g e o g r a p h e r , i n cont r a s t t o o t h e r s c h o l a r s , is c o n t i n u a l l y looking f o r , evaluating t h e imp o r t a n c e o f and i n c l u d i n g i n h i s a n a l y s i s .

S h o u l d p r i o r i t y b e g i v e n t o m r a z areas?

The r e a s o n f o r g i v i n g a p o s i t i v e

answer i s , i n f o l l o w i n g L i p t o n ( 1 9 7 7 ) , t h a t t h e most i m p o r t a n t c o n f l i c t between g r o u p s o f p e o p l e t o d a y i s between r u r a l and u r b a n g r o u p s .

Most o f

t h e p o v e r t y and most o f t h e l o w - c o s t s o u r c e s of p o t e n t i a l a d v a n c e a r e found

i n r u r a l a r e a s , w h e r e a s t h e u r b a n s e c t o r c o n t a i n s most o f t h e a r t i c u l a t e d n e s s and power.

F u r t h e r m o r e , i f it i s t a k e n a s a n a s s u m p t i o n t h a t p r i o r i t y

i n investments should b e g i v e n t o a g r i c u l t u r e and n o t t o i n d u s t r y , t h e a t t e n t i o n should b e c e n t r e d on r u r a l poverty.

I s global development possible through a s t r a t e g y based on an asswnption of harmony of i n t e r e s t i n the world? a s t h e leading premise.

The B r a n d t r e p o r t (1980) t a k e s harmony

The r e p o r t s t a t e s :

T h i s i s , however, n o t s e e n t o b e i n -

g r e a t e r c a t a s t r o p h e s than t h e 1930s." evitable.

"The 1 9 8 0 s c o u l d w i t n e s s e v e n

The w o r l d i s a u n i t y w i t h p r o b l e m s b u t t h e n e c e s s a r y f u n d a m e n t a l For i n s t a n c e , a l a r g e - s c a l e t r a n s f e r

changes can b e t o t h e b e n e f i t of a l l .

o f r e s o u r c e s t o t h e T h i r d World w i l l h a v e a m a j o r i m p a c t o n g r o w t h i n t h e whole w o r l d economy.

The r i c h d o e s n o t r e a l l y h a v e t o s a c r i f i c e i n o r d e r t o

u p l i f t t h e poor b u t i n t h e short- run reduce t h e i r investments i n t h e developed countries.

G o u l e t (1971) h o l d s a d i f f e r e n t view:

"... inhuman

poverty cannot

b e wiped o u t u n l e s s t h e w o r l d a s a whole s e t s o u t t o e l i m i n a t e p o v e r t y , n o t t o obtain affluence".

T h i s c l a s s i c a l dilemma o f w h e t h e r t o g i v e p r i m a c y t o

economic g r o w t h o r t o p o v e r t y e r a d i c a t i o n r e g a r d l e s s o f a p o s s i b l e n e g a t i v e i m p a c t on economic g r o w t h i n t h e l o n g - r u n l i e s a t t h e b o t t o m o f t h e d i s c u s s i o n of

( r a d i c a l ) reforms versus revolution.

Although a c e r t a i n degree of mutual

i n t e r e s t e x i s t s between t h e T h i r d World a n d d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s , a c o n f l i c t

model is a b e t t e r r e f l e c t i o n of t h e r e a l world.

one example i s t h e compe-

t i t i o n between e s p e c i a l l y t r a n s n a t i o n a l companies which r e s u l t s i n t h a t c o s t c o n s i d e r a t i o n s t h r o u g h c h e a p l a b o u r become i m p e r a t i v e and t h u s t h e p r e s s u r e o n p o o r c o u n t r i e s t o c r e a t e a n ample s u p p l y t o a t t r a c t f o r e i g n i n v e s t m e n t s . T h i s i s n o t t o deny t h a t l a r g e - s c a l e i n d u s t r i e s h a v e a n o b j e c t i v e i n t e r e s t i n a n improved b u y i n g power among t h e w o r l d ' s p o p u l a t i o n a t l a r g e .

A case

i n p o i n t i s t h e m u t u a l i n t e r e s t e x i s t i n g b e t w e e n many l a r g e S o u t h A f r i c a n companies and a n t i - a p a r t h e i d f o r c e s ,

A n o t h e r example i s t h a t t h e M a r x i s t

conclusion t h a t t h e r e i s a b a s i c s o l i d a r i t y between r i c h and poor workers n a t i o n a l l y a s w e l l a s i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y i s b e l i e v e d t o have l i t t l e explanatory power i n t h e w o r l d t o d a y .

S o l i d a r i t y between r i c h w o r k e r s i n t h e d e v e l o p e d

c o u n t r i e s a n d p o o r w o r k e r s i n t h e Thlrd World i s a c c o r d i n g l y r e g a r d e d t o b e a t b e s t a f a r - s i g h t e d o p t i o n , and t h u s a g e n e r a l a g r e e m e n t o n a n " i n t e r n a t i o n a l welfare ideology" is n o t thought t o be p l a u s i b l e i n t h e foreseeable future.

There i s a common agreement t h a t g l o b a l interdependence regarding raw mat e r i a l s , technology and c a p i t a l has reached such a high l e v e l t h a t i t i s impossible t o envisage t h e development of any Third World country through a s t r a t e g y of i s o l a t i o n . Furthermore, t h e developed c o u n t r i e s a r e technol o g i c a l l y more advanced and w i l l "always" be s o i f market f o r c e s a r e l e f t t o o p e r a t e unchecked.

The d i r e c t i o n of t e c h n o l o g i c a l change w i l l t h e r e -

f o r e be determined by t h e developed c o u n t r i e s .

The r e l a t i o n s between t h e

Third World and t h e developed c o u n t r i e s which r e p r e s e n t c o n f l i c t s of i n t e r e s t should t h e r e f o r e be solved by Third World u n i t y i n g l o b a l negotiat i o n s with t h e g e n e r a l aim of achieving a g l o b a l v i s i o n which i s e s s e n t i a l t o solve a global c r i s i s .

The viewpoint adopted h e r e i s t h a t s u b s t a n t i a l

and t o some degree autonomous development i s p o s s i b l e i n t h e Third World w i t h i n t h e p r e s e n t world system and w i t h i n t h e f i n i t e r e s o u r c e s of t h e world. This i s so not l e a s t , a s a l s o underlined by Chisholm (1982), because of t h e d e c l i n e i n p o p u l a t i o n growth i n t h e l a s t few y e a r s .

The t o t a l e r a d i c a t i o n

of poverty and t h e r e d u c t i o n of i n e q u a l i t y f o r e t o l d by Kahn ( 1 9 7 6 ) a r e , however, n o t thought t o be p l a u s i b l e i n a world where competition and conf l i c t s between groups of people and n a t i o n s a r e t h e b a s i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s . The v i s i o n of hope must n o n ~ t h e l e s snever be l o s t .

CHAPTER 2 RESEARCH OBJECTIVES

Botswana i s a n example o f a T h i r d World c o u n t r y i n t r a n s i t i o n . of t h e p e a s a n t r y i s used t o analyze t h i s t r a n s i t i o n .

The c a s e

The p o i n t o f d e p a r -

t u r e i s t h e r e c e n t l y renewed s c h o l a r l y i n t e r e s t i n p e a s a n t s a s c o n s t i t u t i n g a s e p a r a t e and c r u c i a l c a t e g o r y o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l development.

This debate is here c a l l e d t h e peasant controversy.

I n e q u a l i t y a n d p o v e r t y among a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s accompanying phenomena o f t r a n s i t i o n s .

are often

Poverty c o n s t i t u t e s t h e p i v o t a l

i s s u e and t h e r u i s ~ ndlWtre o f t h i s work.

Poverty a l l e v i a t i o n through

a g r i c u l t u r a l development i s t h u s t h e l o g i c a l l y n e x t s t e p t o b e c o v e r e d . I n Botswana t h e r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n i s o f p a r t i c u l a r i n t e r e s t r e g a r d i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l development b e c a u s e o f a t r a d i t i o n of v i l l a g e - b a s e d t u r a l producers.

agricul-

F i n a l l y , t h e concepts used i n o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l publi-

c a t i o n s on a g r i c u l t u r e may n o t b e f u l l y a d e q u a t e t o r e f l e c t t h e p r e s e n t a g r a r i a n r e a l i t i e s i n Botswana.

Thus, a comment on t h e s e c o n c e p t s w i l l b e

included.

Ths peasant coztrovcrsy Tiia main ohjrc/,-iuc i s t o question t h e recent but widely held view tirat p m x a n t s i n A f r i ~ . nhave a c e r t a i n amount o f freedom t o pursup values t h a t d i f f e r from thoec !:omnon i n deueloped c o u n t r i e s .

BY p e a s a n t i s g e n e r a l l y

u n d e r s t o o d a c u l t i v a t o r , o r sometimes a l s o a herdsman, who t a k e s p a r t i n m a r k e t exchange on e i t h e r t h e s a l e s o r i n p u t s i d e b u t who h a s n o t become a f a r m e r , o r a r a n c h e r , u s i n g modern t e c h n i q u e s o f p r o d u c t i o n .

By t h e i r

b e h a v i o u r p e a s a n t s a r e s a i d t o h o l d back t h e g e n e r a l development o f n a t i o n s t a t e s b e c a u s e t h e y do n o t p r o d u c e a n a d e q u a t e s u r p l u s f o r t h e growing u r ban c e n t r e s .

The main r e a s o n why t h e p e a s a n t s a r e a b l e t o w i t h s t a n d t h e

p r e s s u r e from t h e s o c a l l e d p e n e t r a t i o n o f t h e m a r k e t economy ( o r from soc i a l i s t planning) is h e l d t o be t h e i r c o n t r o l over land.

Herein l i e s a l s o

p a r t l y t h e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e A f r i c a n and t h e A s i a n and L a t i n American p e a s a n t s .

I n t h e two l a t t e r a r e a s l a n d l o r d i s m

p r e v a i l s t o a much l a r g e r e x t e n t .

The key t o dcvslopment t h u s l i e s w i t h

t h e peasants, t h e i r economy and c u l t u r e .

A particular emphasis i s placed

on socio- psychological aspects o f t h e peasants and t h e i r c o m u n i t i e s . An a l t e r n a t i v e way o f l o o k i n g a t t h e g e n e r a l l a c k o f a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p ment i n t h e T h i r d World i s t o focus on t h e

termine t h e work and l i f e o f t h e peasants.

.in72dit;-ions and forces t h a t deT h i s i m p l i e s , among o t h e r

t h i n g s , a n a n a l y s i s o f t h e n a t u r e o f t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f t h e m a r k e t economy i n concrete empirical s i t u a t i o n s .

The a s s u m p t i o n i s t h e n t h a t p e a s a n t s ,

a s most o t h e r p e o p l e i n t h e w o r l d t o d a y , a r e on a c o n s t a n t o u t l o o k f o r ways i n which t o improve t h e i r l e v e l o f l i v i n g , and t h e r e f o r e t h e y w i l l improve t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n i f t h a t h e l p s them i n o b t a i n i n g a better life.

A d i s c u s s i o n of development e f f o r t s w i l l a c c o r d i n g l y revolve

a r o u n d t h e n e g a t i v e and p o s i t i v e e f f e c t s o f t h e e x t e n s i o n and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f m a r k e t r e l a t i o n s ( i . e . t h e e x p a n s i o n o f t h e m a r k e t economy) o r t h e d i f f u s i o n o f s o c i a l i s t p l a n n i n g and t h e e n v i r o n m e n t i n a wide s e n s e These c o n t r a s t i n g viewpoints a r e t h e es-

u n d e r which t h e p e a s a n t s e x i s t .

s e n c e o f what w i l l b e c a l l e d t h e peasant controversy.

The main p o i n t o f what may b e c a l l e d t h e " u n c a p t u r e d p e a s a n t r y " t h e s i s i s t h a t p e a s a n t s a r e n o t w h o l l y " c a p t u r e d " b y t h e m a r k e t economy, t h e y h a v e an " e x i t option".

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e i r p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n t h e m a r k e t eco-

nomy, p e a s a n t s t o some d e g r e e s t i l l have a n economic c i r c u l a t i o n p a t t e r n c h a r a c t e r i z e d b y r e d i s t r i b u t i o n and r e c i p r o c i t y .

I t is therefore in t h i s

l i n e of thinking h e l d t o be p o s s i b l e t o d e s c r i b e t h e peasants a s having a s p e c i f i c mode o f p r o d u c t i o n

(Chayanov 1 9 2 5 , B a r l e t t 1 9 8 0 , Hyd6n 1 9 8 0 ,

Rudengren 1 9 8 1 , S k a r s t e i n 1 9 8 1 ) .

The p e a s a n t mode o f p r o d u c t i o n i s b l o c -

k i n g a r e a l c a p i t a l i s t t r a n s i t i o n i n t h e T h i r d World. l e v a n t t o say "blocking a s o c i a l i s t revolution" .

It is equally re-

Thus, i n t h i s l i t e r a t u r e

much o f t h e blame f o r l a c k o f d e v e l o p m e n t i n g e n e r a l i s p u t on t h e p e a s a n t s . C o l b u r n (1982) e v e n g o e s a s f a r a s t o s a y t h a t " t h e way p e a s a n t s r e s p o n d t o economic and p o l i t i c a l a l t e r n a t i v e s i s more t h a n e v e r b e f o r e i n f l u e n c i n g n a t i o n a l and world p o l i t i c s . "

(Underlined h e r e . )

By u s i n g t r a d i t i o n a l ,

and a c c o r d i n g l y well- known p r a c t i c e s o f c u l t i v a t i o n and a n i m a l h u s b a n d r y , t h e p e a s a n t s , it i s m a i n t a i n e d , h a v e a c e r t a i n d e g r e e o f s e c u r i t y of s a t i s f a c t i o n o f b a s i c needs.

When t h e y need c l o t h e s , t e a and a l i t t l e o f o t h e r

r e l a t i v e l y c h e a p consumer g o o d s , t h e y w i l l s e l l t h e i r s u r p l u s a t t h e m a r k e t . N a t i o n a l p l a n n e r s a c c o r d i n g l y d o n o t g e t s u f f i c i e n t p r e d i c t a b i l i t y on which t o make t h e i r p l a n s .

The l e s s t h a n o p t i m a l p r o d u c t i o n i s a l s o i n macro-

economic t e r m s a d r a i n o n f o r e i g n exchange b e c a u s e o f , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e

need t o i m p o r t f o o d .

I f t h e w e a t h e r o r o t h e r f a c t o r s make it t o o l a b o u -

r o u s t o a c h i e v e a marketable s u r p l u s , t h e p e a s a n t s w i l l n o t do it.

In-

s t e a d t h e y w i l l p u r s u e t h e s t r a t e g y of l i m i t i n g t h e i r c o n s u m p t i o n .

This

i s t h e t y p i c a l r e a c t i o n o f t h e p e a s a n t s t o t h e b a s i c dilemma o f a l l c u l t i v a t o r s who a r e l i n k e d i n some way t o t h e w o r l d m a r k e t a n d i t s u n e q u a l l y s p i r a l l i n g p r i c e s - e i t h e r t h e y h a v e t o p r o d u c e more f o r s a l e o r consume l e s s of goods bought.

Although t h e r e i s 1 i t t l . e d i s a g r e e m e n t o n most o f t h e c o n s e q u e n c e s o f t h e e x i s t e n c e of a p e a s a n t r y , t h e fundamental q u e s t i o n i s whether t h e p e a s a n t s r e a l l y want t o b e p e a s a n t s .

I t is obvious t h a t "accomodation t o poverty" ,

t h e f a c t t h a t most p e a s a n t s a r e u s e d t o a s i m p l e e x i s t e n c e , r e p r e s e n t s a n e l e m e n t o f i n e r t i a , and i s i n i t s e l f a n o b s t a c l e t o change.

They may a l s o

i n some i n s t a n c e s t u r n away from improvements b e c a u s e o f c u l t u r a l v a l u e s p r e s c r i b i n g s u b s i s t e n c e ( s a t i s f i e r ) p r o d u c t i o n o r l e i s u r e a s more v a l u a b l e t h a n money o b t a i n e d t h r o u g h a m a r k e t .

Such c a u s e s c a n n o t , however, b e

t a k e n t o form a c o m p l e t e e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e l a c k o f a g e n e r a l commercial i z a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e i n t h e T h i r d World.

I n my o p i n i o n it i s more l i k e l y

t h a t p e a s a n t s , a s most o t h e r p e o p l e , w i l l " a t t e m p t t o improve t h e i r long- run s e c u r i t y by moving t o a p o s i t i o n w i t h h i g h e r incomes w i t h l e s s v a r i a n c e . " (Popkin 1980).

T h i s i s probably e s p e c i a l l y t r u e i n contemporary s o c i e t i e s

where o t h e r p e o p l e ' s "good l i f e " is e a s i l y o b s e r v a b l e f o r most p e o p l e .

Peasants who t u r n away from market s a l e s , i s accordingZy doing s o because t h conditions ~ under which production for sale i s undertaken, are n o t favourable.

Peasants a r e undoubtedly forced t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n market s a l e s

a t l e a s t once i n a while because t h a t i s t h e o n l y o p t i o n a v a i l a b l e today t o improve t h e i r income.

The p e a s a n t i s i n f a c t c o n t i n u o u s l y p r e s s e d , i f

h e o r she wants t o b e an a g r i c u l t u r a l producer i n f u t u r e , by t h e contrad i c t i o n between m a i n t a i n i n g s e c u r i t y o f l i v e l i h o o d i n t h e s h o r t - r u n and a c h i e v i n g a n improved l e v e l o f l i v i n g a n d t h u s h i g h e r s e c u r i t y i n t h e longrun.

The s i t u a t i o n i n many p l a c e s t o d a y i s t h a t t h e p e a s a n t s a r e u n a b l e

t o s a t i s f y t h e i r f o o d r e q u i r e m e n t s from own s o c a l l e d s u b s i s t e n c e p r o d u c t i o n . T h i s h a s b e e n s a i d t o b e a normal s t a t e o f a f f a i r s i n a s o c i e t y i n r a p i d t r a n s i t i o n where e s p e c i a l l y a g r i c u l t u r a l s t r u c t u r e s a r e o f a p r e - m a r k e t ( o r p r e - s o c i a l i s t ) k i n d (Wilkinson 1 9 7 3 ) .

The r e l a t i v e l y l o n g d u r a t i o n

of t h e s t a g n a t i o n i n t h e p r o d u c t i o n a t most f a r m s i n t h e T h i r d World may, however, make i t r e l e v a n t t o r e g a r d i t a s a r e l a t i v e l y p e r m a n e n t phenomenon ( a l t h o u g h it w i l l d i s a p p e a r i n t h e e n d ) .

I t should b e expected i n a

s i t u a t i o n l i k e t h i s t h a t p e a s a n t s choose a v a r i e t y of a d a p t a t i o n s involving

a g r i c u l t u r e a n d n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l means o f o b t a i n i n g a s a t i s f a c t o r y d e g r e e of p r o b a b i l i t y of f u t u r e p r o s p e c t s f o r a b e t t e r l i f e .

The main a l t e r n a -

t i v e s a r e urban migration, continued a g r i c u l t u r a l production e i t h e r by r e m a i n i n g a p e a s a n t o r b y becoming a f a r m e r a n d c o m b i n a t i o n of work o r t r a d e with a g r i c u l t u r e e i t h e r a s a n i n d i v i d u a l o r based on t h e household a s t h e economic u n i t .

The p e a s a n t c o n t r o v e r s y i s a w o r t h w i l e t o p i c f o r d e v e l o p m e n t g e o g r a p h y t o t a k e up b e c a u s e more t h e o r e t i c a l and e m p i r i c a l work i s n e e d e d f o r a b e t t e r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e i n t e r p l a y between peasants and markets.

Although t h e

peasant concept h a s been t h e o r e t i c a l l y debated i n anthropology s i n c e t h e m i d - f i f t i e s , it h a s b e e n w i d e l y u s e d b u t c l o s e t o e n t i r e l y a p p l i e d a s a d e s c r i p t i v e concept i n o t h e r d i s c i p l i n e s .

On t h e e m p i r i c a l s i d e , a good

reason f o r looking i n t o t h e peasant concept i s t h a t according t o convention a l d e f i n i t i o n s , p e a s a n t s c o n s t i t u t e t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e w o r l d ' s populaticsl, and a r e becoming more numerous.

Moreover, a n a n a l y s i s o f t h e p e a s a n t con-

t r o v e r s y a l l o w s a d i s c u s s i o n o f some o f t h e k e y q u e s t i o n s i n t h e d e v e l o p ment d e b a t e , b o t h t h e o r e t i c a l and practical q u e s t i o n s .

InequaZity and poverty Botswana i s a t t h e moment c h a n g i n g r a p i d l y i n many ways.

A s i n o t h e r so-

c i e t i e s d u r i n g t h e f u n d a m e n t a l t r a n s i t i o n from a t r a d l t l o n a l a g r a r i a n soc i e t y t o a modern m a r k e t economy b a s e d o n wage l a b o u r , i n e q u a l i t y and pov e r t y i s p r o b a b l y a l s o c r e a t e d i n Botswana ( f i g u r e 2 ) .

question asked

The fundamental

i s why more and more people are dropping out of agricul-

t u r a l p u r s u i t s i n a s i t u a t i o n w i t h ample access t o s u i t a b l e Zand and L i t t l e o r no a l t e r n a t i v e employment.

E x i s t i n g o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r wage employment

d o n o t s u f f i c e f o r more t h a n p a r t o f t h o s e who l e a v e o r a r e f o r c e d o u t of agriculture.

Although t h e h i g h r a t e o f p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h may b e a n impor-

t a n t r e a s o n f o r l a c k o f employment o p p o r t u n i t i e s , a n d t h u s o f p o v e r t y , i t

is not t h e only reason.

The study i s then concerned w i t h t h connection ~

between increased n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l i n t e g r a t i o n , on the one hand, and changes i n the d i s t r i b u t i o n of t h e h e n ~ f i t so f economic grouth, t h a t i s , t h e p a t t e r n of l e v e l o f l i v i n g , on t h e other.

This n e c e s s i t a t e s an

a p p r o a c h where t h e p e a s a n t c a t e g o r y i s s p l i t i n t o a number o f h o u s e h o l d ca-

42

Figure 2.

Model of the present work.

Inequality Societal

Agrarian

/

Agricultural and spatial development planning

Rural settlement pattern

Note.

The arrowc show h y p o t h e t i c a l d i r e c t i o n s o f causal Links.

The

point i s t o d i s t i n g u i s h between d i r e c t and i n d i r e c t causes of i n e q u a l i t y and poverty.

By a d i r e c t cause i s understood t h a t

i n e q u a l i t y and/or poverty i s created (and r e c r e a t e d ) d i r e c t l y , for in.stnnce, from s o c i a t a l e v o l u t i o n r a t h e r than i n d i r e c t l y from s o c i ~ t a ZpvoZution v i a c o n d i t i o n s f o r a g r i c u l t u r e ( i . e . t h e agrarian t r a n s i t i o n ) .

teyories based on income and income sources.

A possible process of eco-

nomic growth with increasing inequality will thus be illuminated.

Ob-

viously, a historical perspective revealing the roots of the present inequality and the mechanisms behind, must also be included.

The mechanisms behind inequality and poverty may be determined both through a world system or by an actor type of approach.

The ~ o r L dsystem approach

(Wallerstein 1974, 1 9 7 9 , Hollist and Rosenau 1981, Hopkins and Wallerstein 1982) entails an analysis of the internal logic of the development of capitalist relations.

This is a relatively deductive approach at a hlgh level

of abstraction. The a c t o r approach is usually more inductive.

It may, for

instance, consist of an analysis of the aggregated behaviour of different categories of agricultural producers.

In this kind of approach a decision

is not normally taken a p r i o r i concernlny whlch of the mechanisms influencing people's behaviour that were the most determining ones, as would be

t h e c a s e i n t h e former approach.

An a p p r o a c h more s i m i l a r t o t h e a c t o r

a p p r o a c h h a s b e e n c h o s e n s i n c e o n e aim i s t o p r o v i d e i n f o r m a t i o n u s e f u l f o r planning purposes.

T h i s a p p r o a c h a l l o w s f o r more d e t a i l e d e m p i r i c a l

coverage of s e v e r a l a s p e c t s .

I t i s f u r t h e r m o r e n o t a t t h e same h i g h

l e v e l of a b s t r a c t i o n a s t h e world system approach which, f o r i n s t a n c e , g i v e s t h e m a r k e t a t o o d e t e r m i n i s t i c r o l e and a l m o s t i g n o r e s t h e product i o n process.

I n s h o r t , t h i s choice implies giving p r i o r i t y t o empirical

d e t a i l o n a g r i c u l t u r e and r e l a t e d m a t t e r s i n Botswana.

I n t h i s way B o t s -

wana becomes a n example o f a s o c i e t y i n t r a n s i t i o n .

The w o r l d s y s t e m p e r -

s p e c t i v e w i l l , however, n o t b e l e f t o u t c o m p l e t e l y .

I n c e r t a i n p a r t s of

t h e argument s u c h a p e r s p e c t i v e i s e s s e n t i a l f o r a n improved u n d e r s t a n d i n g .

A g r i c u l t u r a l deva Zopment Many s c h o l a r s have been p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h t h e s t a g n a t i o n o r l a c k o f d e v e l o p ment o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i v i t y i n t h e T h i r d World. c a s e i n Botswana i n r e c e n t y e a r s .

This is a l s o t h e

One may a s k why t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f t h e

m a r k e t economy h a s n o t l e d t o a dynamic e x p a n s i o n ( w i t h t h e p r o m i s e of h i g h w e l f a r e i n f u t u r e ) i n t h e T h i r d World g e n e r a l l y , a s was t h e c a s e i n t h e developed c o u n t r i e s .

The r o l e o f a g r i c u l t u r a l c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n i n

t h e o v e r a l l p r o c e s s o f n a t i o n a l development h a s a l s o b e e n a n a l y s e d i n t e n sively.

Why t h e n add more t o t h i s t o p i c ?

F i r s t , t h e d i s c u s s i o n of a g r i -

c u l t u r a l s t a g n a t i o n a n d t h e r o l e o f a g r i c u l t u r e i n development g e n e r a l l y a r e n o t t h e primary o b j e c t i v e p r e s e n t l y .

Second, p a r t o f t h e

rai.son

d ' B t r e o f development s t u d i e s , a n d t h u s o f development g e o g r a p h y , i s a s s t r e s s e d a b o v e , t o u s e a n y d a t a c o l l e c t e d also w i t h t h e view o f improving t h e s i t u a t i o n studied.

Hereby i s n o t i m p l i e d a k i n d o f a c t i o n r e s e a r c h

b u t t h a t t h e l o g i c a l conclusions regarding t h e a n a l y s i s undertaken.

p l a n n ~ d change a r e drawn from

The v a l u e p r e m i s e s which s u c h a s t a n c e e n t a i l s ,

w i l l b e made e x p l i c i t i n due c o u r s e .

A l a s t p o i n t which n e e d s t o b e

s t r e s s e d i s t h a t a l t h o u g h much h a s been w r i t t e n a b o u t a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p ment, t h e s t a t u s a n d r o l e o f women have l a r g e l y b e e n i g n o r e d .

T h i s must

b e r e c t i f i e d t o p r o v i d e a sound b a s i s o f s y s t e m a t i c knowledge f o r p l a n n e d change.

T h i s i s p a r t i c u l a r l y t r u e i n Botswana where women p l a y a s i g n i f i -

cant r o l e i n crop c u l t i v a t i o n .

I n t h e d i s c u s s i o n o f p l a n n e d change i n

Botswana t h e p i v o t a l q u e s t i o n i s w h e t h e r " s m a l l i s p o s s i b l e " , and t o what e x t e n t a r r a n g e m e n t s c a n b e e n v i s a g e d r e g a r d i n g s u p p o r t t o t h o s e who choose

Is t h e r e any p l a c e f o r t h e

t o r e l y on a c o m b i n a t i o n o f income s o u r c e s .

smallholder o r peasant i n a s t r a t e g y f o r o v e r a l l national a g r i c u l t u r a l development?

Rural s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n The a g r a r i a n s y s t e m and t h e p r e s e n t a g r i c u l t u r a l c h a n g e s h a v e a b e a r i n g o n t h e r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t pattern,

t h a t i s , where t h e c u l t i v a t o r s l i v e .

The t r a d i t i o n a l v i l l a g e p a t t e r n i s , i f n o t t h e e x c l u s i v e , s t i l l t h e dom i n a n t form of s e t t l e m e n t f o u n d i n most o f Botswana.

The p a t t e r n i s

u n d e r c o n f l i c t i n g s t r e s s from t h e well- known f o r c e s o f b a s i c s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n v e r s u s modern f a m i l y farm development.

The need f o r t h e p e a s a n t

t o s t a y c l o s e t o h i s o r h e r f i e l d i n o r d e r t o enable an e a s i e r t r a n s f o r m a t i o n t o modern a g r i c u l t u r e , p u l l s t h e c u l t i v a t o r away from t h e v i l l a g e , w h e r e a s t h e c o s t s t o t h e government of p r o v i d i n g w a t e r , e d u c a t i o n and h e a l t h make a c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f s u c h i n f r a s t r u c t u r e t o v i l l a g e s n e c e s s a r y . I t t h e n f o l l o w s t h a t government p l a n s i n t h i s r e s p e c t u s u a l l y a r e con-

t r a d i c t o r y , l e a v i n g p e a s a n t s and modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s w i t h t h e dilemma o f where t o h a v e t h e i r main homestead.

Appropriate concepts for o f f i c i a l s t a t i s t i c a l use A t t h e S o c i o l o g y U n i t i n t h e M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e i n Botswana work i s

now c a r r i e d o u t t o f i n d s e n s i b l e o p e r a t i o n a l i z a t i o n s o f t h e c o n c e p t s " t r a d i t i o n a l " and "cornrnercial" f a r m e r .

A t p r e s e n t a l l farms b e s i d e s t h e

f r e e h o l d farms a r e t r e a t e d a s t r a d i t i o n a l .

This is fallacious.

I h a v e c o l l e c t e d may c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e d e b a t e o n t h e most

The d a t a

appropriate de-

f i n i t i o n s for s t a t i s t i c a l purposes o f t h e various t y p e s o f c u Z t i v a t o r s

and herdsmen found i n Botswana today.

PART I1

THEORETICAL PERSPECTlVE

CHAPTER 3 PEASANT AND RELATED CONCEPTS

I n t h i s c h a p t e r d e f i n i t i o n s o f t h e p e a s a n t c o n c e p t , p e a s a n t s t u d i e s and The p o i n t i s t o

c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of peasant production a r e included.

d e t e r m i n e t h e c o n t e n t o f and d e l i m i t t h e p e a s a n t c o n c e p t i n r e l a t i o n t o o t h e r t y p e s of producers and production.

The c o n c e p t p e a s a n t ( o r p e a s a n t r y ) h a s been w i d e l y used.

I t i s , however,

o f t e n a p p l i e d without a d e f i n i t i o n o r s p e c i f i c a t i o n of c o n t e n t .

Thus,

i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e one f i n d s p e a s a n t used i n a v a r i e t y of c o n t e x t s .

This

may b e e x p l a i n e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e c o n c e p t h a s emerged from e m p i r i c a l generalizations.

I t i s a c c o r d i n g l y mainly used d e s c r i p t i v e l y

1 9 7 1 , 1 9 7 4 , S i l v e r m a n 1 9 7 9 , Boesen 1 9 8 0 ) .

(Shanin

Even i n t h e E n c y c l o p e d i a o f

t h e S o c i a l S c i e n c e s (1968) p e a s a n t s a r e n o t d e f i n e d i n a s t r i c t s e n s e b u t The t h e o r e -

t h e main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s g i v e n i n v a r i o u s works r e l i e d upon. t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of t h e concept i s t h u s l i t t l e explored.

Some M a r x i s t s

a r e o f t h e o p i n i o n t h a t t h e c o n c e p t i s o f no u s e i n t h i s r e s p e c t (Friedmann 1 9 8 0 , P a t n a i k 1 9 8 1 ) .

O t h e r s a r e s c e p t i c a l o n l y o f t h e more

encompassing c o n c e p t s s u c h a s p e a s a n t economy a n d p e a s a n t s o c i e t y . a n example, S h e n t o n and Lennihan

As

(1982) d i d n o t f i n d i n a s t u d y on Nor-

t h e r n N i g e r i a a p e a s a n t economy f o l l o w i n g i t s own l a w s o f d e v e l o p m e n t . Roseberry

(1978) d o u b t s w h e t h e r i t i s u s e f u l t o a r r i v e a t a g e n e r a l pea-

s a n t concept with a high degree of speci.fication.

Few g o a s f a r a s , f o r

i n s t a n c e , B a r l e t t ( 1 9 8 0 ) who s t a t e s e x p l i c i t l y t h a t s h e w i l l u s e p e a s a n t interchangeable with farmer.

A c c o r d i n g t o normal u s a g e t o d a y , t h e pea-

s a n t c o n c e p t s h o u l d b e r e s e r v e d f o r c u l t i v a t o r s and herdsmen.

The con-

c e p t h a s b e e n u s e d a l s o f o r f i s h e r m e n and a r t i s a n s ( F i r t h 1946, Hunter and W i l t e n 1 9 7 6 , Hashim 1 9 8 0 ) .

By i n c l u d i n g a g r o u p s u c h a s f i s h e r m e n ,

t h e r e s u l t i s t o l i m i t i t s c o n t e n t t o a k i n d o f economic b e h a v i o u r .

To

add t o t h e c o n f u s i o n o f t h e meaning o f t h e c o n c e p t , a v a s t number o f d i f f e r e n t terms w i t h o f t e n s i m i l a r c o n t e n t a r e used:

Semi- subsistent

c u l t i v a t o r s , t r a d i t i o n a l peasants, near- landless peasants, land- short peasants, r u r a l peasants, peasant- farmers, lumpenpeasantry, disguised p r o l e t a r i a t , s e m i - p r o l e t a r i a n s , emergent farmers and smallholders.

D i f f e r e n t d i s c i p l i n e s and d i f f e r e n t s c h o l a r s h a v e g i v e n t h e p e a s a n t conc e p t d i f f e r e n t c o n t e n t s by emphasizing v a r i o u s a s p e c t s of it.

I n anthro-

pology c u l t u r a l and s o c i a l a s p e c t s dominated e a r l i e r , whereas t h e int e r e s t h a s t u r n e d t o t h e economic d i m e n s i o n l a t e l y .

I n s o c i o l o g y and

p o l i t i c a l s c i e n c e t h e p e a s a n t r y a s a c l a s s and t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p e a s a n t s a n d t h e s t a t e h a v e b e e n t h e main themes.

I n g e o g r a p h y t h e con-

c e p t h a s n e i t h e r b e e n much d i s c u s s e d n o r a d e q u a t e l y d e f i n e d , a l t h o u g h i t h a s been r a t h e r f r e q u e n t l y used.

I t may b e c o n c l u d e d t h a t

various s o c i a l

sciences w i z 2 probably give t h e peasant concept d i f f e r e n t s p e c i f i e d content.

They ought then t o use other terms or s p e c i f y t h e term.

A n example

o f such a s p e c i f i e d t e r m , a p p l i e d h e r e i n t h e d i s c u s s i o n o n Botswana, i s m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r ( a p p e n d i x 1 ) . The t a s k now seem t o b e t o d e c i d e on a minimum o f common e l e m e n t s t o p u t i n t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n o f p e a s a n t i n o r d e r t o d i s t i n g u i s h p e a s a n t s from t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s o n t h e o n e hand a n d modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s o n t h e o t h e r .

The com-

mon u n d e r s t a n d i n g i s t h a t p e a s a n t s r e p r e s e n t a t r a n s i t o r y phenomenon i n t h i s dimension. ter.

The t r a n s i t i o n w i l l b e e l a b o r a t e d upon i n t h e n e x t chap-

Here t h e c o n c e p t w i l l b e t o u c h e d upon i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e n o t i o n s of

t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t a n d modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r .

DEFINITIONS O F PEASANT

According t o Shanin

(1966).

"The p e a s a n t r y c o n s i s t s o f s m a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s who w i t h t h e h e l p o f simple equipment and t h e labour of t h e i r f a m i l i e s , p r o d u c e m a i n l y f o r t h e i r own consumption and f o r f u l f i l m e n t of o b l i g a t i o n s t o t h e h o l d e r s o f p o l i t i c a l and economic power". S a u l and Woods ( 1 9 7 1 ) d e f i n e p e a s a n t s a s : " t h o s e whose u l t i m a t e s e c u r i t y and s u b s i s t e n c e l i e s i n t h e i r h a v i n g c e r t a i n r i g h t s i n l a n d and i n t h e l a b o u r o f f a m i l y members on t h e l a n d , b u t who a r e i n v o l v e d , t h r o u g h r i g h t s a n d o b l i g a t i o n s , i n a w i d e r economic system which i n c l u d e s t h e p a r t i c i p a t i o n of non- peasants".

Key c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p e a s a n t s a r e t h e u s e o f s i m p l e t e c h n o l o g y and f a mily labour;

some d e g r e e o f h o u s e h o l d c o n t r o l o f l a n d ;

a s a t i s f i e r ra-

ther than maximizer attitude towards production (but implying some participation in markets); and obligations in form of rent, interest or tax to powerholders outside the household.

Landless agricultural labourers

(in the sense of not owning or not having access to land) are not peasants.

The characteristics above will be further elaborated upon in a

separate paragraph below.

A major problem regarding analytical use of

the peasant concept is that some of the characteristics attributed to peasants also pertain to traditional agriculturalists and other to modern agricultural producers.

Hence, it is e s s e n t i a l t o r e l a t e t h e posi-

t i o n o f peasants t o o t h e r groups, t h a t i s , t o t h e i r p o s i t i o n i n t h e larger socio-economic s t r u c t u r e .

x

T r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s existed before the market economy became widespread.

When trade made sales of surplus

production possible at lo-

cal or external markets against payment in money (if not undertaken by all), the concept peasant should be used because the cultivators and herdsmen then had an option to participate in a market.

The peasants are ac-

cordingly different from traditional agriculturalists in that they take part at least occasionally in a market economy, in sales or purchase of inputs to agriculture involving areas outside their local home area.

How-

ever, traditional agriculturalists also undertook exchange not only as barter but firstthrough various means of general e change and later with more modern forms of money.

This exchange was in some instances systematic as

in the symbiotic relations between nomads and sedentary traditional cultivators in, for instance, East Africa.

It is then necessary by market eco-

nomy a l s o t o implzy more modern forms of exchange, particuZarZy t h a t labour has a money p r i c e .

It would be possible to talk about traditional agri-

culturalists today if the term was limited to agricultural practices and sales.

In a more encompassing sense there would be few if any traditional

agriculturalists anywhere in the world now.

An example, which substanti-

ates this view, is the necessity to buy goods like tea, salt and sugar at the shop.

Another example of the problem of a narrow definition is the

oscillation between different forms of production found among cultivators today.

Furthermore, a cultivator may produce a surplus one year because

of a specific target he wants to achieve, such as a bicycle, or bad weather may leave him just enough to feed his family.

In view of the pre-

sent objective it is essential to include the type of the larger society in the specification of the category of cultivators and herdsmen.

Tradi-

i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s can thus only be said t o e x i s t i n a s o c i e t y which do not harbour modern n e i t h e r c a p i t a l i s t nor s o c i a Z i s t r e l a t i o n s of production.

By s o c i e t y i s meant a p o l i t i c a l - a d m i n i s t r a t i v e u n i t such a s

n a t i o n - s t a t e s today and c o l o n i e s , kingdoms and t r i b a l t e r r i t o r i e s e a r l i e r .

The u s u a l d ~ s t ~ n c t l o n b e t w e e n p e a s a n and t modem a g r i c u l t u r a l producer i s t h e r a t i o of s u b s i s t e n c e t o commodity p r o d u c t i o n .

S a l e i s t h e common

A peasant i s thus a c u l t i -

a s p e c t used i n o p e r a t i o n a l i z i n g t h e c o n c e p t s .

v a t o r o r herdsman who s e l l s l e s s t h a n 50% of h i s p r o d u c t i o n .

I f nothing

a t a l l i s s o l d , t h e p r o d u c t i o n i s c a l l e d p u r e s u b s i s t e n c e (Wharton 1 9 7 0 ) .

If, on the other hand, 50% o r more i s sold, t h e production i s comerciaZ and the c u l t i v a t o r i s c a l l e d farmer and t h e herdsman rancher.

such r a -

t i o s can b e e s t a b l i s h e d a l s o , f o r i n s t a n c e , f o r u s e of h i r e d t o f a m i l y l a b o u r and u s e of modern t o t r a d i t i o n a l equipment and methods.

Such eco-

nomic c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s may be a d e q u a t e t o d i s t i n g u i s h g r o u p s which have d i f f e r e n t cultural,psychological or social a t t r i b u t e s .

(The d e f i n i t i o n

used i n t h e p r e s e n t work on Botswana i s g i v e n i n c h a p t e r 6 . )

Since a

more comprehensive t h e o r e t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n i s n e c e s s a r y f o r t h e p r e s e n t p u r p o s e , i t w i l l be u s e f u l t o e x p l o r e t h e p e a s a n t concept f u r t h e r .

PEASANT STUDIES

The u s e of p e a s a n t a s a term o r i g i n a t e d i n Europe and was f r e q u e n t l y app l i e d p a r t i c u l a r l y t o t h e s i t u a t i o n i n E a s t e r n Europe and R u s s i a ( K l e i n 1980).

V a r i o u s d i s c i p l i n e s used t h e term i n t h e 19. c e n t u r y , b u t d e f i n i -

t i o n s were seldom g i v e n .

The term was e v i d e n t l y n o t i n t e n d e d t o b e used Few s o c i o l o g i s t s have " e l e -

a s a n a n a l y t i c a l c a t e g o r y by most s c h o l a r s .

v a t e d t h e p e a s a n t r y from t h e f o o t n o t e t o t h e page" (Shanin 1 9 6 6 ) . h i s t o r y and a n t h r o p o l o g y it was and is commonly used.

Kroeber (1948) made

p e a s a n t i n t o a concept f o r anthropology w i t h h i s c a t c h y p h r a s e : c o n s t i t u t e p a r t - s o c i e t i e s with part- cultures".

In

"peasants

R e d f i e l d (1953, 1956)

e s t a b l i s h e d p e a s a n t a s a n a n a l y t i c a l c a t e g o r y - a human t y p e , and t h u s a s u b j e c t m a t t e r f o r s t u d y i n i t s own r i g h t . c u l t u r a l a s p e c t s of " p e a s a n t s o c i e t i e s " .

He was preoccupied w i t h t h e I n h i s d e f i n i t i o n he includes

t h a t p e a s a n t s a r e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s who c o n t r o l t h e i r l a n d and c u l t i v a t e i t a s p a r t of a t r a d i t i o n a l way of l i f e .

L a t e r a u t h o r s i n t h i s school

of thought have continued t o u s e c u l t u r a l s p e c i f i c c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a s fundamental c r i t e r i a of p e a s a n t s (Silverman 1979).

Wolf

(1955) s t a n d s

a s t h e main e a r l y c o n t r i b u t o r t o w a r d s a t h e o r e t i c a l - e c o n o m i c t r e a t m e n t of t h e p e a s a n t s .

He f o c u s e d o n t h e r e l a t i o n s o f t h e l o c a l p r o d u c t i o n

a r r a n g e m e n t s w i t h t h e l a r g e r p r o c e s s e s o f c o l o n i a l i s m a n d m a r k e t economy d e v e l o p m e n t t h a t s h a p e d t h e l o c a l s i t u a t i o n .

The ~ h a r a c t e r l ~ s t i c s

of a r e g i o n were f o u n d i n t h e i n t e r p l a y among a s p e c t s s u c h a s l a b o u r f o r c e , r e s o u r c e s and c a p i t a l w i t h i n p a r t i c u l a r p o l i t i c a l - h i s t o r l c contexts.

The p o i n t o f d e p a r t u r e i n t h e s t u d i e s was, however, s t i l l t h e

p e a s a n t communities having s p e c i f i c " c u l t u r e s " , although t h e s e " c u l t u r e s " were n o t e n t i r e l y a r e s u l t of s u r v i v i n g t r a d i t i o n a l v a l u e s b u t a l s o a c r e a t i o n of outside forces.

I n 1966 Wolf moved t h e emphasis from c o l o -

n i a l i s m t o t h e r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i n d e t e r m i n i n g t h e " p e a s a n t way o f l i f e " . T h i s , i f n o t a c o m p l e t e s h i f t , a l s o i m p l i e d a change from economic t o political factors.

T h e s e two s c h o l a r s a r e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f o r a number o f o t h e r a u t h o r s who more o r l e s s j u s t i f i a b l y c a n b e p u t i n two d i f f e r e n t s c h o o l s o f p e a s a n t studies.

The m a j o r d i f f e r e n c e between t h e s c h o o l s , b e s i d e s t h e d i f f e r e n t

f o c u s of s t u d y , i s t h a t t h e former allows l i t t l e l a t i t u d e t o i n d i v i d u a l action. nuity. thesis.

Thebehaviour of p e a s a n t s a r e t h u s explained by c u l t u r a l c o n t i T h i s l i n k s up w i t h t h e v i e w p o i n t o f t h e " u n c a p t u r e d p e a s a n t r y " The l a t t e r s c h o o l , on t h e o t h e r h a n d , c o n t a i n s i n e s s e n c e t h e

a r g u m e n t s s t r e s s e d b y more M a r x i s t o r i e n t e d s c h o l a r s , a s i n t h e c a s e o f t h e d e b a t e on a r t i c u l a t i o n o f modes o f p r o d u c t i o n .

I n o r t h o d o x Marxism

t h e p e a s a n t r y d i d n o t e x i s t a s a t h e o r e t i c a l economic c a t e g o r y (Ennew e t a l . 1977).

The c a t e g o r y h a s , however, been u s e d by M a r x i s t a u t h o r s ,

f i r s t a s a d i s t i n c t form o f economy a n d now a l s o a s a s e p a r a t e mode o f p r o d u c t i o n f o l l o w i n g i t s own l a w s of development

(see below).

Common

f o r t h e two s c h o o l s i s t h e c o n c e p t i o n o f p e a s a n t s a s a c a t e g o r y o f c u l t i v a t o r s a n d hersmen who a r e n e i t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s n o r modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers. v e r s i t y of p e a s a n t r i e s .

Such a n e g a t i v e d e f i n i t i o n a l l o w s f o r a d i -

To make a p o s i t i v e

general d e f i n i t i o n i s , how-

e v e r , a s m e n t i o n e d , h e l d t o b e d i f f i c u l t and l e s s f r u i t f u l .

L e n i n a n d Chayanov w e r e b e s i d e Kautsky t h e most o u t s t a n d i n g a u t h o r s on t h e agrarian question i n Russia.

The d i f f e r e n t v i e w s o f L e n i n and

Chayanov a r e i l l u s t r a t i v e o f t h e M a r x i s t v e r s u s t h e p o p u l i s t s t a n c e .

One

o f Lenin's p o i n t s , a c c o r d i n g t o Ennew e t a l .

(19771, was t h a t t h e R u s s i a n

p e a s a n t s a t t h e end of t h e 1 9 . c e n t u r y w e r e i n c r e a s i n g l y s u b o r d i n a t e d t o c a p i t a l i s t r e l a t i o n s of production, p i t a l i s t s " ( i . e . farmers).

whiZc

t h e y t h e m s e l v e s were n o t "ca-

Wage l a b o u r was n e i t h e r commonly u s e d i n

Russian a g r i c u l t u r e a t t h a t time, nor i n t h e beginning of t h i s c e n t u r y . However, m a n u f a c t u r i n g ,

t r a d e a n d s e r v i c e s r e l a t e d t o a g r i c u l t u r e were i n -

c r e a s i n g l y employing p e o p l e and a d h e r i n g t o t h e p r o f i t m o t i v e a s t h e d r i v i n g f o r c e of economic change.

L e n i n managed by h i s dynamic a n d compre-

h e n s i v e a n a l y s i s t o r e v e a l how r u r a l R u s s i a was c h a n g i n g and p o v e r t y created.

Chayanov ( 1 9 2 5 ; i n h i s more l i m i t e d s t u d y o f t h e f a m i l y - l a b o u r

farm showed how p e a s a n t s were committed t o a s a t i s f i e r t y p e o f p r o d u c t i o n . When p r i c e s o n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s i n c r e a s e d , t h e y r e d u c e d t h e i r o u t p u t . F u r t h e r m o r e , h e f o u n d t h a t v a r i a t i o n s i n o u t p u t a t a g i v e n p r i c e were mainly r e l a t e d t o t h e family l i f e - c y c l e , f a m i l i e s with k i n g a g e had t h e h i g h e s t o u t p u t .

c h i l d r e n i n wor-

Chayanov t r e a t e d t h e p e a s a n t s a s s o c i o -

economic homogeneous (Heynig 1 9 8 2 ) .

T h i s c o n t r a s t s w i t h L e n i n ' s emphasis

on a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among t h e p e a s a n t s which e v e n t u a l l y would l e a d t o " c a p i t a l i s t f a r m e r s " and a p r o l e t a r i a t .

(To Marx t h e p e a s a n t s w e r e doomed

b e c a u s e o f t h e i r l a c k o f c e n t r a l i z e d s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e which c o u l d s t a n d a g a i n s t t h e p e n e t r a t i o n o f t h e m a r k e t economy.)

A c c o r d i n g t o Chayanov, it

would b e p o s s i b l e t o t a l k o f a d i s t i n c t p e a s a n t form o f economic behaviour. B u t t o s a y t h a t t h e r e i s a " p e a s a n t mode o f p r o d u c t i o n " i m p l i e s a r e d u c t i o n o f t h e c o n t e n t o f t h e c o n c e p t "mode o f p r o d u c t i o n " .

"Mode o f p r o d u c t i o n "

s h o u l d b e r e s e r v e d f o r b r o a d e r s o c i a l r e l a t i o n s o f p r o d u c t i o n , o f systemat i c c o n n e c t i o n s between l a b o u r p r o c e s s e s a n d t h e ways i n which t h e r e s u l t of production i s d i s t r i b u t e d .

According t o L e n i n ' s p e r s p e c t i v e , i t i s i m -

p o s s i b l e t o e s t a b l i s h a general " p e a s a n t mode o f p r o d u c t i o n " .

The f o c a l

p o i n t i s t h u s t h a t t h e p e n e t r a t i o n of t h e m a r k e t economy r e s u l t e d i n

o: V a -

riety o f f0rm.s o f aci.nomic production due t o t h e d i f f e r e n t n a t u r e of t h e o r i g i n a l economy i n d i f f e r e n t p l a c e s . peasant.

They may, however, a l l b e t e r m e d

The c o n c e p t a r t i c u l a t i o n , u s e d by some s c h o l a r s t o d a y , means

t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l o r s o c a l l e d p r i m i t i v e s o c i e t i e s ( " p r e - c a p i t a l i s t modes o f p r o d u c t i o n " ) and t h e m a r k e t economy p r o d u c e sevqral s p e c i f i c t y p e s o f soc i e t i e s ( " s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n s " ) when t h e y merge (Rey 1 9 7 5 ) .

The i n t e r e s t i n g

t o p i c of r e s e a r c h i s t h e e m p i r i c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s of t h i s f u s i o n of d i f f e r e n t " l : i o d e s o f : > r o d u c t i o n Mi n t h e T h i r d World b e c a u s e i t t a k e s a v a r i e t y o f f o r m s and d o e s n o t seem t o r e s u l t i n a n e a r e x c l u s i v e m a r k e t economy now o r i n t h e f o r e s e e a b l e f u t u r e .

I n a d d i t i o n . t h i s combination of d i f -

f e r e n t " s u b - s o c i e t i e s " hamper economic c i r c u l a t i o n .

To s e a r c h f o r a

g e n e r a l " p e a s a n t mode o f p r o d u c t i o n " i s f u t i l e and s h o u l d b e r e p l a c e d by r e s e a r c h on t h e c o n d i t i o n s and mechanisms which c r e a t e i m p o v e r i s h e d peasants.

This cannot b e done through studying t h e p e a s a n t r y a s an

aggregate of i n d i v i d u a l p r o d u c t i o n u n i t s ( P a t n a i k 1982). n i s m s o f change w i l l t h e n n o t b e d i s c o v e r e d .

The mecha-

It is thus necessary t o

t r a n s c e n d t h e n e o - p o p u l i s t c o n c e p t i o n o f a homogeneous p e a s a n t r y , and look f o r d i f f e r e n c e s and c o n f l i c t s i n t e r n a l t o t h e peasantry.

The word

peasant is then used as a descriptive tern comprising a wide variety of Land tenure, Labour relations, production and marketing arrangements. Ennew e t a l .

(1977) a r e q u i t e e x p l i c i t on t h i s :

"Typologies have been

formulated i n terms of l e v e l o f technology, c u l t u r a l f e a t u r e s , t h e e x i s t e n c e o f s p e c i f i c f o r m s o f e x c h a n g e , a g r i c u l t u r a l p r a c t i c e s and s o o n , a l l o f which d e v e l o p d e s c r i p t i v e c a t e g o r i e s w h i c h a r e a n a l y t i c a l l y useless.

...".

P e a s a n t a s a d e s c r i p t i v e c o n c e p t i s , however, u s e f u l t o d i s t i n g u i s h , a t a g e n e r a l l e v e l , t h e g r o u p s o f c u l t i v a t o r s and herdsmen which a r e n e i t h e r t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s n o r modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s .

Thus,

it w i l l b e n e c e s s a r y i n s p e c i f i c a n a l y s e s t o e s t a b l i s h c o n c e p t s a t a lower l e v e l o f g e n e r a l i t y .

Friedmann (1980) h o l d s t h e same o p i n i o n :

"The t e r m " p e a s a n t " must g i v e way t o a n a l y t i c a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f forms o f p r o d u c t i o n b a s e d on i n t e r n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e u n i t ( s t u d i e d ) and e x t e r n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n " .

I n o t h e r words,

the peasant concept does not refer to a unique set of productive reLations.

A g r e a t number o f p r o d u c t i v e a r r a n g e m e n t s may e x i s t and need

t o h a v e n o t h i n g more i n common t h a n l i m i t a t i o n s i n t h e o p e r a t i o n o f t h e market p r i n c i p l e . t i c of p e a s a n t s i s

The c h i e f u n i f y i n g a n d d i s t i n g u i s h i n g c h a r a c t e r i s -

partial integration

i n t o t h e m a r k e t economy.

c i f i c l e v e l of i n t e g r a t i o n is included i n t h e d e f i n i t i o n .

production.

a priori

spe-

A g r e a t va-

r i a b i l i t y o f d e g r e e s o f i n t e g r a t i o n may t h e r e f o r e b e t h e outcome. variability prohibits

No

This

formulations about conditions of peasant

Thus a p u r e d e d u c t i v e a p p r o a c h c a n n o t b e u s e d a t p r e s e n t .

The c o n c e p t s h o u l d a c c o r d i n g l y b e r e p l a c e d by a n a n a l y t i c a l s p e c i f i c a t i o n o f t h e i n t e r n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e u n i t s o f p r o d u c t i o n and t h e e x t e r n a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e " s o c i a l formation" e x i s t i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r regions o r national t e r r i t o r i e s .

In view of the above discussion a peasant w i l l be defined as a cuZtiua-

t o r or herdsman who carry out a non- traditional and non-modem production and who l i v e s i n a s o c i e t y w i t h a developed market, be i t capitalist

GP

socialist.

This delimitation of the peasant concept is ne-

cessary to allow for a distinction between peasants and traditional agriculturalists.

Peasants are struggling in a different world than

the traditional agriculturalists.

However, ststdike organizations

and appropriation of surplus by an elite have existed for a long time. Thus the distinction above enables a formulation of a separate traditional agriculturalist category denoting a more developed method of acquiring food than undertaken by hunter-gatherers.

As will be seen in the

case of Botswana, the different tribes occupying the territory in the 18. and 19. centuries, had centralized organizations of authority and systematic ways of reproducing inequality between chiefs and their kin and the commoners

and slaves.

It would be meaningless to say that

cultivators at that time were peasants although barter and sale of especially cattle to other tribes further east were common.

According to the above definition, peasants can be found in Europe from the sixteenth century onwards because then market economy forms of production were created in commerce, industry and agriculture (Wallerstein 1979).

In the literature on European agriculture in the

period from about the middle of the last century to the Second World War, the concept peasant was frequently used.

The work on particularly

Eastern European agriculture in the beginning of this century is consistent with the proposed definition. The above discussion of where the boundary between traditional agriculturalists and peasants should be drawn, is not the primary concern presently.

The aim of research

is the establishment of concepts which enable an uncovering of the general mechanisms and processes of stagnation and poverty in the contemporary world.

Then less abstract concepts are necessary.

CHARACTERISTICS OF PEASANT PRODUCTION

Peasants have, as mentioned, a number of characteristics in cornmon with traditional agriculturalists.

The household is the unit of operation.

Labour is controlled by the family.

The aim of production is rather

use- value t h a n exchange- value.

