3rd International Conference on Arabic Studies and Islamic Civilization
THEORY AND APPLICATION OF ISLAMIC POLITICAL THOUGHT IN INDIA WITH SPECIAL REFERENCE TO THE TAJDῑD OF SHAH WALI ALLAH DEHLAVI Thanveer T Ph.D Scholar, Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences Department of Islamic Studies Hamdard University New Delhi, India
[email protected] ABSTRACT Islamic political thought is based on divine sovereignty and human vicegerency. Its goal is establishing good and eradicating evil through the implementation of the Islamic shari‘a. Islamic political thought evolved with the changing time and context in India, the main issue for Muslim political thinkers during the short rule of Muhammad b. Qasim (712-715 C.E.) was the status of nonMuslims (who were not People of the Book i.e. Ahl al-Kitāb) under the Islamic state. However the necessary harmony between religion and state, i.e., the close co-operation of the ruler (sultān) and the Islamic scholars (‘ulamā’), was its major concern during the early decades of the Delhi Sultanate (1206-1526). As Muslim rule continued for a long period, Islamic political thinkers naturally pondered over topics like the ruler’s share in the ghanῑmah (spoils of war), the nature of punishment for corrupt and dishonest officers and the legality of mutual relations with non-Muslims etc. Shah Wali Allah Dehlavi (1703-1762), an outstanding Islamic scholar and prolific writer, emerged after five centuries of Muslim rule over India, in a period which was characterized by political instability and insecurity. Muslims were disunited and the empire was disintegrating. Although Shah Wali Allah was extremely disturbed by these conditions, yet he did not let despair overtake him; rather he decided to work towards eradicating evils from society. Seeing the circumstances from a political viewpoint, he made a minhaj (strategy) to reform the situation. The tajdῑdi (Islamic revivalist) activities he undertook to reform the situation and the political ideas he conveyed through his well-known works Hujjat Allah al Bālighah, Al-Budūr al-Bāzigha and Izālat al Khifā ‘an Khilāfat al Khulafā’ are still very relevant in the sphere of Islamic political thought and need to be examined closely. Keywords: Analytical, theoretical and conceptual. --------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
1. Introduction Islamic political thought is based on the premise that sovereignty belongs to God, and the Islamic State is in fact a vicegerency, with no right to exercise authority except in subordination to God. Further, that the shari‘a (i.e. the law of God enunciated in the Quran and the Sunnah, the authentic practice of the Prophet), is the supreme law and everyone from the lowest person to the head of state is governed by it. The head of state (caliph, imām or amῑr) should be appointed after mutual consultation among Muslims and with their concurrence. He should run the administration and undertake legislative work in consultation with them and within the limits prescribed by the shari‘a. The caliph or the amῑr is to be obeyed ungrudgingly in whatever is right and just (ma‘rūf), but no one e-Proceeding of the 3rd International Conference on Arabic Studies and Islamic Civilization ICASIC2016 (e-ISBN 978-967-0792-08-8). 14-15 March 2016, Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. Organized by http://WorldConferences.net 13
has the right to command obedience in the service of sin (ma‘siyah). The least fitted for responsible positions in general and for the caliph’s position in particular are those that covet and seek them. All Muslims have equal rights in the state regardless of race, colour, or language. It is the right, and also the duty, of every member of the Muslim community to check the occurrence of things that are wrong and abhorrent to the Islamic shari‘a. 2. Theory and Practice of Islamic Political Thought in India Islamic political thought and its development is of vital significance in the history of India. The major subject of Islamic political thought during the short rule of Muhammad b. Qasim (712-715 C.E.) was the status of Indian non-Muslims, Hindus and Buddhists (who were not People of the Book i.e. Ahl al-Kitāb) under the Islamic state. The ‘ulama decided that they should be treated as People of the Book and protected as dhimmis (protected minority under an Islamic state). Further, the issue of repairing a damaged temple came up before Muhammad b.Qasim who referred it to Hajjaj b. Yusuf, the