The major p a r t o f t h e l a b o u r time i s

used t o s e c u r e s u b s i s t e n c e and n o t w i t h a view o f p r o f i t and r e i n v e s t ment.

The h o u s e h o l d i s b o t h a p r o d u c t i o n and consumption u n i t .

amount o f p r o d u c t s exchanged v a r i e s mainly w i t h t h e weather.

The The pro-

d u c t i o n can be c h a r a c t e r i z e d r a t h e r a s a "way of l i f e " t h a n a n e n t e r prise.

This i s n o t t o say t h a t a surplus does n o t e x i s t .

To produce

a replacement and ceremonial f u n d (Wolf 1966) were e a r l i e r common and normally a c h i e v e d .

By r e p l a c e m e n t fund i s meant t h e p r o d u c t i o n of s u r -

p l u s enough t o e n a b l e a n accumulation t o r e p l a c e n e c e s s a r y t o o l s and t o pay workers i n k i n d o r w i t h money when, f o r i n s t a n c e , c l e a r i n g new fields.

Accumulation i s a l s o n e c e s s a r y t o cover e x p e n d i t u r e s a t i n i -

t i a t i o n s , m a r r i a g e and o t h e r k i n d s o f ceremonies.

Accumulation was n o t

long ago mainly a c h i e v e d through t h e p r i n c i p l e s of r e c i p r o s i t y and r e d i s t r i b u t i o n (Polanyi 1957). through h e r d e x p a n s i o n . )

(Herdsmen can i n a d d i t i o n accumulate

S a l e t o m a r k e t s h a s n e a r l y everywhere r e p l a c e d

t h e s e p r i n c i p l e s a s d e t e r m i n i n g economic f a c t o r s .

T h i s d o e s n o t imply

t h a t t h e p e a s a n t s and t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s e a r l i e r l i v e d i n s e l f c o n t a i n e d communities.

Another i u p o r t a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and peasants i s security.

r i s k aversion, t h a t i s , t h e y w i l l minimize r i s k and maximize

The r e a s o n why p e a s a n t s do n o t a c c e p t modern technology lm-

p l y i n g d e b t , and new u n f a m i l i a r methods of p r o d u c t i o n i s mainly t h a t t h e y dependon theoutcome f o r t h e i r s u r v i v a l . (1977):

I n t h e words of Stavenhagen

"The p e a s a n t h o u s e h o l d ' s margins of manoeuvre a r e s l i m , and t h e

r i s k s loom l a r g e . "

S e c u r i t y f o r t h e p e a s a n t s (and t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l -

t u r a l i s t s ) c o n s i s t s i n t h e maintenance o f s o c i a l l i n k s w i t h r e l a t i v e s and neighbours a b l e t o h e l p i n t i m e s of need.

P e a s a n t s f o c u s r a t h e r on

a v o i d i n g r e d u c t i o n s i n p r o d u c t i o n t h a n on improving t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y . Popkin (1980) c a l l s t h i s concern w i t h s u b s i s t e n c e and s e c u r i t y f o r t h e safety- first principle.

The p e a s a n t s a r e , however, always l o o k i n g f o r

ways t o improve t h e i r l e v e l of l i v i n g .

To f i n d such ways i s d i f f i c u l t

when t h e e x i s t i n g l i v e l i h o o d i s s o p r e c a r i o u s .

Thus, when d i s c u s s i n g

planned change of p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u r e , it i s of utmost importance t o f i n d ways and means i n which t h e r i s k of p r o d u c t i o n can b e reduced i n t h e s h o r t as ?Jell

as i n t h e l o n g r u n .

The p e a s a n t s used t o i n c r e a s e

t h e i r s e c u r i t y i n t h e long- run by exchanging l a b o u r and d i s t r i b u t i n g food t o k i n and neighbours i n t i m e o f s u r p l u s .

(Complex i n t e r a c t i o n

w i t h mutual o b l i g a t i o n s g e n e r a l l y took and s t i l l t a k e p l a c e o n l y among a s m a l l number of households because of t h e need t o remember t h e d i f f e r e n t o b l i g a t i o n s i n a s i t u a t i o n w i t h l a c k of w r i t t e n r e c o r d s . )

The

same can b e s a i d when a p e a s a n t t r i e s t o keep c h i l d r e n i n t h e f i e l d s i n s t e a d o f u s i n g machinery. a b l e old- age p e n s i o n .

C h i l d r e n normally r e p r e s e n t t h e o n l y a v a i l -

However, p e a s a n t s w i l l t a k e o p p o r t u n i t i e s a r i s i n g

o u t s i d e t h e e s t a b l i s h e d means of s e c u r i t y i f t h a t improves t h e long- run s e c u r i t y by moving them t o a p o s i t i o n w i t h h i g h e r income.

Such oppor-

t u n i t i e s seldom e x i s t e d f o r t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s b u t have been available t o peasants.

I t is accordingly f a l l a c i o u s t o say t h a t peasants

have no i n t e r e s t i n market p r o d u c t i o n when t h e i r s u b s i s t e n c e i s s e c u r e d . Moreover, i n t e r n a l f o r c e s e x i s t i n most v i l l a g e s which c o n f l i c t w i t h t h e well-known l e v e l l i n g mechanism which r e s u l t s i n o p p o s i t i o n t o innovations.

The p a s s i v e c o n n o t a t i o n of " p e n e t r a t i o n " , used i n t h i s t e x t , i m -

p l i e s t h a t t h e i n i t i a t i v e f o r change i s t h o u g h t t o come from powerful T h i s i s t h e normal e m p i r i c a l f a c t .

outsiders.

The s t r a t i f i c a t i o n r e -

g a r d i n g w e a l t h and p o l i t i c a l p o s i t i o n , which e x i s t e d even i n pre- market v i l l a g e s , gave, h o w e v e r , s t r e n g t h t o t h e i n i t i a t i v e s i d e of t h e normal c o n f l i c t existing i n small s o c i e t i e s .

The t s c h n o l g y 3 j ' pi-cduction used by t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s and p e a s a n t s may b e s i m i l a r .

The plough which h a s c o m p l e t e l y r e p l a c e d t h e

hoe and d i g g i n g s t i c k many p l a c e s , a s f o r i n s t a n c e i n most of Southern ? . f r i c a , r e p r e s e n t s a major s h i f t i n technology.

Thus when c u l t i v a t o r s

adopted t h e plough, t h e y were no l o n g e r t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s . s a n t c u l t i v a t o r s may, however, s t i l l u s e a hoe.

Pea-

A plough used w i t h a n i -

mal draught- power w i l l be r e g a r d e d a s i n t e r m e d i a t e technology.

Inter

mediate technology ( o r t h e non-use of modem a g r i c u l t u r a l i n p u t s ) i s one o f t h e main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s d i s t i n g u i s h i n g peasants from modem a_oricultura%producers.

I t i s i m p o r t a n t t h a t t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of modern

technology among s m a l l h o l d e r s o n l y r e c e n t l y h a s become a g e n e r a l concern. P r e v i o u s l y such i n n o v a t i o n s were r e s e r v e d f o r p l a n t a t i o n s , e s t a t e s and l a r g e farms.

Technological innovations a r e n o t accepted i n i s o l a t i o n

from f a c t o r s such a s l a n d t e n u r e , s o c i a l o r g a n i z a t i o n and economic means. I n n o v a t i o n s which a r e economic r a t i o n a l , have t h e r e f o r e o f t e n been r e j e c t e d by p e a s a n t s n o t because of i r r a t i o n a l b e h a v i o u r , a s some s c h o l a r s m a i n t a i n , b u t because t h e y do n o t f i t e a s i l y w i t h t h e above mentioned factors.

Those c u l t i v a t o r s who n o n e t h e l e s s manage t o move from t h e pea-

sant- cultivator

t o farmer category must a l s o surmount socio-economic

and c u l t u r a l o b s t a c l e s t o innovation.

The main problem of r e s e a r c h i n

r e s p e c t of planned change i n a g r i c u l t u r e i s a c c o r d i n g l y t o d e c i d e whether t h e o b s t a c l e s belong p r i m a r i l y t o t h e economic o r t h e c u l t u r a l sphere. The c u l t u r a l o b s t a c l e s a r e obviously more d i f f i c u l t f o r o u t s i d e i n s t i t u t i o n s t o i n f l u e n c e t h a n t h e socio-economic ones.

P e a s a n t s a r e s a i d t o c a r r y o u t "simple commodity production" ( B e r n s t e i n 1979, Friedrnann 1 9 8 0 ) , t h a t i s , p r o d u c t s a r e s o l d a t markets b u t wage labour i s n o t a g e n e r a l commodity.

This c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n does not c r e a t e

d i f f i c u l t i e s i n h i s t o r i c a l a n a l y s e s where t h e market economy i s l i t t l e developed a t t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l .

I n s t u d i e s comprising a l s o t h e contempo-

r a r y world, it becomes problematic because l a b o u r , land and c a p i t a l cannot be c h a r a c t e r i z e d by immobility i n t h e l a r g e r economy although t h e f a c t o r m o b i l i t y may be r e l a t i v e l y low a t t h e l o c a l l e v e l .

The competition f o r

l a b o u r , land and c a p i t a l which e x i s t s among p e a s a n t s and between p e a s a n t production and v a r i o u s o t h e r s e c t o r s of t h e economy l e a d s t o a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among t h e p e a s a n t s , and t h u s t o a p o s s i b l e c r e a t i o n of modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers and i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y of a g r i c u l t u r a l production.

A p e a s a n t may h i r e labour and t a k e l o a n s .

When t h i s i s done

with a p r o f i t motive, with t h e i n t e n t i o n of i n c r e a s i n g t h e o u t p u t

and

r e i n v e s t l n f u r t h e r I n c r e a s e s , t h e c u l t i v a t o r s and herdsmen should be c a l l e d modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers.

The t h e o r e t i c a l i n t e r e s t i n g p o i n t here

i s t h a t i n t h i s process t h e peasants replace dependence on k i n and neigh-

bours w i t h a dependence on an external market and on modern i n s t i L u t i o n s . For example, labour i s becoming n e a r l y e x c l u s i v e l y mobilized through t h e market and n o t by t h e domestic group.

A n a l t e r n a t i v e p r o c e s s of c r e a t i o n of modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers i s found i n China.

Chinese c u l t i v a t o r s organized i n what formerly was c a l l e d

P e o p l e ' s Communes must be s a i d t o be f u l l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e n a t i o n a l s t r a t e g y f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l development and i n t h e s o c i a l i s t market. o v e r , t h e household i s n o t t h e u n i t of production.

More-

Their production i s

s t r o n g l y i n f l u e n c e d by o u t s i d e demand, and t h e aim i s maximization of production,

j u s t t o mention a few a s p e c t s i n o r d e r t o show t h a t " P e o p l e ' s

Communes" a r e more s i m i l a r t o p r i v a t e e n t e r p r i s e s than t o p e a s a n t production.

Thus, such c u l t i v a t o r s should be c a l l e d farmers.

To i d e n t i f y t h e boundary between p e a s a n t s and modern a g r i c u l t u r a l prod u c e r s may o f t e n be d i f f i c u l t i n p r a c t i c e .

There i s a l s o an i n h e r e n t

danger of t e l e o l o g y i n t h e above way of i d e n t i f y i n g t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , p e a s a n t s and modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers.

It i s there-

f o r e necessary t o u n d e r l i n e t h a t no automatic o r e v e n t u a l outcome of t h e p r o c e s s of change i s implied, such a s c h a t a l l p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s w i l l become farmers.

CONCLUSION

Most a u t h o r s d e a l i n g w i t h p e a s a n t s on a conceptual and t h e o r e t i c a l l e v e l emphasize t h a t p e a s a n t s a r e r u l e d by o t h e r s o c i a l c l a s s e s and s u b j e c t e d t o state- power.

They have t o render p a r t of t h e i r surplus- value o r sur-

plus- labour t o l a n d l o r d s , moneylenders o r t h e s t a t e .

E a r l i e r when a g r i -

c u l t u r e was t h e dominant economic occupation and only few o t h e r opport u n i t i e s e x i s t e d f o r investment, p a r t of t h e c a p i t a l a p p r o p r i a t e d by nonc u l t i v a t o r s was normally channelled back t o a g r i c u l t u r a l production.

Today investments are often made not in agriculture but in agricultural trade, transport, shops, bars and higher education of children.

such

t y p e s of investments w i l l e v e n t u a l l y c o n t r i b u t e t o a l i m i t a t i o n of f u r t h e r such investments i f an adequate investment i n a g r i c u l t u r a l production i s n o t forthcoming.

This seems t o be a r a t h e r common problem i n many Third

World c o u n t r i e s today.

It is therefore essential for the s t a t e t o find

methods of a c q u i r i n g t h e s u r p l u s generated by t h e p e a s a n t s and t o i n c r e a s e t h e s u r p l u s of t h o s e p e a s a n t s who a r e more e a s i l y c o n t r o l l e d i n o r d e r t o allow f o r s t a t e supported reinvestments i n a g r i c u l t u r e .

One method f o r

t h e s t a t e t o achieve a higher degree of c o n t r o l over a g r i c u l t u r e i s t o make land i n t o a commodity ( o r t u r n it i n t o s t a t e l a n d ) . much e a s i e r t o o b t a i n .

Rent i s t h e n

By modernizing a g r i c u l t u r a l production, t h e s t a t e

g e t s an income from t a x e s on i n p u t s and from p e r s o n a l t a x of modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers. inputs.

P e a s a n t s i n c o n t r a s t seldom pay any t a x and use few

I f p e a s a n t s have o b l i g a t i o n s t o l a n d l o r d s , a s i n t h e c a s e of

sharecroppers i n Asia and L a t i n America, t h e s t a t e may e v e n t u a l l y g e t p a r t of t h e produced s u r p l u s .

I n A f r i c a where communal land i s a v a i l a b l e i n

many p l a c e s , p e a s a n t s a r e s a i d t o be r e l a t i v e l y f r e e t o avoid t h e p r e s s u r e s of t h e market and/or t h e s t a t e .

T r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s were i n com-

p a r i s o n o f t e n bound by t h e p o l i t i c a l power of c h i e f s t o g i v e t r i b u t e t o

them.

And modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers a r e subordinated t o t h e r a p i d l y

i n c r e a s i n g p r i c e s on expensive i n p u t s .

The b a s i s of t h e t h e s i s of t h e

"uncaptured p e a s a n t r y " r e s t s on t h i s perceived r e l a t i v e freedom of t h e p e a s a n t s t o pursue aims o f t h e i r own, t o avoid t h e laws economy ( o r s t a t e p l a n n i n g ) .

of t h e market

The reasoning above i s based upon t h e as-

sumption t h a t p e a s a n t s want t o pursue a s u b s i s t e n c e production r a t h e r than t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n market r e l a t i o n s when t h e y have s e c u r i t y i n land.

the Limited peasant participation in agricuLtura2 production for markets, is mainly expZained I n c o n t r a s t , t h e argument made i n t h i s work i s t h a t

by unfavourabZe conditions for such production.

~ h u s ,p e a s a n t s e x i s t

today n o t because they p r e f e r t o be p e a s a n t s b u t because t h e y a r e f o r c e d t o f o r l a c k of adequate a l t e r n a t i v e s .

CHAPTER 4 SOCIETAL EVOLUTION AND AGRARIAN TRANSITION

P i o n e e r s c h o l a r s s u c h a s Weber, Durkheim, Marx a n d L e n i n h a v e a n a l y s e d t h e e v o l u t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l t o modern s o c i e t y .

Below t h e i n t e n t i o n

i s l i m i t e d t o a d i s c u s s i o n o f t h e f a c t t h a t e l e m e n t s of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s s t i l l may b e f o u n d i n t h e c o n t e m p o r a r y T h i r d World.

The mecha-

nisms of s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n and a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n w i l l n o t be t r e a t e d e x h a u s t i v e l y , o n l y t h e main p o i n t s w i l l b e i n c l u d e d .

SOCIETAL EVOLUTION

T h e r e a r e no

t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i n A f r i c a t o d a y (Amin 1 9 7 2 ) .

However,

t r a d i t i o n a l forms o f p r o d u c t i o n s r e o f t e n s t r e n g t h e n e d when t h e i n t e g r a t i o n w i t h t h e m a r k e t economy, f o r e i g n o r d o m e s t i c , i n c r e a s e s .

The p r o c e s s

of change i n t h e T h i r d World i s r e g a r d e d by many t o b e a dynamic p r o c e s s of d i s i n t e g r a t i o n o r d i s s o l u t i o n of t h e t r a d i t i s n a l s o c i e t y r a t h e r t h a n a b u i l d i n g o f a modern o n e . kept intact,

C e r t a i n a s p e c t s of t r a d i t i o n a l forms a r e

t h e i r f u n c t i o n a l i t y i s , however, d i s t o r t e d .

t h e m a r k e t economy i s n o t f u l l y d e v e l o p e d . t o c a l l such s o c i e t i e s f o r p e r i p h e r a l .

A t t h e same t i m e

T h i s h a s l e d Amin ( 1 9 7 6 )

U n i l i n e a r e v o l u t i o n - t h e conven-

t i o n a l p e r s p e c t i v e i n which s p e c i f i c c a s e s o f c h a n g e a r e p l a c e d - i s r e g a r d e d by a n i n c r e a s i n g number o f s c h o l a r s n o t t o p r o v i d e a d e q u a t e exp l a n a t i o n r e g a r d i n g most o f t h e T h i r d World.

Undoubtedly, many o f t h e cha-

r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a s o c i e t y i n t r a n s i t i o n from t r a d i t i o n t o m o d e r n i t y f o u n d i n t h e d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s e a r l i e r , a r e a l s o p r e s e n t i n t h e T h i r d World. N o n e t h e l e s s , i n t h e l a t t e r t h e m a g n i t u d e o n some f u n d a m e n t a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s , f o r i n s t a n c e , unemployment and p o v e r t y i n r e l a t i o n t o n a t i o n a l w e a l t h ,

is different.

Simply t o i n f e r from s i m i l a r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t o a n e c e s s a r y

development p a t h , i s inadequate.

O b v i o u s l y , a p r e d i c t i o n o f change i n f u -

t u r e always r e s t s on q u a l i f i e d b e l i e f , onwhether t h o s e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s t h a t d i f f e r o r t h e d i f f e r e n t o r d e r o f m a g n i t u d e on some c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a r e det e r m i n i n g t h e f u r t h e r e v o l u t i o n i n t h e T h i r d World r e s u l t i n g i n b l o c k e d

transition.

On t h e o t h e r hand, t h e c a s e may b e t h a t t h e m a r k e t economy

w i l l wipe o u t a l l r e m n a n t s o f t h e t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t y i n t h e s h o r t - r u n , and l e a v e no o p t i o n s open f o r i n d i g e n o u s p a t h s o f e v o l u t i o n .

The p o i n t

h e r e i s n o t t o a s s e s s t h e r e l a t i v e p r o b a b i l i t y of t h e s e two c o n t r a s t i n g I t i s r a t h e r t o conclude both t h a t change a s w e l l a s reproduc-

views.

t i o n o f e x i s t i n g c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a t a number o f l e v e l s i n t h e T h i r d World and t h a t t h e p r e d i c t i o n o f t h e outcome o f t h i s complex p e r i o d of t r a n s i t i o n i n t h e s h o r t - r u n a r e n o t a s i m p l e m a t t e r o f drawing a n a l o g i e s from n e i t h e r m a r k e t economies n o r s o c i a l i s t c o u n t r i e s .

The v i e w h e l d by some

t h a t t h e m a r k e t economy h a s n o t p e n e t r a t e d r u r a l l i f e i n A f r i c a and

hat t h e A f r l c a n p e a s a n t s i n g e n e r a l a r e " i n d e p e n d e n t o f a n y l a r g e r system" (Rudengren 19811, h a s no b a s i s i n e m p i r i c a l f a c t .

A l l groups of people,

however r e m o t e t h e y l i v e from l a r g e c e n t r e s o f economic a c t i v i t i e s ,

are

e i t h e r d i r e c t l y o r i n d i r e c t l y t o some d e g r e e i n f l u e n c e d b y t h e l a r g e r nat i o n a l economic s y s t e m , and t h u s l i n k e d t o t h e w o r l d m a r k e t .

The many c a s e s o f s p e c t a c u l a r g r o w t h i n p e a s a n t p r o d u c t i o n i n t h e T h i r d World r e s u l t i n g from new o u t s i d e m a r k e t s and imprcved t r a n s p o r t a t i o n f a cilities

(Myint 1 9 7 0 ) , s u p p o r t t h e a s s u m p t i o n t h a t p e a s a n t e s a r e

ving " l i m i t e d wants".

not

ha-

When t h e u n i v e r s a l a t t i t u d e i s r a t h e r t a k e n t o b e

a want o f m a t e r i a l b e t t e r m e n t , i t becomes n e c e s s a r y t o a n a l y s e t h e macro s y s t e m , i t s c h a n g e s a n d l o c a l m a n i f e s t a t i o n s r a t h e r t h a n t h e p e a s a n t ment a l i t y or culture.

Hence, a p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h r e e d e t e r m i n i n g mechanisms

o f change - t h e t e n d e n c y i n a m a r k e t economy o f a n e c e s s a r y c o n t i n u o u s e x t e n s i o n and i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n o f m a r k e t r e l a t i o n s ; i n t e r n a l and e x t e r n a l c a p i t a l ;

t h e c o n f l i c t between

and l a s t l y t h e e x i s t e n c e o f d i f f e r e n t " p r e s

s u r e groups" - is included i n t h e following.

The

firsi; d e t e r m i n i n g

nism o f change i s t h e c o n t r a d i c t i o n i n t h e m a r k e t economy i t s e l f :

mechaA s com-

p e t i t i o n i s a main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e m a r k e t economy, t h e r e w i l l always e x i s t a p r e s s u r e t o expand t h e m a r k e t ( b y c r e a t i n g new p r o d u c t s , e n l a r g i n g t h e m a r k e t s h a r e o r f i n d / c r e a t e new m a r k e t s ) .

On t h e c o s t s i d e o f t h e

ba-

l a n c e s h e e t , companies a n d i n d i v i d u a l e n t r e p r e n e u r s w i l l t r y t o f i n d cheap labour.

By c o m p l e t e l y t r a n s f o r m i n g t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s i n t o e f f e c t i v e

m a r k e t s , w a g e s h a v e t o b e i n c r e a s e d which l i m i t s o r e r a d i c a t e s t h e s u p p l y of cheap labour.

A n e m p i r i c a l r e s o l u t i o n o f t h i s c o n t r a d i c t i o n h a s i n many

p l a c e s o f t h e T h i r d World b e e n t o p r o d u c e m a i n l y f o r e x p o r t t o t h e developed c o u n t r i e s . their

The wages p a i d t o w o r k e r s may t h u s b e no h i g h e r t h a n f o r

i n d i v i d u a 2 s u r v i v a l and f i t n e s s a s w o r k e r s .

The p r e r e q u i s i t e f o r

such a development i s t h a t t h e s u p p l y of l a b o u r i s g r e a t e r t h a n t h e demand - which i s t h e t y p i c a l T h i r d World r e a l i t y t o d a y a s w e l l a s e a r l i e r . I n t h e e a r l y p h a s e s o f market economy p e n e t r a t i o n a l a b o u r s u p p l y was u s u a l l y c r e a t e d by c o e r c i o n .

T h i s was n o t n e c e s s a r y everywhere i n A f r i c a

( H i n d e r i n k and S t e r k e n b u r g 1 9 7 9 ) .

I n Ghana, f o r i n s t a n c e , Howard (1980)

m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s became p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s through a r e s p o n s e t o economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s and i m p e r a t i v e s o n l y .

The

mechanism used by c o l o n i a l powers t o c r e a t e a l a b o u r s u p p l y was t h e i n t r o d u c t i o n of t a x e s which had t o be p a i d by e v e r y o n e , and i n money.

Tra-

d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s t h e n had t o s e l l s u r p l u s p r o d u c t s (which o f t e n meant c u l t i v a t i n g new c r o p s ) o r t h e i r l a b o u r .

Labour m i g r a t i o n i n S o u t h e r n

A f r i c a and e l s e w h e r e was o r i g i n a l l y i n i t i a t e d i n t h i s way.

L a t e r , market

f o r c e s t o g e t h e r w i t h p o p u l a t i o n growth were enough t o s e c u r e a f l o w of l a b o u r t o t h e growing p l a n t a t i o n s , mining and urban c e n t r e s .

No d o u b t ,

p e o p l e had g o t used t o a few consumer goods and a g r i c u l t u r a l equipment which c o u l d no l o n g e r b e made l o c a l l y .

The demand f o r t r a d i t i o n a l pro-

d u c t s d i s a p p e a r e d , and t h e knowledge of t h e p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s of such p r o d u c t s was g r a d u a l l y l o s t .

An o u t s t a n d i n g f e a t u r e of p e o p l e ' s a d a p t a -

t i o n t o wage employment was t h e i r c o n t i n u a t i o n w i t h a g r i c u l t u r a l product i o n a s well.

E i t h e r t h e worker came home i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e a s o n ,

t h a t i s , he became a peasant- worker, o r o t h e r members of t h e household carried out the a g r i c u l t u r a l tasks, i n t h i s case t h e peasant- worker t y p e .

household i s of t h e

The low wages r e c e i v e d i n t h e modern s e c t o r of t h e

economy which seldom e n a b l e d t h e worker t o s u s t a l n t h e f a m i l y on t h e wage a l o n e , had t h e e f f e c t t h a t u r b a n i z a t i o n d i d n o t i n c r e a s e much i n t h i s period.

L a t e r wages i n c r e a s e d , i f n o t much i n r e a l t e r m s , t h e n r e l a t i v e l y

t o t h e income g e n e r a t i n g p o s s i b i l i t i e s i n a g r i c u l t u r e . now became a p r e f e r e n c e f o r many.

M i g r a t i o n t o towns

To abandon a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n could,

however, n o t be done on a l a r g e s c a l e b e c a u s e , among o t h e r t h l n g s , c u r i t y was low and o l d a g e p e n s i o n s n o n - e x i s t e n t .

job se-

Today a s u b s t a n t i a l

number of p e o p l e i n t h e T h i r d World have g o t permanent j o b s and h i g h s a l a ries.

They may t h u s s e v e r e t h e i r l i n k s t o r u r a l r e s o u r c e s .

Nonetheless,

a l a r g e number of p e o p l e d o n o t s e e such p r o s p e c t s f o r t h e m s e l v e s , and t r y t o become i n v o l v e d i n a m u l t i t u d e o f economic s e c t o r s , o f t e n l e a v i n g w i f e and c h i l d r e n t o look a f t e r b a s i c food p r o d u c t i o n .

S p a t i a l l y , economic a c t i v i t i e s of a non- primary k i n d w i l l " always" be conc e n t r a t e d b e c a u s e of t h e l o g i c of t h e economy of s c a l e .

The p l a c e s where

c o n c e n t r a t i o n s a r e l o c a t e d can most o f t e n be e x p l a i n e d by i n i t i a l advant a g e s such a s a v a i l a b l e energy ( c o a l , r i v e r s ) o r a c e n t r a l s i t u a t i o n i n t h e t r a n s p o r t a t i o n network a t t h e b e g i n n i n g of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .

It is

worth mentioning t h e t r u i s m t h a t t h e i n i t i a l advantage of a n e a r l y induss t r i a l i z a t i o n , i s a major e x p l a n a t i o n of t h e r e l a t i v e l y modest i n d u s t r i a l development i n many T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s . The q u e s t i o n i s

T h i s i s never q u e s t i o n e d .

why t h e market economy h a s n o t been a b l e t o b r i n g about

a r a p i d i n d u s t r i a l expansion i n t h e T h i r d World.

No d o u b t , one r e a s o n i s

t h e f a c t t h a t market economy expansion i s uneven economically, s o c i a l l y and s p a t i a l l y .

I n s i d e t h e T h i r d World s p a t i a l v a r i a t i o n i n r e s o u r c e en-

dowment e x e r c i s e d a n i m p o r t a n t i n f l u e n c e o v e r t h e uneven c o u r s e of e a r l y An example i s c l i m a t e f a v o u r a b l e t o European

market economy p e n e t r a t i o n . s e t t l e r s (e.g.

t h e Nairobi a r e a ) .

The

second

d e t e r m i n i n g mechanism, which

h e l p s t o e x p l a i n t h e p r e s e n t s t r u c t u r a l l y d i s t o r t e d economy i n many T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s , i s t h e c o n f l i c t between i n t e r n a l ( l o c a l o r r e g i o n a l ) and e x t e r n a l ( n a t i o n a l o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l ) owners o r c o n t r o l l e r s of c a p i t a l .

The

i n t e r n a l owners o f c a p i t a l , m o s t l y t r a d e r s , moneylenders o r l a n d l o r d s (merc h a n t c a p i t a l i n M a r x i s t t e r m s ) do n o t u s u a l l y i n v e s t money ( n e a r l y ) s o l e l y They w i l l be preoccupied w i t h c o n t r o l l i n g t h e

f o r maximization of p r o f i t . sources of p r o f i t , e.g.

t h e p e a s a n t s and a r t i s a n s .

External c o n t r o l l e r s

of c a p i t a l ( i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i n M a r x i s t terminology) a r e i n t e r e s t e d i n investment i n production.

Merchant c a p i t a l i s g e n e r a l l y a n a g e n t of stagn-

a t i o n , whereas i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l i s one of change. t o be poor f o r merchant c a p i t a l t o be m a i n t a i n e d .

Poor p e o p l e must c o n t i n u e This i s not the case with

i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l . The c o n f l i c t between merchant and i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l o f f e r s a b e t t e r e x p l a n a t i o n a s t o why t h e market economy h a s n o t a l r e a d y submerged t r a d i t i o n a l forms of p r o d u c t i o n t h a n t o s a y t h a t p e a s a n t s want a l i f e of low m a t e r i a l s a t i s f a c t i o n , comes.

t h a t t h e y a r e n o t i n t e r e s t e d i n i n c r e a s e d in-

The outcome of t h e c o n f l i c t i n g i n t e r e s t s g i v e s q u i t e d i f f e r e n t com-

b i n a t i o n s ( a r t i c u l a t i o n s ) of be termed

forms o f production.

socio-economic formations.

Such combinations w i l l

On a more encompassing l e v e l of as-

p e c t s of s o c i e t y , i t i s common t o u s e t h e c o n c e p t s "mode of p r o d u c t i o n " and " s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n " f o r forms of p r o d u c t i o n and socio- economic f o r m a t i o n r e spectively.

Amin (1980) r e c o g n i z e s o n l y 5 t y p e s of

"modes o f production"

t r i b u t a r y , s l a v e - b a s e d , s m a l l - s c a l e t r a d e and c a p i t a l i s t ) .

(primitive, This reduces

t h e u s e f u l n e s s of t h e c o n c e p t by e s t a b l i s h i n g it a t a h i g h l e v e l of ab-

straction.

The o v e r s i m p l i f i c a t i o n a n d l i m i t a t i o n o f t h e c o n c e p t a r e r e -

v e a l e d when c o n f r o n t e d w i ~ hs p e c i f i c " s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n s " ( K l e i n 1 9 8 0 ) . Some s c h o l a r s h a v e expanded t h e number o f "modes o f p r o d u c t i o n " ( c o l o n i a l , E a n a j i 1972; 1978;

l i n e a g e , Rey 1975;

F e u d a l and p a s t o r a l , C l i f f e 1977.

l i n e a g e - t r i b u t a r y , Dejean 1 9 8 0 ;

p e a s a n t , Hyded 1 9 8 0 ) .

d o e s n o t seem a f r u i t f u l d i r e c t i o n i n which t o p r o c e e d .

This

I n c e r t a i n types

o f a n a l y s e s , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n s t u d i e s o f s o c i a l c l a s s e s and c l a s s c o n f l i c t s , t h e g e n e r a l i t y o f t h e 5 t y p e s o f modes o f p r o d u c t i o n i s r e q u i r e d .

rrSociaz fornation" r e f e r s t o a c o m b i n a t i o n o f "modes o f p r o d u c t i o n " e x i s t i n g a t a given p l a c e a t a s p e c i f i c p o i n t i n time.

A " s o c i a l formation"

h a s a s p e c i f i c h i s t o r y , c u l t u r e , economy a n d p o l i t i c a l o r g a n i z a t i o n . t y p o l o g y o f " s o c i a l f o r m a t i o n s " i s worked o u t . b e s a i d t o have h e u r i s t i c value.

No

The c o n c e p t c a n , however,

The a r t i c u l a t i o n o f "modes o f p r o d u c t i o n "

h a s been c r i t i z e d o f f u n c t i o n a l i s m ( C r u s h 1 9 8 1 ) .

However, n o t a l l a s p e c t s

of t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s remaining today a r e thought t o be replaced by market f o r c e s based i n dominant o u t s i d e c e n t r e s .

The p o i n t i s t h a t t h e

e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e continued e x i s t e n c e of t r a d i t i o n a l forms of production

i s seen r a t h e r t o l i e i n t h e o p e r a t i o n of t h e world market (Hesselberg 1981 a ) t h a n i n e i t h e r c o u n t e r v a i l i n g f o r c e s i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l forms of p r o d u c t i o n o r i n h a b i t s p e o p l e a r e accustomed t o .

It is a l s o q u i t e c l e a r

t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n a r e n o t j u s t p a s s i v e l y t r a n s f o r m e d by external forces.

They h a v e a n a c t i v e i n f l u e n c e o n t h e p r o c e s s o f change.

B u t it i s f a l l a c i o u s t o m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e y a r e i n d e p e n d e n t o f o r dominant vis-2-vis

t h e m a r k e t economy.

I t must b e s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e m a r k e t economy

i n t h e T h i r d World was b r o u g h t i n from t h e o u t s i d e and i s t h u s l i n k e d t o dominant f o r e i g n c e n t r e s .

I n Europe and J a p a n , f o r i n s t a n c e , i n t e r n a l f a c -

t o r s d e t e r m i n e d t h e t r a n s i t i o n from f e u d a l i s m t o c a p i t a l i s m .

This is a

fundamental d i f f e r e n c e .

The

t h i r d o f t h e d e t e r m i n i n g mechanisms o f change ( o r s t a g n a t i o n ) , t o b e

m e n t i o n e d , which f o l l o w s from t h e a b o v e , i s t h a t a l t h o u g h c l a s s e s a r e formed, q u i t e a s u b s t a n t i a l number o f p e o p l e r e g a r d t h e m s e l v e s t o b e l o n g t o d i f f e r e n t " p r e s s u r e groups".

" Pressure group" w i l l be used i n s t e a d of c l a s s , because

i t i s a t a r e l a t i v e l y l e s s g e n e r a l l e v e l , and t h u s a l l o w s f o r more e m p i r i c a l d e t a i l of study.

An example o f t h i s mechanism i s a worker i n town w i t h a

wife i n r u r a l production. h i g h e r p r i c e s on food.

He w i l l , f o r i n s t a n c e , b e a m b i v a l e n t t o w a r d s

He may a l s o f i n d it d i f f i c u l t t o a c c e p t s u b s t a n t i a l

rises in wages if that implies less subsidies on agricultural inputs.

In

the same way the traditional elite with large landholdings cultivated by tenants may, when they have the political power, not react as one group regarding the question of agricultural technology.

Some will favour a

rapid change and an increased degree of national food production, whereas others will try to keep the old society from changing because a change would deprive them of their source of profit.

The result

is likely to be a society consisting of various forms of production among sectors and internal to a sector.

What then do form of production and socio-economic formation refer to?

Fomn of production includes the following three dimensions: The l e v e l of technology in a wide sense (simple, intermediate, advanced);

the r e l a t i o n

between Land, Labour and c a p i t a l (individual, collective and other types of ownership of production factors and patterns of surplus appropriation); and t h e aim of production (consumption mainly, consumption and reinvestment of approximately equal value and reinvestment mainly). duction can be

Forms of pro-

established for all kinds of production sectors and be

found at different times in different areas.

A formulation of a typology

of forms of production generally will not be made.

It is important, how-

ever, to be aware of the risk of expanding the number of forms of production which in the end would give only unique cases.

Socio-economic

formation must be located in time and space.

It contains

the combination of forms of production prevailing in a society.

The point

in using the concept socio-economic formation is that it provides an opportunity to study a society more in its totality.

Such a study may give

a specific understanding grasped at one moment in a society's evolution, and thereby enable a better prediction of the further development of this society as a whole.

The reason for not using the term "social formation"

is that this concept is composed of "modes of production".

To avoid con-

ceptual confusion, socio-economic formation is therefore used when referring to compositions of forms of production.

AGRARIAN TRANSITION

In traditional societies the decisive factor regarding rural people's level of living was the relationship between people and nature. called an "ecologicaz s i t u a t i o n " .

This may be

In modern societies exchange between

p e o p l e h o l d s t h e main e x p l a n a t i o n f o r i n e q u a l i t y .

rreconomic s i t u a t i o n " .

T h i s may b e l a b e l l e d an

The p r o c e s s of a g r a r i a n change from t h e former t o

the l a t t e r s i t u a t i o n is called agrarian t r a n s i t i o n .

During t h e a g r a r i a n

t r a n s i t i o n a g r i c u l t u r e may be s a i d t o be t r a n s f o r m i n g i n a more fundament a l way t h a n t h e changes o c c u r r i n g situations.

i n e i t h e r t h e e c o l o g i c a l o r economic

I n t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n t h e r e i s a mix of t h e s e two s i t u a -

t i o n s , n o t p r i m a r i l y t h e one o r t h e o t h e r .

The c o n t e n t o f t h i s mix may of

c o u r s e v a r y from p l a c e t o p l a c e . Before c o l o n i a l i s m , h u n t i n g f o r s l a v e s by Europeans, Arabs and A f r i c a n s themselves was mot d i s r u p t i v e t o t h e w e l l e s t a b l i s h e d and o f t e n h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d s o c i e t i e s and t r a d e r o u t e s i n A f r i c a .

Barber (1960)

may s t a n d a s an example of t h e w e l l - e s t a b l i s h e d myth t h a t : " Before t h e coming of t h e Europeans, it was g e n e r a l l y t h e c a s e i n t h e Rhod e s i a ~t h a t t h e economic l i f e o f t h e A f r i c a n p e o p l e s was based on s e l f c o n t a i n e d a g r i c u l t u r a l and p a s t o r a l systems."

T h i s view h a s been adequately

c o u n t e r e d by, f o r i n s t a n c e , Rodney (1972) and A r r i g h i (1973)

.

I n other

p a r t s of t h e world c o l o n i a l i s m had t h e same impact a s s l a v e - h u n t i n g i n Africa.

I n s h o r t , t h e economy i n p a r t i c u l a r and s o c i e t y i n g e n e r a l i n t h e

now T h i r d World became "outward o r i e n t e d " , and t h e i n t e r a c t i o n and i n t e g r a t i o n between neighbouring a r e a s d e c l i n e d o r were stopped a l t o g e t h e r .

A t

t h e time t h e market economy had expanded t o become t h e main o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e of l a r g e p a r t s of t h e economies i n t h e T h i r d World, even v i l l a g e based s o c i e t i e s became fragmented.

Economic r e l a t i o n s h i p s became i n d i v i -

d u a l i z e d and a l a b o u r supply was c r e a t e d f o r f u r t h e r market economy expansion. I t i s a myth t h a t t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r e was i n e f f i c i e n t .

I n Southern

A f r i c a , f o r i n s t a n c e , l a r g e ploughed f i e l d s i n European s e t t l e m e n t a r e a s had a lower p r o d u c t i v i t y of a u n i t of l a n d ( l a n d p r o d u c t i v i t y ) t h a n hoe c u l t i v a t i o n of s e l e c t e d s o i l s (Palmer and P a r s o n s 1 9 7 7 ) .

Although c o l o n i a l i s m

paved t h e way f o r t o d a y ' s p o v e r t y i n t h e T h i r d World, economic o p p o r t u n i t i e s were s i m u l t a n e o u s l y c r e a t e d , f o r i n s t a n c e , through a g r i c u l t u r a l i n n o v a t i o n s b o t h r e g a r d i n g t y p e s of c r o p s and p r a c t i c e s of c u l t i v a t i o n . t i o n s have n o n e t h e l e s s n o t become u n i v e r s a l l y adopted.

Such innova-

I f Boserup's t h e s i s

(1965) of p o p u l a t i o n p r e s s u r e a s t h e c a u s e of a g r i c u l t u r a l change on a l a r g e s c a l e i s c o r r e c t , A f r i c a w i t h i t s low p o p u l a t i o n d e n s i t y i n most p l a c e s might have t o w a i t a long time f o r change t o t a k e p l a c e . A t t h e beginning o f n a t i o n a l economic development low c o s t of l a n d , s p a r s e

s e t t l e m e n t and r e l a t i v e l y h i g h p r i c e s f o r c a p i t a l goods l e d t o an e x t e n s i v e

form of farm operation. After the industrial revolution wages increased far more than other inputs (Andreae 1981). sive production in the developed countries.

This led to a capital intenIndustrial growth may not

have the same effect inpopulous Third World countries today.

The direc-

tion of the agrarian transition has in fact proved to be multitudinous. There are a number of different agricultural structures in the world, and hence different possible paths for Third World countries to follow.

None-

theless, one may make a dichotomy on a general level between t h e Kulak

( o r American) path (Roxborough 1979) and t h e peasant path.

The former

leads through the formation of state or private farms to increased labour productivity due to rises in inputs of machinery and energy. may, if not always, result in higher land productivity.

The latter

In cases where

new land is available for cultivation, land productivity seldom improves much.

When land is in short supply, a process of involution (Geertz 1963)

often takes place.

Involution refers to that more and more people work on

the same land without any change in the technology of operation.

The total

production increases in places where soils and water are favourable. relative increases will be gradually smaller.

The

The production in the early

phases of this process may be large enough to allow quite substantial sales. Later higher percentages of the harvests have to be used for consumption. The result is a typical peasant form of production. The significance of a stagnant or only slowly increasing productivity per worker is, among other things, that few opportunities will exist for local entrepreneurship based on agriculture. Thus a dynamic capital accumulation at the village level is limited.

The unilinear perspective on agricultural change usually implies that in

the t r a n s i t i o n period between fairly specialized traditional agriculture and highly specialized commercial farming, agricultural production is mixed.

A number of crops are grown on each holding, food crops as well as cash crops, and in addition livestock is often kept ("simple animal husbandry", according to Todaro 1981)

National economic improvements and population

growth stimulate in this phase both intensification and diversification. The increasing food demand in urban centres makes land more expensive, paving the way for private landholdings where land is not already a commodity. When land becomes a commodity, the labour which is applied to a unit of land usually increases.

Some labour-saving equipment may be adopted, and crop

rotation becomes normal.

When the use of inputs bought from outside increa-

s e s , i t becomes i m p o r t a n t t o s p r e a d t h e r i s k of f a i l u r e by growing a v a r i e t y of c r o p s .

Thus, i f t h e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s have a c c e s s t o c r e d i t ,

f e r t i l i z e r s and o t h e r e s s e n t i a l i n p u t s and t o m a r k e t s , and have a f e e l i n g t h a t t h e y w i l l b e n e f i t from improved p r o d u c t i v i t y , t h e y w i l l g r a d u a l l y s p e c i a l i z e and become f a r m e r s .

A s Todaro s t a t e s , e v i d e n c e from many T h i r d

World c o u n t r i e s shows t h a t under proper c o n d i t i o n s s m a l l c u l t i v a t o r s a r e responsive:

"Lack of i n n o v a t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e

...

i s u s u a l l y due n o t t o

poor m o t i v a t i o n o r f e a r of change per se b u t t o i n a d e q u a t e o r u n p r o f i t a b l e opportunities."

I n a "mature" i n d u s t r i a l market economy d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n i s t h u s r e p l a c e d by s p e c i a l i z a t i o n a t t h e farm l e v e l .

The f a m i l y farm have an a r e a o n l y

l a r g e enough f u l l y t o mechanize t h e c u l t i v a t i o n of one o r two c r o p s . fact,

In

t h e s p e c i a l knowledge i n v o l v e d makes it d i f f i c u l t f o r a f a r m e r t o

have a thorough i n s i g h t i n t o more t h a n a few c r o p s .

I n c o l l e c t i v e forms

of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n a c o n t i n u o u s m o d e r n i z a t i o n t a k e s p l a c e b e c a u s e of economy of s c a l e .

I n t h e t r a n s i t i o n from l a b o u r t o c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e

a g r i c u l t u r e l a b o u r c o r i s i d e r a t i o n s according1.y f o r c e an e l i m i n a t i o n of d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n and a s w i t c h from a j o i n t t o a s p e c i a l i z e d o p e r a t i o n .

In

a d d i t i o n , r i s k i s more and more reduced t h r o u g h i n s u r a n c e a r r a n g e m e n t s .

The c r i t i q u e of t h e above model of a g r i c u l t u r a l change i s t h a t i t i s too limited. but

I t d e p i c t s p a s t change i n a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n c o r r e c t l y

it does no!: i n c l u d e t h e important f a c t t h a t many a g r i c u l t u r a l producers

combine a g r i c u l t u r e w i t h work i n o t h e r s e c t o r s .

To f u l l y understand agri-

c u l t u r a l chmgc? or stagnation, i t i s e s s e n t i a l t o broaden t h e a n a l y s i s t o cover other a s p ~ c t so f r e a l i t y as w e l l .

The c o n t e n t i o n h e r e i s t h a t an

improvement i n a g r i c u l t u r e r e a c h i n g t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e p e a s a n t s i n t h e T h i r d World, n e c e s s i t a t e s a n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h e f o r c e s t h a t " p e r p e t u a t e " the t r a n s i t o r y stage.

Below some of t h e a s p e c t s and f o r c e s a r e touched

upon.

M~zcizan7~srns o f a-jrarian t r a n s i t i o n ,i,and tenurr and dd,k't burden a r e o f t e n mentioned a s r e a s o n s f o r non-improvement of p r o d u c t i v i t y i n a s i t u a t i o n where a l l n e c e s s a r y i n p u t s a r e a v a i l a b l e and an e f f e c t i v e demand f o r t h e o u t p u t e x i s t s .

The l a n d l o r d may t a k e a

l a r g e p a r t of t h e o u t p u t and/or t h e m o n e y l e n d e r / t r a d e r t h e p r o f i t .

In

most of A f r i c a t h e r e a r e n o b i g l a n d l o r d s and t h e c u l t i v a t i o n i s n o t highly capitalized.

T h i s mechanism of s t a g n a t i o n i s t h e r e f o r e l e s s p r e -

v a l e n t i n A f r i c a i n c o n t r a s t t o A s i a and L a t i n America. The mechanism t h a t s h o u l d b e u n d e r l i n e d i s r a t h e r t h e pric62 a8queeze, t.he f a c t t h a t a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n f o r s a l e now i s l i n k e d i n one way o r a n o t h e r t o t h e world market.

P r i c e s on i n p u t s such a s equipment, f e r t i -

l i z e r e t c . t e n d t o i n c r e a s e a t a h i g h e r r a t e t h a n p r i c e s on a g r i c u l t u r a l output.

In addition,

T h i r d World governments a r e l e s s i n c l i n e d t h a n

governments i n developed c o u n t r i e s t o s u b s i d i z e a g r i c u l t u r e .

i s t h a t a u n i t of o u t p u t buys l e s s and l e s s i n p u t s .

The r e s u l t

The p e a s a n t s a r e

o f t e n a l s o compelled t o s e l l t h e i r p r o d u c t s j u s t a f t e r h a r v e s t when p r i c e s a r e r e l a t i v e l y low, and t o buy "back" food l a t e r when p r i c e s a r e h i g h . F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e manufactured goods which p e a s a n t s (and modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s ) have become accustomed t o , become r e l a t i v e l y more expensive than t h e products they s e l l .

T h i s i s enhanced by t h e r e p l a c e m e n t

o f v i l l a g e c r a f t s by imported goods.

Thus, t h e n e c e s s a r y c o n t i n u o u s pro-

d u c t i v i t y i n c r e a s e i n a g r i c u l t u r e become r e l a t i v e l y h i g h , s q u e e z i n g some p e a s a n t s o u t of p r o d u c t i o n and o t h e r s back t o s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r e , and f o r c i n g f a r m e r s t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n by " grabbing" l a n d and

stea-

d i l y r a i s i n g t h e machine i n t e n s i t y of o p e r a t i o n and/or t h e u s e of f e r t i lizers.

I n many T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s t h e gap between p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u -

r a l technology and t h e t e c h n o l o g i c a l l e v e l of modern a g r i c u l t u r e i s v a s t . I n t h e developed c o u n t r i e s t h e m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f a g r i c u l t u r e was more l i n k e d t o a g r a d u a l m o d e r n i z a t i o n of o t h e r s e c t o r s and c o u n t r i e s .

Agricultural

development i n t h e T h i r d World, on t h e o t h e r hand, meets c o m p e t i t i o n from a h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d a g r i c u l t u r e , o f t e n m a r k e t i n g t h e p r o d u c t s through t r a n s n a t i o n a l companies.

T r a n s n a t i o n a l companies may, however, a l s o i n d u c e

a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n t h e T h i r d World t h r o u g h , f o r i n s t a n c e , c o n t r a c t farming.

T h i s may improve t h e income of t h e p e a s a n t s (and modern a g r i c u l -

t u r a l p r o d u c e r s ) b u t seldom s o l v e t h e problems of n a t i o n a l food s h o r t a g e . Furthermore,

such companies a r e n o t a b l e t o i n v a l i d a t e t h e p r i c e squeeze.

The c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t t h e lower c a p a c i t y t o o b t a i n an " a c c e p t a b l e " l e v e l of s a t i s f a c t i o n of goods from o u t s i d e , c o r n p e l s m a n y t o m i g r a t e t o urban c e n t r e s i n o r d e r t o s e c u r e p a r t o f t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d . The e f f e c t of t h i s h a s i n many p l a c e s been a s h o r t a g e of l a b o u r a t ploughing and h a r v e s t i n g t i m e . This again leads t o disinvestment i n peasant agriculture.

Today t h e d e t e r i o -

r a t i o n of t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y i n a g r i c u l t u r e i s b o t h a c a u s e and an e f f e c t of m i g r a t i o n . A t t h e o r i g i n o f m i g r a t i o n it was most o f t e n a c a u s e o n l y .

Why a r e n o t a l l p e a s a n t s s q u e e z e d o u t o f a g r i c u l t u r e ?

There a r e f o r c e s

p r e s s i n g t o w a r d s t h e c r e a t i o n o f f a r m e r s , o n t h e o n e h a n d , and w o r k e r s , t r a d e r s e t c . , on t h e o t h e r .

However, d o u n t e r v a i l i n g f o r c e s e x i s t , s u c h

a s o p p o r t u n i t i e s a l t h o u g h l i m i t e d f o r c a s h c r o p p r o d u c t i o n a n d c a s u a l and low- paid work p a r t i c u l a r l y i n u r b a n c e n t r e s .

A survival is thus possible

o n a s m a l l h o l d i n g and w i t h low p r o d u c t i v i t y i f t h e h o u s e h o l d i s u s e d a s To combine income s o u r c e s i s becoming i n c r e a s i n g l y

t h e u n i t of livelihood.

common i n L a t i n America ( B r i g n o l and C r i s p i 1 9 8 2 ) .

This process is called

s e m i - p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n i n t h e L a t i n American d e b a t e .

H a r r i s (1978) r e -

p o r t s t h a t o n e - t h i r d o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n Mexico h a v e non-agric u l t u r a l incomes a s w e l l .

I n Cajamarean ( P e r u ) 55% o f t h e p e a s a n t house-

h o l d s h a d a t l e a s t one member who p a r t i c i p a t e d i n t h e l a b o u r m a r k e t ( D e e r e I n S r i Lanka t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e o f a more c l a s s i c a l a g r a -

and J a n v r y 1 9 8 1 ) . rian transition:

I t h a s become more common f o r l a r g e r c u l t i v a t o r s

(those

w i t h 20-40 d e c a r s o f w e t paddy l a n d ) t o h a v e n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l incomes (Wickramasekara 1 9 8 3 ) .

A t t h e o t h e r e n d , many p o o r e r p e a s a n t s r e n t o r l e a s e

o u t t h e i r s m a l l p l o t s and become wage w o r k e r s ( d a i l y p a i d ) o n t h e l a r g e r c u l t i v a t o r s land.

I t h a s o b v i o u s l y become more r e w a r d i n g f o r t h e " s m a l l

p e a s a n t s " t o work f o r money o n o t h e r p e o p l e ' s l a n d t h a n c u l t i v a t i n g t h e i r own p l o t s m a i n l y f o r consumption.

I n l 9 7 5 f i v e d a y s o f t h i s k i n d o f work

g a v e a b u s h e l o f paddy, w h e r e a s t h e e q u i v a l e n t amount c o u l d b e o b t a i n e d o n l y 2.3 d a y s ' work i n 1982.

for

I n developed c o u n t r i e s " part- time farming"

h a s become a g e n e r a l p h e n o m e n o n ( B u t t e 1 1 9 8 2 ) .

An example from C e n t r a l

Kenya (Freeman and N o r c l i f f e 1984) i l l u s t r a t e s t h e p r o c e s s m e n t i o n e d above:

4 2 % o f t h o s e o p e r a t i n g n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l e n t e r p r i s e s a l s o owned

a smallholding.

I n t e r e s t i n g l y , a s i g n i f i c a n t p r o p o r t i o n of Kenya's "small-

h o l d e r s " have u s e d p r o f i t s from a g r i c u l t u r e t o l a u n c h a v a r i e t y o f e n t e r p r i s e s . T h i s may b e a l e a d i n g r e a s o n why, a c c o r d i n g t o C l i f f e ( 1 9 7 7 ) , t h e l i m i t e d c a s h c r o p p i n g i n E a s t e r n A f r i c a d u r i n g and s h o r t l y a f t e r t h e c o l o n i a l p e r i o d t e n d e d t o c r e a t e some " r i c h " p e a s a n t s r a t h e r t h a n f a r m e r s .

Today it seems

t h a t agribusiness and casuaZ wage employment strengthen r a t h e r than weaken

small f m i Z y based c u Z t i v a t i o n .

til:. u n i Linear mod6

c---'

T h i s i s contrarg t o what i s prescribed by

n,rr.,'..r.: r:?z'c.

, mentioned above.

Erought i s a mechanism o f a g r a r i a n change which i s of p a r t i c u l a r r e l e v a n c e t o Africa.

A much w i d e r i n t e r e s t t h a n h a s b e e n shown i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e s o

f a r , ought t o be p a i d t o t h i s f a c t o r .

I n t h e e x t r e m e c a s e when d r o u g h t l e a d s

t o f a m i n e , p e a s a n t r e s i s t a n c e t o change h a s b e e n d e m o n s t r a t e d t o b r e a k down

(Klein 1980).

Due to internal differentiation of the peasant category,

a drought may affect well-off agricultural producers to a lesser degree than poor ones.

The poor may be compelled to leave agriculture because

the system of redistribution inside kin groups has lost much of its former matter of course.

In fact, even to share resources in time of crisis is

no longer a certainty in the contemporary more individualized society in rural areas of the Third World.

The well-off may experience a loss of

investable capital and/or they may due to the experiences of recurrent droughts become less willing to take the risk of adopting less well-known practices of cultivation.

The exhaustion of the soil may in some cases be a factor squeezing peasants out of agriculture, especially if still more distant land is the only alternative.

To some extent drought contains an element of fallow because the

crops are not using much, if any, of the soil nutrients. the soil does not regain any of its fertility.

On the other hand,

The point is that with re-

current droughts (and bad harvests generally), the length of the time cultivation is possible on one plot is longer than it would otherwise have been. Bernstein (1979) includes the exhaustion of the soil and the price squeeze in his concept "simple reproduction squeeze".

The generality of the deteri-

orating terms of exchange for peasant agriculture and the particularity of the shortened fallow period make it inadequate to combine both in a single concept.

Bernstein is, however, correct when he says that:

"The low level

of development of the productive forces in peasant agriculture means that the household is extremely vulnerable to failure in any of its material elements of production".

PEASANT DIFFERENTIATION

The differentiation of the peasantry consists of two related dimensions: The rich

-

poor and the multiactivity dimensions.

The rich - poor dimension Socio-economic stratification among peasants becomes more marked and takes on new forms when market relations expand. the opportunity to increase their assets.

Chiefs and merchants seize then They develop land and practice

v a r i o u s forms of l e n d i n g .

I n s h o r t , t h e y a r e a b l e t o accumulate c a p i t a l .

I n s e v e r a l p l a c e s q u i t e a number of p e o p l e g r a d u a l l y o r more r a p i d l y ( b e c a u s e of s p e c i a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s f o r i n s t a n c e s e v e r e d r o u g h t ) l o s e t h e i r l a n d o r c a t t l e and become l a b o u r e r s .

Most of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l

p r o d u c e r s , however, remain more o r l e s s a s b e f o r e r e g a r d i n g s u b s i s t e n c e . The p r o c e s s of t r a n s i t i o n t h u s b o t h c r e a t e s an income and w e a l t h s t r a t i f i c a t i o n among p e a s a n t s and r e s u l t s i n t h a t many p e a s a n t s a r e n o t a b l e t o f e e d themselves from own p r o d u c t i o n , and hence a r e f o r c e d t o become e i t h e r combined peasant- workers o r l a n d l e s s l a b o u r e r s .