governor of Iraq. Hajjaj consulted the ‘ulama of Damascus on the matter and granted permission to repair the temple, declaring that non-Muslims are free to maintain their religious places as long as they pay taxes to the state.1 In medieval Muslim India the main subject of Islamic political thought was the necessary harmony between religion and state, which was largely based on the principles developed by the Saljūq wazῑr (prime minister) Nizam al Mulk’s (1018-1092) in the Siyāsat nāma emphasized the requirement of close co-operation between the ruler (sultān) and Islamic scholars (‘ulamā’), the Muslim domination in administration, the need of insight, sanity and discernment (firāsat)for a ruler and the concept of diplomacy as a form of political espionage.2 Ᾱdāb al-Harb wa al-Shujā‘a written by Fakhr-i Mudabbir (1150-1224) during the reign of Sultan Shams al-Din Iltutmish (1211-1236) discusses the norms of governance, merits of jihad, manner of jizya collection from dhimmis, organization of army, warfare, weaponry and the drawing of battlelines. According to Fakhr-i Mudabbir the primary function of the state is protecting and promoting Islamic shari‘a and the interests of Muslims and only pious and religious rulers, officials and judges can fulfill this function properly.3As the book was written at a time when simultaneous Mongol peril faced by Muslim India from abroad was coupled with strong Hindu resistance from within the newly conquered territory, it reflects the consciousness of insecurity by Muslims and its central theme is therefore the survival of Muslim political authority in India.4 Another major Indian work on Islamic political thought is Al-Fatawa al-Ghiyāsiyyah, compiled by Daud b.Yusuf al-Khatib al-Baghdadi during the reign of Sultan Ghiyasuddin Balban (1266-1286). In the book he deals with matters like the legality of accepting gifts, rewards and food from the sultan; the rights of the sultan over the public exchequer; the legality of prostration in front of the sultan as a part of greeting; the nature of punishment for corrupt and dishonest officers. The matters regarding non-Muslim subjects the book deals with the legality of mutual relations with nonMuslims; the legality of exemption of poor dhimmis from paying the poll-tax (jizya); the question of whether dhimmis may be allowed to keep wine and its containers in their homes, or these should be destroyed and the legality of partnership between Muslims and non-Muslims in trade etc.5
1
http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00islamlinks/ikram/part1_01.html Retrived on 01/02/16 Aziz Ahmad, “Trends in the Political Thought of Medieval Muslim India”, Studia Islamica no. 17 (1962), pp.121 3 Muzaffar Alam, The Languages of Political Islam in India C.1200-1800, Delhi 2004 pp.29-31 4 Aziz Ahmad op.cit., pp.122 5 Zafarul Islam, Fatawa Literature of the Sultanate Period, Delhi 2005 pp.21, 31 2
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Persian translations of some of Al-Ghazzāli’s works which described religion and the state as twins, greatly influenced the missionary, political and administrative policies of Muhammad bin Tughlaq (r.1325-1351). Later Firūz Tughlaq (r.11351-1388) culminated the theory and codified it in the Fiqh-i Firūzshāhῑ written by Sayyid Yaqub Muzaffar Kuhrami.6 The book is written as a guide to common Muslims in general and qudāt (judges) and muftῑs in particular. Some of the issues discussed by the author in the book are: the legal position of the native place of a person who migrate his land, the legal position of Indians who were later as captives by the Mongols; relations between Muslims and non-Muslims; the civil and judicial rights of non-Muslims in a Muslim state; legitimate and illegitimate sources of revenue; the legality of fixing prices of essential commodities by the state; legality of the business of brokerage (dalālat) and agency (wakālat) in the Islamic state and using bills of exchange in money transfer and raising loans etc.7 The well-known Muslim political thinker and historian Ziya’ al Din Barani’s (1285-1357) Tārῑkh-i Firūzshāhi and Fatāwa -i Jahāndari are the other significant works on Islamic political thought in medieval India. For Barani, the Iranian pattern of governance (the Pādshāhi), which is legitimized by the early writers, is a sin and the ruler adopting this style of governance is a sinner, as there is complete contradiction between the Prophet’s Traditions and the Iranian emperor’s mode of living, and the true religion is in following the footsteps of Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him). Therefore a good ruler should follow the Prophet’s Traditions and fulfill his religious responsibilities in order to ensure his success in this world and the hereafter. According to Barani a good ruler cannot be content with levying poll-tax (jizya) and land revenue (kharaj) on non-Muslims, rather he has to work hard for the supremacy of Islam. Barani permits the appointment of non-Muslims in state service on grounds of necessity.8 In the case of non-Muslim subjects his idea of justice changes into mercy and clemency, such as the suggestion to avoid collection of jizya when the crop fails and to distribute state funds to the non-Muslim needy. He also warned rulers of shedding blood of innocent Muslims and confiscating their property. Besides these aspects of political problems his Tārῑkh-i Firūzshāhi consists of a series of lectures delivered by the warrior-king Mahmūd of Ghazna to his son, regarding the virtues and wisdom of an ideal king.9 Zakhῑrat al-Mulūk, the work of the Kashmiri sūfi missionary Mῑr Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadāni (1314-1384) is another relevant work in the political thought of India. The author discusses Islamic principles of governance and the recommended qualities and responsibilities of a ruler in the light of the Islamic shari‘a. A ruler who doesn’t have a lenient attitude towards his subjects and transgresses the boundaries of shari‘a is the enemy of Islam and is called the caliph of Sātān by Mῑr Sayyid ‘Ali Hamadāni. According to him, providing justice to Muslims by the enforcement of the Islamic shari‘a is the principle function of the state; non-Muslim subjects have the right to follow their religion. Everyone enjoys the compassion of Allah irrespective of their faith; nonetheless, a Muslim ruler must treat non-Muslims differently. They are ahl al-dhimma, whose lives and property are under the protection of the Muslim ruler.10 The Maktubat (epistles) and activities of Mujaddid Alf-i Thani Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi (1564-1624) and Abd al Haqq Muhaddith Dehlavi11 (1551-1642) are also an important contribution to Islamic political thought in the early days of the Mughal period. A portion of Sirhindi’s epistles discuss the 6
Aziz Ahmad op.cit., pp.122 Zafarul Islam op.cit., pp.21-22, 31-32 8 Muzaffar Alam, op.cit., pp.36-39 9 Aziz Ahmad, op.cit., pp.123-124 10 Muzaffar Alam, op.cit., pp.43-45 11 Aziz Ahmad, op.cit., p.128 7
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matter of the association of sufῑs and ‘ulama with the royal court for strengthening Islam, the condition of Islam in India during the reign of Akbar and Jahangir and the legitimacy of participating non-Muslims in the Mughal administration etc.12 Both Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi and Abd al Haqq Muhaddith Dehlavi entered into correspondence with Mughal noble men with a view to ensure religion in the court and realm of Jahangir (r.1605-1627), the son and successor of Akbar. Outside of the theologian and sūfi circles, the work of Muhammad Baqir Khan has also survived from the reign of Jahangir. His Mū‘za-i Jahangῑrῑ emphasizes the necessity of governing according to the Islamic shari‘a, requirement of the association of ‘ulama along with capable advisors for the proper guidance of statecraft and dispensing justice as a major responsibility of the ruler etc.13 Another political thinker of the period was Qadi Nūr al-Dῑn Khāqāni. His Akhlāq-I Jahāngῑrῑ equates justice with universal tolerance and describes Nizam al-Mulk’s firāsat (political insight, sanity and discernment) as a major tool to solve all crisis of the state.14 Among the fatāwa collections of medieval India Fatawa-i Ibrahῑm Shāhi, compiled by Shihab al-Din Daulatābadi (d. 1468), Fatāwa al-Aminiya, compiled by Amin b. Ubaid Allah Muminabādi al-Bukhāri (d.1541) and Al-Fatāwa al-‘Ᾱlamgῑriya, compiled by a board of jurists at the instance of Emperor Aurangazeb (r.1658-1707) emphases the question of revolt against an unjust and tyrannical ruler, the legality of accepting grants and gifts from oppressing officials and nobles, the legality of constructing new temples and repairing old ones, different categories of ahl al-dhimma, the mode of punishment for misappropriation of the public exchequer, classification of land for fixing land revenue, the legal status of abandoned or uncultivated