There a r e a c c o r d i n g l y d i f f e r e n t

s t r a t a among t h e p e a s a n t s when r e f e r r i n g

t o income and w e a l t h , t h a t i s , l e v e l of l i v i n g .

This s t r a t i f i c a t i o n im-

p l i e s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , a r a n g e of p r i v i l e g e and d e p r i v a t i o n .

Few would

s a y t h a t p e a s a n t s c a n belong t o d i f f e r e n t s o c i a l c l a s s e s b e c a u s e t h e y , acc o r d i n g t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n , c o n t r o l some of t h e i r means of l i v e l i h o o d .

There

i s even a d e b a t e a s t o whether p e a s a n t s s h o u l d b e t r e a t e d a s a c l a s s i n a m a t e r i a l i s t sense a t a l l .

I n p o l i t i c a l a n a l y s e s , p a r t i c u l a r l y d i s c u s s i o n s of

t h e r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o t e n t i a l among p e a s a n t s (Wolf 1 9 6 9 ) , i t i s u s e f u l t o look upon p e a s a n t s a s c o n s t i t u t i n g a c l a s s by i t s e l f , i f n o t f o r i t s e l f .

To r e -

g a r d p e a s a n t s t o d a y a s " a sack of p o t a t o e s " (Marx 1850) i s f a r f r o m t h e t r u t h .

I t is common t o d i s t i n g u i s h between p o o r , middle and r i c h p e a s a n t s .

Poor

peasants a r e u n a b l e t o r e p r o d u c e t h e m s e l v e s t h r o u g h household p r o d u c t i o n i n a g r i c u l t u r e , and must s e l l p a r t of t h e i r l a b o u r on a r e g u l a r b a s i s ( B e r n s t e i n 1979).

Middle peasants a r e a b l e t o r e p r o d u c e t h e m s e l v e s through f a m i l y l a -

bour on a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n a l o n e .

S t i l l , t h e y o f t e n choose t o combine

s e v e r a l income s o u r c e s , sometimes t o t h e n e g l e c t of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n . I n t h e c a s e of peasant- worker h o u s e h o l d s , women a r e o f t e n p u r e p e a s a n t c u l t i v a t o r s and men workers.

I t i s q u i t e common t h a t s o n s and d a u g h t e r s

work i n urban c e n t r e s and send money home. accumulate w e a l t h .

Rich peasants

a r e able t o

Rich p u r e p e a s a n t s w i l l seldom be found t o d a y because

most of them w i l l have i n v e s t e d i n s h o p s , b a r s o r o t h e r t y p e s of t r a d e .

The

r e t u r n on such i n v e s t m e n t s a r e u s u a l l y b e t t e r t h a n i n v e s t m e n t s i n a g r i c u l ture.

They become p e a s a n t - t r a d e r s .

The above socio- economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n

i s w i t h minor v a r i a t i o n s common i n most e m p i r i c a l a n a l y s e s o f p e a s a n t d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n ( f o r i n s t a n c e Bundy 1979, Howard 1980, Deere and J a n v r y 1981, Mishra 1982, B r a s s 1 9 8 3 ) .

The m u l t i a c t i v e dimension I n most o f A f r i c a t h e p r o c e s s o f socio- economic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n o f t h e p e a s a n t r y i s s t i l l g o i n g on.

I n Asia t h i s process has through shrinking

h o l d i n g s and t h e mechanisms d e s c r i b e d a b o v e , a l r e a d y f o r c e d many p e a s a n t s t o s e l l t h e i r l a n d and become t e n a n t s .

Furthermore, t h e production has

o f t e n f a l l e n below t h e f o r m e r s u b s i s t e n c e f l o o r a t t h e h o u s e h o l d l e v e l . P o v e r t y h a s become a way o f l i f e ,

I n L a t i n America t h e t y p i c a l s i t u a t i o n

i s t h a t b y b e i n g f o r c e d t o t a k e p a r t i c u l a r l y consumption l o a n s from moneyl e n d e r s and t r a d e r s w i t h i n t e r e s t r a t e s from 50 t o 200% a y e a r , many peas a n t s h a v e become l a n d l e s s a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s . b o u r e r s have even s e t t l e d i n urban c e n t r e s .

An example i s t h e c a n e c u t t e r s

A c c o r d i n g t o T o d a r o ( 1 9 8 1 1 , p e a s a n t s h a v e no s o u r c e s

i n Peru ( S c o t t 1976). o f e x t e r n a l income;

A number o f t h e s e l a -

t h e y a r e t r a p p e d i n c h r o n i c p o v e r t y from which no

escape is p o s s i b l e s h o r t of major r u r a l r e c o n s t r u c t i o n .

Although A f r i c a

h a s a lower p o p u l a t i o n s i z e r e l a t i v e t o l a n d and o t h e r r e s o u r c e s t h a n A s i a and L a t i n America, t h e r e i s e v i d e n c e o f t h e same p r o c e s s .

However, more

t y p i c a l i n A f r i c a i s p r o b a b l y t h e i n c r e a s i n g number o f p e o p l e who combine own c u l t i v a t i o n w i t h wage work i n a g r i c u l t u r e o r o t h e r s e c t o r s .

The s t a t e -

ment b y T o d a r o i s e v i d e n t l y f a l l a c i o u s regarding A s l a and L a t i n America, a s shown p r e v i o u s l y , and becoming more and more s o i n t h e c a s e o f A f r i c a .

The p r o c e s s d e a l t w i t h a b o v e h a s b e e n l a b e l l e d d i f f e r e n t l y i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e . I n t h e m o d e r n i z a t i o n t r a d i t i o n , t h e t y p i c a l words u s e d a r e c o m m e r c i d 1 i z ~ ~ t i o n and c o m m o d i t i z a t i o n .

Among more r a d i c a l s c h o l a r s , t h e t e r m s o f t e n

a p p l i e d a r e p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n , m a r g i n a l i z a t i o n and p a u p e r i z a t i o n . l a t t e r words r e f e r t o t h e f o l l o w i n g p r o c e s s : opportunities f o r s a l e of products.

The two

The m a r k e t economy o p e n s up

T h i s i n f l u e n c e s p e o p l e ' s wants.

Sooner

o r l a t e r s a l e o f own p r o d u c t s i s n o t s u f f i c i e n t t o s a t i s f y t h e a c q u i r e d w a n t s , and s a l e o f l a b o u r becomes a n e c e s s i t y .

D i f f i c u l t i e s i n obtaining

r e g u l a r work p a r t i c u l a r l y i n r u r a l a r e a s l e a d e v e n t u a l l y t o s a l e o r abandonment o f t h e l a n d owned. lihood.

T h i s l e a v e s many n e a r l y w i t h o u t a n y means o f l i v e -

The e x p a n s i o n o f t h e m a r k e t economy h a s , a c c o r d i n g t o S t a v e n h a g e n

( 1 9 7 7 ) , become a n o b s t a c l e t o " a u t h e n t i c development f o r m i l l i o n s of peas a n t s i n t h e T h i r d World" t h r o u g h i t s e n t a i - l i n g growing economic and s o c i a l inequality.

I n one s e n s e d e v e l o p m e n t and underdevelopment a r e t a k i n g p l a c e

simultaneously.

Which o f t h e s e p r o c e s s e s t h a t w i l l b e t h e s t r o n g e s t i n t h e

s h o r t , medium and l o n g r u n , r e m a i n s a m a t t e r o f q u a l i f i e d b e l i e f . moment b o t h c a n b e p r o v e d .

A t the

The o n g o i n g p r o c e s s o f d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n and p o l a r i z a t i o n c r e a t e s a l s o o t h e r c a t e g o r i e s t h a n f a r m e r s a n d " p r o l e t a r i a n s " , s u c h a s t r a d e r s a n d shopowners. F u r t h e r m o r e , a most s i g n i f i c a n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c o f t h e p r o c e s s i s t h a t q u i t e a l a r g e g r o u p manages t o r e m a i n a s a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r h o u s e h o l d s by o b t a i n i n g c a s u a l wage work, t h a t i s t h e y become m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t households.

By m u l t i a c t i v i t y (FAO 1982a

u s e s t h e term p l u r i a c t i v i t y ) i s

n o t t o b e u n d e r s t o o d t h e many d i f f e r e n t a c t i v i t i e s h o u s e h o l d s u n d e r t a k e By a c t i v i t i e s f o r d i r e c t consumption i s meant work

f o r d i r e c t consumption.

p e r f o r m e d and g o o d s p r o d u c e d t h a t a r e n e i t h e r s o l d n o r b a r t e r e d b u t u s e d by t h e household i t s e l f .

" P a r t - t i m e f a r m i n g " , a commonly u s e d t e r m , i s n o t

s u i t a b l e i n a n a l y s e s o f T h i r d World a g r i c u l t u r e b e c a u s e t h e d e f i n i t i o n i s often referring t o the individual level.

The point here i s t o h i g h l i g h t

t h e multitudinous income-sources t y p e of economy a t ho,r.sehold Zq-oel.

Ana-

l y s e s s h o u l d t o d a y b e t u r n e d t o w a r d s t h e m u l t i a c t i v e peasants and t h o s e who drop o u t of a g r i c u l t u r e .

Drop-out encompasses a l l g r o u p s t h a t l e a v e a g r i -

c u l t u r e , n o t o n l y t h o s e who a r e l e f t w i t h o u t a n y p r o p e r t y , means o f product i o n and employment,

the destitutes.

"Semi- proletarian" is not used a s a

t e r m b e c a u s e t h a t would n e c e s s i t a t e d a t a on t h e r e l a t i v e m a g n i t u d e s o f t h e v a r i o u s income s o u r c e s t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s h a v e . available.

No such d a t a a r e

To b e l a b e l l e d a " s e m i - p r o l e t a r i a n " , t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r

must h a v e wage income a s t h e p r i n c i p a l b a s e o f r e p r o d u c t i o n .

Furthermore,

t h e t e r m " p r o l e t a r i a n " i s n o t a d e q u a t e b e c a u s e many o f t h o s e who l e a v e a g r i c u l t u r e accumulate c a p i t a l i n urban c e n t r e s .

In addition t o multiactive

p e a s a n t s and t h e d r o p - o u t s , s l o w l y c h a n g i n g p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and p u r e p e a s a n t - h e r d s m e n m a y s t i l l h e f o u n d i n most T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .

An

. < r.; : ~ ~ - i n t h e Third World i s t h a t t h e r e i s o f t e n a drop-out of ~ ~ . ; r . ~ i > ~.:eit:~:e a g r i c u l t u r e without a simultaneous expansion of c o m e r c i a l i z e d farming i n the same country. commons i n England.

T h i s d e v e l o p m e n t i s d i f f e r e n t from t h e e n c l o s u r e o f t h e However, t h e growing u r b a n c e n t r e s w i l l s e c u r e a home

market f o r peasants f o r " a t l e a s t a generation."

(Shanin 1 9 7 4 ) .

Nonetheless,

t h e y w i l l unavoidably disappear because " t h e d e s t r u c t i v e f o r c e of c a p i t a -

l i s m would f a r o u t w e i g h a n y c o n s e r v i n g t e n d e n c i e s . " (Warren 1 9 8 0 ) . viewpoint i s challenged here.

The above

The huge and i n c r e a s i n g number o f unenployed

p e o p l e i n t h e T h i r d World t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e s t r o n g f o r c e b e h i n d more a u t o m a t i o n i n i n d u s t r y and s e r v i c e s ( e . g . c h i p t e c h n o l o g y ) w i l l r e n d e r few opt i o n s o f f o o d s e c u r i t y b u t own p r o d u c t i o n f o r a p o r t i o n o f t h e e a r t h ' s i n h a b i t a n t s a l s o i n ( i f n o t t h e d a y a f t e r tomorrow) t o m o r r o w ' s economic world order.

The d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n among p e a s a n t s i s n o t a smooth a n d c o n t i n u o u s p r o c e s s . P e r i o d s o f r e d u c e d i n e q u a l i t y and t i m e s w i t h l i t t l e o r no change i n c a t e g o r i e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s may b e f o u n d .

N o n e t h e l e s s , when change

f i r s t h a v e o c c u r r e d i n t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s w i t h some d e g r e e o f e c o l o g i c a l equilibrium, t h e r e is a tendency towards d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . versal.

The outcome i s g e n e r a l l y t h e f o l l o w i n g c a t e g o r i e s o f p e o p l e i n

rural areas:

worker

T h i s i s uni-

Workers, p e a s a n t s , f a r m e r s , t r a d e r s and d e s t i t u t e s .

The

c a t e g o r y c o n s i s t s o f p e r m a n e n t l y a n d c a s u a l l y employed p e o p l e and

of labour migrants and s h u t t l e r s .

A

Labour migrant i s

here defined a s a

p e r s o n who i s employed o r s e l f - e m p l o y e d i n a n o t h e r n a t i o n a l t e r r i t o r y t h a n where h i s c l o s e s t f a m i l y i s l i v i n g and w h o p r o v i d e s w h o l l y o r i n p a r t f o r t h e up- keep o f t h i s f a m i l y .

A

shuttLer i s

a p e r s o n who i s employed o r s e l f -

employed o u t s i d e t h e home a r e a b u t n o t i n a n o t h e r n a t i o n .

The p e r s o n h a s

t o come b a c k home n o t e v e r y d a y b u t a t l e a s t o n c e e v e r y s i x t h month.

As

t h e l a b o u r m i g r a n t , t h e s h u t t l e r must c o n t r i b u t e t o t h e h o u s e h o l d economy i n t h e home a r e a (Wikan 1 9 8 1 ) .

The p e a s a n t c a t e g o r y c o n s i s t s o f a g r i c u l t u r e o n l y ) and

pure peasants

muLtiactive peasants

( t h o s e who a r e o c c u p i e d w i t h

( t h o s e who h a v e o t h e r s o u r c e s of

l i v e l i h o o d i n a d d i t i o n t o own a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n ) . t o t h e farmer category.

Destitute

The same a p p l i e s

r e f e r s t o t h o s e who d o n o t r e g u l a r l y

f i n d s e a s o n a l work i n a g r i c u l t u r e b u t s t i l l e k e o u t a meager e x i s t e n c e i n rural areas.

These c o n c e p t s c a n b e u s e d a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l a s w e l l a s t h e

household l e v e l .

It i s s u r p r i s i n g on t h e background o f t h e commonness of

m u l t i a c t i v i t y i n t h e T h i r d World t h a t s o l i t t l e s c h o l a r l y work h a s b e e n d i r e c t e d e x p l i c i t l y t o t h i s phenomenon.

An example o f t h i s i n a d e q u a t e con-

c e p t u a l i z a t i o n o f a g r a r i a n r e a l i t i e s i s a r e c e n t r e a d e r e d i t e d by H a r r i s s (1982).

M u l t i a c t i v i t y i s n e v e r m e n t i o n e d i n t h i s book o n p e a s a n t s and a g r a -

r i a n change.

The r e s e a r c h i n t e r e s t i n t h e m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t c a t e g o r y f o r

a g r a r i a n p o l i c y - m a k i n g i n p a r t i c u l a r and d e v e l o p m e n t s t r a t e g y i n g e n e r a l l i e s f i r s t and f o r e m o s t i n t h e f a c t t h a t t h i s c a t e g o r y o f p e a s a n t s c o n s t i t u t e a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e worlds food producers.

They a r e n e i t h e r

f u l l y workers, s p e c i a l i z e d c u l t i v a t o r s nor d e s t i t u t e s .

I t may b e c o n c l u d e d t h a t t h e t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t - modern a g r i c u l -

t u r a l p r o d u c e r d i m e n s i o n d o e s n o t r e v e a l one o f t h e most f u n d a m e n t a l economic and d e v e l o p m e n t a l a s p e c t s o f s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n a t t h e l e v e l of d e v e l o p ment o f t h e p r o d u c t i v e f o r c e s d e a l t w i t h h e r e .

A l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n of t h e

p e o p l e i n t h e T h i r d World c a n n o t l i v e a d e q u a t e l y a n d w i t h a c e r t a i n minimum

o f s e c u r i t y i n t h e s h o r t o r t h e l o n g r u n by i n d i v i d u a l e f f o r t s a l o n e .

This

g r o u p m u s t r e l y on o t h e r p e o p l e a s w e l l , and h e n c e t h e h o u s e h o l d becomes t h e r e l e v a n t economic u n i t o f a n a l y s i s i n s u c h c a s e s .

This sub- subsistence

n a t u r e o f p e a s a n t p r o d u c t i o n i s common i n A f r i c a ( K o h n e r t 1979, 1 9 8 2 ) .

It

i s a l s o o f t e n m e n t i o n e d i n s t u d i e s o n A s i a ( B a h a r u d d i n 1979) and L a t i n Amer i c a (Durston 1982) .

The v a r i e t y o f f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n o f a socio- economic f o r m a t i o n i n a soc i e t y i n t r a n s i t i o n i s o f t e n r e f l e c t e d i n t h e r e l a t i v e d i s t r i b u t i o n of t y p e s o f work ( f i g u r e 3 ) .

The f i g u r e i s n o t i n c l u d e d a s a h y p o t h e s i s t o b e t e s t e d

b u t a s a p e r s p e c t i v e i n which t h e e m p i r i c a l f i n d i n g s c a n b e viewed.

The

f i g u r e shows t h a t t h e t y p i c a l p r e - c o l o n i a l and p r e - m a r k e t s o c i e t y c o n s i s t e d o f a m a j o r i t y of t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s , some a r t i s a n s and p e o p l e of o t h e r o c c u p a t i o n s and " c h i e f s " and t h e i r k i n .

When m a r k e t s a l e s o f p r o d u c t s and

i n a d d i t i o n e i t h e r l a n d o r l a b o u r became common, p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s c o n s t i tuted t h e majority.

I n a t h i r d s t a g e ( A ) , t h e p r e s e n t one i n many T h i r d

World c o u n t r i e s , p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s , m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s , f a r m e r s a n d a few m u l t i a c t i v e f a r m e r s e x i s t .

The c a t e g o r y " o t h e r " c o n s i s t s

m o s t l y o f t h e t e r t i a r y s e c t o r i n t h e T h i r d World.

T h i s does n o t imply t h a t

it i s u s e f u l t o term such c o u n t r i e s " peasant s t a t e s " , a s S p i t t l e r

(1983) d o e s ,

b e c a u s e t h e d o m i n a n t f o r c e s o f change d o e s n o t p r o b a b l y l i e w i t h t h e peas a n t r y b u t i n t h e f o r m a l s e c t o r o f t h e economy a n d t h e a t t e n t i o n t h i s s e c t o r r e c e i v e s from t h e p o l i t i c a l e l i t e .

I n a f o u r t h stage a g r i c u l t u r a l producers

c o n s t i t u t e a s m a l l p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e t o t a l nuvber employed o r s e l f - e m p l o y e d . I n t h i s s t a g e m u l t i a c t i v e f a r m e r s a r e a b o u t e q u a l l y numerous a s p u r e f a r m e r s .

(The r e l a t i v e m a g n i t u d e s w i l l o f c o u r s e v a r y among c o u n t r i e s . )

This i s the

t y p i c a l s i t u a t i o n i n t h e developed c o u n t r i e s today.

Mu Ztiactivity in deve Loped countries The p r i c e s q u e e z e i s o p e r a t i v e a l s o i n d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s .

Q u i t e a number

o f modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s h a v e b e e n f o r c e d by a d e c l i n i n g l e v e l o f l i v i n g t o t a k e p a r t - t i m e o r f u l l - t i m e employment i n o t h e r s e c t o r s , m o s t l y i n urban c e n t r e s .

Weekend and h o l i d a y f a r m i n g a r e t h e r e f o r e phenomena on

t h e increase (Strode 1982).

I t i s d i f f i c u l t t o compare t h e f i g u r e s f o r d i f -

f e r e n t c o u n t r i e s because t h e d e f i n i t i o n s of " part- time farming" d i f f e r .

In

t h e USA 1 2 % o f " f a r m o p e r a t o r s " worked 100 d a y s o r more i n " o f f - f a r m " a c t i -

Figure 3 .

Flgure 3.

Model of Societal Evolution and Agrarian Transition. Relative number of persons in different categories of "work-position" and cultivators.

Model of Socleta1 Evolution and Agrarian Transition. Relative number of persons ~n drfferent categories of "work-pos~tlon" and of cultzvators.

loo? Chlefs arid k ~ n

L a n d l a r B s , ,wealthy business men, p

Crafts, other

Traditional ""1tl"ator~

Prasant~"Ltlvators

o

l

~

t

~

~

~

~

~

~

v i t i e s i n 1929.

The f i g u r e f o r 1978 was 44% ( B u t t e l 1 9 8 2 ) .

t h e f a r m e r s i s no l o n g e r t o s u p p l e m e n t farm incomes.

The aim o f

I n s t e a d , it i s com-

mon f o r " p a r t - t i m e f a r m e r s " t o work f u l l - t i m e o f f t h e farm.

Now more t h a n

h a l f of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l households w i t h a market production have non-agric u l t u r a l incomes s u p e r i o r t o t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l incomes.

I n Europe t h e

"worker- peasant" i s a dominant c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e a g r a r i a n s t r u c t u r e (Goodman and R e d c l i f t 1 9 8 1 ) .

(The p e a s a n t c o n c e p t h a s a l s o b e e n f r e q u e n t l y

u s e d i n t h e d e b a t e o n a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n Turkey. Margulies 1983.)

(FAO 1982 a ) .

Seddon and

I n Cyprus 51% o f t h e f a r m e r s h a v e j o b s o u t s i d e a g r i c u l t u r e

I n Norway t h e husband and w i f e a r e i n c l u d e d i n t h e d e f i n i t i o n

of " part- time farming".

I n 1979 56% o f t h e f a r m s had l e s s t h a n h a l f o f t h e

income from t h e farm (Symes 1 9 8 2 ) .

Even t h e l a r g e r f a r m s now t u r n i n t o t h e

c a t e g o r y where f a r m i n g i s " n o t t h e most i m p o r t a n t s o u r c e o f income". mon income s o u r c e s w i t h which f a r m i n g i s combined i n Norway a r e : p l o y m e n t , t o u r i s m and s o c i a l s e c u r i t y payments.

Con;-

Wage em-

I n Japan a household d e f i -

n i t i o n i n c l u d i n g s o n s , d a u g h t e r s and g r a n d p a r e n t s s t a y i n g a t home i s u s e d . The h i g h f i g u r e s f o r " p a r t - t i m e f a r m i n g " i n J a p a n i s a l s o a consequence of t h e e x i s t i n g small farm s t r u c t u r e .

I n t h e 1 9 3 0 s a p p r o x i m a t e l y 50% of t h e

f a r m f a m i l i e s i n J a p a n had some n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l employment,

25% d e r i v e d

more income from employment t h a n from a g r i c u l t u r e ( J o h n s o n 1 9 7 4 ) . 50% o f t h e f a r m s had more income from o t h e r s o u r c e s . 87% (Kada 1 9 8 2 ) .

I n 1950

The f i g u r e i n 1980 was

E n y e d i (1982) c a l c u l a t e s t h e m a g n i t u d e o f " p a r t - t i m e f a r -

ming" i n Hungary i n a n o t h e r way.

The p r o p o r t i o n o f g r o s s a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-

d u c t i o n i n 1980 p r o v i d e d by " p a r t - t i m e f a r m i n g " was 34%.

The e x p e r i e n c e s

i n developed c o u n t r i e s can g e n e r a l l y b e explained by t h e i n c r e a s i n g d i f f i c u l t i e s f a r m e r s s e e i n r e a l i z i n g a n " a d e q u a t e " income from f a r m i n g . T h i r d World i t i s f o r many a q u e s t i o n o f b a r e s u r v i v a l .

In the

N e i t h e r t h e wage

o b t a i n e d i n town, n o r t h e o u t p u t o f t h e farm s u f f i c e t o r e p r o d u c e t h e f a m i l y .

T ~ rich P

- poor dimension and multiactivitg

The r e l a t i v e numbers o f r i c h and p o o r c u l t i v a t o r s ( i n a r e l a t i v e s e n s e ) v a r y t h r o u g h t h e t r a n s i t i o n from t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r t o f a r m e r ( f i g u r e 4 ) . (The f i g u r e i s i n c l u d e d f o r t h e s a k e o f p e r s p e c t i v e o n l y . )

Among t h e t r a -

d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s , t h e r e a r e , due t o p r i n c i p l e s o f e q u a l i t y , few i f any r e a l l y poor c u l t i v a t o r s .

When p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s a r e t h e n e a r l y e x c l u s i v e

c a t e g o r y o f c u l t i v a t o r s , b o t h t h e r e l a t i v e numbers o f r i c h a n d poor c u l t i -

vators rise.

This i n e q u a l i t y i n c r e a s e s when it becomes p o s s i b l e t o o b t a i n

wage employment and s a l e of cash crops becomes more common. t i t i o n f o r f a c t o c s of production sharpens i n t h i s p e r i o d .

The compeIn the situation

where t h e number of p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s d e c l i n e s and combination of c u l t i v a t i o n with n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l jobs i s becoming more normal, t h e r e l a t i v e number of r i c h c u l t i v a t o r s i n c r e a s e s , whereas t h e number of poor ones declines.

This c o n s t i t u t e s , however, a s h o r t p e r i o d b e f o r e r i c h peasant-

c u l t i v a t o r s become farmers and " l a n d grabbing" o c c u r s l e a v i n g l e s s land o r l e s s e a s i l y a c c e s s i b l e land t o t h e remaining middle p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and smallholder farmers.

The pure farmers suddenly f i n d themselves h e a v i l y

caught i n t h e p r i c e squeeze, and hence t h e number of r i c h pure c u l t i v a t o r s

i s reduced.

The same s i t u a t i o n w i l l e x i s t when m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i -

v a t o r s a r e turned i n t o m u l t i a c t i v e farmers.

When work i n n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l

s e c t o r s i s common, t h e number of poor c u l t i v a t o r s i s very low.

(This s i -

t u a t i o n i s normally accompanied w i t h government s u b s i d i e s t o r e t a i n a cert a i n amount of n a t i o n a l f o o d p r o d u c t i o n . )

The number of r i c h pure farmers

c o n t r a c t s and probably s t a b i l i z e s a t a p o i n t approximately corresponding t o t h e number of pure c u l t i v a t o r s who have acquired l a r g e landholdings.

The

f i g u r e i s l i m i t e d t o a marked economy type of s o c i e t y .

CONCLUSION

The two dominant p r o c e s s e s of change a r e t h e expansion of t h e market economy and population growth.

They a r e i n t e r c o n n e c t e d , a s a r e t h e o t h e r p r o c e s s e s

included i n f i g u r e 5.

Numerous f a c t o r s with v a r i a b l e weights and i n changing

combinations a r e involved i n t h e s e p r o c e s s e s .

The h i s t o r i c a l s p e c i f i c i t y

of a s o c i a l phenomenon must t h e r e f o r e be e s t a b l i s h e d ,

t h a t i s , the consti-

t u e n t elements and t h e r e l a t i o n s between them must be i d e n t i f i e d .

In social

s c i e n c e t h i s i m p l i e s drawing a n a l y t i c a l boundaries, of s e l e c t i n g elements. The u n i t of study does n o t g i v e i t s e l f p e r se a s i s o f t e n t h e c a s e i n n a t u r a l science.

Herein l i e s a v a l u e judgement i n s o c i a l science.

The changes o c c u r r i n g r e g a r d i n g l a n d , a g r i c u l t u r e and people, explained a t l e n g t h i n t h e p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s , a r e summarized i n t h e f i g u r e . should n o t be read i n a t e l e o l o g i c a l way.

The f i g u r e

A s has been underlined b e f o r e , no

h i s t o r i c a l n e c e s s i t y i s involved i n a s h i f t from one category t o t h e o t h e r . A s o c i e t y may be "permanently" a t t h e middle ( p e a s a n t l s t a g e i n t h e s e dimen-

sions.

There i s , however, most probably an i r r e v e r s i b i l i t y concerning t h e

Figure 4.

Model of differentiation among cultivators. Relative number of cultivators with different levels of living.

Rich

Traditional cultivators

1

Peasantcultivators

Middle

Middle

l

Rich

Rich

Rich

Rich

l

Peasantcultivators

Multiactive peasantcultivators and peasantcultivators

Middle

Middle

Middle

Middle

Middle

Poor

Poor

poor

Poor

Poor

Farmers l and m u l t ~ a c t ~ v e multiactive farmers peasantj cultivators

Farmers and

Multiactir farmers and farmers

Time

Figure 5.

Model of Agrarian Transition.

People

Traditional agriculturalists

Peasants

Modern aqr. producers

Process of population growth Process of differentiation

Multiactive ',, Multiactive peasants '- mod. agr. prod.

Agriculture

Land

Traditional

Peasant

Modern

subsistence specialized extensive

sub-subsistence diversified labour intensive

market specialized capital intensive

Communal

Communal and private/state

Private or collective

Process of commercialization

Process of privatisation/ collectivization

Process of market economy penetration

Time

s h i f t from t h e t r a d i t i o n a l t o t h e p e a s a n t s t a g e .

This i s n o t t h e c a s e

f o r t h e s h i f t from t h e p e a s a n t t o t h e modern form of production. q u i t e conceivable t h a t farmers may become p e a s a n t s .

I t is

The f i g u r e d e p i c t s

t h e g e n e r a l and common experience of t h o s e c o u n t r i e s t h a t have developed a modern a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r .

Such c o u n t r i e s may i n times of high unem-

ployment o r s p e c i f i c f a s h i o n s w i t n e s s a migration of people t o marginal a r e a s , and t h u s a r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e i n t h e category m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t s .

E a r l i e r i n t h i s and p r e v i o u s c h a p t e r s s e v e r a l mechanisms of poverty creat i o n have been touched upon. poverty a r e shown.

I n f i g u r e 6 some of t h e l e a d i n g causes of

Although some f a c t o r s have been included t h a t have

n o t been d i s c u s s e d e a r l i e r , t h e f i g u r e does n o t p r e t e n d t o be exhaustive. Generally, p o v e r t y i s c r e a t e d both by s o c i e t a l p r o c e s s e s which a r e n o t rel a t e d t o a g r i c u l t u r e and by p r o c e s s e s d i r e c t l y connected t o a g r a r i a n changes.

I n t h e l a t t e r c a s e t h e p r i c e squeeze i s t h e main mechanism re-

garding A f r i c a .

I n Asia, L a t i n America and p a r t s of A f r i c a l a c k of s u i t -

a b l e land f o r t h e p e a s a n t s i s another important mechanism.

To understand

t o d a y ' s poverty i n t h e Third World, i t i s furthermore e s s e n t i a l t o be aware of t h e i n i t i a l

i n e q u a l i t y which e x i s t e d i n most t r a d i t i o n a l s o c i e t i e s .

The p e n e t r a t i o n of t h e market economy has i n most c a s e s " b u i l t on" and widened t h i s i n i t i a l

i n e q u a l i t y through i t s own uneven development.

The

market economy expansion a s an o v e r a l l process works through a number of l e s s encompassing p r o c e s s e s of which some of t h e most important and r e l e vant

i n t h e p r e s e n t c o n t e x t a r e included.

Drought r e p r e s e n t s furthermore

an element of p a r t i c u l a r importance i n many African c o u n t r i e s .

Drought

c r e a t e s p o v e r t y d i r e c t l y by k i l l i n g c a t t l e and f o r c i n g people t o abandon a g r i c u l t u r e , and r e s u l t s i n d i r e c t l y i n wider d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n through t h e l e s s e r a b i l i t y of middle p e a s a n t s ( t h a n r i c h p e a s a n t s ) t o withstand minor droughts.

CHAPTER 5 AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT AND RURAL SETTLEMENT PATTERN

T h i s c h a p t e r c o n s i s t s o f two p a r t s e v i d e n t from t h e t i t l e o f t h e c h a p t e r . I n t h e f i r s t p a r t , t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l production t r e n d s primarily i n Africa a r e given together with p o t e n t i a l s .

Reasons o f f e r e d b y s c h o l a r s f o r l a c k

of a g r i c u l t u r a l d e v e l o p m e n t a r e t h e n d i s c u s s e d .

The c a s e s o f t h e I v o r y

C o a s t and T a n z a n i a a r e u s e d t o i l l u m i n a t e t h e r a n g e o f p r e s e n t l y a d o p t e d agrarian policies.

T h e r e a f t e r some v i e w p o i n t s o n s t r a t e g i e s f o r a g r i c u l -

t u r a l development a r e a l b e i t b r i e f l y o u t l i n e d .

I n t h e second p a r t , changes

i n r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s a r e e l a b o r a t e d upon.

AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

The T h i r d World c a n d o u b l e i t s a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n b e f o r e y e a r 2 000 w i t h o u t a n y new s t a r t l i n g t e c h n o l o g i c a l b r e a k t h r o u g h (FAO 1 9 8 1 a).

This

w o u l d , however, n o t end h u n g e r u n l e s s t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n becomes more e q u a l . A f a i n t hope.

S i m i l a r l y , t h e "overproduction" of c e r e a l s i n p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e

USA ( i n 1982 e s t i m a t e d t o b e 1 2 5 m i l l i o n t o n s , a f t e r e x p o r t s .

Aftenposten

8 . August 19821, c a n n o t h e l p T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s u n a b l e t o p a y .

There is

e v i d e n t l y no o t h e r o p t i o n a v a i l a b l e t o most T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s t h a n t o improve t h e i r own a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n .

To e n v i s a g e a g r a n d i n t e r n a -

t i o n a l scheme o f f o o d d i s t r i b u t i o n would moreover c r e a t e a d a n g e r o u s b a s i c f o o d dependence which f e w , i f a n y , g o v e r n m e n t s would a c c e p t .

Except f o r

n a t u r a l c a t a s t r o p h e s , t h e food supply ought mainly t o be self- produced a t a national level.

I n t e r n a t i o n a l t r a d e i n food p r o d u c t s w i l l s t i l l b e essen-

t i a l t o a l l o w f o r f u r t h e r development o f t h e comparative advantage regarding

t y p e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s a s w e l l a s t o s u p p l y t h o s e c o u n t r i e s which d o n o t h a v e t h e p h y s i c a l r e s o u r c e s t o p r o d u c e t h e m a j o r p a r t o f t h e i r own r e quirements.

A f r i c a i s today t h e onZy l a r g e r area w i t h an average dscZine i n food prod u c t i o n per person

( - 0 . 9 % a n n u a l a v e r a g e i n t h e 1 9 7 0 s , World Bank l 9 8 1 a ) .

I n t h e 1 9 6 0 s f o o d p r o d u c t i o n i n Sub- Saharan A f r i c a i n c r e a s e d w i t h 2 % ( a n n u a l

average).

I n t h e 1 9 7 0 s t h e f i g u r e was 1 . 5 % .

t h e g r o w t h o f p o p u l a t i o n (FAO 1 9 8 1 a ) .

Both f i g u r e s a r e w e l l belcw

T h i s d e c l i n e i s c a u s e d b o t h by

l o w e r l a n d and l a b o u r p r o d u c t i v i t y (Mkandawire 1 9 8 3 ) .

A c c o r d i n g t o Holmberg

( 1 9 8 2 ) , S u b - S a h a r a n A f r i c a m a y become one o f t h e b i g t r a g e d i e s of t h e 20. century.

The g l o b a l a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t h a s i n c o n t r a s t i n c r e a s e d t r e -

mendously s i n c e 1950. 1980 ( G r i g g 1983)

The f o o d o u t p u t a t l e a s t d o u b l e d b e t w e e n 1950 and

( t h e w o r l d p o p u l a t i o n i n c o m p a r i s o n i n c r e a s e d w i t h 85%

i n t h e same p e r i o d ) .

The a g r i c u l t u r a l g r o w t h was m a i n l y d u e t o a n i n t e n s i -

f i c a t i o n o f p r o d u c t i o n and n o t p r i m a r i l y t o a n e x t e n s i o n i n a r e a c u l t i v a t e d . I n t h e p e r i o d 1950- 71 f o o d p r i c e s w e r e f a i r l y s t a b l e .

A c c o r d i n g t o Brown

( 1 9 8 3 ) , t h e S o v i e t wheat p u r c h a s e s i n 1972 ended t h i s good p e r i o d .

The

i d l e i n g o f c r o p l a n d i n t h e USA i n c r e a s e d t h e p r i c e s f u r t h e r , a s d i d t h e h i g h e r o i l p r i c e s from 1973 onwards.

The outcome was and i s a d e c l i n i n g

g l o b a l f o o d s e c u r i t y , f a m i n e i n I n d i a and A f r i c a and a w o r s e n i n g s o i l e r o s i o n i n many T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .

The need t o p r o d u c e more f o o d i n t h e

T h i r d World g e n e r a l l y i s w e l l documented.

FAO ( 1 9 8 1 a ) e s t i m a t e s t h a t i n

8 6 T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s 435 m i l l i o n p e o p l e (1974- 76 a v e r a g e ) w e r e undernourished.

I f t h e t r e n d c o n t i n u e s , t h e r e w i l l b e 510 m i l l i o n s i n 1990 ( 9 0

T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s i n c l u d e d ) and 590 i n y e a r 2 000.

Imports of food,

which i n t h e 1 9 7 0 s i n c r e a s e d w i t h 9% a n n u a l l y o n a v e r a g e f o r Sub- Saharan A f r i c a , h a s become a heavy c o n s t r a i n t on t h e a b i l i t y t o i m p c r t t e c h n o l o g y n e c e s s a r y t o improve t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y o f p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s e s .

To become

more s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t i n b a s i c f o o d s t u f f t h r o u g h a " s m a l l h o l d e r " s t r a t e g y was t h e n e x p e c t e d l y made a p r i m e o b j e c t i v e i n t h e OAU's "Lagos P l a n of A c t i o n " (1981). FAO r e c k o n s t h a t A f r i c a n e e d s t o d o u b l e i t s f o o d product i o n d u r i n g t h e 1 9 8 0 s t o h a v e enough t o f e e d i t s e l f .

Viewed a g a i n s t t h e

p o t e n t i a l , t h a t i s , land a v a i l a b i l i t y and y i e l d s obtained elsewhere, t h i s should not b e t o o d i f f i c u l t .

For i n s t a n c e , t h e maize y i e l d average f o r

t h e T h i r d World (1974- 76 a v e r a g e ) was 1 . 4 t o n s / h a , whereas t h e F i g u r e f o r t h e d e v e l o p e d c o u n t r i e s was 4.3.

I n a moderately p o s i t i v e scenario t h e

T h i r d World w i l l i n y e a r 2 000 h a v e a n a v e r a g e y i e l d o f 2.0 t o n s / h a . f i g u r e f o r sorghum a r e 0 . 8 ,

2.0 and 1 . 2 r e s p e c t i v e l y .

The

In Africa the agri-

c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n c o u l d a t l e a s t b e 100 t i m e s more t h a n p r e s e n t l y (Econom i s t 10/9-83).

The i r r i g a t i o n p o t e n t i a l i n A f r i c a i s , f o r i n s t a n c e , 290

m i l l i o n h e c t a r s ( i n c l u d i n g double cropping). are irrigated

(Revelle 1983).

Today o n l y 9 m i l l i o n h e c t a r s

More i m p o r t a n t , however, i s R e v e l l e ' s e s t i -

m a t e t h a t even w i t h a low l e v e l o f i n p u t i n a g r i c u l t u r e , A f r i c a c o u l d f e e d

1 . 5 b i l l i o n p e o p l e , a p o p u l a t i o n f i g u r e p r o b a b l y r e a c h e d i n 2 025.

(With

a h i g h l e v e l o f i n p u t t h e f i g u r e would b e 1 0 b i l l i o n p e o p l e . )

Evidently,

t h e p h y s i c a l resources f o r adequate food production a r e n o t lacking i n I t should b e mentioned t h a t l a r g e a r e a s of A f r i c a a r e n o t s u i t -

Africa.

a b l e f o r wheat p r o d u c t i o n , b u t f o r t h e more d r o u g h t r e s i s t a n t sorghum and millet,

T h i s may p r o v e a problem i n f u t u r e b e c a u s e t h e g a p b e t w e e n l o c a l

p r o d u c t i o n and t h e a b i l i t y o f g o v e r n m e n t s t o i m p o r t f o o d i s o f t e n c l o s e d by f o o d a i d , t h a t i s , w h e a t a n d m a i z e p r o d u c e d i n t h e USA.

I n Botswana

sorghum p o r r i d g e i s g i v i n g way t o w h i t e b r e a d ( a n d t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t t o rice).

T h i s c h a n g e i s w o r r i s o m e and p r o b a b l y i r r e v e r s i b l e a s l o n g a s

people have a choice.

I n Tanzania a n o f f i c i a l r e p o r t ( S t r u c t u r a l Adjust-

mentprogramme 1 9 8 1 ) s t a t e s t h a t t h e need f o r i m p o r t e d f o o d h a s c o n t r i b u t e d t o t h e s u b s t i t u t i o n a s w e l l a s i n c r e a s e d p r e f e r e n c e f o r m a i z e , wheat a n d r i c e i n p l a c e of t r a d i t i o n a l lower c o s t s t a p l e s .

Abalu ( 1 9 8 2 ) s a y s t h a t

t h e r e i s a g e n e r a l t r e n d o f i n c r e a s i n g p r e f e r e n c e by A f r i c a n consumers f o r wheat and r i c e .

The l e s s o n t o l e a r n r e g a r d i n g f o o d a i d i s t h a t it s h o u l d

b e c o n n e c t e d t o s u p p o r t i n g improvements i n l o c a l f o o d p r o d u c t i o n .

This has

b e e n r e c o g n i z e d by EEC a t l e a s t a t t h e l e v e l o f r h e t o r i c ( C l a y 1 9 8 3 ) .

The r e a s o n s f o r t h e b a d p e r f o r m a n c e o f a g r i c u l t u r e i n A f r i c a a t p r e s e n t and i n t h e l a s t d e c a d e a r e many a n d v a r y i n d e t a i l from c o u n t r y t o c o u n t r y . The key f a c t o r ( s ) a l s o d i f f e r s w i t h l o c a l c i r c u m s t a n c e s .

Among s c h o l a r s

a n d i n t e r n a t i o n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n s t h e r e seems t o e x i s t a n a g r e e m e n t o n s e v e r a l explanatory f a c t o r s . p u t s it:

"...

Below t h e main r e a s o n s a r e g i v e n why, a s L i p t o n (1983)

A f r i c a h a s now o v e r t a k e n S o u t h A s i a i n t h e g r i s l y r a c e f o r

t h e t i t l e of hungriest region."

Thereafter t h e suggested s o l u t i o n s a r e dis-

cussed.

A t t h e g e n e r a l l e v e l L i p t o n m a i n t a i n s t h a t t h e c o n s i s t e n t n e g l e c t by govern-

m e n t s o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r , i n h i b i t e d them from m e e t i n g t h e o i l c r i s i s with adequate p o l i c y responses.

J a n v r y (1977) and

L e l e ( 1 9 8 3 ) , among

o t h e r s , u n d e r l i n e t h a t fundamental a t t i t u d e s and group i n t e r e s t s

at nutional

level a r e t h e main o b s t a c l e s f o r improvements i n a g r i c u l t u r e i n A f r i c a . Bates (1983) s a y s i t a s s t r o n g l y a s t h i s : viewed a s a b y - p r o d u c t o f g o v e r n m e n t s '

" A g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y can t h u s be

e f f o r t s t o maintain peaceful p o l i t i -

c a l r e l a t i o n s with urban p o l i t i c a l f o r c e s . "

The World Bank ( 1 9 8 1 a ) and t h e

B r a n d t r e p o r t s (1980, 1983) s t r e s s p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h , t h e p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n ment, g l o b a l " s t a g f l a t i o n " a f t e r 1974 and a p e r s i s t e n t b i a s a g a i n s t a g r i c u l t u r e i n p r i c e s , t a x e s and e x c h a n g e - r a t e p o l i c i e s .

For i n s t a n c e , t h e terms

of t r a d e f o r farmers i n developed c o u n t r i e s a r e twice a s advantageous t h a n i n t h e Third World on average (Janvry 1980).

Moreover, r e a l p r i c e s

p a i d f o r most African producers' crops f e l l d u r i n g t h e p e r i o d 1970 1982 (Green 1 9 8 3 ) .

I n Tanzania, f o r i n s t a n c e , producer p r i c e s f o r export

crops a r e lower i n t h e e a r l y 1980s i n r e a l terms t h a n i n t h e beginning of t h e 1970s.

According t o Abalu (1982):

"Quite o f t e n , e x i s t i n g i n p u t and

o u t p u t p r i c e s a r e such t h a t p r o f i t maximizing behaviour would be expected t o l e a d t o r e j e c t i o n of recommended ( a g r i c u l t u r a l ) p r a c t i c e s . "

In parti-

c u l a r , t h e p r i c e s o f f e r e d by p a r a s t a t a l marketing boards i n A f r i c a a r e too low (Economist 10/9-83).

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e r e a s o n s g i v e n above, many

s c h o l a r s mention p o l i t i c a l i n s t a b i l i t i e s and wars (Hinderink and Sterkenburg 1983).

The normal land t e n u r e system i n A f r i c a i s regarded t o be a problem

i n a d i f f e r e n t way than i n o t h e r r e g i o n s of t h e world.

The widespread

e x i s t e n c e of commonage i s s a i d t o hinder banks t o g i v e l o a n s t o c u l t i v a t o r s without c a t t l e a s s e c u r i t y .

Cooperatives f o r i n p u t s and marketing, which

were important i n t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n of t h e now developed c o u n t r i e s , seem t o be unable i n most Third World c o u n t r i e s t o surmount t h e two fundamental d i f f i c u l t i e s of untimely i n p u t s and delayed payments.

~ l t h o u g h ,a s

mentioned, t h e combination of causes d i f f e r from country t o country, t h e outcome i s o f t e n t h e f a m i l i a r p r o c e s s of reduced f e r t i l i t y of t h e s o i l and hence d e c l i n i n g o u t p u t .

An example of t h i s p r o c e s s i s Russia.

In the

beginning of t h i s c e n t u r y t h e Russian p e a s a n t s ' response t o market and popu l a t i o n p r e s s u r e was mainly t o reduce t h e a r e a and d u r a t i o n of f a l l o w ( P a l l o t 1984).

Without a change t o a use of f e r t i l i z e r s o r manure food

production i n e v i t a b l y goes down.

Examples o f agrarian p o l i c i e s :

The Ivory Coast and Tanzania compared

A comparison of t h e Ivory Coast and Tanzania p r o v i d e s a u s e f u l i l l u s t r a t i o n

of t h e arguments above.

THE I V O R Y COAST

The Ivory Coast i s o f t e n l a b e l l e d t h e country with an a g r i c u l t u r a l e x p o r t success.

Manufacturing of a g r i c u l t u r a l goods accounts f o r more than h a l f of

t h e v a l u e added and a s t i l l h i g h e r p r o p o r t i o n of manufactured e x p o r t s (Lee

1980).

The government has through an a g r a r i a n p o l i c y of p r i v a t e producers

and p r i v a t e l o c a l t r a d e r s b u t an o f f i c i a l c e n t r a l i z e d marketing board f o r e x p o r t crops

encouraged production of cocoa and c o f f e e .

The producer

p r i c e s have been well below world market p r i c e s f o r t h e s e products.

The

important p o i n t i s , however, t h a t t h e producer p r i c e s have s t e a d i l y increased over t h e l a s t 20 y e a r s . t i o n on b a s i c consumer goods.

Moreover, t h e y have kept pace with i n f l a Land was t r a d i t i o n a l l y communal b u t acquired

g r a d u a l l y a v a l u e beyond t h e mere p r o v i s i o n of s u b s i s t e n c e , and it came t o be viewed a s p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y .

Land was a l s o a v a i l a b l e f o r t h o s e who wanted

t o s t a r t a g r i c u l t u r a l production on a smallholder s c a l e .

The main govern-

ment e f f o r t s b e s i d e s f i x i n g t h e producer p r i c e s and organizing t h e export marketing a r e cash bonuses f o r high q u a l i t y p r o d u c t s and s u b s i d i e s on i n p u t s . Labour i s e a s i l y a v a i l a b l e from neighbouring c o u n t r i e s a t t h e peak season. The small p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and farmers, who produce n e a r l y a l l t h e cocoa and c o f f e e i n t h e Ivory Coast, have, however, n o t improved t h e i r l e v e l of living.

The government has a p p r o p r i a t e d a high percentage of t h e b e n e f i t s

from t h e e x p o r t growth.

According t o Hecht (19831, t h e producers have become

a lower middle- class segment of s o c i e t y , valued h i g h l y a s t h e motor of t h e Ivorian "miracle".

Most o t h e r African c o u n t r i e s have a l s o taxed t h e i r pea-

s a n t s h e a v i l y f o r c a p i t a l accumulation and reinvestment elsewhere i n t h e economy.

Almost a l l t h e s e c o u n t r i e s have ended up i n " c r i p p l i n g " t h e a g r i -

cultural sector.

The main r e a s o n f o r t h i s d i f f e r e n c e l i e s probably i n t h e

continued e x p e c t a t i o n of an improved l e v e l of l i v i n g t h a t e x i s t e d among peas a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and farmers i n t h e Ivory Coast.

This was achieved by iden-

t i f y i n g t h e " r i g h t " balance between t a x e s , s u b s i d i e s and producer p r i c e s . This s t r a t e g y h a s , however, n o t p r i m a r i l y l e d t o i n c r e a s e d p r o d u c t i v i t y through new technology i n production b u t through more p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s c u l t i v a t i n g more l a n d .

TANZANIA

The Ujamaa p o l i c y , t h a t i s pooled a g r i c u l t u r a l labour on s o c i a l i s t p r i n c i p l e s l o c a t e d i n v i l l a g e s , l a s t e d i n p r a c t i c e only about 5 y e a r s .

The Tan-

zanian government's commitment t o t h e p o l i c y was never very s t r o n g (Payer 1983).

However, 13 m i l l i o n people were moved, mostly by f o r c e during t h e

f i r s t h a l f of t h e 1970s.

A s d e s c r i b e d elsewhere i n t h i s work, a g r i c u l t u r a l

production i n Tanzania s u f f e r e d .

I n t h e s t r a t e g y of "development v i l l a g e s "

adopted i n 1975 p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s were allowed t o have small p r i v a t e p l o t s

f o r t h e i r own consumption and s a l e .

Due t o i n a d e q u a t e a g r a r i a n p o l i c i e s

and marketing systems, a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n f o r e x p o r t s and home consumption i n Tanzania i s s t i l l today a major u n r e s o l v e d problem, and p o v e r t y

is pervasive i n r u r a l areas.

B e r n s t e i n (1981) remarks t h a t t h e f a s t ex-

p a n s i o n of t h e s t a t e (and t h e subsequent need t o f i n a n c e i t ) l e d t o an a t t e m p t n o t o n l y t o monopolize t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t of t h e p e a s a n t s through p a r a s t a t a l b o a r d s b u t a l s o t o an " a t t e m p t t o c o n t r o l t h e c o n d i t i o n s of e x i s t e n c e and u s e s of p e a s a n t l a b o u r i t s e l f " .

Kjarby (1983) r e p o r t s t h a t

t h e r e i s an i n c r e a s i n g i n t e r e s t i n animal t r a c t i o n among p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s i n Tanzania.

T h i s shows a w i l l i n g n e s s t o change.

The government h a s , how-

e v e r , n e g l e c t e d a l s o t h i s s i d e of p e a s a n t a g r i c u l t u r a l development.

Instead

f u n d s have been c o n c e n t r a t e d on s t a t e farms which a r e demanding on f o r e i g n exchange, f o r i n s t a n c e , r e g a r d i n g t r a c t o r s . a c c o r d i n g t o Kjaerby, a t an economic l o s s .

Most of t h e s t a t e farms r u n , I n f a c t , t h e e x p o r t volume of

a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s have d e c l i n e d i n a b s o l u t e terms.

To sum up, p e a s a n t s

i n Tanzania have been moved t o new and o f t e n unknown a r e a s r e g a r d i n g l o c a l weather and s o i l s . exports.

There t h e y have been t o l d t o grow s p e c i f i c c r o p s f o r

They h a v e a l s o b e e n " s t a r v e d " of f i n a n c i a l r e s o u r c e s (Hanak ( 1 9 8 3 ) .

Most a u t h o r s w r i t i n g on Tanzanian

a f f a i r s a g r e e t h a t t h e dismal a g r i c u l t u r a l

performance i s caused mainly by a d e c l i n e i n p r i c e s i n r e a l terms of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t s ( r e l a t i v e t o p r o d u c e r i n p u t s and consumer goods purchased by t h e p e a s a n t s ) .

I t should t h e r e f o r e n o t s u r p r i s e anyone t h a t t h e peasant-

c u l t i v a t o r s have g i v e n p r i o r i t y t o growing t h e i r own food.

They have been

a b l e t o do s o through t h e p a r t c o n t r o l t h e y s t i l l have o v e r l a n d .

Viewpoints on strategies for agricuZturaZ deveZopment The a g r i c u l t u r a l work f o r c e i n A f r i c a w i l l grow w i t h a t l e a s t 1.3% a y e a r i n t h e r e s t of t h i s c e n t u r y .

i s 1.1% (FAO 1981 a ) .

The f i g u r e f o r t h e whole T h i r d World

I t i s t h e n r e a s o n t o m a i n t a i n t h a t machinery ought

t o be i n t r o d u c e d i n such a way t h a t it adds t o employment.

In addition

t o improved methods of c u l t i v a t i o n , a d e q u a t e p r i c e s a r e n e c e s s a r y t o reach higher labour productivity.

I n t h e absence of expected h i g h e r

incomes, p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s w i l l n o t make an e x t r a e f f o r t , b e a r a d d i t i o n a l r i s k s and be p r e p a r e d t o s a v e and i n v e s t more.

I n market economies where

l a n d i s s t i l l communally h e l d , it i s d i f f i c u l t t o o b t a i n c r e d i t b u t f o r

t h o s e with o t h e r means of wealth ( e . g . c a t t l e ) .

The government must i n

such c a s e s d e v i s e combined c r e d i t and insurance schemes.

Although

government planning i s necessary t o b r i n g about a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n most p l a c e s , no government can achieve economic o p t i m i z a t i o n on every farm.

T h i s depends on t h e c u l t i v a t o r s .

I n , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e c o n t e x t of

I n d i a Nair (1979) f a v o u r s n e g a t i v e i n c e n t i v e s because t h e r a t i o n a l i t y of c u l t i v a t o r s v a r i e s enormously.

The high number of bundels of i n d i v i d u a l

( o r household) s a t i s f a c t i o n s makes a p r e d i c t a b i l i t y of a d m i n i s t r a t i v e e f f o r t s extremely d i f f i c u l t .

I n t h e Third World g e n e r a l l y t h e conventional

economic concept of u t i l i t y has l i m i t e d e m p i r i c a l r e l e v a n c e .

In f u l l -

f l e d g e d market economies t h e p r o f i t motive s e c u r e s p r e d i c t a b i l i t y .

The

o p t i o n a v a i l a b l e t o Third World governments regarding optimal use of a g r i c u l t u r a l r e s o u r c e s i s , according t o Nair, t o make it uneconomic n o t t o sow on time, n o t t o d i g w e l l s , n o t t o use f e r t i l i z e r s e t c .

If the

c u l t i v a t o r s a r e n o t maximizing y i e l d s , t h e y would l o s e t h e p o s s e s s i o n of t h e land.

Such a harsh method would be p o l i t i c a l s u i c i d e i n a democracy.

Moreover, it would d e p r i v e a huge number of people of t h e i r only means of l i v e l i h o o d .

The method may, however, be s u c c e s s f u l i n i n c r e a s i n g

national a g r i c u l t u r a l output.

I n f a c t , it i s nothing b u t an extreme form

of t h e p r i c e squeeze.

China, Japan and Taiwan a r e important examples of t h e p e a s a n t p a t h t o a g r i c u l t u r a l development.

They have through a r e l a t i v e l y low c o s t type

of system, b u t with high labour i n p u t , reached high l e v e l s of both land

the smallhoZder strategy did not have to compete with large internal commercial farms, neither private nor coZZective ones. The success of a p e a s a n t p a t h t o agricultural and labour p r o d u c t i v i t y .

In these countries

development r e s t s , i n my o p i n i o n , on t h e q u e s t i o n of a p p r o p r i a t e a g r a r i a n p o l i c i e s and on p o l i t i c a l w i l l .

I n some c o u n t r i e s where n e i t h e r t h e

market mechanism nor government e f f o r t s a r e a b l e t o " c a p t u r e " t h e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s f u l l y , t r a n s n a t i o n a l a g r i b u s i n e s s i s asked t o organize " p e a s a n t - p l a n t a t i o n s " ( i . e . c o n t r a c t farming i n s p e c i f i c a r e a s ) . The aim of p r i v a t e companies i s , however, t o e x t r a c t s u r p l u s i n t h e s h o r t run r a t h e r than t o b u i l d a s t r o n g and modern e i t h e r p r i v a t e or c o l l e c t i v e farm s t r u c t u r e .