land, the legality of exemption from payment of land revenue for those who loss-crop because of flood and other natural calamities.15 3. Shah Wali Allah Dehlavi The political condition of Mughal India was extremely pathetic in Shah Wali Allah’s lifetime. The period was characterized by political instability and insecurity. Looting and pillage, violence and conflicts were prevalent everywhere. The stable and united Mughal Empire had been shaken towards the end of the long reign of Emperor Aurangzeb, but the emperor’s firmness and determination prevented any serious violation of law and order and the situation was kept under control.16 The death of Aurangazeb is considered to be the end of the era of the great Mughals. From Shah Wali Allah’s (1703-1762) childhood the period of supreme authority of the Mughal ruler came to an end and a new era of the supremacy of kingmakers began. As the weakened Mughal authority was not able to militarily enforce rules and regulations in all parts of the empire, many regional governors and kingdoms which had been subjugated by the early Mughals rejected their central authority and claimed independence. Some of the regional groups that emerged were the Marathas, Jats, Sikhs and Rajputs, who consolidated their political power. Due to the disintegration of the Mughal Empire, people had to suffer much at their hands. Nadir Shah’s invasion of Delhi in 1739 speeded up the disintegration of the empire.
12
Yohanan Friedmann, Shaykh Ahmad Sirhindi: An outline of His Thought and a Study of His Image in the Eyes of Posterity, Montreal 1971 p. 77-85 13 Aziz Ahmad, op.cit., p.129 14 Ibid p.130 15 Zafarul Islam, op.cit., pp.24-26, 32 16 Rizvi S.A.A, Shah Wali Allah and his Times, Australia, 1980, p. 6
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3.1 Tajdῑd of Shah Wali Allah in the Prevalent Political Situation The Arabic word tajdῑd means renewal. In the Islamic context tajdῑd refers to the revival of Islam, in order to “cleanse it of all ungodly elements, presenting it and making it flourish more or less in its original, pure form. Islamic revival means neither striking compromises with un-Islam, nor preparing new blends of Islam and un-Islam”.17 One who undertakes tajdῑd is a mujaddid. He “is a most uncompromising person with regard to un-Islam and one least tolerant of the presence of even a tinge of un-Islam in the Islamic system.”18 As the mujaddid of the eighteenth century, Shah Wali Allah attempted to revive the socio-political, economic and religious conditions of his lifetime. Although Shah Wali Allah was extremely disturbed by these conditions, yet he did not let despair overtake him; rather he decided to work towards eradicating evils from society. Seeing the circumstances from a political view point, he made a minhaj (strategy) to reform the situation. The two main objectives of his revival were the restoration of peace and justice in the empire and the reformation and reconstruction of law and order as per the Islamic shari‘a.19 He tried to fulfill these objectives in two ways. Firstly, he sought to establish contact with contemporary Muslims in positions of authority through meetings and letters, explaining to them the condition of India and suggesting ways to eradicate evils and save India. Secondly, he interpreted the teachings of Islam as per the needs of the time. Shah Wali Allah boldly criticised contemporary rulers and their nobles for their involvement in misdeeds, corruption, luxury and indolence, and advised them to get rid of the evils which were widespread in society. He believed that they should repent for their past misdeeds and abstain from indulgence in luxury.20 Shah Wali Allah suggested that only those who are orthodox in beliefs and have never been charged with bribery should be appointed as qudāt (judges) and muhtasibūn (regulators of public business). The imams of mosques should be well-paid and should be instructed to lead the five prayers punctually. No one should be allowed to disrespect the sacred month of Ramadan. 