Government planning i s t h u s a must f o r independent

a g r i c u l t u r a l development In t h e long- run.

I f n e i t h e r a form of c o l l e c t i v e a n d / o r s t a t e farm s t r u c t u r e nor a c o n t r a c t farming s t r a t e g y b u t a p e a s a n t p a t h t o g r a d u a l l y more modern a g r i c u l t u r e

i s p e r s u e d , i t i s e s s e n t i a l t o p l a n on a thorough u n d e r s t a n d i n g of e x i s t i n g r e a l i t i e s of p e a s a n t p r o d u c t i o n i n s p e c i f i c e m p i r i c a l s e t t i n g s . G e n e r a l l y , two l e a d i n g f a c t o r s s h o u l d b e a n a l y z e d :

First, t h e f a c t t h a t

t h e farms i n many T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s a r e o f t e n n o t s e l f - s u f f l c l e n t u n i t s . The b a s i c economic u n i t i s t h e h o u s e h o l d , and i t s members a r e compelled t o i n c l u d e n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l s o u r c e s of income i n o r d e r t o s u r v i v e a t t h e accustomed l e v e l of need s a t i s f a c t i o n .

Casual and p a r t - t i m e j o b s p r o v i d e

i n Eany i n s t a n c e s f u n d s f o r i n v e s t m e n t i n a g r i c u l t u r e .

Agricultural

development p l a n n e r s s h o u l d t h u s r e a l i z e t h e importance i n t h a t urban workers have h o l i d a y s i n peak a g r i c u l t u r a l s e a s o n s . do n o t c o n s t i t u t e a homogeneous group.

Second, t h e p e a s a n t s

The s p e c i f i c s of t h e p r o c e s s of

peasant d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n i n an area a r e therefore e s s e n t i a l inputs i n t h e planning process.

I n concZusion, t h e fundamental problem i n a g r i c u l t u r a l development i s t h a t change i s n e c e s s a r y on many a s p e c t s i n and o u t s i d e of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l sect o r a t t h e same t i m e .

Capital investments alone a r e , f o r instance, not suf-

f i c i e n t f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l improvement.

I n a d d i t i o n , methods of c u l t i v a t i o n

must b e a l t e r e d , new c r o p s i n t r o d u c e d , m a r k e t i n g f a c i l i t i e s expanded and a supply i n d u s t r y e s t a b l i s h e d .

Moreover, t h e "packaged" t e c h n o l o g y ( P e a r s e

1980) must b e f i t t e d t o a p a r t i c u l a r environment, i t must b e of agronomic s u i t a b i l i t y a s w e l l a s i n harmony w i t h economic c i r c u m s t a n c e s .

There does

not. seem t o 5 e any l e a d i n g f a c t o r which can p u l l t h e r e s t of t h e n e c e s s a r y aspects i n a positive direction.

i s needed.

This implies planning.

prime i m p o r t a n c e .

Thus a c e r t a i n d e g r e e of b a l a n c e d growth The r o l e o f t h e s t a t e i s a c c o r d i n g l y of

Obviously, t h e "packaged" t e c h n o l o g y approach c a n n o t b e

a p p l i e d i n a s i t u a t i o n w i t h s m a l l l a n d h o l d i n g s , low s u r p l u s and h i g h r i s k s . Without s t a t e - s u b s i d i e s , e q u i t y w i t h urban i n d u s t r i a l wages w i l l remain a remote dream f o r p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and f a r m e r s a l i k e .

The c h o i c e of agra-

r i a n p o l i c y i s of c o u r s e l a r g e l y a v a l u e judgement t h a t depends on which g r o u p ( s ) t h e p o l i t i c a l e l i t e w i s h e s o r i s bound t o f a v o u r .

The socio-econo-

mic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n and p r o c e s s o f d i s s o l u t i o n (drop- out from a g r i c u l t u r e ) existing i n r u r a l areas a r e essential starting points i n the specification of t a r g e t g r o u p s - t o p l a n from t h e p o p u l i s t n o t i o n o f a homogeneous peas a n t r y s h o u l d , a s mentioned, b e abandoned.

RURAL SETTLEMENT PATTERN

I n developed c o u n t r i e s u r b a n i z a t i o n was a r e s u l t of a s u c c e s s f u l a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n and of i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .

I n most Third World c o u n t r i e s t h e

degree and r a t e of urbanizationarecomparably low.

S t i l l urban migration

may be s u b s t a n t i a l .

The l a r g e p o p u l a t i o n and i t s r a p i d i n c r e a s e i n r u r a l

areas explain t h i s .

However, i n some p l a c e s i n A f r i c a t h e r a t e of urbani-

z a t i o n i s high.

The reason i s t h e o r i g i n a l low percentage of people l i v i n g

i n a d m i n i s t r a t i v e l y d e f i n e d towns.

Thus, i n t h e Third World an a b s o l u t e

d e c l i n e of p o p u l a t i o n i n r u r a l a r e a s i s only found i n e x c e p t i o n a l c a s e s . Basic s e r v i c e p r o v i s i o n does t h e r e f o r e n o t s t a n d a t a jeopardy, a s it does i n some p e r i p h e r a l a r e a s of developed c o u n t r i e s .

Nonetheless, government

s e r v i c e s viewed t o be e s s e n t i a l a s p e c t s of a w e l f a r e s t a t e may a l s o i n t h e Third World reduce t h e r a t e of o u t m i g r a t i o n , and i n some c a s e s s t a b i l i z e t h e p o p u l a t i o n o f , f o r i n s t a n c e , a s e r v i c e - c e n t r e and i t s h i n t e r l a n d .

The

s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n i n r u r a l a r e a s i n t h e p e r i o d of a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n may t a k e d i f f e r e n t forms according t o p r i o r p a t t e r n and governmental regulations.

In f i g u r e 7 t h e main f e a t u r e s of t h e r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n i n s i t u a t i o n s w i t h d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of c u l t i v a t o r s a r e presented.

A s a starting point,

t h r e e d i f f e r e n t r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n s - d i s p e r s e d , small v i l l a g e s and l a r g e v i l l a g e s - have been included.

In most c a s e s a combination of a t l e a s t

two of t h e s e c a t e g o r i e s may have e x i s t e d .

The i n t e n t i o n i s , however, f o r

h e u r i s t i c purposes t o d e p i c t t h e main p a t t e r n s only.

T r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , when s e d e n t a r y , l i v e d i n small groupings of c l o s e l y r e l a t e d k i n a s w e l l a s sometimes i n l a r g e r v i l l a g e s , b u t t h e n with the f i e l d s i n the vicinity.

The l a c k of adequate t r a n s p o r t f a c i l i t i e s made

c l o s e n e s s t o f i e l d s and l i v e s t o c k e s s e n t i a l .

When p e a s a n t production became

more common, c l o s e n e s s t o markets took on importance a s w e l l .

The somewhat i m -

proved means of t r a n s p o r t a t i o n ( s l e d g e , wagon) made a choice between v i l l a g e and f i e l d s p o s s i b l e .

F i e l d s could now l i e a t a d i s t a n c e from t h e v i l l a g e .

I n t h e words of Chisholm (1962):

"The s u b s t i t u t i o n of r e l a t i v e l y i n t e n s i v e

labour systems of a g r i c u l t u r e f o r t h e ( e x i s t i n g ) e x t e n s i v e t y p e s would be p r o h i b i t i v e l y expensive were t h e p e a s a n t r y t o continue l i v i n g i n t h e agrotowns, f a r from t h e i r lands."

Only when i n t e n s i f i c a t i o n of a g r i g u l t u r a l pro-

d u c t i o n made it p o s s i b l e t o p u t e a r l i e r unproductive time t o p r o d u c t i v e use, t h e time l o s t i n t r a v e l l i n g between home and f i e l d became an e s s e n t i a l point.

Figure 7.

Model of shifts in rural settlement patterns.

Traditional cultivators

Peasant-cultivators

Multiactive peasant-cultivators

Farmers

Multiactive farmers

1.

Large villages

Large villages wlth satellites

Hierarchy of villages

Dispersed settlements

Dispersed settlements

2.

Small villages

Small villages

Hierarchy of v~llages

Dispersed settlements

2 Dispersed settlements

Dispersed settlements and villages

Villages

Dispersed settlements

Dlspersed2 settlements

I

I

I I

3.

Dispersed settlements

1

2

,I

l '

lncludlng groupings of 5-15 closely relatcd kin households. No division of labour.

Some multlactive farmers will live iri villages.

Figure 8.

Model of migration of cultivators.

Multiactlve peasant-cultivators

Traditional cultivators

Peasant-cultivators

1.

Large villages

Small migration £run large villages

No migration

Medium migration No mrgratlon from large villages

2.

Small villages

No migration

small migration to large villages

Large migration from villages

Small migration up the village/ urban hierarchy

Small migration to villages

Large migration to villages

No migration

Small mrgration to vlllages and urban centres

1

'

Farmers

M~ltlactlvefarmers

l I

I

3.

Dispersed settlements

Note.

'

:

The t a b l e s s h o u l d o n l y b e r e a d h o r i s o n t a l l y .

R e g a r d i n g European a g r i c u l t u r e , a c c o r d i n g t o Chisholm, f a r m s 3 k i l o m e t r e s o r more away from t h e v i l l a g e became o c c u p i e d , w h e r e a s f a r m s c l o s e r t o t h e v i l l a g e c o n t i n u e d t o b e o p e r a t e d from t h e v i l l a g e .

Thus a c e n t r a l

v i l l a g e w i t h a number o f o u t l y i n g f a r m s t e a d s became t h e t y p i c a l p a t t e r n . F u r t h e r m o r e , i n t h o s e c o u n t r i e s i n which economic growth c r e a t e d enough j o b s a n d p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e slowed down, a c o n t r a c t i o n i n t h e o v e r a l l r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n occurred.

M a r g i n a l a r e a s c r o p p e d e a r l i e r were con-

v e r t e d back t o p a s t u r e s , and a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n i n c r e a s e d t h r o u g h h i g h e r p r o d u c t i v i t y i n t h e more f e r t i l e a r e a s .

I t may b e c o n c l u d e d t h a t

i n a commercial i n d i v i d u a l farm form o f a g r a r i a n s t r u c t u r e t h e l a r g e v i l l a g e s o o n became uneconomic i n most p l a c e s . c o n s c i o u s l y c r e a t e d a more dispersed p a t t e r n ,

I n Europe some governments w h i l e t h i s was n o t n e c e s -

sesary i n other countries lacking a v i l l a g e t r a d i t i o n .

I n c o l l e c t i v e agra-

r i a n s t r u c t u r e s v i l l a g e s of a r e l a t i v e l y small s i z e have been t h e chosen p a t t e r n (e.g. China, Tanzania).

For Southern A f r i c a it i s of p a r t i c u l a r

i m p o r t a n c e t h a t t h e s p o n t a n e o u s t e n d e n c y o f some p e a s a n t s was t o s e t t l e a t t h e i r f i e l d s when p o l i t i c a l c o n s t r a i n t s o n t h e s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n were r e moved.

The dilemma w i t h d i s p e r s e d f a r m s , a s m e n t i o n e d e a r l i e r , i s t h a t

w h l l e t h e c o s t o f r u n n i n g t h e f a r m s may b e r e d u c e d , t h e c o s t o f p r o v i d i n g infrastructure increases.

T h i s dilemma c o n s t i t u t e s a s o u r c e o f c o n f l i c t s

between p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s a n d g o v e r n m e n t s .

I n f i g u r e 8 various hypothesized d i r e c t i o n s of migration - v i l l a g e t o f i e l d a r e a s and v i c e v e r s a - c o r r e s p o n d i n g t o d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s o f c u l t i v a t o r s , can b e s e e n .

By m i g r a t i o n i s h e r e i m p l i e d a change of main p l a c e of l i v i n g

f o r a household.

O b v i o u s l y , t h e r e w i l l i n most c a s e s e x i s t m i g r a t i o n i n

b o t h d i r e c t i o n s and between a v a r i e t y of c l a s s e s o f v i l l a g e s and towns. The f i g u r e d o e s n o t p r e t e n d t o b e e x h a u s t i v e b u t t o p o i n t a t t h e l i k e l y main

d i r e c t i o n s of m i g r a t i o n .

A s f o r t h e p r e v i o u s s i m i l a r f i g u r e s , a compre-

h e n s i v e t e s t of t h e h y p o t h e s e s i n h e r e n t i n t h e f i g u r e w i l l n o t b e u n d e r t a k e n . The main r e a s o n f o r t h e f o r m a t i o n of v i l l a g e s i n e a r l i e r t i m e s was t h e want o f c o n t r o l by l e a d i n g g r o u p s .

I n g e n e r a l t h e s p a t i a l l a n d s c a p e w i l l b e do-

m i n a t e d w i t h t h e i n t e r e s t o f t h e dominant e l i t e ( J o h n s o n 1 9 7 4 ) .

Badly d i s -

t r i b u t e d v i l l a g e s make economic development d i f f i c u l t when t h e m a r k e t economy " n e e d s " a h i e r a r c h y o f m a r k e t p l a c e s and u r b a n c e n t r e s .

The m a r k e t i n g

hinterlands a r e o f t e n too small t o s u s t a i n b u t small e n t e r p r i s e s .

To choose

c e r t a i n v i l l a g e s a s t h e c o r e of " f u n c t i o n a l a r e a s " s h o u l d a c c o r d i n g l y b e t h e s t r a t e g y of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e p r o v i s i o n (Hansen 1 9 7 7 ) .

A t t h e s t a g e when t h e

w e l f a r e s t a t e h a s been e s t a b l i s h e d ( t h e dominant e l i t e i s n o t any l o n g e r c o n s i s t i n g s o l e l y of t h e economic e l i t e b u t t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n can forward demands i n d i r e c t l y through t h e b a l l o t ) , v i l l a g e s which i n a p u r e economic s e n s e would n o t r e c e i v e i n f r a s t r u c t u r e , may n o n e t h e l e s s obt a i n it. Furthermore, t h e f a s h i o n of n a t i o n a l s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y i n food makes f o r i n v e s t m e n t s

also i n r e l a t i v e l y small holdings, thus representing

a f o r c e towards a more d i s p e r s e d s e t t l e m e n t .

A s p e c i a l f e a t u r e i n many

T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s today i s t h a t development a i d e n t a i l i n g p r e s s u r e exc e r t e d on T h i r d World governments by developed c o u n t r i e s , t e n d s t o c r e a t e a s i t u a t i o n resembling t h e w e l f a r e s t a t e r e g a r d i n g i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .

One may

t h e r e f o r e s a y t h a t such c o u n t r i e s have "jumped" over t h e s t a g e of more p u r e market economy domination, b e c a u s e , among o t h e r t h i n g s , i n f r a s t r u c t u r e i s p r o v i d e d t o a s e t o f v i l l a g e s t h a t have n o t been "made i n t o a h i e r a r c h y " by t h e market economy t o a d e g r e e comparable w i t h t h e developed c o u n t r i e s when t h o s e c o u n t r i e s were b u i l d i n g t h e i r b a s i c modern i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .

A

l a r g e r number of v i l l a g e s a r e t h e n " maintained" t h a n would o t h e r w i s e have been n e c e s s a r y i n a more g r a d u a l l y developed c a s e .

I n t h e d e b a t e on r u r a l B r i t t a i n , f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e r e i s now a f a s h i o n swing i n g away from t h e n o t i o n of key s e t t l e m e n t s t o v i l l a g e c l u s t e r s ( o r o t h e r k i n d s of

d i s p e r s e d forms of r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t ) i n o r d e r t o m a i n t a i n t h e v i a -

b i l i t y of s m a l l - s c a l e r u r a l communities

(Cloke 1 9 8 2 ) .

The r e a s o n f o r t h i s

f a s h i o n can be found i n t h e f a i l u r e of growth impulses t o " t r i c k l e o u t " from key s e t t l e m e n t s t o t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e h i n t e r l a n d s .

The i m p l i c a t i o n s of a s p e c i f i c a t i o n of t h e p e a s a n t concept f o r t h e space economy g e n e r a l l y and t h e r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n p a r t i c u l a r l y a r e i m p o r t a n t . Some l i k e l y v i e w p o i n t s r e g a r d i n g t h e l a t t e r a r e i n c l u d e d below: t i v a t o r s may p r e f e r t o s t a y c l o s e t o t h e i r f i e l d s .

Peasant-cul-

I t i s p a r t i c u l a r l y ad-

vantageous f o r t h e s e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s who c a r r y o u t mixed farming ( b o t h c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n and animal husbandry) t o l i v e a t t h e f i e l d s b e c a u s e then t h e y w i l l normally be c l o s e t o t h e g r a z i n g a r e a s a s w e l l .

T h i s i s n o t of

e q u a l importance t o peasant- herdsmen who may a f f o r d t o h i r e h e r d e r s . c h e r s w i l l u s u a l l y l i v e i n l a r g e r v i l l a g e s o r urban c e n t r e s . )

(Ran-

For t h e mul-

t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s a v i l l a g e l o c a t i o n may be p r e f e r r e d i n o r d e r t o b e c l o s e r t o n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l work o p p o r t u n i t i e s .

Multiactive peasant-

c u l t i v a t o r households w i t h l a b o u r m i g r a n t s o r s h u t t l e r s p r o b a b l y p r e f e r a v i l l a g e l o c a t i o n because it e n a b l e s t h o s e s t a y i n g elsewhere t o come home more

often.

The v i l l a g e r e p r e s e n t s i n such c a s e s a "compromise" l o c a t i o n among

t h e r e s o u r c e s t h e households e x p l o i t .

Decisive government s t r a t e g i e s may i n f l u e n c e t h e above i n f e r e n c e s .

Moderni-

z a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r e can, f o r i n s t a n c e , t a k e p l a c e simultaneously wlth vlllagization, e.g. China.

t h e Kibbuts i n I s r a e l and t h e former P e o p l e ' s Communes i n

F a i l i n g such a s p e c i f i c a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c y , a country may g i v e

support t o m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s i n o r d e r t o t r y t o improve t h e i r p r o d u c t i v i t y and p r o v i d e t h e f i e l d a r e a s w i t h i n f r a s t r u c t u r e p u l l i n g t h e p e a s a n t s o u t of t h e v i l l a g e s and s e r v i c e c e n t r e s .

The b a s i c dilemma of t h e

space economy a t t h e p r e s e n t s t a g e of development i n most of t h e Third World

i s t h a t t h o s e primary s e r v i c e s people want - w a t e r , education and h e a l t h cannot be provided economically b u t t o c e r t a i n p o i n t s i n space.

One of t h e

main d i f f e r e n c e s between t h e now i n d u s t r i a l i z e d world b e f o r e and t h e Third World r e g a r d i n g a s o l u t i o n of t h i s dilemma, i s t h e problem of geographical mobility i n r u r a l areas. a r e commonly l a c k i n g .

Rural roads connecting f i e l d a r e a s w i t h markets

The number of t r a c t o r s ( f o r t r a n s p o r t ) and v e h i c l e s

a r e low and t h e " e f f e c t i v e d i s t a n c e " between f i e l d s and s o c i a l s e r v i c e s (and markets) remains long.

The o v e r a l l economic d i f f i c u l t i e s experienced by

most Third World c o u n t r i e s make a f a i r l y balanced growth of i n f r a s t r u c t u r e and o t h e r s e c t o r s of t h e economy u n l i k e l y .

Furthermore, t h e "one" farm one

l o r r y " s i t u a t i o n seems t o be f a r away i n most Third World c o u n t r i e s .

In

A f r i c a t h i s i s a major problem of a g r i c u l t u r a l development i n a p r i v a t e i n i t i a t i v e type of s o c i e t y .

T h i s will have a b e a r i n g on t h e c r e a t i o n of poverty

and a l s o i n f l u e n c e t h e s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n .

I n conclusion, t h e aims of s p a t i a l planning i n t h e p r e s e n t c o n t e x t a r e i n c r e a s e d a g r i c u l t u r a l production and t h e a l l e v i a t i o n of poverty.

The

s p a t i a l d i s t r i b u t i o n of people and economic a c t i v i t i e s i s n o t t h e focus or end-product of t h e a n a l y s i s b u t c o n s t i t u t e s r a t h e r an i n p u t i n t o t h e discus s i o n of poverty c r e a t i o n and of planned change towards a more productive and equal s o c i e t y .

T h i s approach r e p r e s e n t s a d e p a r t u r e from t h e t r a d -

i t i o n a l geographical approach which emphasizes t h e forms of t h i n g s r a t h e r than t h e i r formation.

Formation r e f e r s t o t h e s o c i a l dynamics through

which forms a r e c r e a t e d , changed o r maintained (Santos 1 9 7 7 ) .

CHAPTER 6 THE PEASANT CONCEPT, QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESES

T h i s c h a p t e r i n c l u d e s t h e d e f i n i t i o n of p e a s a n t adopted and t h e q u e s t i o n s and hypotheses r e l e v a n t f o r t h e v a r i o u s a s p e c t s of t h i s work.

THE PEASANT CONCEPT

In t h e l i t e r a t u r e on p e a s a n t s i t i s , a s mentioned, seldom d i s c u s s e d o r exp l i c i t l y s t a t e d how t o o p e r a t i o n a l i z e t h e concept.

This a p p l i e s p a r t i c u -

l a r l y t o t h e a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l and/or Marxist l i t e r a t u r e .

This i s u n f o r t u n a t e

because t h e e m p i r i c a l v a l i d i t y of t h e t h e o r e t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n s o f f e r e d a r e thus not assessed.

I n o r d e r t o d i s t i n g u i s h p e a s a n t s from modern a g r i c u l -

t u r a l producers e a s i l y observable c r i t e r i a should be used.

d~dior-; measured by such c r i t e r i a .

market s a l e s and t h e

The

aim of pro-

technology of production r e p r e s e n t

I t i s furthermore e s s e n t i a l t h a t t h e c r i t e r i a adopted a r e

judged q u a l i t a t i v e l y i n each e m p i r i c a l s e t t i n g regarding t h e correspondence with t h e t h e o r e t i c a l d e f i n i t i o n .

In t a b l e 1 t h e c r i t e r i a used h e r e i n t h e case of Botswana a r e given regarding cultivators.

Since t h e number of pure herdsmen i s low i n Botswana and t h e

d e f i n i t i o n of d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of herdsmen does n o t have t h e same gener a l i n t e r e s t a s t h a t of c u l t i v a t o r s , t h e c r i t e r i o n used r e g a r d i n g herdsmen

i s only included i n t h e e m p i r i c a l p a r t .

A farmer i s a c u l t i v a t o r who g e t s

a modern s c o r e on a t l e a s t one of t h e c r i t e r i a i n t h e t a b l e e i t h e r under t h e aim o r technology dimension of production.

I f t h e s c o r e i s i n t e r m e d i a t e on

any of t h e c r i t e r i a and none modern, t h e c u l t i v a t o r i s a p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r . The c u l t i v a t o r i s a t r a d i t i o n a l p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r when t h e s c o r e i s t r a d i t i o n a l on a l l t h e c r i t e r i a .

I n a pre- market socio-economic formation t h e

term used i s t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r .

Table 1.

C a t e g o r i e s o f aim and technology o f p r o d u c t i o n .

Form of p r o d u c t i o n

Traditional

Peasant

Modern

Aim

Consumption mainly

Consumption/ investment

Investment mainly

No s a l e a t market f o r money

l- 49% s o l d of t o t a l production a t market f o r money

250% sold of t o t a l production a t market f o r money

Technology

Note.

Simple

Intermediate

Advanced

Hoe

Plough, animal draught- power

Mechanical draught- power

Compost

Fertilizers non- regularly

Fertilizers regularly

Traditional varieties

Improved farmer varieties

High y i e l d i n g varieties

To q u a l i f y as modem form of production on s a l e , t h e minimwn amount harvested must be enough t o support t h e household w i t h crops throughout t h e year.

The boundaq between t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r

and peasant- cultivator i s

iden-

t i f i e d a t t h e l e v e l o f socio- economic f o r m a t i o n , t h a t i s , i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e market economy p e n e t r a t i o n of pre- market socio- economic f o r m a t i o n s .

But

when do market r e l a t i o n s become more dominant t h a n t r a d i t i o n a l r e l a t i o n s of production?

Since q u a n t i t a t i v e d a t a a r e impossible t o obtain regarding, f o r

i n s t a n c e , p e r c e n t a g e of households t h a t s e l l a t m a r k e t s and buy from shops, t h e " d a t e " a s o c i e t y moves from t h e pre- market socio- economic f o r m a t i o n i n c l u d i n g b o t h t r a d i t i o n a l and modern forms of p r o d u c t i o n must be e s t a b l i s h e d qualitatively.

The i d e n t i f i c a t i o n of t h e " d a t e " must r e f e r t o t h e e x i s t e n c e

of markets and of p r o f i t a s a motive of p r o d u c t i o n i n one o r more s e c t o r s of t h e economy and s a l e of l a b o u r a g a i n s t payment i n money.

One should d i s -

t i n g u i s h between a socio- economic f o r m a t i o n where o n l y goods a r e exchanged and one i n which a l s o l a b o u r and l a n d a r e o b j e c t s of economic t r a n s a c t i o n s . I n a t r a n s i t o r y socio-economic f o r m a t i o n one o r more f a c t o r s of p r o d u c t i o n may n o t b e f r e e l y exchangeable ( f o r i n s t a n c e l a n d ) b u t some ( u s u a l l y l a bour) a r e .

I t i s i n such "combined" s i t u a t i o n s t h a t p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s

a r e found.

The " d a t e " when t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s become p e a s a n t - c u l t i -

v a t o r s i s t h e moment t h e economy change c h a r a c t e r and e i t h e r l a b o u r o r l a n d become an o b j e c t of exchange, o r when l a b o u r and l a n d a r e subsumed by modern socialist principles.

The

boundary between peasant-cuZtivator and farmer i s

h e r e d e f i n e d a t t h e l e v e l of form of p r o d u c t i o n .

An a g r i c u l t u r a l producer

w i l l move from t h e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r t o t h e farmer c a t e g o r y when e i t h e r t h e aim of p r o d u c t i o n changes from consumption and r e i n v e s t m e n t i n p r o d u c t i o n of a p p r o x i m a t e l y e q u a l v a l u e t o r e i n v e s t m e n t m a i n l y , o r from i n t e r m e d i a t e t o advanced t e c h n o l o g y , o r b o t h .

Examples:

A c u l t i v a t o r who

owns

a tractor

i s p l a c e d i n t h e farmer c a t e g o r y , a l t h o u g h he o r s h e i s n o t s e l l i n g any s u r p l u s a t t h e time of d a t a c o l l e c t i o n .

A p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r may i n v e s t some

o f t h e s u r p l u s i n improved c u l t i v a t i o n .

However, when 50% o r more of t h e

p r o d u c t i o n i s used f o r i n v e s t m e n t , t h e c u l t i v a t o r would b e a f a r m e r , a l t h o u g h t h e technology used i s simple o r i n t e r m e d i a t e .

Although a c u l t i v a t o r s e l l s most of t h e h a r v e s t , t h e money o b t a i n e d may n o t b e i n v e s t e d i n a g r i c u l t u r e b u t i n o t h e r more r e m u n e r a t i v e

sectors.

However,

i f a s u s t a i n e d s a l e of 50% o r more of t h e h a r v e s t i s t o be a c h i e v e d , r e i n vestment i n a g r i c u l t u r e mustoccur.

I t i s t h e r e f o r e acceptable t o use s a l e s

a s an i n d i c a t o r on r e i n v e s t m e n t when t h e h a r v e s t i s n o t an e x c e p t i o n a l bump e r c r o p due t o s p e c i a l l y f a v o u r a b l e weather.

T h i s l a t t e r p o i n t may e a s i l y

be checked.

The r e l a t i o n s between l a b o u r , l a n d and c a p i t a l have n o t been i n c l u d e d i n t h e definition.

The r e a s o n i s t h e want of c o n c e p t s t h a t may b e used f o r d i f -

f e r e n t c o n d i t i o n s of l a n d t e n u r e .

I n d i v i d u a l ownership, v a r i o u s t e n a n t a r -

rangements and c o l l e c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r e should a l l be p o s s i b l e t o s t u d y w i t h t h e above proposed concepts.

The market economy (and i n a few c a s e s modern

s o c i a l i s t p r i n c i p l e s ) h a s been a b l e t o p e n e t r a t e a g r i c u l t u r e w h i l e o f t e n p r e s e r v i n g e x i s t i n g p r o p e r t y forms.

T h i s p o i n t was observed a l s o by Marx,

who u n d e r l i n e d t h a t t h e market economy was t h e l e a d i n g f o r c e of change.

To-

day i n t e r n a l f a c t o r s which may v a r y from s o c i e t y t o s o c i e t y a r e g i v e n due r e c o g n i t i o n a s f o r c e s of change and p r e s e r v a t i o n .

Concepts a b l e t o encompass

t h e above m e n t i o n e d v a r i e t y o f l a n d t e n u r e a r e t h u s needed t o i d e n t i f y g e n e r a l mechanisms o f change.

I t i s e s s e n t i a l t o i d e n t i f y how modern

f o r m s o f a g r i c u l t u r e a r e b r o u g h t a b o u t e i t h e r b y t h e m a r k e t economy o r by s o c i a l i s t planning.

When s t u d y i n g a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n s , it i s impos-

s i b l e t o c o n c e i v e o f a modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r i n a m a r k e t economy c o n t e x t o n l y a t t h e moment t h e s o c a l l e d r e a l s u b s u m p t i o n o f l a b o u r b y c a p i t a l i s a c h i e v e d b e c a u s e t h a t would imply a n e x t r e m e s i t u a t i o n where o n l y a r u r a l c a p i t a l i s t c l a s s a n d a r u r a l p r o l e t a r i a t o f a g r i c u l t u r a l wage l a b o u r e r s c o m p l e t e l y s e p a r a t e d from o w n e r s h i p o f l a n d and c a p i t a l e x i s t e d . The t y p i c a l European f a m i l y f a r m , e i t h e r o f t h e p u r e o r m u l t i a c t i v e t y p e must b e s a i d t o b e modern.

The p e a s a n t c o n c e p t would l o s e a n a l y t i c a l

meaning i f European medium a n d s m a l l machine i n t e n s i v e f a r m s were t o b e l a b e l l e d p e a s a n t farms.

T h i s c o n c e p t u a l i z a t i o n i s d i f f e r e n t from t h a t

a d o p t e d b y Goodman and R e d c l i f t ( 1 9 8 1 ) who m a i n t a i n t h a t p e a s a n t s a r e found i n "backward r e g i o n s " i n Europe t o d a y . t h e c o n t e n t of t h e t e r m .

I d i s a g r e e w i t h t h i s b r o a d e n i n g of

A s i m i l a r view i s , f o r i n s t a n c e , h e l d by Buch-

Hansen ( 1 9 8 4 ) .

H i r e d l a b o u r i s n o t u s e d i n t h e d e f i n i t i o n s o f t h e c o n c e p t s b e c a u s e i n many c a s e s even poor p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s have t o h i r e a s s i s t a n c e f o r c e r t a i n a g r i cultural tasks.

T h i s i s m a i n l y d u e t o i n s u f f i c i e n t male l a b o u r i n r u r a l

a r e a s d u r i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l peak seasons.

H i r e d l a b o u r would t h u s n o t b e a

good i n d i c a t o r i n d i s t i n g u i s h i n g p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s from f a r m e r s .

Tradi-

t i o n a l c u l t i v a t o r s d o n o t p e r d e f i n i t i o n h i r e l a b o u r a g a i n s t money.

When t h e a b o v e d e f i n e d c a t e g o r i e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s a r e u s e d a t t h e h o u s e h o l d l e v e l , i t may, f o r i n s t a n c e , e i t h e r i m p l y t h a t t h e man i n t h e h o u s e h o l d i s a m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r o r t h a t t h e man i s a worker a n d t h e women a p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r .

It is thus

e s s e n t i a l , lo make m

a n a l y s i s a t both t h e household and i n d i v i d u a l l c i ~ u ! . . T h e r e may a l s o b e c a s e s where t h e f a t h e r i s a p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r and t h e s o n / d a u g h t e r a worker. I f t h e s o n / d a u g h t e r s e n d s money o r g o o d s home r e g u l a r l y , t h e h o u s e h o l d f a l l s

i n t o t h e m u l t i a c t i v e peasant- cultivator category.

A problem o f c a t e g o r i z a -

t i o n e x i s t s when a p e r s o n o r h o u s e h o l d f a l l s i n t o d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s o v e r a p e r i o d of y e a r s .

The p r e s e n t d a t a d o n o t s u f f i c e t o u n d e r t a k e a c o m p l e t e

a n a l y s i s o f t h e work h i s t o r y o f h o u s e h o l d s .

The p o i n t i n t i m e method w i l l

a c c o r d i n g l y c o n s t i t u t e t h e main p e r s p e c t i v e , a n d t h e o s c i l l a t i o n between economic s e c t o r s o f i n d i v i d u a l s , which i s o f i n t e r e s t , c a n n o t b e t r e a t e d comprehensively.

QUESTIONS AND HYPOTHESES

Agrarian transition The main e x p e c t e d e l e m e n t s o f t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n i n t h e c o n t e x t o f Botswana a r e summarized below:

- Both communal a n d p r i v a t e / s t a t e l a n d e x i s t a t t h e n a t i o n a l

Land

level (figure 5).

A g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s may u s e b o t h

types of r i g h t s i n land. Inputs

- The method o f c u l t i v a t i o n / h e r d i n g i s l a b o u r i n t e n s i v e . Few o t h e r i n p u t s t h a n l a b o u r a n d a n i m a l draught- power a r e u s e d by t h e m a j o r i t y .

A m i n o r i t y c a r r y o u t machine i n t e n -

s i v e production. Types o f crops/animals

- The 5 r o d u c t i o n i s m a i n l y d i v e r s i f i e d a t t h e f a r m l e v e l , t h a t i s , s e v e r a l t y p e s o f c r o p s a r e u s e d and d i f f e r e n t a n i mals kept.

Output

- Land p r o d u c t i v i t y i s low on a v e r a g e .

Some a g r i c u l t u r a l

p r o d u c e r s h a v e s u b s t a n t i a l l y h i g h e r t h a n normal y i e l d s . The y i e l d s s t i l l v a r y s u b s t a n t i a l l y from y e a r t o y e a r according t o weather conditions.

S a l e s a r e undertaken.

Lo-

c a l s a l e s a r e important, while s a l e s t o t h e n a t i o n a l market a r e l e s s so.

E x p o r t s may e x i s t .

I n t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n p e a s a n t s c o n s t i t u t e a t l e a s t t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e

a g r i c u l t u r a l producers.

Some modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s

and m u l t i a c t i v i t y may e x i s t . tification.

may b e f o u n d ,

T h e r e i s a l s o a p r o c e s s o f socio- economic s t r a -

Some f i n d it h a r d t o c o n t i n u e w i t h a g r i c u l t u r e , and a t a c e r t a i n

s t a g e i n the a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n drop- out w i l l occur.

No a t t e m p t w i l l b e made t o p l a c e Botswana i n a n e a r l y , m i d d l e o r l a t e p h a s e of t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n .

hue

The objective is to determine whether agricul-

in Botswann con be said to be w e l l into such a transition. Then a l l o f

t h e f o l l o w i n g p o i n t s must b e c o n f i r m e d :

1.

Risk a v e r s i o n i s s t i l l a n e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c .

T h i s i s measured

by frequency of c r e d i t and l o a n s t a k e n f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r p o s e s and by d e g r e e o f farm l e v e l d i v e r s i f i c a t i o n of p r o d u c t i o n .

2.

The form of p r o d u c t i o n i s slowly modernizing.

T h i s i s measured by t h e

r e l a t i v e number o f t r a c t o r s used f o r l a n d p r e p a r a t i o n .

( Y i e l d s could

n o t be used because t i m e - s e r i e s d a t a f o r t h e s t u d y v i l l a g e s a r e n o t available. )

3.

M u l t i a c t i v i t y i s on t h e i n c r e a s e among t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s .

4.

Drop-out from a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s i s becoming more common.

Inequality and poverty The r i c h

-

poor dimension can be determined on any l e v e l of w e a l t h .

In the

s t u d y v i l l a g e s t h e households were d i v i d e d i n t o 3 l e v e l of l i v i n g groups. T h i s k i n d of s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i s e s s e n t i a l t o i d e n t i f y d i f f e r e n t a d a p t a t i o n s r e g a r d i n g t h e environment, p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s e s and m i g r a t i o n .

The method

used t o e s t a b l i s h an i n d e x and t h e groups i s d e s c r i b e d i n Hesselberg (1982 a , 1 9 8 4 ) . on S r i Lanka.

The method h a s proved t o b e u s e f u l a l s o i n t h e a u t h o r ' s work Here it s u f f i c e s t o mention t h a t o n l y m a t e r i a l i n d i c a t o r s ,

t h a t i s d u r a b l e consumer goods i n g e n e r a l demand i n t h e l o c a l a r e a s , have been used.

To s t r e s s m a t e r i a l needs i s j u s t i f i e d i n t h i s s o c i e t y a t t h e

p r e s e n t l e v e l o f development and i n view of t h e r e s e a r c h o b j e c t i v e s .

The

c a t e g o r i e s e s t a b l i s h e d e n a b l e a comparison of l e v e l of l i v i n g i n s p a c e and o v e r time.

N a t i o n a l l y , income d i s t r i b u t i o n and ownership of c a t t l e give

useful insights.

Rather t h a n p a s s i n g a judgement on " a c c e p t a b l e " degree of

i n e q u a l i t y , t h e i n t e r e s t l i e s i n i d e n t i f y i n g changes through t i m e .

Observed

changes i n i n e q u a l i t y and p o v e r t y p r o v i d e o b j e c t i v e i n f o r m a t i o n because t h e y t a k e t h e f i r s t s t u d y i n 1976 a s t h e point of d e p a r t u r e , no s u b j e c t i v e s t a n dard i s then necessary.

Changes i n t h e index- values of l e v e l of l i v i n g w i l l

b o t h show a n o v e r a l l improvement o r d e c l i n e and a widening o r narrowing gap. As mentioned p r e v i o u s l y , t h e r e i s a c e r t a i n amount of a r b i t r a r i n e s s i n sel e c t i n g c u t - o f f p o i n t s when d e f i n i n g t h o s e who a r e poor.

There i s no ob-

j e c t i v e way i n which t o d e c i d e what a n a c c e p t a b l e n a t i o n a l o r i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d s a t i s f a c t i o n of b a s i c needs and c u l t u r a l wants s h o u l d be."Absolute, p o v e r t y " i n t h e s e n s e of b a s i c p h y s i c a l n e e d s w i l l a c c o r d i n g l y n o t b e measured.

Some people i n t h e s t u d y v i l l a g e s a r e undoubtedly a t t i m e s " a b s o l u t e

poor".

G e n e r a l l y , p e o p l e have a house, t h e y have c l o t h e s and g e t s u f f i c i e n t

q u a n t i t i e s of food b u t seldom a n adequate v a r i e t y e v e r y day.

I n Botswana a t

l a r g e t h e number of " a b s o l u t e poor" i s , i f n o t overwhelming, p r o b a b l y substantiaL

No d a t a e x i s t on t h i s p o i n t .

Due t o t h i s l a c k of d a t a , a c a t e g o r y

of d e s t i t u t e i ~ o u s e h o l d sh a s been e s t a b l i s h e d .

By d e s t i t u t e households i s

i m p l i e d households w l t n o u t a n y v l s ~ b l es o u r c e of income and households with The p o i n t i s t o i d e n t i f y t h o s e

e s p e c i a l l y low remunerative income s o u r c e s .

households t h a t a r e r e a l l y poor by inost s t a n d a r d s of measurement.

I n addi-

t i o n , r e g a r d i n g t h e s t u d y v i l l a g e s b l a n k e t s have been chosen a s a n i n d i c a t o r f o r , i f n o t " a b s o l u t e p o v e r t y " , t h e n a v e r y b a s i c need. w i t h below one b l a n k e t

poor.

Those households

p e r mernber s t a y i n g a t home i s s a i d t o be b a s i c l y

R e l a t i v e p o v e r t y r e f e r s t o a g i v e n b u t n o t minimum r e q u i r e m e n t s t a n -

d a r d of needs s a t i s f a c t i o n .

I n t h e s t u d y v i l l a g e s t h i s s t a n d a r d h a s been

t a k e n t o be t h e p o o r e s t of t h e t h r e e l e v e l of l i v i n g g r o u p s .

Those f a l l i n g

i n t o t h i s group a r e l i v i n g under t r y i n g c o n d i t i o n s and l a b o u r hard t o s a t i s f y t h e i r needs f o r f o o d , c l o t h e s and s h e l t e r . thing t o spare.

They seldom o r never have any-

Accordingly, whenever t h e c o n c e p t poor household i s used I n

t h i s r e p o r t , ~t r e f e r s t o a l l t h e households i n l e v e l of l i v i n g group t h r e e .

The f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n s a r e expected:

1.

B a s i c and r e l a t i v e p o v e r t y e x i s t and a r e i n c r e a s i n g a l s o r e l a t i v e l y .

2.

I n e q u a l i t y i s becoming more pronounced.

3.

I n e q u a l i t y i s a by- product of i n c r e a s e d economic a c t i v i t i e s a t t h e l e v e l of development of t h e p r o d u c t i v e f o r c e s p r e s e n t l y found i n Botswana.

The f o l l o w i n g two hypotheses w i l l be t e s t e d : l.

P o v e r t y i s p r i m a r i l y c r e a t e d i n d i r e c t l y from s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n v i a t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n ( s e e f i g u r e 2).

2.

P o v e r t y stems o n l y t o a minor d e g r e e d i r e c t l y b o t h from s o c i e t a l evolut i o n and from c o n d i t i o n s f o r a g r i c u l t u r e .

Rural s e t t lement p a t i e r i i The i n t e r e s t h e r e i s t o i d e n t i f y whether a s h i f t i n p r e f e r e n c e of p l a c e of s t a y is occurring.

Do t h e s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n and a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n r e s u l t

i n net migration t o the f i e l d s o r the v i l l a g e s ?

The h y p o t h e s i s i s t h a t t h e r e

a r e m i g r a t i o n f l o w s i n b o t h d i r e c t i o n s b u t t h a t t h e n e t e f f e c t i s i n favour of the villages.

CONCLUSION

From t h e f i n d i n g s on t h e above q u e s t i o n s and hypotheses it should be poss i b l e t o a s s e s s t h e r e l a t i v e m e r i t s of t h e two opposing views on t h e r e l a t i o n s h i p between p e a s a n t s and t h e l a r g e r s o c i e t y , t h e p e a s a n t c o n t r o v e r s y . I t s h o u l d be u n d e r l i n e d t h a t t h i s assessment i s c a r r i e d o u t i n a c o u n t r y

w i t h a market economy.

The q u e s t i o n asked i s whether t h e g e n e r a l market

p e n e t r a t i o n i n Botswana h a s o n l y l e d t o a p a r t - d i s s o l u t i o n of t h e t r a d i t i o n a l form of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n w i t h o u t showing s i g n s of t r a n s c e n d i n g

it totally.

And f u r t h e r m o r e t h a t such a p o s s i b l e s t a g n a t i o n i n t h e agra-

r i a n t r a n s i t i o n i s p r i m a r i l y e x p l a i n e d by s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n and n o t by i n h e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of p e a s a n t s and t h e i r l o c a l communities.

PART Ill

BOTSWANA

2 . - . - . -.

-

BOTSWANA

ZIMBABWE

SOUTH AFRICA

-

Area:

2

5 8 1 7 3 0 km.

Constitution: Government:

Employment:

Language:

H i g h l a n d p l a t e a u o f mean a l t i t u d e 1 0 0 0 m e t r e s a b o v e s e a l e v e l .

9 4 1 0 2 7 d e f a c t o , 1981 c e n s u s .

Population:

Economy:

Road

Rate o f p o p u l a t i o n growth

3.2%, q u e s t i m a t e .

P a r l i a m e n t a r y d e m o c r a c y . B r i t i s h P r o t e c t o r a t e f r o m 1 8 8 5 t o 1966. B o t s w a n a D e m o c r a t i c P a r t y . S o c i a l d e m o c r a t i c , i.e.

w i t h m i x e d economy.

M a i n s e c t o r s - m i n i n g a n d c a t t l e . GDP p e r p e r s o n $ 8 7 4 ( 1 9 8 0 ) . accrue t o foreigners.

20% o f t h e GDP

F o r m a l 19% o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e ( 1 9 8 0 ) . S e l f - e m p l o y e d i n a g r i c u l t u r e 52% o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e . The b a l a n c e w o r k a s c a s u a l l a b o u r e r s b o t h i n u r b a n a n d r u r a l a r e a s . Many o f t h e m a r e u n e m p l o y e d f o r s h o r t e r o r l o n g e r p e r i o d s . Setswana.

Parliamentary language i s English.

Map

2.

Population distribution,

Map

3.

L a n d use.

!4ap

4.

Map

5.

B s l n f a l l and main areas o f a r a b l e agriculture. V e g e t a t i o n zones.

1981 census.

Source: C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e , 1983. S o u r c e ; J o n e s , 1981.

S o u r c e : Cooke, 1982. Source: M i n i s t r y o f Finance and D e v e l o p m e n t P l a n n i n g , 1980.

All maps a r e d r a w n on t h e b a s i s o f maps a n d d a t a i n t h e a b o v e c i t e d s o u r c e s .

CHAPTER 7 APPROACH AND DATA

I n t h i s c h a p t e r t h e a p p r o a c h a d o p t e d and method o f f i e l d work u s e d a r e d i s cussed.

A b r i e f p r e s e n t a t i o n o f t h e study v i l l a g e s i s then provided.

F i n a l l y , a n o t e on t h e p e a s a n t and r e l a t e d concepts found i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e o n Botswana i s i n c l u d e d .

This l a s t p o i n t is placed h e r e because it

amply d e m o n s t r a t e s t h e need t o a r r i v e a t common c o n c e p t s f o r s c h o l a r l y usage.

The approach Few, i f a n y , A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s h a v e a d e q u a t e d a t a t o p e r m i t a r i g o r o u s , q u a n t i t a t i v e a n a l y s i s of t h e dimensions and t r e n d s i n r u r a l poverty. o v e r , d a t a t h a t may e x i s t seldom i n c l u d e t h e p o o r e s t g r o u p s .

More-

In the late

1960s and 1 9 7 0 s m e r e l y t o l e a r n s o p h i s t i c a t e d s t a t i s t i c a l methods a l l o w e d scholars t o p a r t i c i p a t e i n t h e quantitative revolution.

Now it i s a l s o

n e c e s s a r y t o a p p l y s u c h methods t o r e l e v a n t r e s e a r c h o b j e c t i v e s . r e l e v a n c e o f t h e methods i s o f t e n l o s t .

Then t!ie

For i n s t a n c e , t h e d i f f u s i o n approach,

i n which s o p h i s t i c a t e d q u a n t i t a t i v e methods a r e u s e d , c a n n o t e x p l a i n why p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s may h a v e " o b j e c t i v e " r e a s o n s of c u l t i v a t i o n under t h e p r e s e n t c o n d i t i o n s .

not t o change t h e i r s y s t e m s

I t i s i r r e l e v a n t t o know t h e

communication c h a n n e l s t h r o u g h which news a b o u t i n n o v a t i o n s c a n most e f f i c i e n t l y b e s p r e a d , when t h e e n v i r o n m e n t u n d e r which p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s s t r i v e f o r a l i v i n g d o n o t a l l o w them t o a d o p t new s y s t e m s o f p r o d u c t i o n . I n s h o r t , i n development s t u d i e s i t i s g e n e r a l l y more i m p o r t a n t t o a n a l y s e i n t e r a c t i o n than diffusion.

To me, a s t u d y c o n t a i n i n g a d e d u c t i v e c o r e t o g e t h e r w i t h a w i d e r i n d u c t i v e s t a t i s t i c a l a p p r o a c h b a s e d o n c a s e s t u d i e s i s deemed r a t h e r more f r u i t f u l a s a p r a g m a t i c a p p r o a c h t o improve r u r a l l e v e l s of l i v i n g by s e e k i n g t h e fundamental combinations o f c a u s e s of poverty.

is useful in t h i s respect.

The " v i l l a g e s t u d y " a p p r o a c h

I t i s a p p l i e d h e r e b e c a u s e it p r o v i d e s s t a t e -

m e n t s o f t h e c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f s p e c i f i c s i t u a t i o n s o f dependency.

To ge-

n e r a l i z e from a number o f v i l l a g e s t u d i e s , i s n o t a c c e p t a b l e .

There i s

l i t t l e d i f f e r e n c e b e t w e e n t h e random s e l e c t i o n o f two o r t w e l v e v i l l a g e s among t y p i c a l o n e s f o r t h e a r e a i n q u e s t i o n .

Twelve v i l l a g e s would n o t

g i v e a h i g h e r degree of g e n e r a l i t y , of s t a t i s t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n c e of f i n d i n g s b e c a u s e o f t h e low a b s o l u t e number.

One w i l l t h u s n o r m a l l y b e a b l e t o f i n d

some s u p p o r t and some i n v a l i d a t i o n w i t h o u t any c r i t e r i a t o judge t h e o v e r a l l p r e v a l e n c e o f v a l i d a t i o n o f t h e dependency argument.

C a s l e y a n d Lury

( 1 9 8 1 ) i l l u s t r a t e t h i s p o i n t w i t h a n example from I n d i a :

By t a k i n g a r a n -

dom sample o f 1 9 4 i n d i v i d u a l l y s t u d i e d v i l l a g e s , a s much a s 33% were found t o b e s i t e d o n main r o a d s .

An e s t i m a t e o f t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f v i l l a g e s on

main r o a d s would c e r t a i n l y b e below 1 0 % .

The i d e a l s t a t i s t i c a l p r o c e d u r e

would h a v e b e e n t o c h o o s e a sample from a n e x h a u s t i v e i n v e n t o r y o f r e c o r d e d villages.

Such i n v e n t o r i e s d o n o t e x i s t .

A n o t h e r example o f t h e problem o f

generalization t h i s time i n t e r n a l t o a v i l l a g e i s provided i n t a b l e 2. t a b l e i s b a s e d on few r e s p o n d e n t s .

The

T h e r e seems t o b e no need f o r a l a r g e

sample r e g a r d i n g t h e q u e s t i o n of r a i n f a l l through t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l season (October

-

However, i t i s i m p o s s i b l e t o judge w h e t h e r t h i s i s i n f a c t

May).

c o r r e c t a t l a r g e i n t h i s a r e a before a thorough f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n with t h e I f t h e r e i s no t i m e f o r s u c h a f a m i l i a r i z a t i o n , a

a r e a h a s been achieved.

l a r g e sample i s a must t o s e c u r e a d e g r e e o f p r o b a b i l i t y t h a t t h e f i n d i n g s correspond t o r e a l i t y . sible.

To g e n e r a l i z e t o o t h e r a r e a s , i s o f c o u r s e n o t f e a -

A t t h e o t h e r end,

i t i s a n e r r o r o f method t o a p p l y t h e f i n d i n g s f o r

an a r e a t o an individual f i e l d .

T h i s i s amply d e m o n s t r a t e d i n t h e t a b l e by

b a g s h a r v e s t e d o f sorghum and m a i z e f o r 5 p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s between 1976 a n d 1980.

N o p a t t e r n i s e v i d e n t b u t a g r e a t v a r i a t i o n from y e a r t o y e a r i n

t o t a l production.

(The " bad" r a i n f a l l y e a r 1977/78 g a v e f a i r l y good r e t u r n s

a l t h o u g h t h e r a i n f a l l i n b o t h O c t o b e r a n d November was o n l y 5 mm.

The o t h e r

y e a r s had more ample r a i n f a l l i n t h e two f i r s t months o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l season.

Much r a i n f a l l may n o t b e i d e a l .

stressed this:

A multiactive peasant- cultivator

"Not much r a i n f a l l b u t a l i t t l e e a c h week-end i s t h e b e s t " . )

To g e n e r a l i z e a b o u t r a i n f a l l and y i e l d s from a v a i l a b l e s t a t i s t i c s and a few r e s p o n d e n t s e a s y t o come i n c o n t a c t w i t h i s e v i d e n t l y n o t a c c e p t a b l e . d o u b t e d l y , v i l l a g e s t u d i e s a r e good a v e n u e s t o h y p o t h e s i s f o r m u l a t i o n .

UnSpe-

c i a l i z e d r e s e a r c h may t h e n s e e k t o g e n e r a l i z e s e l e c t e d h y p o t h e s e s t h r o u g h more e x t e n s i v e s u r v e y s .

The p r e o c c u p a t i o n o f most dependency t h e o r i s t s w i t h exchange r e l a t i o n s have h e r e been s u b s t i t u t e d w i t h a f o c u s on t h e p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s .

The a p p r o a c h

111

Table 2.

A.

R a i n f a l l and y i e l d .

Letlhakeng.

R a i n f a l l g e n e r a l l y f o r f i e l d a r e a s around Letlhakeng, a s p e r c e i v e d by a few randomly s e l e c t e d p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s i n each a r e a .

Field area

1975/76

1976/77

1977/78

1978/79

1979/80

Bolothe

G

M

B

M

G

Gantsweng

G

M

B

M

G

Sesung

G

M

B

M

G

Kgesakwe

G

M

B

G

G

Maratswane

G

M

B

G

G

~Mmone

G

M

B

G

G

Ditshegwane

G

G

B

G

G

Metsibotloko

G

G

B

G

G

Mean

G

M/G

B

G/M

G

1 R a i n f a l l mm

570

650

503

306

510

R a i n f a l l from October t o March

442

528

482

278

458

Note.

G = good,

M = middle,

B = bad

l ~ e t l h a k e nv~i l l a g e (from October t o September).

B.

Number of bags h a r v e s t e d by 5 randomly s e l e c t e d p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s i n Letlhakeng.

B

13 S 13 m

20 S 10 m

D

20 S 4 m

Little

Note.

s

=

sorghum,

m

=

maize

10 S 3 m

10

-

S

Little

15 S 4 m

9 S l m

35 S 2 m

A bag e q u a l s 90 k i l o s

may b e d e s c r i b e d a s " bottom- up" , t h a t i s , l o o k i n g a t t h e w o r l d c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n p r o c e s s from t h e v a n t a g e p o i n t o f s e l e c t e d v i l l a g e s and emphasizing

t h e c o n s t r a i n t s " o u t s i d e " f o r c e s h a v e on t h e s e v i l l a g e s .

I t is t h u s p o s s i b l e t o c o n t r i b u t e b i t s o f knowledge t h a t may b e u s e d by

p l a n n e r s and p o l i t i c i a n s .

Moreover, b y p l a c i n g t h i s p a r t i c u l a r s t u d y

w i t h i n a w i d e r e x p l a n a t o r y framework, i t i s p o s s i b l e t o weigh a l t e r n a t i v e development s t r a t e g i e s .

A l t h o u g h t h e i n f l u e n c e o f s u c h i n f o r m a t i o n may

b e n e g l i g e n t , and i s p r o b a b l y m o s t o f t e n n i l , t h e r e e x i s t s a p o t e n t i a l use of a l l t h a t is published.

This is obvious b u t s t i l l important t o re-

p e a t , and it s h o u l d l e a d t o g r e a t c a r e t o s e c u r e r e l i a b i l i t y , v a l i d i t y and h o n e s t a n a l y s i s , t h a t i s , s c i e n t i f i c i n t e g r i t y .

The r e s e a r c h e r must

c o n t i n u a l l y a s k h i m s e l f t o whom h e f e e l s bound b y s o l i d a r i t y .

Is t h e f i e l d

work m a i n l y c a r r i e d o u t a s a way o f " mining" d a t a t o promote a p r o f e s s i o n a l c a r e e r a t home?

T h e r e i s , however, a l s o a d a n g e r r e g a r d i n g r e s e a r c h ob-

j e c t i v e s a n d q u e s t i o n s t o u s e i n " o v e r - i d e n t i f y i n g " w i t h t h e poor r e s p o n dents.

T h i s may r e d u c e t h e o b j e c t i v i t y o f o b s e r v a t i o n .

The i n t e n s i v e na-

t u r e o f a v i l l a g e s t u d y e n a b l e s t h e u s e o f b o t h o b j e c t i v e methods o f meas u r e m e n t a n d d e t a i l e d p r o b i n g o f a t t i t u d e s and background.

T h i s i s why

t h i s method was c h o s e n t o a t t a c k t h e r e s e a r c h o b j e c t i v e a t hand.

Further-

more, t h e i n t e g r a t i v e n a t u r e a n d o f t e n i n v i s i b i l i t y o f r u r a l p o v e r t y f a v o u r an i n - d e p t h s t u d y .

A v i l l a g e study i s a l s o f l e x i b l e and t h u s s u i t -

a b l e i n e a r l y s t a g e s of inquiry.

The q u e s t i o n o f o b j e c t i v i t y i n r e s e a r c h

i s p r i m a r i l y r e l a t e d t o t h e t h e o r e t i c a l framework, o r l a c k o f f r a m e , i n which t h e c o l l e c t e d d a t a a r e p l a c e d .

The c h o i c e o f v a r i a b l e s w i l l always

r e s t on and p i c t u r e c e r t a i n a s s u m p t i o n s , t h a t i s , v a l u e s e n t e r t h e r e s e a r c h process.

The q u e s t i o n t o p u t t o o n e s e l f i s t h u s :

i s needed f o r d e v e l o p m e n t i n Botswana? may b e d e c i d e d upon.

What k i n d o f knowledge

Then t h e a p p r o p r i a t e method o f s t u d y

S i n c e p r a c t i c a l a p p l i c a b i l i t y i s a c h o s e n v a l u e , so-

c i a l r e s e a r c h i n t h e T h i r d World s h o u i d g i v e t h i s p r i o r i t y . course t h e u l t i m a t e g o a l o f a l l s c i e n t i f i c endeavour.

T h i s i s of

I n t h e T h i r d World

t h e immediate n e e d s p r e s s f o r a s t r o n g e r p r i o r i t y among t y p e s o f r e s e a r c h . B a s i c r e s e a r c h w i l l most o f t e n r i g h t l y l o s e i n t h i s c o m p e t i t i o n . must b e t o a c h i e v e a c o m b i n a t i o n .

The p o i n t

Here b a s i c q u e s t i o n s a r e a s k e d a t t h e

same t i m e a s t h e c o l l e c t e d m a t e r i a l i n a m a i n l y d e s c r i p t i v e form h a s b e e n given t o planning a u t h o r i t i e s .

I n an i n d u c t i v e - s t a t i s t i c a l a p p r o a c h t h e

s t u d y v a r i a b l e s a r e n o t p r e d e t e r m i n e d by a r i g i d g e n e r a l t h e o r y e s t a b l i s h e d on d a t a f o r o t h e r p l a c e s and h i s t o r i c a l p e r i o d s .

The t h e o r e t i c a l f o u n d a t i o n

o f s t u d i e s u s i n g t h e inductive-statistical approach i s t h u s o f t e n e c l e c t i c . A combination of approaches i s p r e f e r r e d h e r e because of t h e p r e s e n t l i m i t e d

knowledge o f r u r a l Botswana.

To a c h i e v e an in- depth u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f a v i l l a g e s o c i e t y , s u f f i c i e n t time

i s necessary.

Of c o u r s e , t o l e a r n about a v i l l a g e s o c i e t y i s l i k e p e e l i n g

t h e l a y e r s o f a n e n d l e s s o n i o n , t h e r e i s always more t o d i s c o v e r .

I t was

decTded t o s e t t l e f o r what may b e termed a n "intermediate long" f i e l d work

with repeated v i s i t s .

T h i s t y p e of f i e l d work l i e s between t h e "quick and

d i r t y " ( a c o u p l e of weeks) and t h e " a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l f i e l d work" ( a y e a r o r I n each s t u d y v i l l a g e 2 months were s p e n t .

more).

A r e t u r n - v i s i t was made

a f t e r 2 y e a r s and a s i m i l a r s t u d y conducted a f t e r 4 y e a r s .

Relatively in-

t i m a t e l o c a l knowledge was t h u s achieved over time a s w e l l a s p l a n n i n g r e levance i n t h e short- run.

Aid a g e n c i e s , i n need of q u i c k answers, u s u a l l y

a r g u e t h a t i t i s p o s s i b l e t o l e a r n much a b o u t a v i l l a g e s o c i e t y i n two weeks. T h i s i s c o r r e c t b u t viewed from a wrong a n g l e .

A p e r s o n from o u t s i d e may

l e a r n a l o t a b o u t a v i l l a g e s o c i e t y i n a s h o r t t i m e , b u t h e w i l l know v e r y l i t t l e of what t h e r e i s t o l e a r n ( n o t t o speak of u n d e r s t a n d i n g ) .

"Quick

and d i r t y " i s a t e l l i n g l a b e l which I p r e f e r t o t h e more n e u t r a l " r a p i d r u r a l appraisal".

The comprehensive knowledge and u n d e r s t a n d i n g most anthro-

p o l o g i s t s reach i n t h e i r s t u d i e s a r e o f t e n d i f f i c u l t t o apply i n planning. F i r s t , t h e i n f o r m a t i o n becomes d e t d e d and i s seldom d i r e c t l y a p p l i c a b l e f o r planning purposes.

Second, t h e t i m e it t a k e s t o c o l l e c t , a n a l y z e and pub-

l i s h t h e d a t a r e d u c e s t h e r e l e v a n c e of t h e i n f o r m a t i o n i n a changing world.

I t i s a l s o i n v i l l a g e s t u d i e s i m p o r t a n t t o u s e a sample.

The non-sample s u r -

vey e r r o r s a r e l i k e l y t o be g r e a t e r t h a n sampled o n e s because of p o s s i b l e s y s t e m a t i c l e a v e - o u t s of r e s p o n d e n t s . Tutume a r e g i v e n i n t a b l e 3.

Table 3.

The samples t a k e n i n Letlhakeng and

S i n c e no i n v e n t o r y of households e x i s t s , no

Number of i n t e r v i e w e d household. 1976

1980

1

2

3

Total

1

2

3

Total

Lethlakeng

11

46

24

81

22

74

64

160

Tutume

13

51

4

68

39

106

15

160

Total

24

97

28

149

61

180

79

320

Note.

1 - 3 denote l e v e l of l i v i n g groups. Group 1 i s t h e r i c h e s t and group 3 t h e p o o r e s t .

p r i o r s t r a t i f i c a t i o n of households was p o s s i b l e .

I n Letlhakeng a i r p h o t o s

f o r 1975 were used a s a base and a l l compounds mapped. added and t h o s e no longer i n u s e dropped.

New compounds were

The r e s u l t i n g map of Letlhakeng

was divided i n t o sub- areas and an equal sample of compounds s e l e c t e d a t random f o r each sub- area.

T h i s procedure was adopted t o s e c u r e a s i m i l a r

sample from a l l over t h e v i l l a g e .

In Tutume no s u i t a b l e a i r p h o t o s e x i s t e d .

The following procedure, which proved t o be r e l i a b l e and quick t o undertake, was used:

The v i l l a g e was d i v i d e d i n t o sub- areas around each path i n t h e The compounds s e l e c t e d were every 7. and every 3. f o r 1976

Mopane f o r e s t .

and 1980 r e s p e c t i v e l y .

I t was t h u s p o s s i b l e t o walk from randomly chosen

p o i n t s a l l over t h e v i l l a g e , and map and i n t e r v i e w a t t h e same time. compounds i n which nobody was a t home, were r e v i s i t e d . had e v e n t u a l l y t o be dropped.

Those

Very few households

The i n t e r v i e w s were made during t h e a g r i c u l -

t u r a l off- season, t h u s most of t h e v i l l a g e population were p r e s e n t a l s o during day- time.

In a d d i t i o n t o t h e above d e s c r i b e d v i l l a g e s t u d i e s , a l i m i t e d survey was made a t t h e f i e l d a r e a s "belonging" t o t h e two v i l l a g e s a t t h e end of 1980 and beginning of 1981 i n order t o i d e n t i f y changes i n t h e r u r a l s e t t l e m e n t pattern.

Since t h e r e was no s i g n i f i c a n t migration from Letlhakeng t o s e t t l e

permanently a t t h e f i e l d s , t h e r e was no sense i n conducting a s y s t e m a t i c survey.

The f i e l d a r e a s were nonetheless v i s i t e d and t h e headmen and people

t a l k e d with.

I n t h e v i l l a g e , those households t h a t had come t h e r e s i n c e t h e

1976-study, were interviewed mainly about t h e r e a s o n s f o r t h e i r migration. I n Tutume both t h e v i l l a g e and t h e f i e l d a r e a s were s t u d i e d with a formal questionnaire.

I n t h e v i l l a g e a random sample of 35 households (29%of t h e

u n i v e r s e ) were interviewed.

A t t h e f i e l d s 77 households were included.

Since t h e f i g u r e f o r t h e t o t a l number of households a t t h e f i e l d s i s not a v a i l a b l e , t h e p r o p o r t i o n ( e s t i m a t e d t o be 20%) of interviewed households cannot be determined e x a c t l y .

Since no socio-economic d a t a e x i s t f o r t h e households beforehand, it i s imp o s s i b l e t o t e s t t h e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e n e s s of t h e sample on g e n e r a l c h a r a c t e r i s tics.

Wikan (1981) provides an example which i n d i c a t e s t h a t t h e d a t a a r e

representative:

The number of labour migrants i n Letlhakeng based on t h e

sample i n 1980 i s not s t a t i s t i c a l l y s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n t from t h e number a r r i v e d a t by asking every headman i n t h e v i l l a g e ' s sub- areas.

Moreover, by

living inside peasant-cultivators' compounds in adobe houses, we found the villagers to be homogeneous in most aspects of culture and behaviour.

They

were sufficient homogeneous on other than the analytical variables, e.g. sources of income, level of living and sex composition for the present study to work satisfactorily.

Furthermore, the rather homogeneous culture

among the major tribes in Botswana together with the monotoneous physical features and broadly similar climate throughout most of the country make for a fairly high degree of confidence when generalizing from village studies on many questions.

However, as pointed out above, some questions may

not be easily generalized and the degree of confidence cannot be decided. What these questions are may not always be easy to determine.

It is thus

essential when data are presented from the study villages also to provide national statistical data, where they exist, and to rely on other case studies and more limited surveys.

This has been done here.

The questionnaire

The questionnaire should not be longer than allowing most interviews to last between 3 / 4 to 1 1/4 hour.

My experience shows this to be preferable.

The

formal questionnaire was systematic and written after a short pilot survey. It consists mostly of open-ended questions.

To predetermine the range of

possible answers is difficult in an alien setting, and may impose meaning upon the raw data because the categories used then may be based on professional experiences gathered elsewhere.

Although it is impossible to make a

questionnaire completely without preconceptions, the researcher should be open-minded about what to observe and what to take as relevant. open to information other than that which is sought.

He must be

To be involved in

practical problems (as a side effort) as well as more pure research facilitate such an openness.

One should always be ready for the unexpected.

Awareness is, for instance, needed to see the capabilities of the rural poor. The existence of such capabilities leads to an emphasis in research on constraints to development in the rural poors' environment.

In order to in-

clude the practical dimension, a socio-economic evaluation of the impact of rural roads built by NORAD to the study villages was included.

This was

also done of a moral conviction that to "mine" for data in the Thlrd World for professional merit alone, is unacceptable.

On some o f t h e q u e s t i o n s i n t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e p a t t e r n s o f a n s w e r s soon became e v i d e n t .

The t i m e i n i n t e r v i e w i n g t h u s went down due t o t h e p o s s i -

b i l i t y o f p r e c o d i n g on t h e s e q u e s t i o n s . were never given t o t h e respondents.

However, t h e o p t i o n s o f a n s w e r s

I t proved u s e f u l during t h e p i l o t

s u r v e y when t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e was f o r m u l a t e d , t o a s k o n e s e l f t h e f o l l o w i n g three questions:

W i l l t h e respondent understand t h e question?

r e s p o n d e n t know t h e a n s w e r ?

W i l l the

W i l l t h e r e s p o n d e n t r e v e a l t h e c o r r e c t answer?

I t t h e n became q u i t e c l e a r t h a t o n l y r e l a t i v e l y s i m p l e m a t t e r s w e l l w i t h i n

t h e c a p a b i l i t y o f most r e s p o n d e n t s t o answer c o u l d b e i n c l u d e d . l i e s t h e major shortcoming of t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e type of i n q u i r y . a more t h o r o u g h u n d e r s t a n d i n g , o t h e r f o r m s o f i n q u i r y ( e . g . c u s s i o n s ) were u s e d .

To r e a c h

informal dis-

The t o t a l amount o f m a t e r i a l c o l l e c t e d t h u s s p a n w i d e r

t h a n t h a t u s e d i n t h i s work. ting.

Herein

To p u b l i s h a l l t h e m a t e r i a l one h a s i s temp-

The e x c u s e f o r d o i n g s o c a n b e t h a t i t rnlght b e u s e f u l f o r somebody,

somewhere, sometime.

T h i s i s , however, n o t a s u f f i c i e n t r e a s o n , and one

s h o u l d a l w a y s e x p e c t t o g a t h e r more d a t a t h a n i s i m m e d i a t e l y n e c e s s a r y f o r s t a t i s t i c a l computation.

T h i s is of course e s s e n t i a l i n a v i l l a g e study, b u t

may a p p l y a l s o t o more e x t e n s i v e s u r v e y s .

The v i l l a g e s t u d y a p p r o a c h c o n t a i n s a problem i n t h a t t h e l a c k o f p r i o r i n f o r m a t i o n on t h e h o u s e h o l d s and t h e r e l a t i v e l y b r o a d s c o p e o f t h e r e s e a r c h g i v e v a r i o u s t y p e s of households, f o r i n s t a n c e , regarding sources of l i v e l i hood.

The number of u n i t s o b t a i n e d on e v e r y v a r i a b l e t h e n o f t e n becomes

l e s s t h a n t h e ( t o t a l ) sample.

An example i s t h a t p a r t o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s i n

Letlhakeng d i d n o t c u l t i v a t e crops.

The s a m p l e on t e c h n i c a l a s p e c t s of c r o p

c u l t i v a t i o n became c o r r e s p o n d i n g l y l e s s .

A l t h o u g h t h i s r e d u c t i o n i n sample

s i z e on p a r t i c u l a r v a r i a b l e s w i l l have a s i m i l a r d r o p i n t h e u n i v e r s e , t h e t o t a l number o f r e s p o n d e n t s may become " t o o " l o w , t h a t i s , t h e e r r o r of e s t i m a t i o n soon becomes l a r g e . households t h a t c u l t i v a t e crops.

T h i s may b e s o l v e d by a d d i n g more o f t h o s e T h i s , however, i n c r e a s e s t h e t o t a l number

o f i n t e r v i e w e d h o ~ ~ s e h o l d s .Time a n d money a v a i l a b l e d i d n o t a l l o w me t o a d o p t such a procedure.

I n s t e a d t h e r a n g e o f t y p e s o f h o u s e h o l d s were l i m i t e d by

i n c l u d i n g o n l y permanent v i l l a g e d w e l l e r s . f i c i a l s (e.g.

T h i s i m p i i e d t h a t government o f -

t e a c h e r s , policemen, t a x c o l l e c t o r s ) s t a t i o n e d i n t h e v i l l a g e

f o r a c e r t a i n p e r i o d , were e x c l u d e d .

T h e s e o f f i c i a l s l i v e d i n s e p a r a t e go-

vernment q u a r t e r s and were t h u s e a s i l y i d e n t i f i e d .

The q u e s t i o n n a i r e was d i s c u s s e d w i t h s c h o l a r s i n Botswana.

T h i s was u s e f u l ,

a l t h o u g h t h e y have some o f t h e same d i s a d v a n t a g e s a s e x p a t r i a t e r e s e a r c h e r s , such a s being t r a i n e d i n w e s t e r n s c i e n t i f i c t r a d i t i o n and b e i n g urban b i a s e d . The i d e a l would be t o conduct j o i n t r e s e a r c h w i t h somebody who had grown up i n a s i m i l a r r u r a l a r e a a s t h e one t o be s t u d i e d .

Then h e would n o t be

p a r t of a l o c a l s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l group w i t h i t s v e s t e d i n t e r e s t s i n t h e s t u d y area.

Such a p e r s o n i s seldom a v a i l a b l e .

The interview I t 1 s i m p o r t a n t when c o n d u c t i n g a v i l l a g e s t u d y t o approach t h e v i l l a g e i n

a c o r r e c t way.

I n Botswana t h i s meant v i s i t i n g t h e D i s t r i c t O f f i c e i n an-

other v i l l a g e f i r s t .

With a l e t t e r o f i n t r o d u c t i o n , t h e Chief i n t h e s t u d y

v i l l a g e was c o n t a c t e d .

He a r r a n g e d an open " k g o t l a M - m e e t i n g where we ex-

p l a i n e d t o t h e v i l l a g e r s t h e r e a s o n f o r our s t a y t h e r e . consuming t o be a c c e p t e d i n a v i l l a g e .

I t may prove time-

I n o u r c a s e , i t was h e l p f u l t h a t we

a l s o c a r r i e d o u t a c o n s u l t a n c y f o r NORAD.

To be i d e n t i f i e d w i t h NORAD con-

t r i b u t e d , i n my o p i n i o n , t o t h a t t h e d a t a can be s a i d t o b e r e l i a b l e because t h e v i l l a g e r s had an

a priori

p o s i t i v e a t t i t u d e towards us.

T h i s , however,

d i d n o t t u r n i n t o a s u b s e r v i e n t b e h a v i o u r , a s i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by t h e change t o a l e s s p o s i t i v e o p i n i o n on t h e u s e f u l n e s s of t h e r u r a l r o a d s ( t a b l e 4 ) .

Table 4 .

Respondents' p e r c e i v e d advantage of t h e new r u r a l road a c c o r d i n g t o l e v e l of l i v i n g . 1976 and 1980. P e r c e n t .

1976

1980

LETLHAKENG Level of No Don't Advantage living advantage know

Total

T o t a l advantage

Don't No advantage know

Total

58

33

9

100

19

68

14

101

49

13

38

100

52

26

22

100

TUTUME

Total

We a l s o h e l d m e e t i n g s i n e a c h o f t h e s u b - a r e a s o f t h e v i l l a g e .

There

headmen h a d p e r s o n a l a u t h o r i t y , a l t h o u g h t h e new c o n s t i t u t i o n l e f t them l i t t l e f o r m a l power.

To b e w h i t e i n r u r a l Botswana d i d n o t c o n s t i t u t e

a problem, r a t h e r on t h e c o n t r a r y .

To c o n d u c t h o u s e h o l d s u r v e y s i n t h e T h i r d World i s s t r e n e o u s . physical stamina is required. possible.

Considerable

For i n s t a n c e , t o m a i l q u e s t i o n n a i r e s i s i m -

F u r t h e r m o r e , t o l e t a s s i s t a n t s g a t h e r your d a t a r e d u c e s t h e r e -

l i a b i l i t y a n d y o u r own o v e r v i e w o f n u a n c e s .

Moreover, i t i s n e c e s s a r y con-

t i n u a l l y t o r e v i e w , check a n d c r o s s - c h e c k t h e m a t e r i a l .

A l t h o u g h t h e same

q u e s t i o n s a r e r e p e a t e d day a f t e r day f o r months, an a t t i m e s boring r o u t i n e , t o b e p a t i e n t a n d c o n s t a n t l y a l e r t i s n e c e s s a r y t o judge t h e s e r i o u s n e s s of t h e r e s p o n d e n t a n d t o c r e a t e a good mood d u r i n g t h e i n t e r v i e w .

I t i s much

e a s i e r t o c l e a r i n c o n s i s t e n c i e s a n d c o n t r a d i c t i o n s w h i l e a n i n t e r v i e w i s conducted than t h e day a f t e r .

The r e s e a r c h e r s h o u l d e m u l a t e t h e d e t e c t i v e , h e

must b e a k e e n o b s e r v e r o f t h e r e s p o n d e n t and h i s s u r r o u n d i n g and h a v e a f i n e e a r f o r nuances i n t h e r e s p o n d e n t ' s r e p l i e s .

The p e r s o n a l o b s e r v a t i o n s

p o s s i b l e d u r i n g i n t e r v i e w s , which we c o n d u c t e d s e a t e d on t h e ground by t h e r e s p o n d e n t s h o u s e , a r e v a l u a b l e when t h e r e l i a b i l i t y o f t h e f i n d i n g s l a t e r

is t o be assessed.

We w e r e a c c o r d i n g l y p r e s e n t a t e v e r y i n t e r v i e w .

The

i n t e r v i e w s w e r e , i n a d d i t i o n t o t h e a u t h o r , i n 1976 c o n d u c t e d by R e i d a r Dale and J a r l e H d r s t a d and i n 1980 by Gerd Wikan.

It is normally necessary t o

r e l y on a n i n t e r p r e t e r i n t h e " i n t e r m e d i a t e l o n g " t y p e o f f i e l d work advocated here.

Much may b e a c h i e v e d b y way o f c o n t a c t w i t h p e o p l e t h r o u g h a

good n a t u r e d and a b l e i n t e r p r e t e r .

I t i s f u r t h e r m o r e f a i r l y s i m p l e by r e -

p e a t e d d i s c u s s i o n s t o f i n d t h e r i g h t way t o f o r m u l a t e q u e s t i o n s i n o r d e r t o c a t c h t h e i n t e n d e d meaning. general.

This a l s o helps t o scrutinize t h e research i n

Because o f t h e r e l a t i v e l y l i m i t e d t i m e f o r f i e l d work, e f f i c i e n c y

is required.

One must t h e r e f o r e s e e k t o a c h i e v e a b a l a n c e between e f f i c i e n c y

and d e t a i l o f o b s e r v a t i o n , and n o t l e t t h e c o r r e c t need f o r a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e sample r e s u l t i n l e s s r e l i a b l e d a t a .

The h e a d s o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s w e r e i n t e r v i e w e d . a " husband a n d w i f e " h o u s e h o l d ,

When t h e husband was away i n

t h e w i f e was i n t e r v i e w e d .

then n a i n l y e i t h e r i n South A f r i c a a s a labour migrant, a s a s h u t t l e r o r looking a f t e r c a t t l e .

The husband was

i n t o w n s i n Eotswana

I n Botswana i t proved t o be no s y s t e m a t i c d i f f e r e n c e s regarding t h e response and r e p l i e s according t o t h e sex of respondents. s e a r c h e r d i d n o t produce d i f f e r e n t r e s u l t s . other countries. swers given:

Also, t h e sex of t h e re-

This may n o t be t h e case i n

There a r e two problems u s u a l l y p o i n t e d a t regarding an-

F i r s t , t h e answers a r e c u l t u r a l l y p r e s c r i b e d and t h u s n o t a l -

ways i n accordance with r e a l i t y .

Second, t h e answers a r e those t h e respon-

d e n t s p e r c e i v e t o be expected by t h e r e s e a r c h e r .

The r e p e a t e d v i s i t s t o t h e

v i l l a g e s and d i s c u s s i o n s w i t h l o c a l r e s e a r c h e r s l e a v e t h e impression t h a t t h e t y p e of q u e s t i o n s and information sought i n t h i s study d i d n o t engender such r e a c t i o n s .

The d i s p o s i t i o n of t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e should be made i n such a way t h a t not only cross- checking of t h e d a t a i s p o s s i b l e b u t a l s o t h a t an amicable atmosphere i s c r e a t e d .

We placed a q u e s t i o n about number of b l a n k e t s (an i n d i -

c a t o r on l e v e l of l i v i n g ) towards t h e end of t h e q u e s t i o n n a i r e .

When t h e

respondents a t t h a t s t a g e b e c a m e t i r e d a n d bored, t h i s gave new enthusiasm and made t h e f i n i s h comfortable.

I n many c a s e s i t was p o s s i b l e t o d i s c u s s

g e n e r a l a s w e l l a s s p e c i f i c m a t t e r s r e l a t e d t o t h e household a f t e r t h e formal interview.

Often t h e i n t e r v i e w s were made with o t h e r people p r e s e n t .

whole, t h i s improved r a t h e r t h a n r e d u c e d t h e r e l i a b i l i t y .

On t h e

I t may be necessary

i n s t u d i e s with c e r t a i n i n t i m a t e q u e s t i o n s t o a s c e r t a i n p r i v a c y while i n t e r viewing. questions.

We always s t r e s s e d t h e anonymity of t h e d a t a b e f o r e asking any Although t h i s p r i n c i p l e was accepted a f t e r c a r e f u l e x p l a n a t i o n ,

it i s d i f f i c u l t t o know t h e p r o p o r t i o n of respondents r e a l l y b e l i e v i n g i n i t .

I n s t u d i e s asking f o r income and o t h e r a s s e t s t h i s i s problematic.

We f e l t

it on t h e q u e s t i o n of number of c a t t l e owned, where we o f t e n had t o labour hard t o o b t a i n an approximate f i g u r e .

I t must be remembered h e r e t h a t t h e

r e s e a r c h e r should n o t be deceived by an apparant l a c k of c u r i o s i t y on t h e p a r t of t h e respondents.

Misgivings may e x i s t t h a t w i l l l e a d t o f a l s i f i c a -

t i o n o r concealment of c e r t a i n information. "courtesy bias" .

One should be aware of t h i s

The i n d i v i d u a l i t y of most o f t e n r e l a t i v e l y small k i n groups

i n Botswana, which i s a t y p i c a l c u l t u r a l t r a i t , l e f t us f r e e t o go about our own work.

A f t e r some time we l e a r n e d through c l o s e r f r i e n d s h i p s e s t a b l i s h e d

i n t h e v i l l a g e s t h a t people g e n e r a l l y accepted u s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , because we were t h e f i r s t o u t s i d e r s who asked what they thought about t h e i r own and t h e i r v i l l a g e ' s problems and how they b e s t could be solved.

I n Botswana, a s probably everywhere e l s e , p o l i t e n e s s and h u m i l i t y a r e t h e key t o mutually b e n e f i c i a l r e l a t i o n s .

To t a k e g r e a t c a r e i n g r e e t i n g s i s , f o r

instance, e s s e n t i a l .

The r e s e a r c h e r ' s goodwill must b e abundantly c l e a r .

But on no account must he imply t h a t he i s a b l e t o p r o v i d e o r promise assistance directly.

I n s t e a d I o r g a n i z e d p r a c t i c a l a s s i s t a n c e from vo-

luntary a i d agencies t o t h e

v i z z a g e s v i s i t e d a f t e r t h e f i e l d work ended.

I n i t i a t i v e f o r p r a c t i c a l work was t a k e n i n two d i f f e r e n t ways a f t e r t h e f i r s t and l a s t f i e l d work: R e p o r t s were w r i t t e n a b o u t p o s s i b l e e f f o r t s i n t h e v i l l a g e s (Dale and Hesselberg 1 9 7 7 ) . and v a r i o u s a u t h o r i t i e s i n Botswana.

The r e p o r t s were s e n t t o NORAD

The o t h e r way t o c o n t r i b u t e d i r e c t l y

t o p o v e r t y a l l e v i a t i o n was through d i s c u s s i o n s on c o n c r e t e p r o j e c t s t o f i n d t h e p r i o r i t y of t h e V i l l a g e Development Committee and of c e r t a i n disadvantaged groups.

It is essential

I arranged f o r f u n d s t o Women S o c i e t i e s .

t h a t t h e s e groups a r e a s s i s t e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e i r own p r i o r i t i e s .

I t does

n e i t h e r t a k e much courage nor h a r d work t o conduct t h i s k i n d of a c t i v i t i e s . Usually t h e v i l l a g e r s a r e s p l i t i n s o c i o - p o l i t i c a l f a c t i o n s , and t h e y have l i t t l e power i n s o c i e t y a t l a r g e , few r e s o u r c e s and a low a b i l i t y of w r i t t e n articulation.

The r e s e a r c h e r may o f t e n be t h e o n l y person w i t h r e l a t i v e l y

i n t i m a t e knowledge of t h e v i l l a g e s o c i e t y and of e f f o r t s with a p o t e n t i a l of success.

Should he t h e n m a i n t a i n a "pure r e s e a r c h " s t a n d a r d s o t h a t he i s

n o t i n f l u e n c i n g t h e r e a l i t y he i s studying?

A n t i - s o c i a l behaviour of a r e s e a r c h e r may have s e r i o u s consequences n o t only f o r himself and h i s r e s e a r c h i n p r o g r e s s b u t f o r l a t e r r e s e a r c h by o t h e r s . Not t o behave a n t i - s o c i a l may n o t be a s easy a s i t looks a t f i r s t hand. Beer d r i n k i n g , a s an example, i s a t r a d i t i o n i n Botswana.

To a c c e p t and

j o i n i n b e e r p a r t i e s i s one way t o be a c c e p t e d and a c h i e v e i n f o r m a l c o n t a c t . However, t o a t t e n d b a r s and t o d r i n k imported b e e r may have t h e o p p o s i t e e f f e c t vis-2-vis

p a r t s of t h e v i l l a g e s o c i e t y .

The d i f f e r e n t o p i n i o n s pre-

v a l e n t i n most v i l l a g e s make it h a r d ( o f t e n i m p o s s i b l e ) t o behave " c o r r e c t " i n everybody's eyes.

The " demonstration e f f e c t " a f o r e i g n white r e s e a r c h e r

has i n a medium s i z e d v i l l a g e i n A f r i c a can be s t r o n g . always r e g a r d i t t o e x i s t .

A t l e a s t , one should

The b e s t way t o t a c k l e t h i s problem i s t o t r y t o

be a s unimportant a s p o s s i b l e .

Walk d o n ' t d r i v e , v i s i t t h e p o o r e s t and women,

d o n ' t s o c i a l i z e w i t h t h e e l i t e ( i t may be i m p o r t a n t t o v i s i t them e a r l y ) , e a t l o c a l food ( p o r r i d g e i n Botswana), t a l k w i t h people a f t e r d a r k , l i s t e n and d o n ' t t r y t o be w i s e r , ask people about t h e i r problems, abandon o r reduce t o a minimum t h e consumption of p r o d u c t s n o t i n l o c a l g e n e r a l demand.

I t is

p r o b a b l y a f a i n t hope t h a t our p r e s e n c e i n t h e v i l l a g e s d i d n o t have a "de-

monstration effect" of white, western materialism. The point must be to diminish this effect as much as possible.

The village study approach, I maintain, is a rewarding mode of research. By being relatively limited to a small area and well defined population, it is easier to avoid thedanger of misinterpretation. To be a committed foreigner helps to see a village society with fresh eyes and uncommitted loyalties but with a positive bias towards poorer groups.

The a n a l y t i c a l unit:

t h e household

Since the household is the primary economic unit in rural Botswana, this unit was chosen as the analytical unit in the present work.

A

household

consists of a person or group of persons who claim to belong to a single compound and who use part of the available resources in common. in addition answerable to the same head.

They are

Unmarried memhers staying else-

where are included when the respondents lnclude them, and when they send or bring money and/or goods to the rural home. for shorter or longer visits.

It is usual to return home

Because of the tradition of labour migra-

tion in Botswana, this way of defining a household is essential.

It may

be maintained that the usefulness of the household as an analytical unit, may decline as the population moves into towns and/or becomes more reliant on wages in the informal (urban) sector. the study of farm populations.

This is not generally correct in

The high proportion of multiactive farmers

in developed countries substantiates this.

There may, however, exist a

period in which farming is the only occupation for most households, as indicated in figure 3.

The development of agriculture in some developed ~ o u n t -

ries show that this may happen.

Other experiences tell that the combina-

tions necessary for multiactive peasant-cultivators, are soon forced on farmers by the price-squeeze and the want of a comparable level of living

.

with urban populations

The study v i l l a g e s The choice of Letlhakeng and Tutume as study villages rests on a discussion between the government of Botswana, NORAD and ourselves.

NORAD wanted some

of a limited number of rural roads built evaluated as to their impact on pro-

duction and income i n t h e v i l l a g e s which became l i n k e d t o main r o a d s .

The

government had p r e f e r e n c e s f o r c e r t a i n roads t o be s t u d i e d , b u t accepted our argument f o r a t y p i c a l v i l l a g e i n t h e c e n t r a l (Letlhakeng) and one i n Due t o l a c k of d a t a , i t was n o t

t h e n o r t h e r n p a r t (Tutume) of t h e country.

a priori

p o s s i b l e t o s u b s t a n t i a t e whether t h e v i i l a g e s i n f a c t were t y p i c a l .

Government o f f i c i a l s maintained t h a t t h e v i l l a g e s were t y p i c a l of mediums i z e d v i l l a g e s i n Botswana a s a whole, and my l a t e r experiences a g r e e with t h i s view.

Moreover, both

metres from a l a r g e town.

v i l l a g e s a r e s i t u a t e d approximately 100 k i l o The r u r a l road t o Letlhakeng was f i n i s h e d i n l a t e

1975 and t h e road t o Tutume a year l a t e r .

On c e r t a i n a s p e c t s , such a s s o i l

f e r t i l i t y and e t h n i c composition, t h e v i l l a g e s r e p r e s e n t t h e i r r e s p e c t i v e a r e a s of Botswana.

With t h e money and time a v a i l a b l e two v i l l a g e s proved t h e

most we could cover.

LETLHAKENG

Letlhakeng i s s i t u a t e d a 1 3/4 hours d r i v e northwest of Gaborone.

The v i l l a g e

l i e s i n a f o s s i l r i v e r v a l l e y where t h e water t a b l e i s somewhat higher than u s u a l i n t h i s p a r t of t h e country.

Water i s t h e most important f a c t o r of

l o c a t i o n t o g e t h e r with a c e n t r a l s i t u a t i o n i n t h e western p a r t of Kweneng District.

The a r e a h a s f a i r l y good g r a z i n g f o r c a t t l e r e l a t i v e t o i t s loca-

t i o n i n t h e t r a n s i t i o n a l zone between t h e more humid e a s t e r n p a r t of t h e country and t h e Kalahari semi-desert proper.

To t h e south of t h e v i l l a g e t h e

f o s s i l r i v e r v a l l e y narrows, and h e r e one f i n d s a l a r g e number of o l d water holes.

To t h e n o r t h t h e landscape widens, and t h e r e ,

j u s t a t t h e edge of t h e

b u i l t - u p a r e a , l i e s an a r e a with s u i t a b l e s o i l s f o r crops.

T h i s a r e a i s not

used a t p r e s e n t because of t h e g r e a t number of c a t t l e and smallstock moving around.

There i s a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e a r e a s u i t a b l e f o r crops s t r e t c h i n g north-

south about 5 k i l o m e t r e s west of t h e v i l l a g e .

I n addition, crop cultivation

and c a t t l e g r a z i n g a r e found i n many smaller p l a c e s around Letlhakeng.

The

most common type of s o i l i n t h e Letlhakeng a r e a i s Kalahari sands and g r a v e l s . Most of t h e p a r e n t m a t e r i a l s of t h e s e s o i l s a r e of windblown o r i g i n . a r e g e n e r a l l y i n f e r t i l e with a v e r y low humus c o n t e n t .

They

T h i s i s p a r t l y due t o

c l i m a t e , t h a t i s r a p i d decomposition of o r g a n i c m a t t e r , b u t a l s o a r e s u l t of farming p r a c t i c e s , mainly overgrazing and bush f i r e s .

The b e s t s o i l s occur

i n t h e bottom of f o s s i l r i v e r v a l l e y s and o t h e r d e p r e s s i o n s where n u t r i t i e n t s a r e washed down from t h e s i d e s and accumulated.

Average r a i n f a l l i n t h e a r e a

LETLHAKENG VILLAGE

Khudumelapye

Compound Road Post office Police station Shop Bottle store Sports ground Cooperative

7

School Kgotla (Tribal Authority) 9 Church 10 Water tower 11 Clinic 12 Office for the recruitment of mine labourers 1 J Government offices 8

-300 m

MAIN FIELD AREAS AROUND LETLHAKENG

LETLHAKENG

Boa

Map

7

amounts t o a b o u t 450 mm p e r y e a r ( t a b l e 2 ) .

This s u f f i c e f o r t h e cultiva-

t i o n o f t h e d r o u g h t r e s i s t a n t sorghum, m a i z e a n d m i l l e t a n d f o r v a r i o u s kindsof beans.

Due t o t h e c o n v e c t i o n a l n a t u r e o f r a i n f a l l ,

f i e l d s even i n

t h e same a r e a may r e c e i v e v e r y u n e q u a l amounts d u r i n g a s e a s o n . r a l v e g e t a t i o n of t h e a r e a is a d r y bush savanna. c o n s i s t s of various grasses.

The n a t u -

The ground v e g e t a t i o n

They form a c o n t i n u o u s c o v e r i n t h e f o s s i l

r i v e r v a l l e y s , where t h e g r o u n d w a t e r i s n e a r t h e s u r f a c e , b u t a r e e l s e w h e r e more s p a r s e .

The d e j u r e v i l l a g e p o p u l a t i o n was i n 1980 3 231, a n d c o n s i s t e d o f 497 househ o l d s according t o t h e d e l i m i t a t i o n of t h e v i l l a g e used i n t h e survey. l 9 8 1 c e n s u s may h a v e a p p l i e d a n o t h e r boundary.

The

54 government o f f i c i a l s and

t h e i r dependants n o t l i v i n g permanently i n t h e v i l l a g e a r e n o t included i n t h e above f i g u r e s .

The p o p u l a t i o n c o n s i s t s m a i n l y o f Bakwena, a Tswana

t r i b e , and B a k g a l a g a d i ( " p e o p l e s o f t h e K a l a h a r i " ) .

I n normal r a i n f a l l y e a r s

L e t l h a k e n g i s a d e q u a t e l y s u p p l i e d w i t h c l e a n w a t e r from b o r e h o l e s . a r e s e v e r a l water t a p s around i n t h e v i l l a g e . o t h e r s e r v i c e s (appendix 2 ) .

There

The v i l l a g e h a s a c l i n i c and

T h e r e e x i s t s no m a n u f a c t u r i n g o r o t h e r secon-

d a r y economic a c t i v i t i e s b u t o n e o r two i n d i v i d u a l s c a s u a l l y k n i t t i n g o r sewing c l o t h e s f o r s a l e .

TUT'JME

Tutume i s s i t u a t e d on a n u n d u l a t i n g p l a i n w i t h o c c a s i o n a l r o c k o u t c r o p s f o r m i n g s m a l l h i l l s 1 1 / 2 h o u r s d r i v e n o r t h w e s t o f F r a n c i s t o w n , t h e major town o f n o r t h e r n Botswana.

Tutume c o m p r i s e s s c a t t e r e d compounds on b o t h

s i d e s o f t h e r o a d a n d s a n d r i v e r Tutume f o r a l e n g t h of 1 0 k i l o m e t r e s . S i n c e i t i s u s u a l t o c a l l Tutume a v i l l a g e , t h i s term w i l l b e a p p l i e d a l though t h e d w e l l i n g h o u s e s a r e s p r e a d o u t o v e r a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e a r e a .

The

v i l l a g e came i n t o b e i n g by c o e r c i o n on t h e p a r t o f t h e Ngwato C h i e f T s e k e d i Khamz. i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 4 0 s . bed.

P e r e n n i a l d r i n k i n g water is found i n t h e r i v e r -

Now b o r e h o l e s a r e a l s o u s e d .

i s poor a r o u n 3 t h e v i l l a g e .

Taps a r e l o c a t e d a l o n g t h e r o a d .

Grazing

The s o i l s , m o s t l y o f t h e F e r r u g i n o u s T r o p i c a l

t y p e a r e f a i r l y good (Venema 19801, and c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n i s c a r r i e d o u t a l most a l l around t h e v i l l a g e o u t s i d e t h e n e a r e s t v i c i n i t y . s l i g h t l y h i g h e r t h a n i n L e t l h a k e n g , a b o u t 500 mm p e r y e a r .

Rainfall is The n a t u r a l ve-

Map

8

M A I N FIELD AREAS AROUND TUI'UME

-

Road

n\-r Village

Map

9

g e t a t i o n i s a d r y t r e e (Mopane) s a v a n n a .

Ground v e g e t a t i o n v a r i e s from

r i c h t o t o t a l l y absent b u t i s generally sparse.

The d e j u r e p o p u l a t i o n o f Tutume i n 1980 was 3 884 i n 498 h o u s e h o l d s . government o f f i c i a l s and d e p e n d a n t s a r e i n t h i s c a s e e x c l u d e d . p a r t of t h e p o p u l a t i o n a r e Bakalanga. Setswana.

l o n g among t h e Bakalanga. close t o non- existent.

The major

T h e i r l a n g u a g e i s d i f f e r e n t from

B a k a l a n g a a r e a l s o f o u n d i n Zimbabwe.

i n Tutume a l s o s p e a k S e t s w a n a .

250

Most o f t h e Bakalanqa

The t r a d i t i o n o f s c h o o l i n g i s r e l a t i v e l y

S e c o n d a r y economic a c t i v i t i e s a r e a l s o i n Tutume T h e r e i s , however, a s e c o n d a r y s c h o o l c e n t r e which

i n c l u d e s a "Brigade" with s e c t i o n s f o r mechanics, house b u i l d i n g , carpentry, sewing a n d v e g e t a b l e g a r d e n i n g . general public. Tutume.

A l l of these s e c t i o n s s e l l products t o t h e

Labour m i g r a t i o n t o S o u t h A f r i c a i s a t r a d i t i o n a l s o i n

Today a n i n c r e a s i n g number o b t a i n work i n u r b a n c e n t r e s i n Botswana.

The b e t t e r e d u c a t e d p e o p l e from Tutume o b t a i n work more e a s i l y t h a n t h o s e from L e t l h a k e n g who c o n t i n u e t o r e l y on mine work i n S o u t h A f r i c a .

In short,

t h e g r e a t e r v a r i e t y o f c r o p s p l a n t e d , b e t t e r y i e l d s on s t a p l e f o o d and h i g h e r l e v e l s o f e d u c a t i o n i n Tutume t h a n L e t l h a k e n g e x p l a i n t h e somewhat h i g h e r l e v e l of l i v i n g found i n t h a t v i l l a g e .

A NOTE ON PEASANT AND RELATED CONCEPTS I N THE LITERATURE ON BOTSWANA

T a b l e 5 shows e x p l i c i t d e f i n i t i o n s o r f o r some t h e main characteristics o f t y p e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s a c c o r d i n g t o a r i c h - p o o r d i m e n s i o n found t o b e u s e d by i n d i v i d u a l s c h o l a r s i n Botswana.

To a p p l y a d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n

of a g r i c u l t u r a l producers i s n o t u s u a l i n t h e l i t e r a t u r e . v a r i a t i o n s i n t h e content o f t h e c a t e g o r i e s adopted.

There a r e a l s o

Only r e g a r d i n g c a t t l e

o w n e r s h i p , t h e r e seems t o b e a n a g r e e m e n t on c u t - o f f p o i n t s .

The t e r m pea-

s a n t i s u s e d b y t h e r e s e a r c h e r s i n c l u d e d i n t h e t a b l e , e x c e p t by Opschoor. These s c h o l a r s a t t a c h t h e i r a n a l y s e s t o t h e p e a s a n t s t u d i e s t r a d i t i o n , a l though none o f them d o t h i s by a d o p t i n g c o n c e p t s d e n o t i n g t h e d i f f e r e n c e between p e a s a n t s a n d f a r m e r s .

F o r p e o p l e a t t h e p o o r end o f t h e d l m e n s l o n ,

Cooper (1980) makes t h e terrrl'lumpen p e a s a n t r y " when r e f e r r i n g t o t h o s e who " seldom work own l a n d " , t h a t i s , t h o s e who a r e w o r k e r s , a g r i c u l t u r a l labour e r s o r who r e l y on g i f t s and g a t h e r i n g .

Comaroff

(1S8O;, i n h i s a n a l y s i s o f

t h e B a r o l o n g a r e a , shows c l e a r l y how t h e e x p a n s i o n o f a m i n o r i t y o f f a r m e r s ( " l a r g e farmers") is detrimental t o peasant production.

I n t h i s p r o c e s s of

p o l a r i z a t i o n a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s (" non- farming l a b o u r " ) , s h a r e c r o p p e r s

and poor p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s a r e c r e a t e d .

The mechanisms a r e p r i m a r i l y i n -

c r e a s i n g l a n d p r i c e s i n t h i s a r e a of d e f a c t o l e a s e h o l d ( l a n d i s h i r e d o u t m o s t l y t o w h i t e s - it c a n n o t b e s o l d ) and d r o u g h t r e s u l t i n g i n a need f o r money.

Only i n t h i s a r e a o f Botswana we may t h u s f i n d a p r o c e s s of p e a s a n t i -

z a t i o n , t h a t i s , many f a r m e r s (who u s e s m a l l t r a c t o r s and market a r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e s h a r e of t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n ) become p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s o r p u r e m u l t i active peasant- cultivators (i.e.

t h e y depend on a g r i c u l t u r a l wage work i n ad-

d i t i o n t o own a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n ) .

Such a p e a s a n t i z a t i o n p r o c e s s has

n o t t a k e n p l a c e e l s e w h e r e i n t h e c o u n t r y i n r e c e n t t i m e s because t h e m a j o r i t y of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s never have been f a r m e r s .

The p o l n t made by

Parson ( 1981) t h a t " s m a l l and medium- scale f a r m e r s " ( 50-75 cows) would t h r o q h a l o s s of 2 5 - 5 0 % , due t o d r o u g h t , b e t h r u s t back i n t o t h e " p e a s a n t a r l a t " ,

is thus not applicable.

The " f a r m e r s " , h e r e f e r s t o , show t h e main charac-

t e r i s t i c s of p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s , and ought a l r e a d y t o belong t o t h i s c a t e gory

-

Comaroff c a l l s t h e socio- economic formation he f i n d s i n Barolong, f o r a "peas a n t - c a p i t a l i s t formation".

The e v o l u t i o n i n t h l s p a r t of Botswana (map 1 0 )

p a r t l y depends upon t h e a r t i c u l a t i o n o f " c a p i t a l i s t s " and p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s , who have themselves r e i n f o r c e d each o t h e r s e x i s t e n c e w i t h i n t h e l o c a l area.

To e x p l a i n why Barolong i s d i f f e r e n t from t h e r e s t of Botswana in-

c l u d i n g t h e f r e e h o l d farms, Comaroff p o i n t s a t a long t r a d i t i o n of comm e r c i a l behaviour i n Barolong and t o d i s p e r s e d farms of l e s s s i z e t h a n f r e e h o l d farms.

(There a r e no v i l l a g e s i n Barolong.)

In conclusion,

Comaroff shows how t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n h a s t a k e n p l a c e i n Barolong d u r i n g t h e l a s t 20 y e a r s , l e a d i n g t o what he c a l l s i n t e r n a l underdevelopment l o c a l l y and t h e e s t a b l i s h m e n t of a s m a l l group of f a r m e r s w i t h underu t i l i z e d land.

Due t o t h i s , l a n d p r o d u c t i v i t y on average h a s gone down

i n recent years.

Also Cooper m a i n t a i n s t h a t Botswana i s i n a genuine

t r a n s i t i o n p e r i o d i n which t h e e a r l i e r " p e a s a n t extended - household mode of p r o d u c t i o n " i s combined w i t h t r a c t o r s h i r e d f o r ploughing, h i r i n g of a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s and s y n d i c a t e s owning b o r e h o l e s f o r c a t t l e w a t e r i n g .

For t h e f i r s t t i m e i n 1980 a g r i c u l t u r a l s t a t i s t i c s p u b l i s h e d by t h e M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e c a t e g o r i z e d a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s a s e i t h e r " t r a d i t i o n a l " o r "commercial".

The d e f i n i t i o n s of t h e s e two c a t e g o r i e s r e l y o n l y i n d i -

r e c t l y on t h e form of p r o d u c t i o n pursued.

"Commercial f a r m e r " r e f e r s t o

t h o s e who c u l t i v a t e o r g r a z e t h e i r a n i m a l s on s o c a l l e d t i t l e d l a n d ( 4 . 7 % of Botswana).

" T i t l e d l a n d i n c l u d e s c l e a r t i t l e , l o n g term l e a s e s e t c .

1

Molopo f a r m s

Barolong farms (leasehold)

l 0 km

Communal a r a b l e and c a t t l e a r e a s Commercial c a t t l e areas

jiir

Freehold land

!.:I

Natlonal parks, Game r e s e r v e s , W i l d l ~ f em a n a g ement a r e a s

%

Areas n o t y e t zoned

Map

10

Categories of land tenure

....

$X.

Table 5.

Various c a t e g o r i e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s used by i n d i v i d u a l r e s e a r c h e r s i n Botswana.

Cliffe/Moorsom

Comaroff

Cooper

Opschoor

C a t t l e ranchers:

Large farmers:

Very r i c h p e a s a n t r y (emergent c a p i t a l i s t f a r m e r s ) :

Upper s t r a t u m :

lOO+

Own a t r a c t o r 100+ bags of crops harv e s t e d i n normal y e a r s : Hire labour always Rent o u t implements regularly

lOO+ c a t t l e 100+ bags of c r o p s h a r v e s t e d Hire labour always

40+ c a t t l e and/or 2 + bags of c r o p s h a r v e s t e d p e r household member and/or worker e a r n i n g P50+

cattle

Lower l e v e l r i c h p e a s a n t r y : 41-100 c a t t l e 1 5 + bags of c r o p s h a r v e s t e d Hire labour r e g u l a r l y

Middle p e a s a n t s :

Middle-range farmers:

Middle p e a s a n t r y :

Middle stratum:

Ready a c c e s s t o a plough and t o draught- oxen Crops f o r s a l e " f a i r p r o p o r t i o n of o u t p u t "

Own a s m a l l t r a c t o r or hire Crops f o r s a l e

21-40 c a t t l e 11-15 bags of c r o p s h a r v e s t e d Household and r e l a t i v e s a s labour Enough c r o p s f o r consumption (A small minority)

1-40 c a t t l e Cannot s u r v i v e on c u l t i v a t i o n alone

Poor p e a s a n t s :

Small farmers:

Poor p e a s a n t r y :

Lower s t r a t u m :

0-19 c a t t l e 1-19 bags of c r o p s h a r v e s t e d Crops c u l t i v a t e d f o r consumption

Have few implements Only s m a l l amounts of crops f o r s a l e

0-20 c a t t l e 1-10 bags of c r o p s h a r v e s t e d Household and r e l a t i v e s a s labour Not enough c r o p s f o r consumption (An overwhelming m a j o r i t y )

No c a t t l e Cannot s u r v i v e on a g r i c u l t u r e alone

Source:

C l i f f e and Moorsom 1979, Comaroff 1980, Cooper 1980, Opschoor 1981 a .

Thus, commercial f a r m i n g i n c l u d e s , b u t i s n o t l i m i t e d t o , f r e e h o l d f a r m s . " ( L i t s c h a u e r and Kelly 1981).

T i t l e implies here t h a t t h e land is privately

owned, a l t h o u g h n o t n e c e s s a r i l y b y t h e u s e r .

The p o i n t o f i m p o r t a n c e i s

t h a t " commercial f a r m e r s " ( o r j u s t f a r m e r s i n my t e r m i n o l o g y ) who l i v e i n t r i b a l areas are treated a s "traditional".

This f a u l t is still not notice-

a b l e from a v e r a g e f i g u r e s ( s e e f o r i n s t a n c e t a b l e 25 o n c a t t l e o f f - t a k e rates).

N o n e t h e l e s s , t h e f a u l t w i l l p r o b a b l y b e more and more s o i n f u t u r e .

Both t h e v a r i o u s d e f i n i t i o n s u s e d by i n d i v i d u a l s c h o l a r s a n d t h e c a t e g o r i e s used by t h e M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e have short- comings. a r e needed.

New d e f i n i t i o n s

Although Cooper (1982) m e n t i o n s t h a t t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e r u r a l

households have a worker, he does n o t i n c l u d e t h i s a s p e c t i n h i s c a t e g o r i zation of a g r i c u l t u r a l producers.

To m a i n t a i n , a s P a r s o n ( 1 9 8 0 ) , t h a t t h e

u r b a n " working c l a s s " h a s few l i n k s w i t h t h e " p e a s a n t a r i a t " , i s j u s t n o t c o r rect

F u r t h e r m o r e , one c a n n o t i n f e r d i r e c t l y from c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p , b a g s

h a r v e s t e d o r income from employment t o t h e c o r r e c t l e v e l i n t h e r i c h - p o o r dimension a household belongs t o .

It is thus e s s e n t i a l t o categorize t h e

h o u s e h o l d s a c c o r d i n g t o c o m b i n a t i o n s o f income s o u r c e s and l e v e l o f l i v i n g c a l c u l a t e d from s u c h a s p e c t s a s o w n e r s h i p o f d u r a b l e consumer g o o d s .

CHAPTER 8 SOCIETAL EVOLUTION

T h i s c h a p t e r p r o v i d e s b a c k g r o u n d i n f o r m a t i o n o r g a n i z e d h i s t o r i c a l l y t o convey an understanding of t h e a g r a r i a n s t r u c t u r e , i n e q u a l i t y and poverty found i n Botswana t o d a y . socio-economic

I n o t h e r words, t h e t o p i c s t r e a t e d a r e p l a c e d i n t h e i r

c o n t e x t b y h i g h l i g h t i n g some k e y f a c t o r s o f change.

The

a p p r o x i m a t e t i m e p e r i o d when t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s no longer ought t o b e c a l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s b u t peasants w i l l be established.

Economic grmith Botswana h a s now p a s s e d t h e l i m i t o f t h e low-income and become a m i d d l e - i n come m a r k e t economy a c c o r d i n g t o t h e c a t e g o r i e s e s t a b l i s h e d b y t h e World Bank.

The d i s c o v e r y o f c o m m e r c i a l l y v i a b l e diamond m i n e s i n t h e e a r l y 1970s

r a i s e d t h e GDP p e r p e r s o n a t t h e end o f t h e d e c a d e t o $874 o f which a b o u t 20% a c c r u e t o f o r e i g n e r s ( t a b l e 6 ) .

A t Independence i n 1966 t h e f i g u r e was

$80, i n l 9 7 0 $160 and i n 1976 $410 ( t h e l a s t i s t h e c u t - o f f p o i n t between low and ' ~ i i d d l e income c o u n t r i e s , 1980 d o l l a r s ) Fallon 1983).

(Seidrnan 1 9 8 1 , C o l c l o u g h and

The m a r k e t i n g d i f f i c u l t y f o r diamonds e x p e r i e n c e d from 1981,

however, shows t h e v u l n e r a b i l i t y o f a T h i r d World c o u n t r y t h a t r e l y on one o r j u s t a few m a j o r e x p o r t commodities ( t a b l e 7 ) . centration

The e x p o r t commodity con-

( t h c t h r c e p r i n c i p a l commodities a s p e r c e n t a g e o f t o t a l e x p o r t

e a r n i n g s ) was a r o u n d 90% d u r i n g t h e 1970s.

The evozution o f t h e present production s t r u c t u r e The Tswana s o c i e t i e s t h a t e v o l v e d a t t h e e a s t e r n f r i n g e s o f t h e s e m i - a r i d K a l a h a r i r e g i o n i n t h e 1 8 . and 1 9 . c e n t u r i e s , w e r e h i g h l y o r g a n i z e d , l a r g e l y s e l f - s u f f i c i e n t and reasonably prosperous.

The h i e r a r c h i c a l s t r u c t u r e of

a u t h o r i t y w i t h a c h i e f and h i s l i n e a g e a t t h e t o p i n s t i t u t i o n a l i z e d inequality o f w e a l t h w h i c h , however, was somewhat a m e l i o r a t e d by r e d i s t r i b u t i o n i n t i m e s

Table 6. Annual growth in GDP per person. Constant prices. Percent.

6 17 2.8 13.6 - 4.0 3.3 18.4 13.5 13 - 3.7 - 8.8

average average

average

Note. The way of writing a financial year is 1974/75. This is used throughout the text and implies the period of one year only. Source: Calculated from Ministry of Finance and Development Planning, Budget Speeches 1982 and 1983. Central Statistics Office, National accounts 1978/79. World Bank, World tables 1980 and Development report 1981.

Table 7. Export composition. Current prices. Percent

Pula millions

Diamonds

1973

1976

1979

1980

1981

20.0

37.5

189.6

237.7

149.8

51.8

62.7

81.0

83.4

32.5

46.3

75.0

31.3

68.0

6.6

17.6

38.8

41.2

59.1

153.2

366.1

391.2

Copper and nickel Meat and hides Others Total Note. p1

=

1973

1980

1981

34

61

42

21

23

55

8

19

55.0

11

11

15

356.2

100

101

99

$1.394 (1970), 1.150 (1976), 1.347 (1980),0.889 (1982)

Source: Calculated from Central Statistics Office, Bulletin vol. 6, No. 3 1981 and vol. 7, No. 2 1982.

of needs.

The c a t t l e w e a l t h and s t o r e s o f sorghum and m i l l e t accumulated

by t h e c h i e f s w e r e p a r t l y r e d i s t r i b u t e d t o " o r d i n a r y " members of t h e r e s p e c t i v e t r i b e s when d r o u g h t o r o t h e r n a t u r a l d i s a s t e r s h i t .

I n good y e a r s

t h e members gave t r i b u t e t o t h e c h i e f s i n t h e form of c r o p s , c a t t l e and labour.

I n a d d i t i o n , c a t t l e t a k e n i n war and a l l s t r a y c a t t l e belonged

t o t h e c h i e f of t h e a r e a where t h e c a t t l e were found.

Another mechanism o f

s e c u r i t y f o r t h e t r a d i t i o n a l a g r i c u l t u r a l i s t s , b e s i d e s t h e system of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n , was t h e p l a c i n g of c a t t l e w i t h r e l a t i v e s l i v i n g i n o t h e r o f t e n nearby areas ("mafisa").

I l l n e s s e s on c a t t l e o f t e n o c c u r r e d i n r a t h e r l i m i t e d a r e a s .

T h i s system o f c a t t l e d i s t r i b u t i o n i s common f o r semi- arid A f r i c a .

Similarly,

i n c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n mutual h e l p was a r u l e and gave a c e r t a i n d e g r e e of sec u r i t y of l i v e l i h o o d .

There a r e f o u r key f a c t o r s which d e s t r o y e d t h e f a i r l y developed and s e c u r e s t a t e of t h e v a r i o u s Tswana t r i b e s i n t h e B r i t i s h P r o t e c t o r a t e Bechuanaland e s t , & l i s h e d i n 1885 a f t e r p r e s s u r e e x c e r t e d on England by Tswana c h i e f s who wanted p r o t e c t i o n a g a i n s t Boer (and B r i t i s h ) s e t t l e r s t o t h e s o u t h and e a s t .

First,

t h e ox-drawn i r o n plough was a l r e a d y i n u s e i n some t r i b e s by 1880

(Schapera 1 9 7 0 ) . f u l a t t h a t time.

T h e a d o p t i o n of ploughs were r e l a t i v e l y r a p i d and success(Even w i t h o u t e x t e n s i o n s e r v i c e and marketing o r g a n i z a t i o n s

p e o p l e saw c l e a r advantages.

Lightfoot 1982).

Kharna 111, f o r i n s t a n c e , i n -

v e s t e d h e a v i l y i n ploughs i n t h e p e r i o d l887 - 1896 (Palmer and P a r s o n s 1977). The p r o d u c t i v i t y of c r o p p r o d u c t i o n improved, a s d i d t h e need t o change f i e l d s more o f t e n .

T h i s made t h e d i s t a n c e between f i e l d s and v i l l a g e i n c r e a s i n g l y

l o n g e r , e v e n t u a l l y n e c e s s i t a t i n g r e s e t t l e m e n t of sub- groups of t h e l a r g e t r i bal villages.

The i r o n ploughs came i n t h e beginning from Sweden and America.

Today it i s made i n South A f r i c a .

It represented

(and r e p r e s e n t s ) a heavy

i n v e s L a e n t f o r most a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s , an investment which c o u l d n o t b e met through s a l e of c r o p s .

Some households managed t o a c q u i r e a plough

through s a l e of c a t t l e , o t h e r households had t o s e l l t h e i r l a b o u r t o p l a n t a t i o n owners and mining companies i n South A f r i c a .

Second, t h e B r i t i s h admi-

n i s t r a t i o n of t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e i n t r o d u c e d t h e s o c a l l e d Hut Tax i n l899 t o r a i s e revenue f o r t h e c o l o n i a l a d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( a s was common i n B r i t i s h colonies).

T h i s t a x had t o be p a i d i n money.

The c h i e f s were g i v e n t h e autho-

r i t y t o c o l l e c t t h e t a x ( a n a s p e c t of t h e B r i t i s h " I n d i r e c t r u l e " ) , t a k i n g a 10% commission.

The c h i e f s were a c c o r d i n g l y i n t e r e s t e d i n encouraging l a -

bour m i g r a t i o n , which a l t h o u g h a t a modest s i z e a l r e a d y e x i s t e d t o European p l a n t a t i o n s i n South A f r i c a i n t h e 1850s.

For many a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s

t h e r e was no o t h e r o p t i o n b u t t o t u r n t o wage l a b o u r i n S o u t h A f r i c a . The P r o t e c t o r a t e t h u s became t o a l a r g e e x t e n t a " l a b o u r r e s e r v e " f o r c a p i t a l accumulation of white groups i n South A f r i c a (Leepile 1981).

It

i s then a t t h e end of t h e 79. century More appropriate t o speak o f peasants than t r a d i t i o n a l agricuLturaZists.

The market economy had pene-

t r a t e d t h e Life awd work o f most peasant-cuZtivators

i n t h e Protecto-

r a t e i n t h e sense t h u t they t o some degree became "dependent" on t h e mark e t for t h e i r l i v e l i h o o d and p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n s o c i e t y .

The socio- economic

f o r m a t i o n a c c o r d i n g l y changedfrom " t r i b a l " t o " l a b o u r r e s e r v e " .

Third,

t h e d i s c o v e r y o f diamonds a t Kimberley i n 1870 a n d p a r t i c u l a r l y t h e g o l d m i n i n g i n t h e J o h a n n e s b u r g a r e a ( W i t w a t e r s r a n d ) from 1 8 8 5 onwards r e s u l t e d i n a r a p i d urban growth i n South A f r i c a .

S a l e o f c a t t l e became a n a l t e r -

n a t i v e f o r some o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s . by S o u t h A f r i c a i n 1924.

T h i s a l t e r n a t i v e was c l o s e d

The g o l d p r i c e s on t h e w o r l d m a r k e t improved, and

t h u s t h e need f o r l a b o u r i n c r e a s e d .

This i s s a i d t o be t h e reason f o r t h e

r e g u l a t i o n t h a t o n l y oxen a t o r above 500 k i l o s a n d cows a t o r above 375 k i l o s l i v e w e i g h t a t J o h a n n e s b u r g were a l l o w e d t o b e i m p o r t e d t o S o u t h A f r i c a ( C o l c l o u g h and McCarthy 1 9 8 0 ) .

The r e s u l t was t h a t o n l y a few w h i t e

r a n c h e r s occupying t h e b e s t l a n d i n t h e P r o t e c t o r a t e c l o s e t o t h e border w i t h South A f r i c a , were a b l e t o s e l l .

Most p e a s a n t h o u s e h o l d s t h e n had t o

s e n d a member t o S o u t h A f r i c a o n 9 o r 1 2 months c o n t r a c t i n t h e g o l d m i n e s t o o b t a i n money f o r t a x a n d o t h e r p u r p o s e s (Kowet 1 9 7 8 ) . gration t o

Thus, l a b o u r m i -

S o u t h A f r i c a became a "way o f l i f e " f o r a l a r g e p a r t o f t h e

h o u s e h o l d s i n Botswana. peasant households.

These h o u s e h o l d s s h o u l d t h e n b e c a l l e d m u l t i a c t i v e

I n t h e 1940- 1976 p e r i o d a b o u t o n e - f o u r t h o f t h e a d u l t

p o p u l a t i o n ( a b o v e 1 5 y e a r s ) was a b s e n t a t a n y o n e t i m e .

I n 1978 54% o f t h e

m a l e p o p u l a t i o n o f 35-54 y e a r s h a d e x p e r l n n c e s from work i n S o u t h A f r i c a . The f i g u r e f o r t h e a g e g r o u p 15- 34 was 42% ( N a t i o n a l M i g r a t i o n S t u d y , NMS, 1982).

91% o f t h e m a l e Batswana b e i n g a b r o a d a t t h e t i m e o f t h e 1 9 8 1 cen-

s u s were i n South A f r i c a .

66% o f t h e s e 32 376 p e r s o n s worked i n t h e mines

( C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e 1983 a ) .

R e g a r d i n g f e m a l e Batswana 68% were i n

S o u t h A f r i c a and 25% o f t h e 9 344 p e r s o n s worked i n d o m e s t i c s e r v i c e .

Fourth, a t I n d e p e n d e n c e Botswana had b e e n t h r o u g h 6 y e a r s o f d r o u g h t which k i l l e d o n e - t h i r d ( a b o u t 400 000) o f t h e n a t i o n a l c a t t l e h e r d and made more t h a n 100 000 p e r s o n s d e p e n d e n t o n f o o d r e l i e f which came m o s t l y from England.

( E n g l a n d t h e n p r o v i d e d 40% o f t h e g o v e r n m e n t ' s c u r r e n t expenditures.)

B o r e h o l d e t e c h n i q u e s f o r d r i n k i n g w a t e r p r o v i s i o n and c a t t l e w a t e r i n g had e x i s t e d f o r some t i m e .

Now t h e r e was a n enormously i n c r e a s e d a c t i v i t y of

" g e n e r o u s l y s u b s i d i s e d " ( C o l c l o u g h and F a l l o n 1983) d r i l l i n g w e s t o f t h e populated e a s t e r n p a r t o f t h e country.

The b i g c a t t l e owners t o o k t h e i r

h e r d s t o t h e l i t t l e u s e d p a s t u r e s where w a t e r was n o t a v a i l a b l e p r i o r t o the drilling.

Water i s t r a d i t i o n a l l y p r i v a t e l y owned i n Botswana, where-

a s l a n d i s m o s t l y communal.

The r u l e t h a t d r i l l i n g was p r o h i b i t e d c l o s e r

t h m 8 k i l o m e t r e s from a n e x i s t i n g b o r e h o l e , gave t h e owners o f b n r e h o l e s i n many c a s e s a d e f a c t o e x c l u s i v e r i g h t t o l a r g e g r a z i n g a r e a s .

This

" l a n d g r a b " was s t o p p e d b y t h e government i n 1975 when a g e n e r a l b a n on new b o r e h o l e s was i n t r o d u c e d .

By t h i s t i m e , however, t h e p o l a r i z a t i o n be-

tween a few b i g c a t t l e owners a n d many s m a l l owners and c a t t l e l e s s househ o l d s had become pronounced.

Many h o u s e h o l d s w i t h 1 0 t o 15 c a t t l e l o s t

a l l t h e i r animals i n t h e drought. rapidly.

Thus t h e d e g r e e o f inequality i n c r e a s e d

The t r a d i t i o n a l system o f r e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p

t h r o u g h " m a f i s a " ( w i t h payments i n c a l v e s ) had become l e s s and l e s s common. The p o o r c o u l d t h e n n o t p u l l t h e m s e l v e s up by h a r d work.

Today t h e " e n t r y

t i c k e t " t o t h e c a t t l e sector is o u t of reach f o r t h e poor, according t o a r e p o r t s u b m i t t e d by t h e P r e s i d e n t i a l Commission o n Economic O p p o r t u n i t i e s (1982).

S i n c e few h o u s e h o l d s c o u l d ( a n d c a n ) s u b s i s t a d e q u a t e l y on c r o p

c u l t i v a t i o n on communal l a n d a l o n e , l a b o u r m i g r a t i o n c o n t i n u e d t o b e e s s e n t i a l f o r a l a r g e p a r t o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s i n Botswana a l s o a f t e r I n d e p e n d e n c e . I n a number o f o t h e r r e s p e c t s Botswana was ( a n d i s ) d e p e n d e n t on S o u t h Africa.

F o r i n s t a n c e , t h e c u r r e n c y was t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n Rand u n t i l 1976.

T h i s l e f t l i t t l e i n f l u e n c e o f t h e Government o f Botswana on f i s c a l m a t t e r s , p r i c e p o l i c i e s , f o r e i g n exchange e t c .

I t i s maintained

( C o l c l o u g h and

McCarthy 1 9 8 0 , M a k g e t l a 1 9 8 2 ) , t h a t most o f t h e c a p i t a l g a i n e d i n Botswana was c h a n n e l l e d t h r o u g h t h e two o n l y b a n k s i n t h e c o u n t r y , S t a n d a r d and Barclays, t o South A f r i c a i n t h i s p e r i o d .

T h i s r e f l e c t s t h e low l e v e l of

p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s i n Botswana b e s i d e s c a t t l e a n d c r o p s .

After ;-hu?ii.i-79'6.; a "labour reserve".

iz is no Longer appropriate t o categorize Botswana as I d i s a g r e e h e r e w i t h C l i f f e and Moorsom (1979) who

m a i n t a i n t h a t Botswana s t i l l i s a " l a b o u r r e s e r v o i r e " f o r S o u t h A f r i c a and w i t h Cooper (1980) who a r g u e s t h a t from 1976 t h e r e h a s b e e n a r a p i d d i s s o l u t i o n o f t h e " l a b o u r r e s e r v e " mode o f p r o d u c t i o n .

The socio- economic f o r -

m a t i o n c o n s i s t e d a f t e r t h e mid- 1970s o f a n i n c r e a s i n g number o f w o r k e r s i n government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , i n modern m i n i n g ( i n Botswana) and i n a c t i v i t i e s c a t e r i n g t o t h e s e two s e c t o r s ( t a b l e 8 ) .

Moreover, some modern l i g h t

consumer g o o d s i n d u s t r i e s were e s t a b l i s h e d ( t a b l e s 9 and 1 0 ) .

Many b u s i n e s s

Table 9.

Types o f m a n u f a c t u r i n g .

Botswana Meat commission

69

O t h e r modern e n t e r p r i s e s

16

Other

14

Total

99

Source:

Percent of gross output.

100

100

100

C a l c u l a t e d from C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e , N a t i o n a l a c c o u n t s 1978/79 and 1980/81

Table 10.

D i s t r i b u t i o n of v a l u e added.

Selected sectors.

1973/74

P e r c e n t of GDP.

1980/81

Agriculture Mining Manufacturing

Source:

C a l c u l a t e d from C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e , C o u n t r y p r o f i l e 1982.

companies a r e m a j o r i t y f o r e i g n owned.

T h e s e companies a c c o u n t t o d a y f o r

more t h a n h a l f o f a l l p r o d u c t i o n ( P r e s i d e n t i a l Commission on Economic Opportunities 1982).

M i g r a t i o n t o u r b a n c e n t r e s i n Botswana h a s t h u s i n -

c r e a s e d r a p i d l y d u r i n g t h e l a s t few y e a r s ( B r y a n t e t a l . 1 9 7 8 , B e l l 1 9 8 0 ) . I n a g r i c u l t u r e t h e t r a c t o r was i n t r o d u c e d a n d c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n i n c r e a s e d , i n p a r t i c u l a r i n t h e Barolong a r e a .

However, t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e popu-

l a t i o n continued t o be peasant- cultivators.

I n 1966 8 % o f t h e l a b o u r f o r c e

(15- 64 y e a r s ) had f o r m a l employment i n Botswana. 1980.

L i k e w i s e , 75

The f i g u r e was 19% i n

and 6 1 % r e s p e c t i v e l y depended on a g r i c u l t u r e .

T a b l e 11.

Employment i n Botswana.

1981 c e n s u s .

(12 y e a r s o f a g e o r m o r e ) .

Percent.

Family a g r i c u l t u r e F o r m a l l y employed S e l f - employed C a s u a l l y employed A c t i v e l y s e e k i n g work Economically i n a c t i v e Total

101

Population

Source:

568 704

C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e 1983 a .

T a b l e 11 a p p e a r s t o i n c l u d e a d r a s t i c r e d u c t i o n i n t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l popul a t i o n i n Botswana i n r e l a t i v e t e r m s , o n l y o n e - f o u r t h was family a g r i c u l t u r e .

engaged i n

O b v i o u s l y , t h e r e i s h e r e a problem of c a t e g o r i z a t i o n

o f b o t h m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t s a n d women i n h o u s e h o l d s w i t h p u r e p e a s a n t c u l t i v a t o r husbands.

However, f e w e r p e o p l e even i n a b s o l u t e t e r m s w e r e

s o k ? Z y d e p e n d e n t on a g r i c u l t u r e i n 1980 t h a n i n 1966 ( P r e s i d e n t i a l Commiss i o n on Economic O p p o r t u n i t i e s 1 9 8 2 ) .

T h i s d o e s n o t imply t h a t t h e abso-

l u t e number of h o u s e h o l d s o c c u p i e d w i t h a g r i c u l t u r e d e c r e a s e d .

On t h e con-

t r a r y , t h e number o f s o c a l l e d t r a d i t i o n a l f a r m s h a s d o u b l e d s i n c e Independ e n c e and i n c r e a s e d a s much a s from 80 000 t o 8 4 200 from 1980 t o 1 9 8 1

(Ministry of A g r i c u l t u r e 1 9 8 1 a ) .

(To q u a l i f y a s a farm a h o u s e h o l d must

o b t a i n a t l e a s t 1 0 0 p o i n t s i n t h e new system a d o p t e d by t h e M i n i s t r y of Agriculture.

T h i s s y s t e m i s made t o e x c l u d e h o u s e h o l d s w i t h a few s m a l l -

stock, chicken e t c .

For i n s t a n c e , t o h a v e a few g o a t s o n l y g i v e s 30 p o i n t s . )

The p r o d u c t i o n s t r u c t u r e t h u s became c l e a r l y d u a l i s t i c w i t h a s m a l l u r b a n s e c t o r and a l a r g e m a i n l y t r a d i t i o n a l s e c t o r . l a b o u r had now g o t a money p r i c e . traditional agriculture.

Also i n crop c u l t i v a t i o n

Hence, it i s i m p o s s i b l e t o s p e a k a b o u t

Land i s n o n e t h e l e s s s t i l l communal, e x c e p t f o r t h e

p r i v a t e s o c a l l e d f r e e h o l d f a r m s which were n o t n a t i o n a l i z e d a t I n d e p e n d e n c e ,

The aim o f t h e government regarding production was c a p i t a l a c c w Z a t i o n i n the modern s e c t o r .

The r u r a l s e c t o r generally was expected t o keep i t s

main c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s - " c a t t l e as wealth", sub- subsistence crop c u l t i v a t i o n , labour migration and now a l s o s h u t t l i n g t o towns i n Botswana.

T h i s mix o f

p r o d u c t i v e s e c t o r s w i t h f u n d a m e n t a l l y d i f f e r e n t c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s a n d the f a c t

t h a t a l s o t h e agrarian s e c t o r interncrlly got t h e r'modernr' t r a i t make t h e term " t r a n s i t o r y socio-economic

formation rr

- wage labour,

applicable i n an economic

sense. Peasant- cultivators are thus found both i n t h e l l l a b o ~ r e s e r v e r r and i n the " t r r m s i t o r y socio-economic formation".

I n t h e l a t t e r a m a r k e t economy a l s o

e x i s t s i n Botswana b e c a u s e t h e r e i s a t l e a s t one p r o d u c t i v e s u b - s e c t o r where t h e p r o f i t m o t i v e i s dominant and l a b o u r p a i d w i t h money i s f o u n d . more, t h e r e a r e some l i m i t a t i o n s o f t h e m a r k e t p r i n c i p l e .

Further-

For i n s t a n c e , no

e f f i c i e n t n a t i o n a l market f o r l o c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l products e x i s t s .

The m a j o r

m a r k e t f o r e x c e s s c r o p s i s l o c a l h o u s e h o l d s o r " o u t s i d e t r a d e r s " (from S o u t h Africa) v i s i t i n g t h e v i l l a g e s irregularly. market p l a c e s .

Botswana h a s no t r a d i t i o n o f

C o o p e r a t i v e s a n d s t a t e i n s t i t u t i o n s ( s u c h a s t h e Botswana

A g r i c u l t u r a l M a r k e t i n g Board, BAMB, e s t a b l i s h e d i n 1974) a r e new and n o t u s e d b y many p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s . o r e x i s t i n Botswana.

No l a n d l o r d s o r moneylender c l a s s have e x i s t e d

The " o u t s i d e t r a d e r s " o f t e n s o l d b a c k g r a i n s w i t h a

good p r o f i t t o t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n t h e months j u s t b e f o r e t h e n e x t h a r v e s t was r i p e ( B e s t 1 9 7 0 ) .

Thus s u r p l u s v a l u e was a l s o i n t h i s way a p p r o -

p r i a t e d from t h e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s .

C a t t l e were e a r l i e r mainly s o l d t o

" o u t s i d e t r a d e r s " , b u t u s u a l l y o n l y when t h e p e a s a n t s needed money f o r f o o d o r other necessities.

The type o f qconorny can accordingly bs categorized as

dominated b y merchant compared t o i n d u s t r i a l c a p i t a l . f o u n d i n t h e s l o w l y g r o w i n g modern u r b a n s e c t o r .

The l a t t e r t y p e was

I n conclusion, t h e peasants

may b e s a i d t o h a v e b e e n only p a r t i a l l y hut i n e z t r i c t a b l y i n t e g r a t e d i n t o t h e

market economy.

On t h e p u r c h a s e s i d e , t h e y had no o t h e r o p t i o n b u t t o buy

S o u t h A f r i c a n goods i n t h e m o s t l y I n d i a n and European r u n s h o p s . c r a f t s were c l o s e t o n o n - e x i s t e n t .

Local

They had b e e n wiped o u t i n t h e 1 9 . c e n t u r y

b y t h e wagon t r a d e b r i n g i n g t h e ( g r a d u a l l y ) h i g h s t a t u s European g o o d s .

Best

(1970) r e p o r t s t h a t Botswana a t t h e end o f t h e 1 9 6 0 s was " 100 p e r c e n t depend e n t on S o u t h A f r i c a , R h o d e s i a , a n d o t h e r e x t e r n a l s o u r c e s f o r h e r mariu-

factured consumer goods".

The

s t r u c t u r a l heterogerzie ty of fcrr?s of produc Lion. d i s c u s s e d above i n c l u d e s

t h e e s s e n c e o f t h e " t r a n s i t o r y socio- economic f o r m a t i o n " .

The l a c k o f do-

m e s t i c l i n k a g e s c u t t h e s t i m u l a t i n g e f f e c t of t h e e x t e r n a l l y - o r i e n t e d sect o r s on t h e r e s t o f t h e economy t o a l m o s t n i l ( M a k g a t l a 1 9 8 2 ) .

The r e g i o -

n a l d i s p a r i t i e s r e f l e c t i n g t h e v a r i o u s f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n c o n s t i t u t e mainly a n u r b a n - r u r a l dichotomy.

The r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s i n t e r n a l t o t h e r u r a l

s e c t o r may b e e x p l a i n e d b y s e t t l e m e n t o f w h i t e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and f a r mers b e f o r e and u n d e r t h e p e r i o d o f f o r e i g n a d m i n i s t r a t i o n o f t h e t e r r i t o r y . Both t h e h e t e r o g e n i e t y o f f o r m s o f p r o d u c t i o n and t h e r e g i o n a l d i s p a r i t i e s make d i f f u s i o n o f g r o w t h i m p u l s e s d i f f i c u l t .

S t a t e intervention i n t h e mar-

k e t t h u s becomes e s s e n t i a l t o a t t a i n t h e r e q u i s i t e c h a n g e s i n t h e s t r u c t u r e o f t h e economy.

C a p i t a l , which m u s t b e t r a n s f e r r e d b e t w e e n s e c t o r s t o

a c h i e v e s t r u c t u r a l c h a n g e , was n o t l a c k i n g i n t h e 1976 - 1980 p e r i o d .

Bot~i

t h e government and t h e b a n k s e n j o y e d r e l a t i v e l y l a r g e l i q u i d r e s e r v e s , due p r i m a r i l y t o diamond s a l e s .

Undoubtedly, Botswana i s i n a n "economic t r a n -

s i t i o n " i m p l y i n g r a p i d b u t f l u c t u a t i n g economic g r o w t h w i t h numerous technological b o t t l e n e c k s .

Other aspects o f s o c i e t a z e v o l u t i o n The

p o z i t i c a z party t h a t came t o power a t I n d e p e n d e n c e , was l e d by t h e Chief

S e r e t s e Kharna o f t h e l a r g e s t t r i b e , Ngwato. y e a r s o f s t u d y and l i v i n g i n England.

Khama had e x p e r i e n c e s from many

T h i s i s a main e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h e

e s t a b l i s h m e n t o f a d e m o c r a t i c government which h a s been s t a b l e u p t o now. Most Members o f P a r l i a m e n t w e r e r e c r u i t e d from c h i e f l y a f f i l i a t i o n , and t h u s r e p r e s e n t t h e l a r g e c a t t l e owners ( P a r s o n 1 9 7 7 ) .

This h i s t o r i c a l f a c t has

i m p o r t a n t b e a r i n g s on t h e l a c k o f development o f , f o r i n s t a n c e , c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n ln t h e 1 9 7 0 s .

The t y p e o f government a d m i n i s t r a t i o n e s t a b l i s h e d a t Independence i n c o r p o r a t e d a s p e c t s of t r i b a l r u l e .

The c h i e f t a i n c y t h u s s u r v i v e d b o t h a t l o c a l

and n a t i o n a l l e v e l s ( G i l l e t t 1 9 7 5 , P i c a r d 1 9 7 9 ) .

The a u t h o r i t y o f c h i e f s and

headmen i s , however, f a s t e r o d i n g i n most p a r t s o f t h e c o u n t r y t o d a y .

This

h a s , among o t h e r t h i n g s , l e d t o a n i n c r e a s i n g a d o p t i o n o f S o u t h A f r i c a n , t h a t i s w e s t e r n s o c i a l norms.

The government's g e n e r a l s t r a t e g y of development i s :

1.

t o achieve rapid

and l a r g e r e t u r n s from c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e i n v e s t m e n t s i n mining and 2.

to

r e i n v e s t t h e r e t u r n s s o a s t o improve t h e l e v e l of l i v i n g of t h o s e who do n o t b e n e f i t d i r e c t l y from mining s e c t o r expansion.

The r e i n v e s t m e n t should

f i r s t and f o r e m o s t b e i n p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e .

The N a t i o n a l

Development P l a n V (NDP V ) a l s o o b s e r v e s t h a t p r o d u c t i v e work i n r u r a l a r e a s now i s a must.

T h i s h a s l e d t o development programmes, such a s t h e

Arable Lands Development Programme (ALDEP) ( p i l o t schemes were s t a r t e d i n 1979) and t h e F i n a n c i a l A s s i s t a n c e P o l i c y (FAP) (implemented from 1 9 8 2 ) . I n p r a c t i c e , however, t h e same o v e r a l l magnitudes i n t h e i n v e s t m e n t p a t t e r n e x i s t a s before.

Only o n e - t h i r d of t h e government development e x p e n d i t u r e s

i s t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s where f o u r - f i f t h s o f t h e Batswana l i v e . L i t t l e of t h e enhanced r e v e n u e s from t h e mining s e c t o r have f u r t h e r m o r e

d i r e c t l y b e n e f i t t e d t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n (Colclough and F a l l o n 1 9 8 3 ) .

One

may t h e r e f o r e e x p e c t urban m i g r a t i o n t o c o n t i n u e a t i t s p r e s e n t h i g h r a t e . Moreover, t h e c a t t l e s e c t o r w i l l c o n t i n u e t o dominate t h e r u r a l economy. T h i s t r e n d w i l l b e r e i n f o r c e d i f t h e recommendation of t h e P r e s i d e n t i a l (1982) of a l l o w i n g a l a r g e r s h a r e of

Commission on Economic O p p o r t u n i t i e s

t h e n a t i o n a l r e s o u r c e s t o be c o n t r o l l e d and developed by t h e p r i v a t e s e c t o r ,

is accepted.

Today new

"pressure groups" a r e emerging which p o s s i b l y w i l l

p u t an end t o Botswana's p a s t s t a b l e p a r l i a m e n t a r y democracy.

The most pro-

minent group i s t h e somewhat e d u c a t e d , r e l a t i v e l y h i g h l y p a i d young urban s k i l l e d workers and p r o f e s s i o n a l s .

The main d i s a d v a n t a g e d b u t n o t a l t o g e t h e r

unorganized group c o n s i s t s of female households.

By female household is

meant b o t h female headed households (households w i t h o u t any male member above 1 5 y e a r s ) and a b s e n t worker female households ( t h e male member(s1 above 15 y e a r s i s working e l s e w h e r e ) .

( A s i m i l a r d e f i n i t i o n h a s , f o r i n s t a n c e , been

used by Narayan- Parker, 1982, whereas t h e same t e r m s have been d e f i n e d d i f f e r e n t l y i n o t h e r l i t e r a t u r e on Botswana.) l a n d l e s s c l a s s i n Botswana.

There never was a major d e f a c t o

T h i s i s now emerging (Chapter 1 0 ) .

I m p o r t a n t changes a r e a l s o t a k i n g p l a c e i n t h e

mension.

socio-culturaZ di-

For i n s t a n c e , i n some d i s t r i c t s h a l f of t h e women above 1 8 y e a r s

a r e unmarried mothers (SIDA 1 9 8 2 ) . mothers were unmarried

The 1971 c e n s u s showed t h a t 23% of a l l

(Syson 1 9 7 3 ) .

The 1981 census r e v e a l s t h a t 26% of

never m a r r i e d women (12 y e a r s o r o l d e r ) had one o r two c h i l d r e n and 18% had t h r e e o r more c h i l d r e n ( C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e 1983 a ) .

72% of t h e female

households i n urban c e n t r e s had one o r more c h i l d r e n s t a y i n g w i t h r e l a t i v e s i n rural areas.

T h i s i m p l i e s r a p i d s o c i o - c u l t u r a l change i n a s o c i e t y where

m a r r i a g e used t o be c u l t u r a l l y p r e s c r i b e d .

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i n t h e d i f f e r e n c e i n r a t e o f m a r r i a g e between u r b a n c e n t r e s a n d r u r a l a r e a s : 53% o f women ( 2 0 y e a r s o r o l d e r ) i n u r b a n c e n t r e s a r e o r h a s b e e n m a r r i e d , w h e r e a s t h e f i g u r e f o r r u r a l a r e a s i s 69%. o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s i n r u r a l Botswana.

Female h o u s e h o l d s c o n s t i t u t e 36%

A t n a t i o n a l l e v e l , 8 % a r e f e m a l e headed

and 10% a b s e n t worker f e m a l e h o u s e h o l d s .

I n t h e sample u s e d b y NMS (1982)

18% o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s w e r e " f e m a l e headed" b u t had a m a l e member o f 1 9 y e a r s o r above.

(The s t u d y was c a r r i e d o u t d u r i n g 1978/79.)

Female h o u s e h o l d s

h a v e a n income p e r a d u l t member 25% l e s s t h a n " male h o u s e h o l d s " on a v e r a g e . Even more i m p o r t a n t i s t h e i r r e l a t i v e l y more l i m i t e d o p p o r t u n i t y t o b u i l d a s s e t s o n t h e i r own ( K o s s o u d j i a n d M u e l l e r 1 9 8 3 ) .

I t may be concluded t h a t

Botswana can be characterized as having a " t r a n s i t o r y socio-economic foma+ion" a l s o i n a s o c i a l sense. The

production factormobility, which i s h i g h i n t h e modern u r b a n s e c t o r , i s

low a t t h e l o c a l r u r a l l e v e l . p u l a t i o n 500

-

5 000) h a v e q u i t e a r a n g e o f modern s e r v i c e s s u c h a s educa-

t i o n , h e a l t h and water. able

N o n e t h e l e s s , most medium- sized v i l l a g e s (po-

contrast.

The l a c k o f l o c a l p r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s i s a n o t i c e -

Moreover, t h e g e o g r a p h i c a l m o b i l i t y i s i n c r e a s i n g and be-

coming more h i e r a r c h i c a l ( t a b l e s 1 2 and 1 3 ) .

The f u t u r e p r o s p e c t s f o r n a t i o n a l economic g r o w t h and j o b c r e a t i o n i s b r i e f l y commented upon below. t a k e a long time.

A g e n e r a l i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n o f Botswana w i l l p r o b a b l y

One r e a s o n i s t h a t Botswana i s a m e m b e r o f t h e s o u t h e r n A f r i -

c a n CustomsUnion Agreement (SACUA). T h i s g i v e s S o u t h A f r i c a n cornpanles,wliich mass p r o d u c e g o o d s w i t h h i g h t e c h n o l o g y a n d c h e a p ( a p a r t h e i d ) l a b o u r , f r e e access t o t h e c o u n t r y ' s market. (Hesselberg 1979).

Another i s t h e l i m i t e d i n t e r n a l m a r k ~ t

F u r t h e r m o r e , most of t h e u r b a n i n d u s t r i e s i n Botswana

a r e , a s m e n t i o n e d , f o r e i g n owned.

The government h a s a c c o r d i n g l y l i t t l e

c o n t r o l over and p o s s i b i l i t y f o r a c c e l e r a t i n g i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n .

The

o f f i c i a l s t r a t e g y i s t h e n u n d e r s t a n d a b l y t o r e l y on modern h i g h t e c h n o l o g y , c a p i t a l i n t e n s i v e mining (NDP V ) . good i n t h i s r e s p e c t .

The p r o s p e c t s seem t o b e f a i r l y

Particularly the vast coal reserves i n the eastern

p a r t o f t h e c o u n t r y , which S h e l l may e x p l o i t b y b u i l d i n g a t r a n s - K a l a h a r i r a i l w a y , i s e x p e c t e d t o g i v e numerous s p i n - o f f s and t h e r e b y j o b s .

In the

l a s t 5 y e a r s a p p r o x i m a t e l y 5 000 new f o r m a l s e c t o r j o b s h a v e been c r e a t e d a y e a r ( P r e s i d e n t i a l Commission o n Economic O p p ~ r t u n i t i e s1 9 8 2 ) .

The l a -

bour f o r c e i n c r e a s e s with about 12 000 persons a year.

Lipton estimated

i n 1978 t h a t t o o b t a i n f u l l employment i n 1988 35 - 36 000 t o b e c r e a t e d each y e a r .

new jobs had

Included i n t h e c a l c u l a t i o n was an expected

r e d u c t i o n i n labour migration t o t h e South African mines, e v i d e n t from t a b l e 3.

Undoubtedly,

t h e formaZ sector cannot provide enough jobs, and

there w i l l i n future be a massive gap between those wanting work and t h e availabZe employment.

Today 51 000 (9%of t h e labour f o r c e d e f i n e d a s

everybody above 15 y e a r s , NMS 1 9 8 2 ) a r e unemployed and a c t i v e l y seeking work.

The p i c t u r e given above remains grim although Gwebu (1982) e s t i m a t e s

t h a t t h e informal s e c t o r grows r e l a t i v e l y f a s t e r t h a n t h e formal one and t h a t t h e number of Batswana working i n South A f r i c a g e n e r a l l y has only dec l i n e d from 46 000 i n 1971 t o 4 2 015 i n 1981.

The government now a l s o

pledges t h a t p r o f i t s from t h e l a r g e - s c a l e miningoperations a r e t o be t r a n s f e r r e d t o t h e r u r a l small- scale i n d u s t r i a l s e c t o r and t o a g r i c u l t u r e .

Up

t o now most of Botswana's Development Budget has gone t o p h y s i c a l and soc i a l infrastructure.

I n a s c e n a r i o of r e g i o n a l economic c o o r d i n a t i o n

through t h e Southern African Development Cooperation Conference (SADCC) (Nsekela 1981) Botswana i s s t i l l mainly envisaged t o continue t o be a mining and c a t t l e economy (NDP V ) .

I t i s d o u b t f u l whether t h e s e two s e c t o r s and

t h e i r s p i n - o f f s w i l l be a b l e t o c r e a t e enough formal a s w e l l a s informal jobs. I n t h e f o r e s e e a b l e f u t u r e crop c u l t i v a t i o n may t h u s remain t h e important s e c t o r f o r complete o r p a r t sustenance of l i v e l i h o o d f o r a l a r g e proportion of t h e population i n Botswana.

CHAPTER 9 AGRARIAN TRANSITION

I n t h i s c h a p t e r "work p o s i t i o n " and t y p e s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s a r e e s t a b l i s h e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e d e f l n l t l o n s g l v e n l n p r e v l o u s c h a p t e r s and i n a p p e n d i x 1.

The c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n p r o c e s s

arethereafterdescrlbed l n further detall.

F i n a l l y , t h e r e c e n t phenomenon

of d r o p - o u t from a g r i c u l t u r a l p u r s u i t s of c e r t a i n g r o u p s o f h o u s e h o l d s and t h e commonness o f m u l t i a c t i v i t y a t t h e h o u s e h o l d l e v e l a r e d i s c u s s e d .

"WORK POSITION" AND TYPES OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCERS

Most o f t h e permanent h o u s e h o l d s i n L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume a r e w h o l l y o r p a r t l y engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e , 76

and 96% r e s p e c t i v e l y ( t a b l e 1 4 ) .

c u l t u r e i n Botswana i s m a i n l y o f t h e p e a s a n t form o f p r o d u c t i o n . t a b l e 15 it is evident t h a t t h e

Agri-

From

majority of the agricultural producer hou-

seholds in Tutwne are of the multiactive peasant-cultivator type. In Letlhakeng there are also a few multiactive peasant-herdsman householdc. The

peasant- herdsman h o u s e h o l d s h a v e , c o n t r a r y t o t h e e x p e c t e d , l e s s c a t t l e

than o t h e r groups of a g r i c u l t u r a l producer households. t h e v e r g e o f becoming r a n c h e r h o u s e h o l d s .

They a r e t h u s n o t on

The u n e x p e c t e d change i n L e t l h a -

keng from m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r h o u s e h o l d s t o p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r h o u s e h o l d s i s a r e s u l t o f t h e d e c l i n e i n work o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n t h e g o l d mines i n South A f r i c a , and n o t an a s p e c t of a g r i c u l t u r a l modernization. No

p u r e r a n c h e r h o u s e h o l d s b u t some a l b e i t v e r y few f a r m e r , m u l t i a c t i v e f a r -

mer and m u l t i a c t i v e r a n c h e r h o u s e h o l d s a r e f o u n d i n one o r t h e o t h e r v i l l a g e . The a b s e n c e o f f a r m e r s i n 1 9 7 6 r e p r e s e n t s a n i n d i c a t i o n o f a g r a d u a l change t o w a r d s more modern c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

I t was o w n e r s h i p o f a t r a c t o r t h a t

placed t h e s e households i n t h e farmer category.

No h o u s e h o l d s i n L e t l h a -

keng and Tutume s o l d 50% o r more o f t h e i r h a r v e s t .

One h o u s e h o l d o f t h e

sample i n Tutume i n 1976 s o l d 1 5 b a g s ( 9 0 k i l o s a b a g ) '

of sorghum o u t of a

p r o d u c t i o n o f 35 b a g s and a c c o r d i n g l y n e a r l y "made i t " on t h e c r i t e r i o n o f

Today a s t a n d a r d o f 70 kg/bag i s u s e d .

aim o f p r o d u c t i o n .

Another h o u s e h o l d s o l d 1 o f t h e 2 b a g s o f b e a n s h a r -

v e s t e d b u t d i d n o t p r o d u c e a n y t h i n g e l s e , t h u s d i s q u a l i f y i n g on t h e m i n i mum r e q u i r e m e n t i n c l u d e d i n t h e d e f i n i t i o n . p a r t of t h e i r harvest, s e l l very l i t t l e .

Table 14.

"Work p o s i t i o n " . 1976 and 1980.

Those h o u s e h o l d s t h a t s e l l

Even t h o s e t h a t p r o d u c e 40-70

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume Percent of households.

Letlhakeng

Tuturne

Cultivator only Herdsman o n l y Pure m u l t i a c t i v e c u l t i v a t o r Non- pure m u l t i a c t i v e c u l t i v a t o r P u r e m u l t i a c t i v e herdsman Non- pure m u l t i a c t i v e herdsman Worker Agrj.cultural labourer Non- agricultural self- employed Non- agricultural other No s o u r c e o f income l00

Total

101

k ' a q s of c r o p s norrnally s e l l o n l y 2- 4 bags.

101

100

I t may t h u s be concluded t h a t

the aim regarding d i r e c t s a l e s o f crops i s n o t pr~:rnariZy conunercial but t o s u s t a i n t h e household w i t h b a s i c food and otht?r necessary consumer goods.

However, f o r q u i t e a number o f h o u s e h o l d s ( a b o u t 40% i n Tutume and

below 108 i n L e t l h a k e n g i n 1980) s e l f - p r o d u c e d sorghum i s u s e d f o r b e e r brewing f o r l o c a l s a l e .

i s economic r a t i o n a l .

T h i s must b e s a i d t o b e commercial.

Moreover, i t

B e s i d e s sal.es from t h e home i n t h e v i l l a g e , a sub-

s t a n t i a l p o r t i o n o f t h e b e e r i s u s e d a s payment f o r v a r i o u s k i n d s o f l a b o u r , including a g r i c u l t u r a l labour, p a r t i c u l a r l y c a t t l e herding.

a form o f r e i n v e s t m e n t i n a g r i c u l t u r e . more o f t h e h a r v e s t u s e d f o r b e e r m a k i n g .

This represents

But o n l y i n some c a s e s a r e 50% o r Moreover, s i n c e t h e i n t e n t i o n o f

T a b l e 15.

Types o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s . 1976 and 1980.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

Percent of households.

Tutume

Letlhakeng

Pure peasant- cultivator

1976

1980

1976

1980

19

39

11

18

7

Pure peasant- herdsman Multiactive peasant- cultivator

60

33

86

75

M u l t i a c t i v e peasant- herdsman

19

17

3

4

2

Pure farmer o n l y Multiactive farmer

2

Multiactive rancher Total

2

2

100

100

1

100

100

crop c u l t i v a t i o n a l s o i n t h e s e cases is n o t reinvestment i n order t o improve t h e y i e l d t o f a c i l i t a t e l a r g e r s a l e s of b e e r , they a r e categorized a s peasant- cultivators.

To a c h i e v e l a r g e r s a l e s o f b e e r a r e c l o s e t o i m -

p o s s i b l e b e c a u s e o f t h e g r e a t number o f b e e r m a k e r s a n d , a s i s e s p e c i a l l y t h e s i t u a t i o n i n L e t l h a k e n g , o f t h e c o m p e t i t i o n from modern b e e r o n t i n s . Normally, s a l e s o f b e e r o n l y t a k e on l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n s a n d r e g u l a r i t y when t h e w e a t h e r and o t h e r f o r t u n a t e c i r c u m s t a n c e s g i v e a n e x c e p t i o n a l l y good harvest.

The m a r k e t i n g c o n s t r a i n t s o n improvement o f c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n a r e

w e l l i l l u s t r a t e d by t h e f o l l o w i n g example:

An a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r w i t h

a t r a c t o r i n L e t l h a k e n g h a d a b i g h a r v e s t i n 1975 ( h e was t h e n a f a r m e r ) . I n l 9 7 6 h e saw no r e a s o n f o r c u l t i v a t i n g c r o p s b e c a u s e t h e r e was no c h a n n e l f o r s e l l i n g l a r g e amounts o f c r o p s ( h e was t h e n a r a n c h e r ) . t i o n i s somewhat b e t t e r .

Now t h e s i t u a -

The BAMB-network o f p u r c h a s e and s a l e o f a g r i c u l -

t u r a l i n p u t s a n d p r o d u c t s h a v e become b e t t e r e s t a b l i s h e d (Morgan 1 9 8 2 ) .

C o m e r c i a l production i s hence p r e s e n t l y a m a t t e r o f p r i c e d i f f e r e n i i a l s ,

and

fiat

o f absolute constraints.

N o n e t h e l e s s , s t i l l some a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-

d u c e r s m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e y f i n d i t d i f f i c u l t t o s e l l t h e i r p r o d u c t s o u t of t h e i r v i l l a g e ( t a b l e 16 and 1 7 ) .

The lower p e r c e n t a g e o f h o u s e h o l d s t h a t

h a v e s o l d c r o p s i n 1980 t h a n i n 1976 i s due t o a somewhat below a v e r a g e d i s -

t r i b u t i o n of r a i n f a l i during t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l season.

Notice should be

made o f t h e h i g h p e r c e n t a g e o f h o u s e h o l d s i n Tutume t h a t s a y t h e y d o n o t s e l l crops, t h e i n t e n t i o n is s e l f - s u f f i c i e n c y and s a l e s through beermaking.

The l a t t e r e x p l a i n s p a r t l y t h e l o w e r p e r c e n t a g e i n L e t l h a k e n g

i n t h i s r e s p e c t , where modern b e e r h a s become more p o p u l a r .

Table 16.

S a l e of crops.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume

1976 and 1980.

Percent.

Letlhakeng 1976

1980

Tutume 1976

1980

No s a l e Sale to: Local households

23

5

Local shop/cooperative Outside t h e v i l l a g e Total

Table 17.

2 101

Reasons f o r l a c k o f s a l e . 1976 and 1980.

100

3

3

5

9

16

1

100

101

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

Percent.

Letlhakeng

Tutume

1976

1980

1976

1980

100

100

100

100

L i t t l e harvest Don't u s u a l l y s e l l Nowhere t o s e l l Total

Marketing f a c i l i t i e s f o r c a t t l e have e x i s t e d f o r a longer time than f o r crops.

The common method b e f o r e t h e mid-1970s,

when l o c a l c o o p e r a t i v e s

were e s t a b l i s h e d , was a u c t i o n s dominated by South African t r a d e r s .

Only

somewhat above h a l f t h e households with c a t t l e s e l l any ( t a b l e 1 8 ) .

The

r e l a t i v e l y low percentage f o r Tutume i n 1980 i s due t o a ban on s a l e s i n t h a t a r e a i n t h e beginning of t h e year because of a foot-and-mouth d i s ease.

Table 18.

S a l e of c a t t l e . 1976 and 1980.

Letlhakeng and Tutume. Percent.

Letlhakeng

Tutume

1976

1980

1976

1980

74

59

60

44

Sold

The reason f o r s a l e of c a t t l e was, a s mentioned, t o a c q u l r e money f o r necessary e x p e n d i t u r e s such a s school f e e s , food and c l o t h e s .

To s e l l

r e g u l a r l y i n o r d e r t o r e i n v e s t i n c a t t l e o r o t h e r s e c t o r s was s t i l l not common i n 1980.

Quite on t h e c o n t r a r y , a number of p e a s a n t s e x p l i c i t l y

s t a t e t h a t they do n o t s e l l i f they a r e n o t f o r c e d t o f o r l a c k of incomes from o t h e r sources.

The aim of c a t t l e holding i s t h u s only f o r a few b i g

owners c a p i t a l accumulation.

For t h e m a j o r i t y , i t i s a way of s t o r i n g

wealth with a c e r t a i n increment.

~t

IS,

f o r i n s t a n c e , only when a herd

approaches 100 anirnaZs (4% of t h e households i n Letlhakeng and Tutwne had 200 or more c a t t l e i n 2980) t h a t regular s a l e s and reinvestments become really profitable.

T h i s number i s a l s o necessary t o allow a normal family

t o l i v e on c a t t l e alone with an income above t h e Poverty Datum Line (PDL) e s t a b l i s h e d f o r Botswana by &he Rural Income D i s t r i b u t i o n Survey i n 1974/75 ( C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e 1976 a ) .

A rancher i s t h u s a c a t t l e owner w i t h

100 o r more c a t t l e who i s n o t carrying out crop c u l t i v a t i o n i n d i v i d u a l l y or a t t h e househozd l e v e l .

one may then i n f e r t h a t those a g r i c u l t u r a l pro-

ducers who have such an amount of c a t t l e and s e l l c a t t l e r e g u l a r l y should be c a l l e d farmers when they combine c a t t l e with peasant crop c u l t i v a t i o n .

T h i s h a s n o t been done because a n o b j e c t i v e i s t o f o c u s a t c o n s t r a i n t s t o improvements mainly r e g a r d i n g c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

Thus,

it i s more u s e f u l

i n t h i s work t o label an a g r i c u l t u r a l producer carrying out peasant crop c u l t i v a t i o n and ranching for a peasant- cultivator. A t national l e v e l , p e a s a n t s a r e i n a c l e a r m a j o r i t y i n Botswana.

Only

3.8% of t h e c u l t i v a t i n g households f a l l i n t o t h e farmer c a t e g o r y , of which many c e r t a i n l y a r e m u l t i a c t i v e farmer households ( c a l c u l a t e d from M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e 1981 a ) . t u t e f r e e h o l d farms.

Of t h e 2 485 farmer h o u s e h o l d s , o n l y 135 c o n s t i -

Ownership of t r a c t o r i s a g a i n t h e i n d i c a t o r t h a t i s

t h e r e l e v a n t one t o u s e .

I t i s a good i n d i c a t o r on c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n be-

cause 21% of t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l c r o p farms" i n 1980 used t r a c t o r i n l a n d prep a r a t i o n , and t h e s e farms accounted f o r 45% o f t h e t o t a l food c r o p prod u c t i o n i n t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l s e c t o r " ( L i t s c h a u e r and K e l l y 1 9 8 1 ) .

I n 1975

o n l y 0.9% of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l producer households owned a t r a c t o r (Duggan 1979).

The r e l a t i v e number of f a r m e r s and m u l t i a c t i v e f a r m e r s have e v i -

dently increased i n recent years.

However, t h e t o t a l number of commercial

farms i s s t i l l e x c e p t i o n a l l y low.

The u s e f u l n e s s of t r a c t o r ownership a s

i n d i c a t o r on c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n is a l s o s u b s t a n t i a t e d by t h e p r o p o r t i o n of " c r o p farms" t h a t u s e f e r t i l i z e r s o r manure, which i s 3.7% ( C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s Office, Indicators 1982). bour only.

700 c u l t i v a t i n g households u s e hand l a -

Almost a l l o f t h e s e households would probably belong t o t h e

t r a d i t i o n a l peasant category.

A l l o t h e r c u l t i v a t i n g households u s e i r o n

ploughs and t h e n mainly animal t r a c t i o n .

I n 1975 48% owned a plough.

(Figures f o r l a t e r years a r e n o t available.) t i o n a l l e v e l i s impossible t o estimate. found i n urban c e n t r e s .

The number of r a n c h e r s a t na-

Most of t h i s g r o u p w i l l now b e

The number i s under no c i r c u m s t a n c e s l a r g e , a s

o n l y 9% of a l l t h e households w i t h c a t t l e have more t h a n 100 ( M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e 1981 a ) . r a n c h e r households.

Nearly a l l of them a r e l i k e l y t o be m u l t i a c t i v e A t t h e i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l it i s most p r o b a b l e t h a t t h e

m a j o r i t y a r e worker- ranchers. not available.

Also r e g a r d i n g peasant- herdsmen d a t a a r e

There i s , however, no r e a s o n why t h e f i n d i n g s f o r L e t l h a -

keng and Tutume should n o t b e r e p r e s e n t a t i v e f o r t h e c o u n t r y a t l a r g e i n t h i s respect.

I t i s then probable t h a t

pkre peasant-herdsmen i n Botswana.

there are few pure ranchers cmd

Moreover, it i s l i k e l y t h a t those peasant-

herdsmen t h a t may e x i s t have suddenly found it d i f f i c u l t t o obtain wage work. Few households w i t h o u t a t r a c t o r can be c l a s s i f i e d a s farmer households i n Botswana.

On a v e r a g e , t h e p r o p o r t i o n of t o t a l p r o d u c t i o n s o l d of c r o p s d i d

n o t exceed 59% f o r any crop.

When t h e farms a r e d i v i d e d according t o pro-

d u c t i o n s i z e , however, t h e " small farms" s o l d 6 6 % of t h e i r production of beans on average ( M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e 1981 b ) .

Most l i k e l y t h e s e farms

d i d so o u t of need f o r cash, and t h e y d i d n o t have s u f f i c i e n t crops l e f t f o r own consumption throughout t h e y e a r .

Since t h e l a r g e s t o n e - t h i r d of

t h e farms d i d n o t on average f o r any c r o p s s e l l 50% o r more of t h e product i o n , few households would q u a l i f y a s modern a g r i c u l t u r a l producers on t h e c r i t e r i o n of s a l e i n t h e country a t l a r g e .

No n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s a r e a v a i l a b l e on t h e frequency of combination of income sources.

Data from NMS (1982) r e v e a l t h a t one- third of t h e r u r a l

households r e l y on combining t h r e e sources - c r o p s , c a t t l e and wages, and n e a r l y two- thirds of t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n have support from a wage worker. Less thanone- fourthdepend on a g r i c u l t u r e alone ( t a b l e 1 9 ) .

This f i t s well

with t h e d a t a from t h e two study v i l l a g e s .

Table l ? .

"Work p o s i t i o n " .

Rural Botsana 1978.

A g r i c u l t u r a l producer:

Percent of households.

86

Pure a g r i c u l t u r a l producer

-

Cultivator Herdsman

M u l t i a c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l producer

- Multiactive c u l t i v a t o r

-

M u l t i a c t i v e herdsman

Worker Non- agricultural s e l f -employed Total

Note.

Source:

99

36% of t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l producer households d i d n o t have any c a t t l e . NMS-data have been adapted t o t h e c a t e g o r i e s of households used i n t h e p r e s e n t work. N=22 6 2 2 individuals. C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e . 1982. National migration study. Gaborone.

T O swn up, i f a g r i c u l t u r e i n Botswana i s i n a p r o c e s s of m o d e r n i z a t i o n , it i s i n t h e very beginning of such a process.

The l a r g e number of non-pure

m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r households may i n d i c a t e t h a t t h e phase of t h e American p a t h where p u r e f a r m e r s a r e i n m a j o r i t y , may n o t o c c u r . no c i r c u m s t a n c e s can we speak a b o u t a p e a s a n t i z a t i o n p r o c e s s today. d e r t o g e t a c l o s e r look a t and a s s e s s t h e

Under In or-

t e n d e n c i e s of change r e v e a l e d

above o t h e r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s o f a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n i n t h e two s t u d y v i l l a g e s and i n Botswana g e n e r a l l y w i l l be p r e s e n t e d below.

Thereafter the

combination of income s o u r c e s a t t h e household l e v e l a r e t r e a t e d .

Lastly,

t h e mechanisms of change o p e r a t i v e r e g a r d i n g t h e a g r a r i a n s t r u c t u r e w i l l b e discussed.

CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION PROCESS

The more d e t a i l e d c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of t h e p e a s a n t f o r a of p r o d u c t i o n w i l l r e f e r t o c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n of which c a t t l e a s draught- power a r e an i n t e g r a l part.

The e s s e n t i a l element i n m o d e r n i z a t i o n of c a t t l e h e r d i n g i s connected

t o rearrangement o f g r a s s l a n d i n t o s o - c a l l e d commercial r a n c h e s where i n d i v i d u a l s o r groups may p l a c e t h e i r c a t t l e by paying a f e e t o t h e s t a t e .

This

w i l l be t a k e n up i n c h a p t e r 11 which d e a l s w i t h , among o t h e r t h i n g s , t h e new s p a t i a l p l a n s adopted r e c e n t l y .

Land, f o r c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n may b e o b t a i n e d

by a p p l i c a t i o n t o l o c a l Land Boards ( e s t a b l i s h e d f o r m a l l y i n 1968 and i n o p e r a t i o n everywhere from 1973, Temane 1 9 8 0 ) . a l l o c a t e d by t r i b a l a u t h o r i t i e s .

S i n c e t h e n l a n d i s no longer

Land i s i n s h o r t supply o n l y i n some eas-

t e r n a r e a s , p a r t i c u l a r l y a r e a s c l o s e t o Gaborone.

The most f e r t i l e a r a b l e

l a n d i s found i n t h e f r e e h o l d farms a l o n g t h e e a s t e r n b o a r d e r t o South Africa.

A t p r e s e n t 0.6% of t h e t o t a l l a n d a r e a o f Botswana i s c u l t i v a t e d .

10% i s

e s t i m a t e d t o r e c e i v e enough r a i n and have adequate s o i l s f o r a r a b l e farming (Egner and Klausen 1 9 8 0 ) . crease over t h e years.

The e s t i m a t e s on a r a b l e l a n d have tended t o i n -

Even today t h e e s t i m a t e s v a r y g r e a t l y :

p u t s i t a t 2 % , ALDEP (1979) a t 5-6% and Seidman (1981) a t 7%.

FAO (1981 a )

I n my view t h e

e x t e n t of a r a b l e l a n d i s even l a r g e r t h a n 1 0 % , p a r t i c u l a r l y i f t h e more humid north- eastern f o r e s t land i s included i n the c a l c u l a t i o n . f o r e x t e n d i n g c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n i n t o new a r e a s .

Thus, l a n d e x i s t s

The s i t u a t i o n r e g a r d i n g l a n d

i s t h e n d i f f e r e n t from t h e t y p i c a l Asian and L a t i n American one.

In, for

i n s t a n c e , Mexico 60% of t h e economic a c t i v e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e e a r l y

1970s were t o t a l l y l a c k i n g l a n d ( B a r t r a 1974). n o t common i n o t h e r A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s . Kenya and Malawi.

Exceptions a r e , f o r instance,

S h a r e c r o p p i n g and o t h e r t e n a n c y a r r a n g e m e n t s a r e a c c o r -

d i n g l y l e s s widespread i n A f r i c a . owned.

Shortage of land i s a l s o

A r a b l e l a n d i s n o r m a l l y communally

I f r e g u l a r l y u s e d , s u c h l a n d may b e i n h e r i t e d .

I n Botswana t h i s

r e s u l t s i n t h a t l a n d c l o s e r t o v i l l a g e s may p r o v e d i f f i c u l t t o o b t a i n . The main p o i n t i s , however, t h a t t h e occupancy r i g h t t o a r a b l e l a n d und o u b t e d l y g i v e s t h e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r h o u s e h o l d a c e r t a i n d e g r e e o f cont r o l o v e r t h e 3-4 h e c t a r e s n o r m a l l y c u l t i v a t e d ( 9 0 % o f t h e c r o p f a r m s p l o u g h l e s s than 10 hectares).

T h i s system of land r i g h t s may be viewed t o repre-

sent a t r a n s i t o y y stage t o individualized arable Zand.

The P r e s i d e n t i a l

Commission o n Economic O p p o r t u n i t i e s (1982) c o n c l u d e s t h a t t h i s l a n d t e n u r e s y s t e m p r o v i d e s a good b a l a n c e between " t h e ~ n d l v l d u a ld e s l r e f o r s e c u r i t y o f t e n u r e and t h e n e e d s i n a r u r a l s e t t i n g t o make t h e most p r o d u c t i v e u s e o f t h e l a n d and t o s e c u r e a f a i r d i s t r i b u t i o n o f l a n d t o a l l Batswana

....

( i t ) i s f a r s u p e r i o r t o r u r a l t e n u r e s y s t e m s i n o t h e r c o u n t r i e s which h a v e c r e a t e d a c l a s s o f l a n d l e s s and t h e r e f o r e e x t r e m e l y p o o r r u r a l p e o p l e . "

The s y s t e m of c u l t i v a t i o n i s b e s t d e s c r i b e d a s

r o t a t i o n of fieZdsU.

" s h i f t i n g c u l t i v a t i o n with

By l e a v i n g p a r t o f t h e l a n d f a l l o w , t h e p e a s a n t - c u l -

t i v a t o r s c a n c o n t i n u e t o c u l t i v a t e t h e same p i e c e o f l a n d f o r up t o 30 y e a r s , e v e n sometimes l o n g e r i f t h e r e h a v e been many y e a r s w i t h d r o u g h t . (Every 5 y e a r s a m o d e r a t e d r o u g h t may b e e x p e c t e d .

A severe drought occurs

on a v e r a g e e v e r y 14- 20 y e a r s a n d a d i s a s t e r o u s d r o u g h t e v e r y f i f t y y e a r s . The Botswana S o c i e t y 1979, V i e r i c h and Sheppard 1 9 8 0 , K g a t h i a n d Opschoor 1981.) When t h e y move t o new l a n d , t h e t r a d i t i o n was t o g o r e l a t i v e l y f a r , o f t e n changing t h e i r p l a c e o f l i v i n g .

The p r e s e n t f e n c i n g o f i n d i v i d u a l f i e l d s

w i t h w i r e , w h i c h h a s a p p e a r e d t o some e x t e n t i n t h e Tutume a r e a , w i l l probably lead areas.

t o a n abandonment o f t h e p r e s e n t system o f s h i f t i n g t o new f i e l d

A r e s u l t o f t h i s w i l l b e t h e need f o r a p p l y i n g f e r t i l i z e r s o r manure.

The i n v e s t m e n t s t h u s made on one s i n g l e p i e c e o f l a n d ( r o t a t i o n i s c o n t i n u e d on t h e f e n c e d f i e l d s ) a r e l i k e l y t o s t a r t a p r o c e s s o f p r i v a t i s a t i o n o f a r a b l e l a n d i n Botswana o u t s i d e t h e f r e e h o l d f a r m s . now t o f e e l t h e p r e s s u r e t o w a r d s p r i v a t i s a t i o n .

The g o v e r m l e n t seems

It h a s e s t a b l i s h e d a Pre-

s i d e n t i a l Commission t o l o o k i n t o t h e l a n d t e n u r e system.

The commission

s h a l l , among o t h e r t h i n g s , examine t h e c o m p a r a t i v e a d v a n t a g e s and d i s a d v a n t a g e s o f c r e a t i n g b a n k a b l e s e c u r i t y o v e r communal l a n d i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e r e q u i r e m e n t s o f f i n a n c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s ( D a i l y News 1 / 7 - 8 3 ) .

T r a d i t i o n a l c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n u s e d t o b e a household t a s k .

Although t h e men

h e l d c a t t l e t o b e t h e i r main a c t i v i t y , t h e y c l e a r e d and ploughed f i e l d s and a l s o p a r t i c i p a t e d i n h a r v e s t i n g (Bond 1 9 7 4 ) . s e e women b o t h c l e a r i n g and ploughing.

Today i t i s n o t uncommon t o

I n f a c t , women a r e i n c h a r g e of c u l -

t i v a t i o n i n n e a r l y h a l f o f t h e h c u s e h o l d s t h a t grow c r o p s i n Letlhakeng and Tutume.

N a t i o n a l l y , 36% of a l l a g r i c u l t u r a l h o l d i n g s a r e r u n by women ( M i -

n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e 1 9 8 2 ) .

The worker-husband/peasant-wife type of house-

hold was found i n as much as 40% of the c u l t i v a t i n g households i n Tutume. I n Letlhakeng t h e f i g u r e was 19%.

The d i f f e r e n c e between t h e two v i l l a g e s

i s e x p l a i n e d by t h e h i g h e r f r e q u e n c y of wage work i n Tutume and by t h e h i g h e r p e r c e n t a g e o f households i n Letlhakeng i n which t h e r e i s no husband ( t a b l e 20) .

T a b l e 20.

Types of f e m a l e households. 1976 and 1980.

Letlhakeng and Tutume.

P e r c e n t of a l l households.

Letlhakeng

Tutume

1976

1980

1976

1980

16

23

15

11

35

36

46

39

Female headed households Absent worker female households Female households

Only 25% i n Tutume and 37% i n Letlhakeng manage t o c u l t i v a t e c r o p s s o l e l y w i t h household l a b o u r .

The working husbands help i n crop c u l t i v a t i o n i n

j u s t above 50% of t h e cases i n Letlhakeng and i n j u s t below 50% i n Tutume, The mutual h e l p system ( r e c i p r o c i t y ) i s l o s i n g some of i t s commonness. T h i s i s e s p e c i a l l y s e r i o u s r e g a r d i n g ploughing arrangements ( i . e . " p u t t i n g i n hands" ) which, a c c o r d i n g t o C u r t i s (19721, a r e h i g h l y s e n s i t i v e t o s o c i o c u l t u r a l changes.

I n Tutume 54% of t h e c u l t i v a t i n g households hired a s s i s -

txmce f o r c u l t i v a t i o n p u r p o s e s . t h e f i g u r e was o n l y 1 7 % .

I n Letlhakeng,a l e s s prosperous v i l l a g e

N a t i o n a l l y , 11%of t h e t o t a l l a b o u r i n c r o p c u l -

t i v a t i o n was h i r e d ( M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e 1 9 8 1 b ) .

Work i n r e t u r n i n

a g r i c u l t u r e o r i n o t h e r a c t i v i t i e s f o r a s s i s t a n c e i n c u l t i v a t i o n was g i v e n by 1 0 a n d 22% o f t h e c u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s f o r t h e two v i l l a g e s r e s p e c -

I t may t h u s be concZuded t h a t labour i s l e s s mobilized by t h e do-

tively.

m e s t i c group nowadays.

Market f o r c e s h a v e u n d o u b t e d l y p e n e t r a t e d t h e

a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r and made l a b o u r i n t o a s c a r c e and r e l a t i v e l y e x p e n s i v e production f a c t o r .

Even f o r some r i c h e r h o u s e h o l d s , t h i s shortage of labour r e p r e s e n t s

culty.

a diffi-

Poor households i n a d d i t i o n o f t e n lack easy access t o c a t t l e for

ploughing.

I n order t o plough independently of o t h e r households a herd s i z e

o f 25 i s a n e c e s s a r y minimum ( V i e r i c h a n d Sheppard 1 9 8 0 ) .

Bro I n t e r n a t i o n a l

(1982) s e t s t h e f i g u r e t o 30 f o r a p l o u g h i n g team o f 4 oxen and t o 40 f o r a team o f 6 .

To r e a c h a h e r d s i z e o f 30 i s d i f f i c u l t f o r p e a s a n t s i n Botswana.

I n L e t l h a k e n g , where 36% o f t h e c u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s d i d n o t h a v e a n y c a t t l e i n 1980, a c c e s s t o draught- power i s a m a j o r problem ( t a b l e 2 1 ) .

Of

t h e l e v e l o f l i v i n g g r o u p 3 ( i n c l u d i n g n o n - c u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s ) a s much a s 86% had no c a t t l e .

T a b l e 21.

65% o f c a t t l e owning h o u s e h o l d s had l e s s t h a n 30 c a t t l e .

Borrowed oxen i n p l o u g h i n g . 1976 and 1980.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

Percent of c u l t i v a t i n g households.

Tutume

Letlhakeng 1976

1980

1976

1980

37

43

17

20

Only borrowed Borrowed i n c o m b i n a t i o n w i t h own o r h i r e d Total

I n Tutume t h e r e s p e c t i v e f i g u r e s were 1 0 , 53 and 6 0 % . Only 3% u s e d t r a c t o r f o r l a n d p r e p a r a t i o n i n t h e s t u d y v i l l a g e s i n 1980. was l e s s t h a n o n e .

I n 1976 t h e p e r c e n t a g e

N a t i o n a l l y , 27% of t h e c u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s had no

c a t t l e and 70% had l e s s t h a n 30 c a t t l e i n 1980 ( L i g h t f o o t 1 9 8 1 ) .

I n 1981

t h e f o r m e r f i g u r e had i n c r e a s e d t o 3 2 % , which i s above t h e m a r g i n o f e r r o r

Table 22.

Crop c u l t i v a t i o n a n d c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p . 1976 and 1980.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

P e r c e n t of c u l t i v a t i n g households.

Letlhakeng

C u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s owning c a t t l e

Note.

Tutume

1976

1980

1976

1980

76

64

81

90

I n g e n e r a l , t h e p e r c e n t a g e s o f h o u s e h o l d s w i t h o u t c a t t l e were:

Letlhakeng

1976 1980

41 55

Tu tume

1976 1980

22 14

( c a l c u l a t e d from M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e 1 9 8 1 a ) .

Households w i t h c a t t l e

a r e more l i k e l y t o c u l t i v a t e t h a n c a t t l e l e s s h o u s e h o l d s ( t a b l e 2 2 ) .

Cattle

a r e f u r t h e r m o r e i m p o r t a n t a s s e c u r i t y f o r l o a n s , which a r e now a v a i l a b l e from t h e N a t i o n a l Development Bank i n 1976).

:

I

(NDB).

(Such l o a n s w e r e n o t a v a i l a b l e

O n l y 4% o f t h e households i n Tutwne and 2% i n LetZhakeng .

2:f2~

The p u r p o s e o f t h e l o a n s were m a i n l y f e n c i n g o f f i e l d s .

z!.ten The

r e a s o n s f o r t h e few l o a n s i s n e i t h e r t h a t l o a n s h a v e b e e n o b t a i n e d from p r i v a t e s o u r c e s (which i s c l o s e t o n o n - e x i s t e n t ) n o r t h a t bank l o a n s a s such a r e a novelty.

The r e a s o n i s r a t h e r t h a t t h e r i s k o f d e f a u l t i s g r e a t and

t h a t few h a v e enough c a t t l e t o r i s k t o l o s e p a r t o f t h e i r h e r d .

The h i g h r i s k o f c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n i s a l s o e v i d e n t from t h e method o f sowing, t h e s o c a l l e d mixed b r o a d c a s t i n g and p l o u g h i n g down t h e s e e d s ( o f sorghum, m a i z e , m i l l e t and v a r i o u s k i n d s o f b e a n s i n d i f f e r e n t c o m b i n a t i o n s ) . L e t l h a k e n g n e a r l y a l l t h e c u l t i v a t o r s b r o a d c a s t mixed s e e d s . h o l d o f t h e sample i n 1980 p r a c t i s e d row p l a n t i n g . i s somewhat more r e l i a b l e ,

I n Tutume where r a i n f a l l

t h e r e h a s b e e n a n i n c r e a s e from 1 9 t o 28% o f

h o u s e h o l d s p r a c t l s l n g non-mixed b r o a d c a s t i n g . r i c h e r households.

In

Only one house-

T h i s i s m a i n l y done b y t h e

T h i s i s an i n d i c a t i o n of modernization.

The main cha-

r a c t e r i s t i c i s n s w i h e l e s s r i s k aversion through a d i v e r s i f i e d product range and intercropping.

T h i s i s n o t t o s a y t h a t row p l a n t i n g i s t h e i d e a l method

i n most p a r t s of Botswana.

L i g h t f o o t (1981) h a s found t h a t b r o a d c a s t i n g

g i v e s v e r y h i g h y i e l d s on r e s e a r c h s t a t i o n s .

I n f a c t , he a r g u e s t h a t t h e

technology used i s n o t t h e s i g n i f i c a n t p o i n t b u t t h e t i m e l i n e s s of sowing T h i s p o i n t i s sub-

a c c o r d i n g t o r a i n f a l l and t h e q u a l i t y of t i l l a g e done.

s t a n t i a t e d by P u r c e l l (1982) who shows t h a t row p l a n t i n g does n o t g i v e h i g h e r y i e l d s t h a n b r o a d c a s t i n g on a v e r a g e .

An example which p o i n t s i n

t h e same d i r e c t i o n i s p r o v i d e d by R i c a r d s ( 1 9 8 3 ) .

He r e p o r t s t h a t i n t e r -

cropping i n West- Africa b o t h h e l p s t o maximize r e t u r n s t o l a b o u r and r e duces t h e v a r i a b i l i t y o f y i e l d s .

Land productivity i n Botswana i s one of t h e l o w e s t i n t h e world.

Since

1932 till today y i e l d s p e r u n i t o f l a n d have r i s e n v e r y l i t t l e (Ode11 1980). During t h e 1970s t h e a v e r a g e y i e l d s d e c l i n e d . y i e l d f o r sorghum was 367 kg/ha,

I n t h e p e r i o d 1972-1976 t h e

f o r maize 527 kg/ha and f o r beans 206 kg/ha.

The a v e r a g e s f o r 1978-1981 were 198, 205 and 114 r e s p e c t i v e l y ( P u r c e l l and Webster 1977,

M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e 1981 a ) .

The e x p l a n a t i o n f o r t h i s

t r e n d i s probably n o t o n l y a d v e r s e weather c o n d i t i o n b u t a l s o t h e i n c r e a s e d o p p o r t u n i t i e s of work i n urban c e n t r e s i n Botswana l e a v i n g many households with inadequate labour.

NMS (1982) shows t h a t t h o s e households t h a t expe-

r i e n c e a l o s s of labour due t o l a b o u r m i g r a t i o n t o South A f r i c a ( o t h e r t h i n g s c o n s t a n t ) , have a s i g n i f i c a n t lower c r o p o u t p u t . improved y i e l d s i n normal r a i n f a l l y e a r s i s good.

The p o t e n t i a l f o r

T h i s can be s e e n from t h e

h i g h e r y i e l d s o b t a i n e d on t h e s o c a l l e d commercial farms which i n 1980 were on a v e r a g e f o r t h e major c r o p s t h r e e t i m e s t h e y i e l d i n t h e " t r a d i t i o n a l sector".

The 5% of farms w i t h h i g h e s t y i e l d of sorghum o b t a i n e d 830 kg/ha.

J o n e s (1981) m a i n t a i n s t h a t a y i e l d of 2 t o n s of c e r e a l s p e r h e c t a r e i s t e c h n i c a l l y f e a s i b l e i n Botswana. T h i r d World was 965 kg/ha. (World Bank 1981 a ) .

The 1977-1979 a v e r a g e y i e l d f o r sorghum i n t h e The f i g u r e f o r Sub-Saharan c o u n t r i e s was 701

I n a d d i t i o n t o t h e f i g u r e s g i v e n h e r e , i t may b e argued

t h a t major improvements a r e p o s s i b l e i n c r o p p r o d u c t i o n because of t h e l a r g e v a r i a t i o n s of y i e l d s r e g i o n a l l y and among p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s .

To a large e x t e n t crop cuZtivation i n Botswana i s socalled d e f i c i t agriculture (Alverson 1979, Fortmann 1981, L i g h t f o o t 1 9 8 2 ) .

I n Letlhakeng and Tu-

tume s u b - s u b s i s t e n c e c u l t i v a t i o n i s t y p i c a l i n t h a t h a l f t h e c u l t i v a t i n g households produce t o o l i t t l e b a s i c food t o s u s t a i n themselves throughout t h e year.

Only a l i t t l e more t h a n o n e - t h i r d produces more t h a n t h e f a m i l y

can consume ( t a b l e 2 3 ) .

The commonly h e l d view t h a t agriculture i n Botswma

genera'YZy i s o f a subsistence type, i s then not correct.

L i v e l i h o o d and o t h e r

a c t i v i t i e s i n t h e v i l l a g e s a r e n o t " c l o s e t o e n t i r e l y " b a s e d on l o c a l environmental resources.

The t e r m s u b s i s t e n c e i s o n l y a p p l i c a b l e r e g a r d i n g

t h e gaoup o f h o u s e h o l d s w i t h medium- sized c a t t l e h e r d s .

T a b l e 23.

Amount o f c r o p s h a r v e s t e d a c c o r d i n g t o t h e r e s p o n d e n t s ' p e r ceived needs.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

1976 and 1980.

Letlhakeng

Percent.

Tutume

1976

1980

1976

1980

100

101

100

101

Too l i t t l e Adequate Surplus Total

A t t h e national l e v e l , o n l y r c u g h e s t i m a t e s o f t h e number o f s u b - s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r a l h o u s e h o l d s c a n b e made.

The c a l o r i c n e e d s o f a t y p i c a l f a m i l y

o f 4 grown-up p e r s o n s a n d 2 c h i l d r e n a r e s e t a t v a r i o u s l e v e l s . (1981) p u t s it a t 1 250 k i l o s a n d A l v e r s o n (1978) a t 1 600 A g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n Tuturne p l a c e t h e i r need a t 750 and sorghum h a l f e a c h ) .

-

-

Lightfoot

1 700 k i l o s .

900 k i l o s (maize

By u s i n g 1 700 k i l o s a s t h e s t a n d a r d , 90% o f t h e

c u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s i n Botswana were s u b - s u b s i s t e n c e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n 1980.

The f i g u r e would b e 83% i f a s t a n d a r d o f 1 000 k i l o s was

u s e d ( c a l c u l a t e d from M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e 1980 a ) .

It is then l i k e l y

t h a t i n p u t s i n c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n c a n n o t b e p a i d f o r w i t h money e a r n e d from t h i s s e c t o r alone.

( 1 9 7 9 ) , c o s t s exceed r e t u r n s f o r

According t o Alverson

almost a l l crop c u l t i v a t i n g households.

Even t h e few w e l l - o f f p e a s a n t - c u l -

t i v a t o r s and f a r m e r s d o l i t t l e more t h a n b r e a k e v e n .

Inputs i n crop c u l t i -

v a t i o n a r e u s u a l l y b o u g h t by s a l e o f c a t t l e and b y wage work.

The r e a s o n

f o r h o u s e h o l d s t o s u b s i d i z e c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n i n t h i s way i s t h a t t h i s g i v e s c h e a p e r f o o d t h a n t o buy f o o d a t t h e s h o p .

Moreover, most h o u s e h o l d s must

supplement t h e i r a g r i c u l t u r a l income anyway t o b e a b l e t o buy wanted consumer g o o d s .

I n c o n t r a s t t o A l v e r s o n , J o n e s (1981) u s e s BAMB s e l l i n g p r i c e s

of c r o p s i n s t e a d of producer p r i c e s f o r t h a t p r o p o r t i o n o f c r o p p r o d u c t i o n t h a t a household consumes.

He f i n d s t h e n t h a t t h e n e t income

per man-day

i n c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n i s 10% above t h e government s t i p u l a t e d minimum wage.

Because of the seasonality of crop cultivation and present high number of rural househo2ds with few or no cattle, it is understandable that the majority of the agricultura2 producers are multiactive peasant-cultivators. T h i s c o n c l u s i o n i s r e i n f o r c e d by t h e f a c t t h a t t h e r e t u r n s from a t y p i c a l farm ( i n k i n d i n c l u d e d ) i s h a l f t h e a v e r a g e y e a r l y government s a l a r y f o r an urban employee w i t h primary e d u c a t i o n , and o n e - f o u r t h of t h e wage r e c e i v e d f o r work i n t h e South- African mines (1980) ( c a l c u l a t e d from Kerven 1 9 8 2 ) .

The

national self-sufficiency

i n g r a i n s was 90% i n t h e 1930s.

pendence i t was 90% i n good and 40% i n bad y e a r s . good y e a r s (Opschoor 1981 b ) .

Around Inde-

Now i t i s 50% even i n

The food p r o d u c t i o n index p e r p e r s o n was 88

i n 1981 ( a normal r a i n f a l l y e a r ) (1969-1971 = 100)

(FAO 1981 a ) .

A reason

f o r t h i s d e c l i n e i n food p r o d u c t i o n i s t h a t t h e a v e r a g e a r e a ploughed p e r household and t h e farming methods and hence t h e y i e l d s p e r h e c t a r e have r e mained n e a r l y c o n s t a n t i n t h i s p e r i o d . p a t t e r n has changed Botswana.

I n a d d i t i o n , t h e urban consumption

towards a demand f o r food p r o d u c t s n o t produced i n

The above dismal t r e n d of t h e food s i t u a t i o n i n Botswana i s n o t

an e x c e p t i o n i n A f r i c a .

A most s e r i o u s

lack of mills

t o p r o c e s s sorghum may f o r a l l f u t u r e have

hindered a r e a l commercialization of t h i s crop. p o l o l e i n 1981.)

( A m i l l was b u i l t i n Mole-

The r e a s o n f o r t h i s i s t h a t t h e purchase of wheat f l o u r

and " f a t cakes" (wheat b a l l s f r i e d i n o i l ) have become extremely p o p u l a r i n j u s t t h e l a s t couple of y e a r s .

The changes i n purchase of wheat f l o u r by

t h e households i n Letlhakeng and Tutume from 1976 t o 1980 were from 17 71% and from 57

t o 84% r e s p e c t i v e l y ( H e s s e l b e r g 1382a appendix L ) .

to

The

s p r e a d of t h e wheat i n n o v a t i o n h a s been r a p i d and i n c l u d e s t h e most p e r i p h e r a l a r e a s of Botswana.

The market f o r m i l l e d sorghum, which was r e l a -

t i v e l y l a r g e b u t u n f i l l e d i n urban c e n t r e s i n 1976 when t h e f i r s t t r i a l m i l l was p u t up a t P i t s a n e , i s now p r o b a b l y i r r e v e r s i b l y l o s t .

(Urban wage wor-

k e r s can a f f o r d n o t t o c a r r y o u t t h e time-consuming and t i r i n g stamping of g r a i n s , and t o a c q u i r e new t a s t e s .

T h i s ~ s s u h s t a n t l a t e d b y ,f o r i n s t a n c e ,

Digawana v i l l a g e r s who "complained t h a t t h e i r c h i l d r e n had f o r g o t t e n t h a t sorghum was t h e i r s t a p l e food.

They ngw l i v e

on f o r e i g n f o o d s such a s r i c e

and b r e a d . "

D a i l y News 14/6- 82.)

I n 1 9 8 1 o n l y 11%o f t h e t o t a l sorghum

p r o d u c t i o n was s o l d ( M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e 1 9 8 1 b ) .

This does not re-

f l e c t t h e m a g n i t u d e o f c r o p t r a n s f e r s which a r e s u b s t a n t i a l a t t h e l o c a l l e v e l r e g a r d i n g p a s t and f u t u r e k i n o b l i g a t i o n s . planations f o r the

low degree of sales to BAMB.

T h e r e a r e two main exF i r s t , t h e l a c k o f mar-

k e t i n g f a c i l i t i e s i s o n l y now b e i n g t a c k l e d by t h e government.

Second,

t h e p r o d u c e r p r i c e s o f f e r e d by BAMB a r e s e t a t t h e S o u t h A f r i c a n Maize Board p r i c e s p l u s t r a n s p o r t a t i o n c o s t from S o u t h A f r i c a t o Botswana.

The

l o c a l r u r a l p r i c e s , a l t h o u g h t h e y f l u c t u a t e w i d e l y t h r o u g h t h e y e a r and from y e a r t o y e a r , a r e above w o r l d m a r k e t a n d BAMB p r i c e s f o r sorghum (except a t harvest time)

(Duggan 1 9 7 9 ) .

T h i s e x p l a i n s why o n l y 0 . 2 % i n

1976 and 3% i n 1978 o f t h e t o t a l sorghum h a r v e s t was b o u g h t by BAMB. Maize p r i c e s o f f e r e d b y BAMB i n 1978 were h i g h e r t h a n t h e l o c a l o n e s , which e x p l a i n s t h e f a c t t h a t 49% o f t h e m a i z e p r o d u c t i o n was b o u g h t b y BAMB i n t h a t year. ones.

I n 1976 o n l y 4% was b o u g h t , a t p r i c e s below t h e l o c a l r u r a l

It is then cZear that the peasants are responsive to price incen-

tives.

This supports t h e contention i n chapter 4 t h a t responsiveness t o

p r i c e s i s g e n e r a l i n t h e T h i r d World.

R i c h p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and f a r m e r s u s u a l l y s t o r e c r o p s a t t h e f i e l d s and s e l l l a t e r a t t h e l o c a l market.

Less well- off p e a s a n t s o f t e n s e l l o r bar-

t e r c r o p s , a l t h o u g h t h e y p r o d u c e t o o l i t t l e f o r t h e i r own consumption.

i s a common phenomenon i n t h e T h i r d World.

This

B h a d u r i ( u n d a t e d ) r e p o r t s from

I n d i a t h a t " p e t t y p e a s a n t s " a s a g r o u p , consume a n amount e q u i v a l e n t t o 116% o f what t h e y p r o d u c e . duction. market.

And s t i l l t h e y s e l l a c o n s i d e r a b l e p a r t o f t h e i r pro-

He c o n c l u d e s t h a t t h i s i s e v i d e n c e o f f o r c e d i n v o l v e m e n t i n t h e The d e f i c i t t h e p e a s a n t s manage b y b o t h e n g a g i n g i n o t h e r s o u r c e s

o f income t h a n own a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n and by i n c r e a s e d i n d e b t e d n e s s . I n Botswana, o u t s i d e t r a d e r s u s e d t o t r a n s p o r t t h e p r o d u c e t o S o u t h A f r i c a . T h e y r e t u r n e d a f t e r 6-9 months t o s e l l .

T h i s p r a c t i c e added g r e a t l y t o t h e

c o s t o f l i v i n g of t h e Batswana (Monare and Opschooor 1 9 8 1 ) .

Today BAMB i s

a b l e t o win t h e c o i a p e t i t i o n w i t h t h e s e t r a d e r s i n t h e v i l l a g e s where s t o r age f a c i l i t i e s e x i s t .

Is it then ; > o s ; i b : ~ tc s a y that the peasant-cultivators have a certain degree of freedom to pursue aims of their own?

S i n c e t h e r e a r e no l a n d l o r d s

and t h e s t a t e a p p r o p r i a t e s l i t t l e s u r p l u s d i r e c t l y from t h e p e a s a n t s ( f o r i n s t a n c e i n t h e form o f t a x e s ) , some m i g h t m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e r e i s no r e a l

T a b l e 24.

Relative price trends i n agriculture Botswana.

I n d e x - v a l u e s , 1978 = 100.

Output: Crops Cattle Input: Seeds Fertilizers --

Source:

FAO, P r o d u c t i o n y e a r b o o k 1981.

subsumption t o c a p i t a l , o n l y f o r m a l .

S u r p l u s from a g r i c u l t u r e i s , however,

appropriated i n d i r e c t l y through t h e p r i c e s t r u c t u r e ( t a b l e 24).

Ghai and

Radwan (1983) m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e i n t e r n a l t e r m s o f t r a d e o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n 9 A f r i c a n c o u n t r i e s s t u d i e d , show t h a t c h a n g e s i n reLa-

t i v e prices have been an important instrument i n e x t r a c t i n g surplus from the rural areas.

I n Botswana t h e p r i c e s o f t h e c a t e g o r y f o o d , b e v e r a g e s

and t o b a c c o i n c r e a s e d w i t h 40 p e r c e n t a g e - p o i n t s f o r t h e "low income g r o u p " from 1976 t o 1980.

I n t h e same p e r i o d c a t t l e p r i c e s p e r 100 k i l o s g r a d e 2

i n c r e a s e d from P 7 2 t o P100 ( 2 8 % ) .

I n 1982 t h e p r o d u c e r p r i c e had r i s e n w i t h

P21, w h e r e a s t h e p r i c e - i n d e x on t h e above m e n t i o n e d c a t e g o r y o f consumer g o o d s i n c r e a s e d w i t h 38 p e r c e n t a g e - p o i n t s .

Thus, s t e a d i l y more c a t t l e must

b e s o l d ( o r work o b t a i n e d ) t o k e e p t h e same l e v e l o f l i v i n g a s p r e v i o u s l y . T h i s i s n o t of o n l y minor s i g n i f i c a n c e because of t h e o v e r a l l sub-subsist e n c e c h a r a c t e r of p e a s a n t p r o d u c t i o n .

T a b l e 25 shows t h a t most h o u s e h o l d s

buy f a i r l y much f o o d s t u f f a t t h e shop and t h a t t h e p r o p o r t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d s t h a t buy r e l a t i v e l y much i s i n c r e a s i n g .

T a b l e 25.

P u r c h a s e of s e l e c t e d f o o d p r o d u c t s a t s h o p s . L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

1976 and 1980.

Percent.

Letlhakeng

Tutume

Much Middle Little 101

Total

100

99

99

The p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s a r e t h u s under a c o n s t a n t p r e s s u r e e i t h e r t o i n c r e a s e t h e i r p r o d u c t i o n o r f i n d a d d i t i o n a l income s o u r c e s , t h a t i s , t o become m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s .

Only t h o s e h o u s e h o l d s w i t h r e -

l a t i v e l y l a r g e c a t t l e herds a r e unaffected by t h i s price- squeeze.

Urban

wages h a v e f o r a l l l e v e l s i n c r e a s e d r a p i d l y s i n c e 1 9 7 6 , w e l l above t h e consumer p r i c e i n d e x f o r most g r o u p s .

To some e x t e n t it i s p o s s i b l e t o

s a y t h a t t h e r e i s a p a r a l l e l g r o w t h o f income and p r o d u c t i v i t y i n t h e f o r m a l u r b a n s e c t o r i n Botswana.

T h i s i s n o t t h e c a s e i n p e a s a n t pro-

duction ( o r i n r u r a l a r e a s a s a whole). pace with i n f l a t i o n .

P e a s a n t production cannot keep

The i n f l a t i o n which a f f e c t s p e a s a n t s , i s a r e s u l t

of n a t i o n a l (mainly formal s e c t o r ) and i n t e r n a t i o n a l f o r c e s .

Thus, t h e

p o p u l a t i o n i n r u r a l a r e a s h a s t o a d a p t t o t h e r h y + ~o f change i n t h e f o r mal n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l s e c t o r s .

The c a p i t a l a c c u m u l a t i o n p r o c e s s

i n r u r a l a r e a s a c c o r d i n g l y d e p e n d s on a n d i s o f t e n c o n s t r a i n e d by e x t e r n a l forces.

I n s h o r t , one m a y s a y t h a t i;bt

':L?I'L~

p r i n c i p l e i s f u l l y deve-

Loped on t h e purchase s i d e Looking from t h e peasant point o f view. d o ~ sn o t apply t o the same degree t o t h e s a l e s i d e .

This

Peasant production

t h e n competes on u n e q u a l t e r m s w i t h f o r m a l s e c t o r p r o d u c t i o n .

On t h e q u e s t i o n o f i r r a t i o n a l i t y of peasant- cultivators' behaviour, some s c h o l a r s m a i n t a i n t h a t i t s h o u l d b e dropped b e c a u s e it c o m p l e t e l y depends on t h e v a l u e s o f e s t i m a t i o n .

H a r d i n g ( 1 9 8 2 ) , however, makes a good p o i n t

b y d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between "econornlc optlmum" and " r a t i o n a l i t y " r e g a r d i n g t h e p r o f i t motive of p e a s a n t s .

An economic o p t i m a l b e h a v i o u r would imply

t o change t o new methods o f c u l t i v a t i o a when c a p i t a l and o t h e r f a c t o r s of

production a r e a v a i l a b l e .

I t may, on t h e o t h e r hand, be economic r a t i o n a l

n o t t o adopt new methods w i t h i n t h e frame of c o n s t r a i n t s e x i s t i n g f o r peasant- cultivators i n a particular regional context.

To my mind, t h e r e a r e

t h r e e i d e a l type c a t e g o r i e s of c u l t i v a t o r s r e g a r d i n g response t o l e v e l and changes of producer p r i c e s ( f i g u r e 9).

Figure 9 .

Types of response t o changes i n l e v e l s of producer p r i c e s .

Producer price

~uantitF produced

In s i t u a t i o n A t h e q u a n t i t y produced r e f l e c t s t h e aim of achieving a c e r t a i n amwuntof cash.

(The cash amount needed i n c r e a s e s with t h e p r i c e s on t h e

c u l t u r a l l y determined goods wanted and with t h e v a r i o u s s t a g e s of t h e l i f e c y c l e of a household.)

I f producer p r i c e s a r e r a i s e d ( o t h e r t h i n g s con-

s t a n t ) , l e s s may be produced.

T h i s i s t h e Chayanov r u l e .

f o r traditional peasant- cultivators.

This i s typical

In s i t u a t i o n B t h e amount produced by

p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s r e f l e c t s t h e c o n s t r a i n t s on t h e i r production, p r i m a r i l y c l i m a t e , labour and producer p r i c e s i n Botswana.

The amount cannot e a s i l y

be i n c r e a s e d when producer p r i c e s i n c r e a s e only marginally.

They w i l l , how-

e v e r , t r y t o market more when t h e h a r v e s t i s l a r g e r than u s u a l due t o favourable weather.

I f producer p r i c e s continue t o i n c r e a s e over t h e y e a r s ,

t h e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s may i n v e s t i n new methods of c u l t i v a t i o n . thenbecome farmers ( C ) .

s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s or drop- outs.

I t l s probably only when new methods a r e

adopted t h a t a p r o c e s s of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n w i l l be i n i t i a t e d

tion side

Some w i l l

Others may f a i l and become e i t h e r m u l t i a c t i v e pea-

i n crop c u l t i v a t i o n .

On the conswnption side,

from t h e produc-

world i n f l a t i o n may

b e a s u f f i c i e n t c o n d i t i o n when o t h e r o p t i o n s t o s e c u r e a n improved income are not available.

The socio-ecmomic s t r a t i f i c a t i o n i n r u r a l Botswana

i s thus mainly connectedto c a t t l e ownership and education giving relat i v e l y high s a l a r i e s t o s h u t t l e r s .

I n o r d e r t o make i t more economic r a t i o n a l f o r p e a s a n t s t o improve t h e i r p r o d u c t i v i t y , s t a t e s u b s i d i e s a r e used i n most c o u n t r i e s . following

subsidies a r e g i v e n :

I n Botswana t h e

10% o f t h e s e e d s a r e s u b s i d i z e d a b o u t 50%

t h r o u g h t h e Seed M u l t i p l i c a t i o n U n i t ( M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e u n d a t e d ) . The c o n s t r u c t i o n o f BAMB s t o r e s a r e somewhat s u b s i d i z e d .

The government

h a s , however, n e v e r p r o v i d e d f u n d s t o BAMB t o a l l o w it t o a p p l y a d i r e c t subsidy t o producer crop p r i c e s . and implements r e c e i v e n o s u b s i d y . p a c k a g e s " t o "medium p e a s a n t s "

F u r t h e r m o r e , f e r t i l i z e r s and m a c h i n e r y ALDEP i s now p r o v i d i n g " t e c h n o l o g i c a l

( t h o s e w i t h l e s s t h a n 40 c a t t l e ) .

l o a n s a r e p r o v i d e d w i t h g r a n t e l e m e n t s o f 35- 60%.

Cheap

The p o o r p e a s a n t - c u l t i -

v a t o r s a r e n o t a b l e t o b e n e f i t from t h i s programme b e c a u s e o f l a c k o f c a t t l e a s s e c u r i t y f o r loans.

A s e p a r a t e donkey scheme h a s been s t a r t e d

t o g i v e draught- power t o t h o s e c r o p c u l t i v a t o r s that d o n o t own c a t t l e . J o n e s (1982) h a s c a l c u l a t e d t h a t t h e ALDEP-package would i n d e e d r a i s e r e t u r n s from c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n b u t t h e l a b o u r i n p u t would a l s o i n c r e a s e .

The

n e t income would t h e n n o t improve on a man-day b a s i s .

He a c c o r d i n g l y a r -

gues t h a t producer p r i c e s u b s i d i e s should b e adopted.

The p e a s a n t s would

t h e n s e e more o p p o r t u n i t i e s i n c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

The t o t a l s u b s i d i e s r e -

q u i r e d w i l l i n h i s c a l c u l a t i o n b e low i n r e l a t i o n t o t h e a d d i t i o n a l r u r a l income t h u s g e n e r a t e d .

T h e P i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e p o i n t s t o t h e f a c t t h a t

p r o d u c e r p r i c e s u b s i d i e s m o s t l y b e n e f i t f a r m e r s and n o t p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s . The s o l u t i o n t o t h i s dilemma w i l l i n most c a s e s b e a mix o f t y p e s o f subs i d i e s together with higher a g r i c u l t u r a l p r i c e s generally.

I n Botswana

t h i s c o u l d b e e s s e n t i a l t o improve t h e p r o d u c t i v i t y o f t h e s m a l l p e a s a n t c u l t i v a t o r s who r e p r e s e n t t h e m a j o r i t y o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s .

The

p o o r n o n - c u l t i v a t o r s must b e p r o t e c t e d i n s u c h a t r a n s i t i o n when a g r i c u l t u r a l p r i c e s i n c r e a s e more r a p i d t h a n o t h e r p r i c e s .

The economic r a t i o n a l

i n b e i n g a m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r would b e good i n s u c h a s i t u a t i o n . A c o n s t r a i n t t o h i g h e r a g r i c u l t u r a l p r i c e s i n Botswana i s i m p o r t s o f c r o p s

from S o u t h A f r i c a which a r e s u b s i d i z e d on t h e s e l l i n g p r i c e .

S i n c e Bots-

wana i s i n a customs u n i o n w i t h S o u t h A f r i c a , t a r i f f s c a n n o t b e imposed i n t h i s case.

If

t h i s problem was s o l v e d i n one o r a n o t h e r way, smuggling o f

f o o d would p e r h a p s t a k e p l a c e .

The lack o f a comprehensive government poZicy on subsidies regarding crop c u l t i v a t i o n may be part o f t h e explanation for t h e low degree of development of t h i s s e c t o r .

The p o l i t i c a l l e a d e r s h i p h a s i n c o n t r a s t looked well

a f t e r the c a t t l e sector.

The P r e s i d e n t i a l Commission on Economic Opportu-

n i t i e s (1982) found t h a t t h e n e t subsidy ( s u b s i d i e s given l e s s t a x r e ceived) t o t h e c a t t l e s e c t o r was P15.4 m i l l i o n s (annuaL average 1977/78 1980/81). ports.

-

I n a d d i t i o n , t h e P u l a h a s been "overvalued" due t o diamond ex-

T h i s h a s been favourable f o r c a t t l e owners and d e t r i m e n t a l t o crop

cultivation.

Furthermore, i n view of t h e very skewed ownership of c a t t l e

( c h a p t e r 1 0 ) , t h e b e n e f i t of t h i s subsidy i n r e a l i t y went only t o a few ranchers.

Probably, a lower producer p r i c e

on c a t t l e would n o t have been

a d i s i n c e n t i v e t o i n v e s t i n t h i s s e c t o r among p e a s a n t s . t r u e f o r p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s i n need of draught-power.

This i s p a r t i c u l a r l y For those peasant-

c u l t i v a t o r s with enough c a t t l e f o r t r a c t i o n purposes, t h e r e would have been an i n c e n t i v e t o s e l l more a t lower p r i c e s ( f i g u r e 9 ) .

A necessary

(and

probable) assumption i s t h a t ownership of c a t t l e t o a l a r g e e x t e n t i s f o r p r o f i t o r f o r covering e s s e n t i a l consumer goods through s a l e s ( t a b l e 2 6 ) . P i c a r d (1980) s u b s t a n t i a t e s t h i s assumption by maintaining t h a t Botswana i s somewhat d i f f e r e n t from t h e r e s t of Sub-Saharan A f r i c a i n t h i s r e s p e c t . F i n a l l y , t h e build- up of h e r d s t a k i n g p l a c e because of t h e high p r i c e s (and abundant r a i n f a l l ) during t h e l a t t e r h a l f of t h e 1970s, has r e s u l t e d i n overstocking and degradation of v e g e t a t i o n i n many p l a c e s .

The P r e s i -

d e n t i a l Commission advocates t h a t higher t a x e s should be used t o reduce t h e p r e s e n t i n c e n t i v e t o overstocking.

In a d d i t i o n , t h e e x i s t i n g t a x r e -

g u l a t i o n s should be enforced more e f f i c i e n t l y .

To sum up, crop c u l t i v a t i o n h a s become r e l a t i v e l y l e s s remunerative compared t o c a t t l e herding over t h e y e a r s .

Opschoor (1981 b ) h a s c a l c u l a t e d

t h a t a herd of 15 would i n 1966 g i v e t h e e q u i v a l e n t of l 500 k i l o s of sorghum a s normal o f f - t a k e .

I n 1980 only 10 c a t t l e would be r e q u i r e d t o g e t

t h i s amount, which can s u s t a i n a normal family of s i x persons throughout t h e year.

The government's a g r a r i a n p o l i c y h a s , because of t h e i n c r e a s i n g

number of a g r i c u l t u r a l households without c a t t l e t h e l a s t 20 y e a r s , promoted t h e p r o c e s s of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n . next c h a p t e r .

T h i s w i l l be e l a b o r a t e d upon i n t h e

Here i t s u f f i c e s t o note t h a t r i c h p e a s a n t s b e s i d e s c a t t l e

o f t e n i n v e s t t h e i r p r o f i t s i n b a r s and v e h i c l e s .

L i t t l e more than f o r main-

T a b l e 26.

Marketing of a g r i c u l t u r a l products. " T r a d i t i o n a l " and 1 " commercial" f a r m s 1976/77 and 1980/81. Pula million.

.

"Traditional": Sale of c a t t l e

30.6

Net i n c r e a s e i n c a t t l e herd 3 S a l e of c r o p s

13.3

C a t t l e and c r o p s f o r own u s e

26.5

36.5 43%L

6.4

18%

0.4

"Commercial" : S a l e of c a t t l e

L

16.5

20.7

Net i n c r e a s e i n c a t t l e h e r d

2.3

S a l e of crops

1.0

0.3

C a t t l e and c r o p s f o r own u s e

0.1

0.1

14%

2.6

13%

" T r a d i t i o n a l " and " commercial" r e f e r h e r e t o t h e d e f i n i t i o n s u s e d by t h e Ministry of Agriculture, i . e .

" commercial" i s e q u a l t o f r e e h o l d

a n d l e a s e h o l d f a r m s and " t r a d i t i o n a l " a l l o t h e r f a r m s .

Net i n c r e a s e a s percentage of c a t t l e s a l e .

I t i s more common t o s e l l c r o p s t o l o c a l households directly t h a n t o

market crops through a formal market.

Thus, t h e f i g u r e s i n c l u d e d

h e r e d o n o t r e f l e c t t h e r e a l m a g n i t u d e o f c r o p s m a r k e t e d f o r money.

Source:

C a l c u l a t e d from C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e , N a t i o n a l A c c o u n t s 1980/81.

tenance purposes a r e reinvested i n crop c u l t i v a t i o n .

A t t h i s s t a g e of

development i n r u r a l Botswana few o t h e r p r o f i t a b l e a c t i v i t i e s e x i s t i n which t o i n v e s t .

Here i s t h e n a n o t h e r r e a s o n f o r combining c r o p c u l t i -

v a t i o n w i t h o t h e r economic a c t i v i t i e s .

I t may thus be argued t h a t not

peasant but m u l t i a c t i v e agricuZtural producer a t t h e general l e v e l and muZtiactive peasant- cultivator a t t h e more s p e c i f i c l e v e l are t h e appropriate terms t o denote t h e major part of t h e agriculturaZ producer households.

MULTIACTIVITY AT THE HOUSEHOLD AND INDIVIDUAL LEVELS

S e v e r a l of t h e mechanisms i n t h e e v o l u t i o n of Botswana touched upon i n c h a p t e r 8 t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e problem and l a c k of change i n c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n s t a n d o u t a s e x p l a n a t i o n s f o r t h e commonness of m u l t i a c t i v i t y a t t h e household level.

The m u l t i a c t i v e households w i l l be f u r t h e r d i s c u s s e d a f t e r a

few remarks have been g i v e n on t h e group of households t h a t have become l e s s m u l t i a c t i v e i n t h e l a s t few y e a r s .

I n Letlhakeng there has been a

s i g n i f i c a n t increase i n ugricuZtural labourer households. r e p r e s e n t what h a s h e r e been c a l l e d drop- out. engaged i n (own) c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

such households

Most of them were e a r l i e r

They c o n s i s t of female households only.

The e x i s t e n c e and i n c r e a s e o f t h i s group o f households s i g n i f y a p r o c e s s of " p r o l e t a r i a n i z a t i o n " . g a t e data.

I n Tutume t h i s p r o c e s s i s n o t e v i d e n t from aggre-

N o n e t h e l e s s , when t h e female households a r e looked a t s e p a r a t e l y ,

i t i s c l e a r t h a t a l s o i n t h i s v i l l a g e some of t h e s e households drop o u t of c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n (Wikan 1 9 8 1 ) .

Fortmann (1981) r e p o r t s t h a t female house-

h o l d s a r e t w i c e a s o f t e n n o t ploughing t h a n male households i n r u r a l a r e a s of Botswana. men.

Women w i t h c a t t l e a r e , however, e q u a l l y l i k e l y t o plough a s

Drop-out i s thus explained not by being a woman but by being without

cattle.

The main e x p l a n a t i o n behind t h i s i s t h e n e c e s s i t y t o sow w i t h t h e

f i r s t major r a i n f a l l ( a t l e a s t 2 5 mm).

Lack o f own draught- power means

t h a t a household h a s t o w a i t u n t i l some of t h o s e owning c a t t l e have f i n i s h e d ploughing.

Women w i t h c a t t l e can f u r t h e r m o r e o b t a i n male l a b o u r by l e n d i n g

draught- oxen i n r e t u r n . peak a g r i c u l t u r a l t i m e s .

Male l a b o u r i s o t h e r w i s e d i f f i c u l t t o o b t a i n a t The d a t a a v a i l a b l e i n d i c a t e t h a t even a b s e n t wor-

k e r female households t h a t r e c e i v e r e l a t i v e l y much r e m i t t a n c e s , may n o t be a b l e t o c o n t i n u e w i t h c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n because o f t h i s problem of d r a u g h t power and l a c k of male l a b o u r .

The most common c o m b i n a t i o n s f o r t h o s e h o u s e h o l d s w i t h two income s o u r c e s

The

a r e i n c l u d e d i n t a b l e 27 and t h o s e w i t h t h r e e ( o r more) i n t a b l e 28.

typical combination is peasant production and wage work. i s more u s u a l t h a n work i n t h e v i l l a g e .

E x t e r n a l work

Many h o u s e h o l d s a l s o combine

p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t i o n , wage work and self- employment ( m o s t l y b r e r b r e w i n g ) . I t s h o u l d b e mentioned t h a t b e e r - s e l l i n g seldom i s a r e g u l a r a c t i v i t y .

This a p p l i e s p a r t i c u l a r l y t o m u l t i a c t i v e households.

Furthermore, it is

i m p o r t a n t t o n o t e t h a t o n l y t h o s e h o u s e h o l d members who

send money

b a c k home, a r e i n c l u d e d .

work

e l s e w h e r e and

Of t h e u n m a r r i e d c h i l d r e n s t a y i n g

e l s e w h e r e ( t h e m a r r i e d o n e s a r e e x c l u d e d from t h e s t u d y ) and who h a v e work, a b o u t t w o - t h i r d s s e n d money t o t h e i r p a r e n t s i n Tutume i n 1980. g u r e f o r L e t l l l a k e n g i s 50%.

The f i -

There i s a p o s i t i v e tendency b u t n o t a s t a t i s -

t i c a l s i g n i f i c a n t c o r r e l a t i o n between l e v e l o f l i v i n g o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s and w h e t h e r o r n o t t h e c h i l d r e n s e n d money.

The i m p a c t o f r e m i t t a n c e s from

c h i l d r e n working e l s e w h e r e i s t h u s n o t a s h i g h a s may be t h o u g h t .

T a b l e 27.

Types o f m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t h o u s e h o l d s . income s o u r c e s .

L e t l h a k e n g a n d Tutume.

Combinations o f two 1976 a n d 1980.

c e n t of a l l households.

Letlhakeng 1976

Tutume

l980

1976

1980

42

37

Peasant c u l t i v a t i o n

+

e x t e r n a l wages

+

l o c a l wages

+

beerbrewing

+

o t h e r self- employment

+

a g r i c u l t u r a l labour

Peasant animal husbandry

+

e x t e r n a l wages

5

3

+

l o c a l wages

3

1

+ +

self- employment

1

2

a g r i c u l t u r a l labour

Total

4 33

28

Per-

T a b l e 28.

Types o f m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t h o u s e h o l d s . t h r e e income s o u r c e s .

Combinations of

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

1976 a n d 1980.

P e r c e n t of a l l households.

Peasant cultivation

+

e x t e r n a l wages a n d l o c a l wages

1

2

6

4

+

e x t e r n a l wages a n d b e e r b r e w i n g

9

1

15

20

+

o t h e r combinations

14

5

9

6

24

8

39

36

Total

Note.

Those h o u s e h o l d s w i t h f o u r o r more s o u r c e s h a v e b e e n i n c l u d e d i n t h i s table.

7

T h e i r t h r e e main s o u r c e s h a v e t h e n b e e n t a k e n .

.

-7c cov!s;,zc activities at 2hc n , : i Z d i d ~ u a lL(:veZ

not common.

In Letlhakeng

o n l y a b o u t 5% o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s h a v e a member who combine wage work w i t h cultivation.

T h i s i s somewhat more u s u a l i n Tutume, where a l s o t h e c a t e -

g o r y worker - h e r d s m a n / r a n c h e r e x i s t s ( t a b l e 2 9 ) .

T a b l e 29.

Types o f c o m b i n a t i o n o f income s o u r c e s a t t h e i n d i v i d u a l l e v e l . L e t l h a k e n g a n d Tutume.

1976 and 1980.

P e r c e n t of a l l households.

Letlhakeng 1976

Tutume

1980

1976

1980

23

30

Peasant cultivation

+

wage work

P e a s a n t animal husbandry

+

wage work

5

Total Note.

Only m a r r i e d p e o p l e a r e i n c l u d e d , i . e . a r e excluded.

4

c h i l d r e n and g r a n d p a r e n t s

I n a b o u t h a l f t h e h o u s e h o l d s i n t h e two v i l l a g e s , t h a t n e i t h e r had l a b o u r m i g r a n t s n o r s h u t t l e r s a t t h e t i m e of t h e s t u d y , t h e h u s b a n d s had e x p e r i e n c e s from l a b o u r m i g r a t i o n t o S o u t h A f r i c a ( t a b l e 3 0 ) . N e a r l y a l l o f

The

t h e s e men became o c c u p i e d w i t h a g r i c u l t u r e a f t e r s e t t l i n g a t home.

e a r n i n g s from labour m i g r a t i o n have e v i d e n t l y n o t l e d t o a m o d e r n i z a t i o n of agriculture.

Labour m i g r a t i o n c o n s t i t u t e s i n s t e a d a way o f s e c u r i n g

a minlmum l i f e s t a n d a r d w i t h o u t a n y p o s s i b i l i t y f o r s a v i n g and a c c u m u l a t i o n . C o l c l o u g h and F a l l o n ( 1 9 8 3 ) h a v e c a l c u l a t e d from RIDS- data t h a t househ o l d s w i t h l a b o u r m i g r a n t s i n S o u t h A f r i c a had o n a v e r a g e a lower l e v e l of l i v i n g (PDL- values) t h a n t h e o v e r a l l r u r a l a v e r a g e .

T a b l e 30.

Husbands s t a y i n g a t home and t h e i r work e x p e r i e n c e i n S o u t h Africa.

L e t l h a k e n g a n d Tutume.

1976 and 1980.

Letlhakeng

Mining Other

Percent.

Tutume

1976

1980

1976

1980

46

55

25

14

11

34

3

Unknown Never worked i n S o u t h A f r i c a Total

12

51

45

64

40

100

100

100

100

On t h e background o f what i s s a i d above it i s i m p o r t a n t t h a t a l a r g e p r o p o r t i o n o f t h e young men (15- 34 y e a r s ) work o u t s i d e t h e i r r u r a l home area.

The f i g u r e s were 68 and 44% f o r Tutume and L e t l h a k e n g r e s p e c t i v e l y

( e x c l u d e d from t h e c a l c u l a t i o n a r e m a r r i e d men, who a r e accompanied b y t h e w i f e , and t h o s e who a r e s c h o o l i n g ) .

The main r e a s o n f o r t h e d i f f e r e n c e

b e t w e e n t h e two v i l l a g e s r e s t s on t h e f a c t t h a t n e a r l y a l l l a b o u r m i g r a n t s t o S o u t h A f r i c a from L e t l h a k e n g work i n t h e m i n e s .

I n 1976 t h e m i n i n g

companies i n S o u t h A f r l c a d e c i d e d t o g i v e p r i o r i t y t o S o u t h A f r i c a n b l a c k l a b o u r t o c o n t r i b u t e t o a r e d u c t i o n i n unemployment r e g a r d i n g t h i s group.

I t t h u s became d i f f i c u l t f o r Batswana t o renew c o n t r a c t s w i t h

S o u t h A f r i c a n m i n i n g companies.

T h i s l e d t o a h i g h e r t h a n normal r e t u r n

o f l a b o u r m i g r a n t s t o L e t l h a k e n g d u r i n g t h e 1976- 1979 p e r i o d .

A similar

problem was n o t e n c o u n t e r e d by most l a b o u r m i g r a n t s t o S o u t h A f r i c a from Tutume b e c a u s e t h e y p r i m a r i l y work i n c o n s t r u c t i o n ( b u i l d i n g and p a i n t i n g ) .

CONCLUSION

T h e n a t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r crcl:; : : ~ u ' ! ~ ~ I ? icnz > Botswana ~ ~ T I are in

normal y e a r s o f amount and d i s t r i b u t i o n o f r a i n f a l l f a i r r e garding dryland, semi- arid farming.

The n a t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s c a n n o t g e n e r a l l y

b e s a i d t o impede a m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

This conclusion is

s u b s t a n t i a t e d by t h e f a c t t h a t a small nwnber o f agricuZturaZ producers out-

s i d e t h e freehold farms have become farmers and e s p e c i a l l y muZtiactive farmers during t h e l a s t few years.

F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e r e a r e some p u r e p e a s a n t -

c u l t i v a t o r s who h a v e a d o p t e d new methods o f c u l t i v a t i o n s u c h a s " p u r e broadc a s t i n g " , and who by some would b e c a l l e d emergent f a r m e r s .

Botswaca i s w e l l s u i t e d f o r c a t t l e ranching.

The s i t u a t i o n t o d a y i s t h a t

a few r i c h household,- ( r i c h even by N o m ~ e g i mstandard) r e l y only on ranching as a source o f income or i n combination w i t h work or business i n urban

centres.

This group of households w i l l probably i n c r e a s e a b s o l u t e l y .

There

w i l l b e a r e l a t i v e i n c r e a s e i n t h e n o t s o r i c h p u r e r a n c h e r and m u l t i a c t i v e rancher households.

T h i s change w i l l b e f u r t h e r e d n o t l e a s t b y t h e new

l a n d t e n u r e system f o r g r a z i n g l a n d .

Since c a t t l e still a r e e s s e n t i a l f o r

p l o u g h i n g i n Botswana, t h e r e c u r r e n t d r o u g h t s become a n e x p l a n a t o r y var i a b l e f o r d r o p - o u t o f a g r ~ c u l t u r a lp u r s u i t s t h r o u g h t h e i m p a c t on c a t t l e ownership d i s t r i b u t i o n .

I n L e t l h a k e n g , where d r o u g h t s a r e u s u a l l y more

s e v e r e t h a n i n Tutume, n e a r l y h a l f o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s d o n o t own a n y c a t t l e a t all.

I n Tutume t h e f i g u r e i s o n l y 9 % .

P a r t i c u l a r l y t h e d r o u g h t from

l 9 6 1 t o 1966 t o o k a h e a v y t o l l on t h e c a t t l e h e r d s i n t h e e a s t e r n more pop u l a t e d p a r t of t h e country.

Many o f t h e b i g c a t t l e owners were a b l e t o

t a k e most o f t h e i r c a t t l e f u r t h e r w e s t and e v e n t o d r i l l new b o r e h o l e s , t h e r e b y s a v i n g them.

The s m a l l e r h e r d owners, e s p e c i a l l y t h o s e h a v i n g o n l y

a few h e a d s o f c a t t l e , l o s t a l l . o r h i r e c a t t l e f o r ploughing.

Such h o u s e h o l d s a r e now f o r c e d t o borrow

42% of t h e c u l t i v a t i n g h o u s e h o l d s i n L e t l h a -

keng and 19% i n Tutume r e l y s o l e l y on borrowed oxen f o r p l o u g h i n g .

Since

f e m a l e h o u s e h o l d s h a v e n o male l a b o u r t o o f f e r i n r e t u r n f o r a s s i s t a n c e i n p l o u g h i n g , t h e y f i n d it d i f f i c u l t e v e n t o h i r e m a l e l a b o u r b e c a u s e of t h e g e n e r a l l a c k of such labour i n t h e f i e l d a r e a s .

T h i s i s t h e main problem

e x p r e s s e d by t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n T u t m e .

I n Letlhakeng unfavour-

a b l e n a t u r a l c o n d i t i o n s a r e somewhat more o f t e n m e n t i o n e d ( H e s s e l b e r g 1982 a ) . The o p p o r t u n i t i e s f o r l a b o u r m l g r a t l o n e a r l i e r a n d s h u t t l i n g t o d a y have g i v e n p a r t i c u l a r l y men a n a l t e r n a t i v e way o f a c q u i r i n g a n income.

The h i g h p e r -

centage of m u l t i a c t i v e households i n t h e v i l l a g e s p i c t u r e s t h i s s i t u a t i o n well.

Population g r m t h ( p r e s e n t l y p r o b a b l y a t 3 . 2 % p e r annum)

1

can n e i t h e r be

s a i d t o have been i n s t r u m e n t a l i n b r i n g i n g about changes i n t h e a g r a r i a n s y s t e m n o r i n c r e a t i n g a p r o c e s s of d r o p - o u t a s i s t h e c a s e i n many p a r t s o f A s i a and L a t i n America.

The r e a s o n f o r t h i s i s t h a t whenever t h e f e r -

t i l i t y o f t h e s o i l i n a f i e l d was e x h a u s t e d , a movement t o new l a n d was p o s s i b l e f o r most a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n Botswana. f u t u r e with higher investments such a s wire fencing.

T h i s may change i n

I t may thus be con-

cluded t h a t tile price- squeeze, t h a t i s , world i n f l a t i o n on b a s i c conswner goods, has forced r u r a l households t o continue t o send members for work t o South A f r i c a or i n c r e a s i n g l y t o t h e new towns i n Botswana.

1

I n a few

The a n n u a l p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e was 4.6% from t h e 1971 t o t h e 1 9 8 1 c e n s u s . I t i s , however, l i k e l y t h a t u n d e r c o u n t i n g t o o k p l a c e i n 1 9 7 1 ( C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c O f f i c e , C o u n t r y P r o f i l e 1982).

c a s e s t h e fundamental p e a s a n t dilemma h a s been temporary " s o l v e d " by a r e d u c t i o n i n l e v e l of consumption. d e s t i t u t e s , h a s been c r e a t e d .

An impoverished group of h o u s e h o l d s , t h e

One may a r g u e t h a t t h i s s i t u a t i o n h a s been

allowed t o p e r s i s t b e c a u s e of t h e l a c k of government i n t e r v e n t i o n i n t h e form of s u b s i d i e s t o c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

Such s u b s i d i e s , i f a d e q u a t e , would

p r o b a b l y have p r o v i d e d s u f f i c i e n t p r o s p e c t s f o r improved incomes from a g r i c u l t u r e which would have i n c r e a s e d t h e need f o r more male and f e m a l e l a b o u r i n t h i s s e c t o r a t t h e p r e s e n t s t a g e of t h e development of t h e p r o d u c t i v e forces.

There i s s e n s e i n d e s c r i b i n g t h e a g r a r i a n s i t u a t i o n i n Botswana a s "delayed

transition":

The uneven p r o d u c t i v i t y of t h e v a r i o u s economic a c t i v i t i e s

and between a g r i c u l t u r e i n Botswana and i n South A f r i c a b o t h make wage work i n mining and i n o t h e r modern a c t i v i t i e s r e l a t i v e l y more r e m u n e r a t i v e t h a n a g r i c u l t u r e ( a l t h o u g h t h e wages do n o t c o m p l e t e l y f o l l o w t h e r e l a t i v e prod u c t i v i t i e s a t any one t i m e ) .

The r e s u l t s a r e l a b o u r s h o r t a g e i n a g r i c u l -

t u r e and c o m p e t i t i o n on t h e urban food market.

The l a t t e r i s h a r d t o win

b o t h f o r p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s and m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s i n Botswana.

A c c o r d i n g l y , t h e s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n of r e l a t i o n s w i t h South

A f r i c a and t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l p r i c e s t r u c t u r e are t o g e t h e r w i t h t h e recurr e n t droughts ( l e a d i n g t o high r i s k aversion behaviour) t h e main explanat i o n s for t h i s "delayed t r a n s i t i o n " .

An a s p e c t of t h e r e c u r r e n t d r o u g h t s

h a s t h e o p p o s i t e e f f e c t through t h e c r e a t i o n of a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s . T h i s h a s , however, o n l y happened t o a l i m i t e d d e g r e e .

I n Letlhakeng 16%

of t h e households have a t l e a s t one member who i s a n a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r . The f i g u r e f o r Tutume i s 2 % .

A g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s may w e l l b e more nu-

merous t h a n n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s s i g n i f y .

However,

t h e r e a s o n f o r t h e ab-

s e n c e of a large number of a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s , i s t h e l a c k of improved p r o d u c t i v i t y which c o u l d have c r e a t e d a l a r g e r group of f a r m e r s o r a t l e a s t multiactive farmers.

C o n t r a r y t o t h e common view,

lack o f land i s not found

t o be a necessary c o n d i t i o n for t h e c r e a t i o n o f drop-outs m d a g r i c u l t u r a l labourers. The low need f o r f e m a l e l a b o u r i n a g r i c u l t u r e i n t h e p r e s e n t s i t u a t i o n g i v e s few o p t i o n s f o r d r o p - o u t s from (own) a g r i c u l t u r e b u t t o become d e s t i t u t e s .

The comon agrarian t r a n s i t i o n o f improved p r o d u c t i v i t y and/or incomes from a g r i c u l t u r e , land grabbing and e v i c t i o n of t e n a n t s who t h e n become urban workers, r u r a l labourers or urban and r u r a l d e s t i t u t e s , has n o t occurred i n

Botswana i n a s i m i l a r fashion.

One f i n d s only part o f t h i s process, t h a t

i s , t h e c r e a t i o n o f p o v e ~ t yand some aZthough few agricuZturaZ Zabourers. In future,

a m o d e r n i z a t i o n o f c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n a n d a n i n c r e a s e i n t h e num-

b e r o f p u r e r a n c h e r h o u s e h o l d s w i l l depend on t h e r e l a t i v e s t r e n g t h o f t h e f o r c e s behind t h e "delayed t r a n s i t i o n " .

I n a d d i t i o n , it may become a p r o -

blem t h a t t h e number o f p e o p l e w i l l i n g t o engage i n more h e a v i l y s t a t e subs i d i z e d f a r m i n g i n t h e medium- run, w i l l b e low b e c a u s e most h o u s e h o l d s h a v e b e e n forced by t h e way i n which t h e a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n i s b e i n g d e l a y e d , t o become m u l t i a c t i v e and t h u s c l o s e l y l i n k e d t o u r b a n c e n t r e s income and c o g n i t i v e wise.

The concZusions on t h e p o i n t s e s t a b l i s h e d i n c h a p t e r 6 r e g a r d i n g t h e e s s e n t i a l c h a r a c t e r i s t i c s of an a g r a r i a n t r a n s i t i o n confirm t h a t a g r i c u l t u r e i n Botswana i s w e l l i n t o s u c h a t r a n s i t i o n b e c a u s e :

First,

r i s k a v e r s i o n i s a t y p i c a l t r a i t o f t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n . A modern system o f i n s u r a n c e h a s n o t y e t f u l l y r e p l a c e d t h e t r a d i t i o n a l k i n s h i p and t r i b a l r u l e s of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n . quitous. dern.

T h e s e r u l e s a r e moreover no l o n g e r u b i -

Second, c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n i s a l b e i t v e r y s l o w l y becoming more mo-

T h i s i s e v i d e n t b o t h from t h e v i l l a g e s t u d i e s a n d from n a t i o n a l s t a -

tistics.

Y i e l d s a r e n o t improving on a v e r a g e a t n a t i o n a l l e v e l .

p e r s a f a s t e r modernization.

T h i s ham-

C a t t l e r e a r i n g w i l l p r o b a b l y become more

e f f i c i e n t when t h e new " commercial g r a z i n g a r e a s " become f e n c e d .

Still,

e s s e n t i a l a s p e c t s of n a t i o n a l a g r a r i a n p o l i c i e s h a v e t o b e f o r m u l a t e d i n order t o reduce t h e r i s k involved i n a g r i c u l t u r e .

Third, m u l t i a c t i v e a g r i -

c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s a r e n o t becoming more numerous r e l a t i v e l y , t h e y a l r e a d y c o n s t i t u t e t h e t y p i c a l a g r i c u l t u r a l h o u s e h o l d i n Botswana.

A result is that

a s much a s 58% o f t h e c u l t i v a t o r s a r e e s t i m a t e d b y I L O t o b e f e m a l e (def i n e d a s t h e one d o i n g most o f t h e work, Dixon 1 9 8 3 ) .

The f a c t t h a t m u l t i -

a c t i v i t y i s a m a j o r c h a r a c t e r i s t i c of t h e economy a t t h e h o u s e h o l d l e v e l i n v i l l a g e s i n t h e c o u n t r y , shows t h a t t h e p e a s a n t s d o n o t h a v e " l i m i t e d wants". Q u i t e on t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e y p u r s u e " e v e r y " s o u r c e o r n i c h e a v a i l a b l e t o them i n o r d e r t o improve t h e i r l e v e l o f l i v i n g .

To c l a i m t h a t Botswana i s ex-

c e p t i o n a l b e c a u s e o f t h e p r o x l r n i t y t o ~vrorkplacesi n W i t w a t e r s r a n d i n S o u t h A f r i c a ( f o r i n s t a n c e compared t o p e a s a n t s i n T a n z a n i a ) , i s j u s t t o u n d e r l i n e t h e above p o i n t :

Peasants w i l l n o t , given t h e r i g h t e n v i r o m e n t i n a wide

sense, continue t o be peasants.

Fourth, t h e r e i s a socio- economic s t r a t i -

f i c a t i o n among t h e p e a s a n t s which i s p r i m a r i l y b a s e d on c a t t l e ownership.

T h i s d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n h a s up t o now o n l y l e d t o t h e f o r m a t i o n of a v e r y s m a l l group of modern a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s .

A t t h e o t h e r hand, drop-

o u t i s a l r e a d y a r e l a t i v e l y pronounced phenomenon.

The a g r a r i a n t r a n s i -

t i o n i n Botswana i s d i f f e r e n t from t h e bypica1 European t r a n s i t i o n i n that

drop-out is occurring while few modern agricuZtura2 producers come

i n t o existence.

CHAPTER 10 INEQUALITY AND POVERTY

T h i s c h a p t e r i n c l u d e s d a t a on i n e q u a l i t y and p o v e r t y i n Botswana.

The

h y p o t h e s e s f o r m u l a t e d r e g a r d i n g t h e c a u s e s of p o v e r t y and t h e i r c o n n e c t i o n with the agrarian t r a n s i t i o n a r e then discussed.

INEQUALITY

The changes i n l e v e l of l i v i n g , e v i d e n t from i n d e x - v a l u e s ( t a b l e 3 1 ) , show a t y p i c a l p a t t e r n f o r t h e T h i r d World:

There h a s been a g e n e r a l improve-

ment b u t w i t h i n c r e a s i n g i n e q u a l i t y i n Tutume and a s t a g n a t i o n i n L e t l h a keng.

The q u e s t i o n posed i n c h a p t e r 6 h a s t h u s been confirmed i n t h i s c a s e ,

t h a t i s , economic growth

i s accompanied w i t h a wider income gap i n a market

economy a t t h i s Z P V ~ ?o~f development.

T a b l e 31.

I n e q u a l i t y i n l e v e l of l i v i n g . 1976 and 1980.

Letlhakeng and Tutume.

Index- values f o r households.

Letlhakeng 1976

Tutume

1980

1976

1980

10% h i g h e s t 25% l o w e s t 10% l o w e s t

The main f i n d i n g when l e v e l of l i v i n g i s c o r r e l a t e d w i t h "work p o s i t i o n " and d i f f e r e n t c a t e g o r i e s of a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s , i s t h a t households i n

t h e v a r i o u s groups a r e found a l l along t h e r i c h

- poor dimension.

The

e x c e p t i o n c o n s i s t s of t h o s e h o u s e h o l d s t h a t r e l y o n l y on b e e r b r e w i n g , a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r o r o t h e r work f o r l o c a l h o u s e h o l d s , These households a r e among t h e p o o r e s t .

(i.e.

t h e drop-outs).

There i s i n t h i s r e s p e c t no d i f f e -

r e n c e between L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o t e t h a t no

s i g n i f i c a n t d i f f e r e n c e was f o u n d between p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s a n d multiactive peasant- cultivators.

Of t h o s e h o u s e h o l d s t h a t combine 3 o r

more s o u r c e s o f income, t h e r e was a n o v e r w e i g h t onmiddle- income households r e l a t i v e t o t h e other categories.

The a b o v e main f i n d i n g i s sub-

s t a n t i a t e d b y C o l c l o u g h a n d F a l l o n (1983) who f o u n d by c a l c u l a t i n g on RIDS- data n o c o r r e l a t i o n b e t w e e n income s o u r c e s a n d income l e v e l o f households.

A s e x p e c t e d , t h e p a t t e r n f o u n d among t h e v a r i o u s c a t e g o r i e s o f

m u l t i a c t i v e a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r h o u s e h o l d s i n t h e two s t u d y v i l l a g e s was t h a t households combining e i t h e r local or external wage work w i t h crop cul-

t i v a t i o n and i n addition had a few c a t t l e were r e l a t i v e l y w e l l - o f f . it i s a t t h i s d i s a g g r e g a t e d l e v e l t h a t a p a t t e r n emerges. contention o f

Hence,

This supports the

t h e p r e s e n t work, t h a t i s , t h a t an a n a l y s i s o f t h e combina-

t i o n s of income sources a t the household l e v e l i n r u r a l Botswana i s essent i a l t o o r r i v e a t meaningful p o l i c i e s of agrarian change and s o c i a l development. T h e r e i s a p o s i t i v e c o n n e c t i o n between h o u s e h o l d s i z e and l e v e l o f l i v i n g . This connection i s not very strong.

F u r t h e r m o r e , t h e somewhat h i g h e r income

among l a r g e r h o u s e h o l d s on a v e r a g e d o e s n o t stem from more c r o p s p r o d u c e d . S i n c e b o t h p u r e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r and m u l t i a c t i v e p e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r househ o l d s a r e l a r g e r t h a n a v e r a g e , t h e p o s s i b i l i t y o f l a r g e r h o u s e h o l d s t o comb i n e more income s o u r c e s c a n n o t b e t h e e x p l a n a t i o n .

Moreover, C o l c l o u g h and

F a l l o n (1983) d i d n o t f i n d a n y c o r r e l a t i o n among income and h o u s e h o l d s i z e . I t i s t h e n m o s t l i k e l y t h a t t h e r e i s a n i n t e r c o r r e l a t i o n i n t h e d a t a from

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume r e g a r d i n g l e v e l o f l i v i n g , h o u s e h o l d s i z e a n d c a t t l e ownership.

(The c o r r e l a t i o n between l e v e l o f l i v i n g and c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p i s

s i g n i f i c a n t a t t h e 0.001 l e v e l . )

To own c a t t l e i s u n d o u b t e d l y t h e most i m -

p o r t a n t r u r a l a s s e t a t t h e h o u s e h o l d l e v e l , and t h e r e f o r e t h e f u n d a m e n t a l f a c t o r of d i f f e r e n t i a t i o n .

T h i s i s s u b s t a n t i a t e d by t h e l a c k o f c o r r e l a t i o n

b o t h b e t w e e n l e v e l o f l i v i n g and whether t h e m a l e head o r woman i n t h e househ o l d i s i n c h a r g e of c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n and between l e v e l of l l v l n y and w h c t l ~ e r o r n o t t h e husband i s h e l p i n g i n a g r i c u l t u r a l t a s k s .

I n f i g u r e s 1 0 and 11 t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p shows a skewed and c o n s t a n t p a t t e r n a t t h e n a t i o n a l l e v e l a n d a n o t s o skewed b u t a n i n c r e a s i n g l y more u n e q u a l o w n e r s h i p i n L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

By e x c l u d i n g t h e

F i g u r e 11.

D i s t r i b u t i o n of c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p Botswana.

1975 and 1981.

%

Note. Source:

cattle- owning households

Households without c a t t l e a r e excluded. C a l c u l a t e d from RIDS- data 1976, M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e , A g r i c u l t u r a l S t a t i s t i c s 1981.

f r e e h o l d and l e a s e h o l d f a r m s from a c a l c u l a t i o n a t n a t i o n a l l e v e l , t h e G i n i c o e f f i c i e n t (0.63) i s s t i l l higher t h a n t h e one found f o r Letlhakeng and Tutume.

The median number o f c a t t l e i s 1 5 i n L e t l h a k e n g ( i . e .

t h e h o u s e h o l d s owning c a t t l e h a v e 1 5 o r l e s s ) . from 1 5 t o 1 7 b e t w e e n 1976 and 1980. from 1 6 t o 22.

50% o f

I n Tutume t h e median r o s e

N a t i o n a l l y , t h e median i n c r e a s e d

S i n c e t h e d r o u g h t i n t h e e a r l y 1 9 6 0 s , t h e p e r c e n t a g e of

r u r a l h o u s e h o l d s w i t h o u t c a t t l e h a s d e c r e a s e d somewhat. t h e r u r a l h o u s e h o l d s d i d n o t h a v e any c a t t l e . 1 9 7 1 g a v e a f i g u r e o f 41%. t h e p e r c e n t a g e t o b e 40.

I n 1966 49% o f

The P o p u l a t i o n C e n s u s o f

I n 1979 V i e r i c h and Sheppard ( 1 9 8 0 ) e s t i m a t e d

The a b o v e f i g u r e s s t a n d i n s h a r p c o n t r a s t t o

what S c h a p e r a f o u n d i n t h e 1 9 4 0 s - l e s s t h a n 1 0 % o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s were then without c a t t l e (Schapera 1947).

The c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f c a t t l e owner-

s h i p h a s b e e n p a r t i c u l a r l y pronounced among t h e v e r y few b i g owners ( t a b l e 321.

Table 32.

Concentration of c a t t l e ownership.

Botswana.

1 9 7 5 and 1981.

1975 9.5%

o f c a t t l e owning h o u s e h o l d s had

50.1% o f t h e c a t t l e

0 . 0 4 % o f c a t t l e owning h o u s e h o l d s had

3.6% o f t h e c a t t l e

9.2%

o f c a t t l e owning h o u s e h o l d s had

54.1% o f t h e c a t t l e

0.03% o f c a t t l e owning h o u s e h o l d s had

14.9% of t h e c a t t l e

Source:

C a l c u l a t e d from C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e , RIDS 1976, M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e , A g r i c u l t u r a l S t a t i s t i c s 1981.

Note.

I t s h o u l d b e s t r e s s e d t h a t t h e d a t a on c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p u s e d , a r e

b a s e d o n s a m p l e s t a k e n b y t h e M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e , and d o n o t i n c l u d e t h e handful of persons w i t h t e n s of thousands of c a t t l e .

I n 1 9 8 1 1 9 " c a t t l e f a r m s " ( i n d i v i d u a l o w n e r s h i p ) had 6% o f t h e t o t a l n a t i o n a l herd.

T h e i r h e r d s were on a v e r a g e a b o v e 1 0 000.

T h e s e b i g owners a r e

mainly c h i e f s o r r e l a t i v e s t o c h i e f s . Thus, t h e initial inequality is a cause of today's inequality. S i n c e t h e c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p h a s b e e n e s p e c i a l l y s t r o n g among t h e b i g owners and t h e G i n i c o e f f i c i e n t s h a v e n o t changed s i g n i f i c a n t l y even from t h e l a t e 1960s when it was r e -

p o r t e d t o b e 0.69

( s a m p l e o f o n l y 450 h o u s e h o l d s , M i n i s t r y o f A g r i c u l t u r e

1 9 7 1 ) , t h e many s m a l l e r o r medium owners must h a v e i n c r e a s e d t h e i r h e r d s d u r i n g t h e good r a i n s i n t h e s e c o n d h a l f o f t h e 1 9 7 0 s .

The r e l a t i v e i n -

c r e a s e h a s b e e n i n t h e number o f h o u s e h o l d s h a v i n g 21 t o 60 c a t t l e , w h e r e a s t h e r e h a s b e e n a r e l a t i v e d e c r e a s e i n t h e number w i t h 1 t o 20.

The

high concentration regarding c a t t l e wealth is i n p a r t due t o t h e purchase o f meat b y EEC.

I n 1976/77, f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e p r i c e o n b o n e l e s s b e e f t h a t

t h e Botswana Meat Commission (BMC) o b t a i n e d t h r o u g h t h e Lome' C o n v e n t i o n , was 49% h i g h e r t h a n t h e w o r l d m a r k e t p r i c e ( J e s k e 1 9 7 8 ) .

Massow (1981)

m a i n t a i n t h a t t h i s " a i d " t o Botswana worsens t h e skewed income d i s t r i b u t i o n among a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s i n Botswana by t h e way t h e b e n e f i t s a r e a l l o c a t e d among t h o s e i n v o l v e d i n t h e c a t t l e s e c t o r .

D a t a i s n o t a v a i l a b l e r e g a r d i n g income i n e q u a l i t y i n g e n e r a l a t n a t i o n a l level. i n 1975.

The RIDS- report r e v e a l s a G i n i c o e f f i c i e n t a t 0.52 f o r r u r a l a r e a s I t i s n o t p o s s i b l e t o s a y whether o r n o t t h i s f i g u r e h a s increased.

The f i g u r e , which would b e h i g h e r i f u r b a n c e n t r e s were i n c l u d e d , d e p i c t s a more skewed d i s t r i b u t i o n t h a n m o s t o t h e r T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s .

There i s a n

i n c r e a s i n g g a p b e t w e e n f o r m a l u r b a n minimum wages and incomes d e r i v a b l e from s e E e m p l o y m e n t , which i s m a i n l y a g r i c u l t u r e

(Lipton 1980).

between t h o s e w i t h wage work h a s i n c r e a s e d from 1976 t o 1980.

Inequality The wages f o r

C i v i l S e r v a n t s i n c r e a s e d w i t h 4 1 t o 50% form t h e s e c r e t a r i a l t o t h e s u p e r s c a l e , w h e r e a s t h e " i n d u s t r i a l c l a s s " ( u n s k i l l e d and s e m i - s k i l l e d ) o n l y r e c e i v e d a 20% i n c r e a s e .

The c o s t o f l i v i n g i n d e x f o r a l l i t e m s and a l l i n -

come g r o u p s r o s e b y 36 p e r c e n t a g e - p o i n t s i n t h e same p e r i o d (August 1980 = 100) ( D i r e c t o r a t e of Personnel 1981, C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e , B u l l e t i n s 1979 and 1 9 8 2 ) .

The s k i l l e d w o r k e r s h a v e t h u s improved t h e i r l e v e l o f li-

v i n g n o t o n l y r e l a t i v e t o o t h e r w o r k e r s and a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c e r s b u t a s t h e o n l y g r o u p b e s i d e s b i g c a t t l e owners a l s o I n r e a l t e r m s .

However,

most u r b a n w o r k e r s e a r n t o o l i t t l e t o s u p p o r t t h e i r f a m i l i e s on t h e i r wages alone (table 3 3 ) .

A s much a s t w o - t h i r d s o f t h e sample i n c l u d e d i n t h e em-

ployment s u r v e y i n Gaborone i n 1 9 8 1 had wages below t h e established by t h e government.

P o v e r t y Datum L i n e

This i s not d i r e c t l y given i n t h e t a b l e

s i n c e a number o f t h e h o u s e h o l d s below t h e PDL f o r a normal h o l d h a v e f e w e r members. members.

s i z e d house-

However, some h o u s e h o l d s above t h e l i n e h a v e more

S i n c e t h e d i s t r i b u t i o n o f h o u s e h o l d s i z e on income g r o u p s i s n o t

known, t h e r e l i a b i l i t y o f t h e above c o n c l u s i o n c a n n o t b e a s s e s s e d .

Further-

more, some s c h o l a r s m a i n t a i n t h a t t h e PDL i s s e t a t t o o h i g h a l e v e l .

Watanabe and Mueller (1984), f o r i n s t a n c e , suggest t h a t an income of 75% of t h e PDL cut- off p o i n t shouUd b e used r e g a r d i n g t h e r u r a l RIDS.

To be

on t h e s a f e s i d e , one may s a y t h a t w e l l above h a l f of t h e households i n

Gaborone must have incomes from other sources o r f r m more than one wage emer.

The NMS (1982) a r r i v e d a t t h e f i g u r e 50% f o r t h e towns on average.

The q l ~ e s t i o nposed was i n t h a t survey somewhat more narrow, t h a t i s , those households i n urban c e n t r e s having f i e l d s , c a t t l e o r both i n a d d i t i o n t o urban incomes.

To sum up, t i m e - s e r i e s d a t a a r e n o t a v a i l a b l e on income i n Botswana i n geI f c a t t l e and wages a r e used a s i n d i c a t o r s , i n e q u a l i t y has been

neral.

increasing between 1976 and 1980.

Moreover, t h e i n e q u a l i t y was already very

high by 1976 compared t o other c o u n t r i e s , and t h e r e are few i n d i c a t i o n s on probable changes i n t h i s p i c t u r e i n t h e immediate future.

POVERTY

Few households a r e without any source of income.

I n Tutume n o t more than

a handful of households depend e n t i r e l y on handouts from r e l a t i v e s and neighbours.

I n Letlhakeng t h e p r o p o r t i o n of such households i n c r e a s e d from 5 t o

8% from 1976 t o 1980.

Other r e l e v a n t groups of households t o i n c l u d e i n

a d d i t i o n t o t h e s e households i n o r d e r t o e s t a b l i s h t h e c a t e g o r y d e s t i t u t e

households, a r e t h o s e occupied with:

Beerbrewing o n l y , a g r i c u l t u r a l labour

o n l y , n o n - a g r i c u l t u r a l work f o r l o c a l households only and any combination of these a c t i v i t i e s .

Almost a l l households with t h e s e occupations a r e of t h e

l e v e l of l i v i n g group 3. destitutes.

Those who a r e n o t , a r e excluded from t h e category

Table 34 shows t h a t even i n t h i s more encompassing c a t e g o r y ,

few households a r e found r e g a r d i n g Tutume.

poverty i s r e l a t i v e l y widespread.

I n Letlhakeng, on t h e o t h e r hand,

The d e s t i t u t e households a r e t h e house-

h o l d s w i t h t h e lowest l e v e l of l i v i n g index- values. be the p o o r e s t of t h e poor. female households.

They may t h u s be s a i d t o

A s expected, t h e s e households c o n s i s t mostly of

I n Tutume a l l of them a r e female.

I n Letlhakeng t h e

d i f f i c u l t y of g e t t i n g work i n t h e gold mines i n South A f r i c a has changed t h i s pattern.

I n 1976 20% of t h e d e s t i t u t e households i n t h i s v i l l a g e had

a grown-up male member a t home, whereas t h e f i g u r e had i n c r e a s e d t o 30% by 1980.

The f i g u r e s nonetheless underline t h e problems women without c a t t l e

i n the r u r a l areas have i n t h e agrarian t r a n s i t i o n during which men increa-

singzy take port i n modem economic a c t i v i t i e s .

The main r e a s o n f o r t h e

p r o b l e m s i s t h a t women s t a y b a c k w i t h t h e c h i l d r e n i n a partZy t r a n s formed a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r .

T a b l e 34.

D e s t i t u t e households. 1976 a n d 1980.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

Percent. Tutume 1976 1980

Letlhakeng 1976 1980 No s o u r c e o f income

5

8

Low r e m u n e r a t i v e s o u r c e o f income

14

13

D e s t i t u t e households

19

21

3

1

Basic poverty c a l c u l a t e d by o w n e r s h i p o f b l a n k e t s ( t a b l e 35) p o r t r a y s a s u b s t a n t i a l improvement i n t h i s o n e - d i m e n s i o n a l view of " a b s o l u t e p o v e r t y " .

T a b l e 35.

Basic poverty.

L e t l h a k e n g and Tutume.

1976 a n d 1980.

Households w i t h l e s s t h a n one b l a n k e t p e r p e r s o n

Note.

Percent.

Tuturne

Letlhakeng 1976

1980

1976

1980

61

13

38

10

Only h o u s e h o l d members a b o v e 5 y e a r s s t a y i n g a t home a r e i n c l u d e d .

Although v i r t u a l l y a l l h o u s e h o l d s i n Tutume h a v e income s o u r c e s o t h e r t h a n l o w r e m u n e r a t i v e o n e s , 10% were b a s i c l y p o o r i n 1980.

The c a t e g o r i e s d e s -

t i t u t e and b a s i c l y poor a r e o f course n o t mutually exclusive.

Both measure

i n d i r e c t l y " a b s o l u t e p o v e r t y " i n a minimum r e q u i r e m e n t s e n s e .

The p r o p o r -

t i o n of Y ~ Z a t i vpoor ~ 1980.

i n c r e a s e d i n L e t l h a k e n g from 3 1 t o 41% from 1976 t o

The f i g u r e s f o r Tutume were 1 3 a n d 7% r e s p e c t i v e l y .

a r e somewhat d i f f e r e n t from t h o s e g i v e n i n c h a p t e r 7 .

(The f i g u r e s

The r e a s o n f o r t h i s

i s t h e need t o u s e d i f f e r e n t a v e r a g e v a l u e s i n t h e c a l c u l a t i o n o f t h e l e v e l

of l i v i n g i n d e x .

The o b j e c t i v e i s h e r e t o compare l e v e l s o f l i v i n g o v e r

s p a c e and t i m e , and n o t t o u s e t h e g r o u p s a s a d e p e n d e n t v a r i a b l e i n analyses.

For f u r t h e r e x p l a n a t i o n s e e Hesselberg 1984.)

The p r o p o r t i o n of

only r e z a t i v e l y poor h o u s e h o l d s ( r e l a t i v e l y p o o r minus d e s t i t u t e househ o l d s ) h a s d e c l i n e d i n Tutume from 1 0 t o 6 % , w h e r e a s t h e f i g u r e f o r L e t l h a keng h a s i n c r e a s e d from 1 2 t o 21%.

T h i s i m p l i e s t h a t there i s a consider-

able d i f f e r e n c e between LetZhakeng and Tutwne regarding poverty i n 1980. A t the nationuZ l e u e l , t h e nwnber o f poor households has probably increased

in absoZute and decreased i n r e l a t i v e terms during t h e 1370s.

I t i s now

e s t i m a t e d t h a t o n e - t h i r d o f t h e p o p u l a t i o n l i v e s below t h e PDL (Od6n 1 9 8 1 ) . The PDL i s c a l c u l a t e d on t h e b a s i s o f minimum f o o d a n d o t h e r r e q u i r e m e n t s a c c o r d i n g t o t h e a g e a n d s e x c o m p o s i t i o n o f e a c h h o u s e h o l d i n t h e sample i n 1974/75 i n r u r a l a r e a s a n d i n 1 9 7 5 i n u r b a n c e n t r e s ( C e n t r a l S t a t i s t i c s O f f i c e 1976 a , 1976 b ) .

T h e r e h a s b e e n no s i m i l a r i n v e s t i g e t i o n s l a t e r .

The s t a n d a r d f o r t h e f o r m e r PDL was s e t a t a minimum s t a n d a r d l e v e l , wherea s t h e l a t t e r was a l i t t l e more i n c l u s i v e .

The two PDLs a r e t h u s n o t d i -

r e c t l y comparable.

I n 1 9 7 5 it was f o u n d t h a t 45% o f t h e r u r a l p o p u l a t i o n

were below t h e PDL.

The f i g u r e f o r t h e v a r i o u s towns l a y b e t w e e n 36 and

47%.

Egner and Klausen (1980) e s t i m a t e t h a t 250 000 p e r s o n s ( 3 0 % ) would

now b e below t h e s t a n d a r d s e t b y t h e PDL.

They f u r t h e r e s t i m a t e t h a t

1 5 000 ( 2 % ) a r e " c h r o n i c d e s t i t u t e s " ( w i t h o u t v i s i b l e o r known means of support)

.

From t h e m a g n i t u d e s o f t h e f i g u r e s on incomes a t d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s , t h e r e

i s no d o u b t t h a t poverty i n Botswana i s of t h e secondary and n o t primary

kind.

The n u t r i t i o n a l s t a n d a r d would b e a d e q u a t e i f r e d i s t r i b u t i o n were

u n d e r t a k e n , a l t h o u g h FAO (1977) e s t i m a t e s u n d e r n o u r i s h m e n t t o a p p l y t o 36% o f B o t s w a n a ' s p o p u l a t i o n i n t h e 1.972-1974 p e r i o d .

I n f a c t , B o t s w a n a ' s own

d q r i c u l t u r a l production t o g e t h e r w i t h food imports have never i n t h e postIndependence p e r i o d s u f f i c e d t o r e a c h a p e r person d i e t a r y energy supply a c c o r d i n g t o r e q u i r e m e n t s ( 2 320 k c a l / p e r s o n / d a y ,

FAO 1 9 8 1 a ) .

I n normal

y e a r s t h e d a i l y d i e t is u s u a l l y adequate during t h e r a i n y season.

The f o o d

s h o r t a g e i s e x p e r i e n c e d f o r many h o u s e h o l d s a t t h e end o f t h e d r y s e a s o n . I f r a i n f a l l f a i l s , a s h a s happened i n 1982 and i n 1983, f o o d r e l i e f p r o -

grammes a r e n e c e s s a r y o n e l a r g e s c a l e .

The government h a s now t a k e n o v e r

t h e r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s t h a t t h e c h i e f s u s e d t o have r e g a r d i n g d r o u g h t r e l i e f .

I n A p r i l 1982 P r e s i d e n t Masire d e c l a r e d Botswana d r o u g h t - s t r i k e n and asked t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l community t o a s s i s t i n t h e most s e r i o u s drought i n 10 years.

Next A p r i l t h e P r e s i d e n t had t o a p p e a l f o r c o n t i n u e d s u p p o r t .

At

t h e same time h e s a i d t h a t t h e p r i o r i t y t a s k of D i s t r i c t O f f i c i a l s would be r e l i e f programmes.

The d r o u g h t a f f l i c t i n g l a r g e p a r t s of A f r i c a , i n -

c l u d i n q most of Southern A f r i c a , which was n o t t h e c a s e d u r i n g t h e s o c a l l e d S a h e l i a n d r o u g h t i n t h e e a r l y 1970s, i s now c o n s i d e r e d t o be t h e w o r s t i n t h i s c e n t u r y (The Times 27/7- 83).

I t is further reported t h a t deaths re-

l a t e d t o m a l n u t r i t i o n i n South A f r i c a have i n c r e a s e d s h a r p l y .

The govern-

ment of Botswana and o t h e r T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s a r e on t h i s background a r g u i n g i n i n t e r n a t i o n a l f o r a f o r t h e need t o d e v i s e n a t i o n a l and i n t e r n a t i o n a l food s t r a t e g i e s which do n o t depend on s h o r t term and c o s t l y r e l i e f programmes ( D a i l y News 8/7- 83).

The government's own r e s p o n s e was t o

g i v e P40 p e r h e c t a r e l a n d c l e a r e d (maximum 3 ha p e r household) and 20 k i l o s of s e e d s f r e e . country.

Obviously, d r o u g h t s r e t a r d t h e g e n e r a l development of a

The p o s i t i v e a s p e c t f o r Botswana i s t h e a t t e n t i o n which suddenly

h a s been p a i d t o t h e l o n g n e g l e c t e d c r o p c u l t i v a t i o n .

Social development has been favourable i n Botswana i n t h e 1970s ( t a b l e 3 6 ) . I n 1966 h a l f of t h e c h i l d r e n t h a t ought t o a t t e n d primary s c h o o l , d i d so. I n 1980 71% a t t e n d e d ( c a l c u l a t e d from [email protected] 1 9 8 2 ) . has e v i d e n t l y

improved tremendously.

Social infrastructure

For i n s t a n c e , now a s much a s 78% of

t h e p o p u l a t i o n l i v e w i t h i n 1 5 k i l o m e t r e s of a h e a l t h f a c i l i t y (Egner and Klausen 1 9 8 0 ) .

The c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t b a s i c s o c i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e h a s been

made a c c e s s i b l e t o most p e o p l e , a t t h e same time a s i n e q u a l i t y and p o v e r t y persist.

I n f u t u r e Botswana's r a p i d p o p u l a t i o n i n c r e a s e and young popula-

t i o n w i l l p r o b a b l y c r e a t e problems i n m a i n t a i n i n g , n o t t o speak of improving, b a s i c h e a l t h and e d u c a t i o n which t o a l a r g e e x t e n t have been p r o v i d e d by i n t e r n a t i o n a l a i d donors.

Table 36.

S e l e c t e d i n d i c a t o r s of s o c i a l development.

Botswana. Sub-Saharan A f r i c a (weighted average)

L i f e expectancy a t b i r t h , y e a r s I n f a n t m o r t a l i t y r a t e , 0/00

Source:

40

45

48

39

47

115

100

87

38

25

E s t i m a t e s based on UN Demographic Yearbook 1981, UN S t a t i s t i c a l Yearbook 1979/80 and e a r l i e r e d i t i o n s .

World Bank 1981 b.

CONCLUSION

I n c h a p t e r 8 it was m a i n t a i n e d t h a t p o v e r t y d i d n o t e x i s t i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l Tswana s o c i e t i e s a l t h o u g h t h e number and d i v e r s i t y of m a t e r i a l goods a v a i l a b l e t o t h e households were low. t i v e l y new phenomenon. e a r l i e r times.

P o v e r t y can t h u s be s a i d t o be a r e l a -

I n e q u a l i t y , on t h e o t h e r hand, e x i s t e d a l s o i n

T h i s i n e q u a l i t y was a t a r e l a t i v e l y low l e v e l .

Moreover,

This i s a contrast t o the

t h e d e g r e e of i n e q u a l i t y was f a i r l y s t a b l e .

growing g a p between groups of p e o p l e i n r e c e n t t i m e s .

S i n c e 1976 t h e over-

a l l degree of i n e q u a l i t y i s n o t becoming s i g n i f i c a n t l y h i g h e r - it i s a l r e a d y v e r y h i g h compared t o an i n t e r n a t i o n a l s t a n d a r d .

I n e q u a l i t y i n Botswana i s p r i m a r i l y a q u e s t i o n of c a t t l e ownership ar:c? t o a l e s s e r e x t e n t due t o w e l l - p a i d s k i l l e d and permanent jobs i n urban c e n t r e s . Both n a t i o n a l s t a t i s t i c s and d a t a from v i l l a g e s t u d i e s show t h a t i n e q u a l i t y h a s accompanied economic growth s i n c e Independence.

The h i g h government r e -

venues from diamond mining and c a t t l e e x p o r t s p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e second h a l f of t h e 1970s were m o s t l y used f o r p h y s i c a l and s o c i a l i n f r a s t r u c t u r e . P r o d u c t i v e a c t i v i t i e s which c o u l d p r o v i d e poor p e o p l e w i t h a n income, d i d n o t g e t a comparable a t t e n t i o n .

Poverty i s t h u s a p e r s i s t e n t phenomenon i n

Botswana. I s poverty then primarily created i n d i r e c t l y from s o c i e t a z e v o l u t i o n v i a t h e agrarian t r a n s i t i o n ?

T h i s i s an i m p o r t a n t q u e s t i o n because i f p o v e r t y stems

d i r e c t b ~ f r o me i t h e r s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n o r p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s f o r a g r i c u l t u r e , p o v e r t y i s n o t l i k e l y t o be e a s i l y a l l e v i a t e d through a g r a r i a n p o l i cies.

On t h e o t h e r hand, i f t h e cause of p o v e r t y can be t r a c e d from s o c i e -

t a l e v o l u t i o n through a g r i c u l t u r e o t h e r t h a n p h y s i c a l c o n d i t i o n s , t h e n agrar i a n p o l i c i e s may be used t o combat p o v e r t y . finding t h a t

I t i s a c c o r d i n g l y an i m p o r t a n t

poverty i n Botswana i s s t i l l mainly associated w i t h r u r a l areas

and a g r i c u l t u r e .

I t i s o n l y t o a minor

e x t e n t c r e a t e d by s o c i e t a l evolu-

t l o n unconnected t o t h e a g r ~ c u l t u r a ls e c t o r .

An example o f t h i s l a t t e r

p o i n t i s t h e u n s k i l l e d c a s u a l urban workers w i t h o u t o t h e r s o u r c e s of income who have had a d e c l i n i n g

r e a l wage.

P r o b a b l y , one- fourth of Gaborone's

p o p u l a t i o n e s c a p e s p o v e r t y because t h e y combine urban c a s u a l wages w i t h a g r i culture.

M o s t w i t h permanent employment f i n d no d i f f i c u l t i e s i n s u s t a i n i n g

t h e i r f a m i l i e s on t h e i r i n c r e a s i n g wages.

The f a c t t h a t many workers i n

Gaborone ( t a b l e 33) e a r n l e s s than t h e PDL i s connected t o t h e high p r i c e s of l i v i n g i n t h e c a p i t a l .

Most of t h e s e workers cannot be s a i d t o be poor.

The physical conditions for a g r i c u l t u r e can furthermore n o t be said t o be

t h e leading cause of poverty.

No one lack a c c e s s t o land a s such.

The r e -

c u r r e n t droughts, however, c o n s t i t u t e a mechanism of poverty c r e a t i o n today. This was n o t so e a r l i e r .

Droughts may t h u s r a t h e r be s a i d t o amplify t h e

consequences of mechanisms c a t e g o r i z e d under t h e s o c i e t a l e v o l u t i o n heading than being an i s o l a t e d f o r c e .

Changes i n t h e c o n d i t i o n s f o r a g r i c u l t u r e i n

a narrow sense have n e i t h e r d i r e c t l y r e s u l t e d i n p e r s i s t e n t poverty f o r a few nor i n mass p o v e r t y , although some households undoubtedly have become poor through bad h a r v e s t s from time t o time.

The main reason for poverty i n Botswana thus l i e s i n changes a f f e c t i n g agric u l t u r e brought about b y t h e general s o c i e t a l evoZution.

F i r s t , t h e terms

of t r a d e of a g r i c u l t u r e i s discouraging p e a s a n t s from modernizing t h e i r production process.

The n e g a t i v e t r e n d of p r i c e s on a g r i c u l t u r a l o u t p u t com-

pared t o p r i c e s on o t h e r p r o d u c t s , t o wages and i n t e r n a l l y t o t h e a g r i c u l t u r a l s e c t o r t o c a t t l e , c r e a t e s a n e g a t i v e e x p e c t a t i o n of p o s s i b l e income der i v a b l e from crop production i n f u t u r e .

The reason f o r i n f l a t i o n i s not p r i -

m a r i l y found i n Botswana b u t a t t h e i n t e r n a t i o n a l l e v e l .

Since Botswana has

a modern urban s e c t o r dependent on i n t e r n a t i o n a l sources of c a p i t a l and technology, t h e country i s f o r c e d t o "import" i n f l a t i o n .

The t r a d i t i o n a l

s e c t o r i n Botswana i s t h u s i n f l u e n c e d by t h e e x i s t e n c e of t h e modern s e c t o r . This common s i t u a t i o n f o r Third World c o u n t r i e s ought t o be ameliorated by government p o l i c i e s toward p e a s a n t production, i n t h i s c a s e crop c u l t i v a t i o n ( i . e . mixed farming - crops and c a t t l e t o g e t h e r ) .

Second, t h e preoccupation

with c a t t l e , p a r t i c u l a r l y i n t h e 1970s, among those with c a p i t a l and p o l i t i c a l power has made a g r i c u l t u r a l p o l i c i e s g e n e r a l l y and s u b s i d i e s e s p e c i a l l y c l e a r l y biased.

Third, t h e l a c k of manpower i n t h e r u r a l a r e a s due t o t h e

above p r o c e s s , has r e s u l t e d i n drop- out from crop c u l t i v a t i o n regarding mainly female households without c a t t l e .

P e a s a n t - c u l t i v a t o r s become poor

when they have i n s u f f i c i e n t l a b o u r , equipment and animals t o c u l t i v a t e .

There

i s t h u s a skewed ownership of production r e s o u r c e s simultaneous with a r e duction i n t r a d i t i o n a l mechanisms of r e d i s t r i b u t i o n of a s s e t s .

This reduction

has n o t y e t been f u l l y r e p l a c e d by n a t i o n a l a g r a r i a n and o t h e r p o l i c i e s .

In

p a r t i c u l a r , l a c k of labour t o c l e a r new land becomes a c o n s t r a i n t on a g r i c u l t u r a l production when t h e system of mutual h e l p i s l e s s common than i t used

t o be.

This c o n s t r a i n t may be d e c i s i v e f o r many households because f e r -

t i l i z e r s and manure a r e n o t g e n e r a l l y used.

The wages poor pure peasant-

c u l t i v a t o r s can a f f o r d t o pay h i r e d labour a r e t o o low t o induce an adequate supply.

I n Barolong, f o r i n s t a n c e , t h e farmers t a k e about a l l a v a i l -

a b l e labour because t h e y can pay somewhat b e t t e r wages.

I f t h e finding i s c o r r e c t t h a t poverty i s mainly created b y s o c i e t a l forces through t h e i r impact on a g r i c u l t u r e , agrarian p o l i c i e s counteracting such adverse forces may have a d e c i s i v e e f f e c t on poverty a l l e v i a t i o n .

~t i s

accordingly of i n t e r e s t t o d i s c u s s t h e most r e c e n t p o l i c i e s i n t h i s r e s p e c t .

CHAPTER 11 AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT

I n t h i s c h a p t e r t h e main e f f o r t s w i t h a p o t e n t i a l i m p a c t o n a g r i c u l t u r a l production a r e b r i e f l y described.

Agrarian p o l i c i e s a r e then discussed

i n v i e w o f a t t a i n i n g b o t h improved p r o d u c t i o n , l e v e l s o f l i v i n g a n d employment.

POLICIES AND PROGRAMMES RELEVANT FOR AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT I N BOTSWANA

I n e q u a l i t y i s n o t stemming p r i m a r i l y from wage employment o r b u s i n e s s b u t

is inherent i n the agrarian sector.

The i n e q u a l i t y among a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o -

d u c e r s h a s , however, b e e n r e i n f o r c e d b y t h e growing modern u r b a n s e c t o r b e c a u s e t h o s c who o b t a i n h i g h e r l e v e l employment h a v e r e l a t i v e l y h i g h educ a t i o n which i s m o s t l y f o u n d among t h e w e a l t h y p e a s a n t s , f a r m e r s a n d r a n chers.

I n Botswana t h e r e i s a c c o r d i n g l y a w e a l t h y e l i t e t h a t combine u r b a n

employment w i t h a g r i c u l t u r a l p r o d u c t i o n .

Moreover, s i n c e p o v e r t y i s s t i l l

m a i n l y a r u r a l phenomenon, i n e q u a l i t y and p o v e r t y may y e t b e a m e l i o r a t e d by attacking the agrarian sector.

I f t h i s i s c o r r e c t , Botswana h a s , i n con-

t r a s t t o many o t h e r T h i r d World c o u n t r i e s , a r a t h e r u n i q u e p o s s i b i l i t y t o improve t h e l e v e l o f l i v i n g a n d f u t u r e p r o s p e c t s o f t h e m a j o r i t y o f i t s population.

;he a p r a r i ~ lp o l i c i e s should hence have t h e t v i n o b j e c t i v e s

of improving t o t a l a g r i c u l t u r a l production ancl increase employment m d inCOmR

o f those engaged i n a g r i c u l t u r e .

The c o n t r a d i c t i o n which i s o f t e n s e e n

between h i g h e r p r o d u c t i o n a n d h i g h e r employment must t h u s b e s o l v e d .

This

may b e p o s s i b l e i n Botswana, n o t a s a permanent a d a p t a t i o n b u t a s a s o l u t i o n c h o s e n u n t i l enough w o r k p l a c e s c a n b e c r e a t e d i n o t h e r s e c t o r s o f t h e economy.

The s o l u t i o n r e s t s on t h e among s c h o l a r s i n Botswana commonly h e l d

view t h a t a larger crop output primarily i s a question o f b e t t e r c o n d i t i o n

o f m d access t o draught-oxen t h a t plough larger f i e l d s .

then t h e answer.

T h i s was t h e t r a d i t i o n a l f a r m i n g s y s t e m .

>Il'zed farming -is Oland ( 1 9 8 2 ) ,

f o r i n s t a n c e , s e t s t h e f i g u r e o f t h e a r e a o f a n i n d i v i d u a l l y f e n c e d mixed farm t o 1 0 0 h e c t a r e s , which would a l l o w a team o f 8 d r a u g h t - o x e n t o g r a z e adjacent t o the fields.

Land i s a v a i l a b l e f o r s u c h i n Botswana l a r g e f a r m s ,

a l t h o u g h r e s e t t l e m e n t would b e n e c e s s a r y a s w e l l a s a s h i f t away from a p r i -

m a r i l y v i l l a g e based s e t t l e m e n t p a t t e r n of a g r i c u l t u r a l producers.

To re-

s t o r e t h e ready access t o draught-power inherent i n t h e t r a d i t i o n a l farming system, means t h a t t h e skewed owlership p a t t e r n of c a t t l e has t o be t a c k l e d . To s u b s i d i z e t r a c t o r s , so t h a t t h e technology becomes modern on a wide s c a l e , would, i f s u c c e s s f u l l y adopted, imply d r a s t i c a l l y improved land p r o d u c t i v i t y . The t o t a l production would t h u s soon exceed t h e need of t h e n a t i o n f o r crops. This might t o some e x t e n t be countered by c u l t i v a t i o n of fodder crops f o r livestock.

To f i n d e x p o r t markets would n o t be easy f o r Botswana.

(Since

1981 EEC has even taken t h e s h a r e Botswana e a r l i e r had of t h e Angolan

meat market, Clay 1983.)

To f u l f i l 1 t h e o b j e c t i v e of employment i n t h e s h o r t

and medium run animal draught-power should b e a p p l i e d .

Moreover, s p a t i a l arrangement c o n s t i t u t e e s s e n t i a l components of any s t r a t e g y f o r a g r i c u l t u r a l development.

The p l a n s w i l l furthermore be

a s s e s s e d i n view of how they promote o r impede an e f f i c i e n t and rewarding mixed farming.

T r i b a l Grazing L a d P o l i q TGLP was formulated i n a White Paper i n 1975.

and Feldman's consultancy r e p o r t of 1973.

The paper was based on Chambers

The main i d e a was t o zone Bots-

wana's t r i b a l land i n t o "commercial" and "communal" a r e a s .

The category " r e -

s e r v e a r e a s " was a l s o suggested, b u t has never been a p p l i e d . land ( 2 5 % i n 1980) i s " n o t y e t zoned".

I n s t e a d some

Commercial ranches with minimum 400

c a t t l e f o r i n d i v i d u a l o r group management a g a i n s t a minimal r e n t a f t e r a grace p e r i o d of 3 y e a r s comprise 12%, whereas "communal a r e a s " cover 30% of Botswana (Sandford 1 9 8 0 ) .

The "communal a r e a s " r e p r e s e n t 8 k i l o -

metres r a d i u s c i r c l e s around v i l l a g e s . l i s h 100 h e c t a r e s mixed farms.

This i s f a r from enough t o e s t a b -

The o b j e c t i v e i s t o g e t t h e l a r g e herd owners

and groups of medium herd owners t o move t h e i r c a t t l e away from t h e o f t e n overgrazed village-close lands ( M i n i s t r y of A g r i c u l t u r e 1981 c ) .

Furthermore,

t h e management p r a c t i c e s i n t h e "commercial a r e a s " should improve so a s t o avoid a f u r t h e r degradation of t h e range.

In s h o r t , t h e problem of t h e "com-

mons" was intended t o be solved without a change t o p r i v a t e p r o p e r t y b u t t o

a d e f a c t o e x c l u s i v e r i g h t of usage.

A number o f f a c t o r s a r e r e s p o n s i b l e

f o r a n o n - a t t a i n m e n t o f t h e s e o b j e c t i v e s a s w e l l a s t h e e x p l i c i t l y exp r e s s e d v i e w t h a t t h e r e f o r m would r e d u c e i n e q u a l i t y o f c a t t l e o w n e r s h i p :

1.

No maximum c a t t l e q u o t a was e s t a b l i s h e d f o r t h e "communal a r e a s " .

The

l a r g e c a t t l e owners s t i l l h a v e p a r t o f t h e i r h e r d i n t h e "communal a r e a s " . And when t h e g r a z i n g d e t e r i o r a t e s i n t h e " commercial a r e a s " , t h e y move t h e i r c a t t l e l e g a l l y t o t h e "communal a r e a s " . a l l e v i a t e d i n trie "cornmunai a r e a s " .

Thus, o v e r g r a z i n g i s n o t

On t h e c o n t r a r y , t h e back-

f l o w o f c a t t l e from t h e r a n c h e s , which was u n e x p e c t e d , s e r i o u s l y t h r e a t e n s t h e "communal a r e a s "

(Behnke 1 9 8 2 ) .

2. Group r - n c h e s h a v e n o t b e e n e s t a b -

T h i s i s due b o t h t o u n w i l l i n g n e s s o n t h e p a r t o f t h e p e a s a n t s and

lished.

t o t h e power o f t h e l a r g e owners.

The medium and s m a l l owners t h u s have t o

k e e p t h e i r c a t t l e i n "communal a r e a s " and a r e no l o n g e r a l l o w e d s e a s o n a l l y o r when d r o u g h t comes t o move t h e i r c a t t l e t o t h e now " c o m m e r c i a l l y zoned areas".

The g r o u p r a n c h e s t h a t h a v e been t r i e d , have b e e n u n s u c c e s s f u l and

no l o n g e r e x i s t

(Sandford 1980).

3. To m a n y ' s s u r p r i s e , t h e

"empty" a r e a s i n which commercial r a n c h e s s h o u l d b e e s t a b l i s h e d , c o n t a i n e d c a t t l e p o s t s , permanent l i v i n g a g r i c u l t u r a l l a b o u r e r s a n d e v e n some p e a s a n t s . E v i c t i o n o f p e o p l e and c a t t l e t o t h e a l r e a d y overcrowded "communal a r e a s " h a s t h e n o c c u r r e d t o some d e g r e e (Bro I n t e r n a t i o n a l 1 9 8 2 ) .

I n f a c t , i n some

" commercial a r e a s " c a t t l e numbers o u g h t n o t , a s s t a t e d i n t h e p l a n s , t o b e i n c r e a s e d h u t s h o u l d i n s t e a d b e r e d u c e d t o m a i n t a i n permanent u s e of t h e range.

Commercialization has t h u s n o t l e d t o a reduction i n overgrazing,

t h e opposite i s t r u e (Hitchcock 1980).

Grove (1982) c o n f i r m s t h i s by s t a -

t i n g t h a t o v e r g r a z i n g o f t e n o c c u r s on i n d i v i d u a l l y owned l a n d , n o t o n l y on communal.

The c o n c l u s i o n i s t h a t t h e r e a r e no u n o c c u p i e d a r e a s s u i t a b l e f o r

r a n c h development a n y more i n Botswana, a scarce resource. alike.

t h a t i s , g r a z i n g l a n d i s now becoming

T h i s h a s s l o w l y b e e n r e a l i z e d by p l a n n e r s a n d r a n c h e r s

A r e p o r t i n t h e D a i l y News (28/8-83)

s t a t e s t h a t t h e implementation

o f TGLP no l o n g e r h a s p o p u l a r s u p p o r t i n Kweneng D i s t r i c t .

The r e a s o n f o r

t h i s i s s a i d t o b e t h a t t h e d i s t r i c t d o e s n o t h a v e enough l a n d t o accomodate t h e policy.

Another c o n c l u s i o n which h a s b e e n drawn from t h e e x p e r i e n c e s

of t h e commercial r a n c h e s s o f a r , i s t h a t no improved management p r a c t i c e s h a v e been a d o p t e d .

A t p r e s e n t i t may b e s a i d t h a t Botswana a p p e a r s t o have

no c a p a c i t y t o c o n t r o l i t s c a t t l e h e r d s i z e b y managed o f f t a k e r a t e s .

The

number o f c a t t l e i s t h u s l a r g e l y a f u n c t i o n o f t h e w e a t h e r , t h a t i s , cont r o l l e d by d r o u g h t .

T h i s l e a d s t o t h e f i n a l c o n c l u s i o n t h a t t h e "communal

a r e a s " u n d e r t h e p r e s e n t c i r c u m s t a n c e s c a n n o t b e e f f i c i e n t l y n a n a g e d . More-

o v e r t h e a b o l i t i o n o f communal r i g h t s would s e r v e i n t h i s s i t u a t i o n t o wlden t h e g a p between r i c h and p o o r , w h i l e o f f e r i n g no p r o t e c t i o n

t o the natural

Again we see t h e negative impact of ; 2 c ~ t ~ r ~ , ~ c r ~
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