21 Similarly, Shah Wali Allah advised soldiers to be true Islamic soldiers by practising the Islamic way of life. He criticised them for their indiscipline, hostile approach towards the common people and their addiction to wine and other intoxicants. He advised rulers to train the army properly and to appoint only those who are brave, kind to their colleagues and sincerely loyal to the superintendents. All those soldiers who have betrayed trust should be dismissed. The Soldiers should be regularly paid because of delay in getting salaries they borrow money on interest and this ruins them.22 Shah Wali Allah further suggested that the khalῑsah (territory whose revenues accrued directly to the royal treasury) should be extended up to Sirhind on one side and Akbarābad on the other because one of the causes of weak administration was decrease in khalῑsah land and the consequent deficit in treasury. The practice of farming the revenues in the khalῑsah areas should be dispensed with because the farming system ruins the land and brings distress to the cultivator. He advised the rulers to not give jāgirs (feudal land grants) to petty mansabdārs (aristocrats) as they do not succeed
17
Maududi S.A.A, A Short History of Revivalist Movements in Islam, Delhi 2010 p.37 Ibid 19 Bhat A.R, Political Thought of Shah Wali-u-Allah: An Analytical Study, Delhi, 1996 p. 87 20 Ibid pp.85 & 87 21 Ibid p.87 22 Ibid pp. 85 & 87 18
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in establishing their control over their jagirs and therefore farm out its revenues. Thus they aggravate the misery of the peasants and the difficulties of the state.23 Shah Wali Allah realized that the Jat disturbances were more harmful to Mughal rule than the Marathas and Sikhs as their territory was situated near the capital. During Ahmad Shah’s era (r.17481754), the Jats attacked Delhi and looted it yet the government was too weak to crush their uprising and prevent their depredations. They plundered the people, violated their honour and set fire to their houses. This plunder started in early Rajab 1161 A.H (1748 C.E) and continued till the end of Sha’ban.24 At different points of time, Shah Wali Allah invited the ruler of Hyderabad, Nizam al-Mulk Asaf Jah, the Rohilla chief Najib al-Dawla and the Afghan ruler Ahmad Shah Abdali to end the massacre of the Marathas and to restore peace throughout the realm.25 Through letters and meetings he encouraged and pleaded with them to launch a military campaign as it was the only way to save the Mughal state and its people. In a letter to Ahmad Shah Abdali he explained about India’s geographical situation, regional administration, economic condition and the military power of Marathas, Jats, Sikhs and Rajputs etc.26 Nadir Shah’s massacre of honourable families and plunder of cities was also described in the letters of Shah Wali Allah, which he wrote to Ahmad Shah Abdali, encouraging him to invade India.27 Thus Ahmad Shah Abdali attacked India in 1759, captured Panjab and re-established Muslim rule there. Then he moved towards Delhi and the Afghans and Marathas met at Panipat, were the battle continued for a few months. On 14 January 1761 Afghan troops defeated the Marathas. The arrival of Ahmad Shah Abdali and the third Battle of Panipat indirectly determined the fate of India. Besides the epistles and revival activities of Shah Wali Allah Dehlavi, his literary works, Al-Budūr alBāzigha, Izālat al-Khifa ‘an-Khilafat al-Khulafā’ and Hujjat Allah al-Bāligha outline his political theory. Throughout these books he made a clear cut difference between Islamic and un-Islamic rule and the establishment of the former as a reasonable and pragmatic necessity by integrating rational and traditional approach. He clearly explained the characteristics of Islamic rule besides recounting it in diverse ways till a true Muslim could understand and relay on it. Conclusion It is evident from the above discussion that different political philosophies which were developed in India in different periods of time were a response to the then socio-political realities. Muslim scholars undertook the task of developing the Islamic political thought by integrating the principles of the Quran and the Sunnah with the external evidence derived from pure reason, intuitional imagination and empirical observation. Among them the tajdῑd of Shah Wali Allah Dehlavi is the most prominent contribution to the evolution of Islamic political thought in India, on which later modern scholars like Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938) and Sayyid Abu al-A‘la Maududi (19031979) and others have developed their theories.
23
ibid Ibid 25 Ibid p. 88 26 Jalbani G.N, Life of Shah Wali Allah, Delhi, 2009, p. 47. 27 Ibid pp. 44; Bhat A.R., op.cit., p. 91 24
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Acknowledgement This paper is a part of my Ph.D research, being pursued under the supervision of Dr. Safia Amir, Department of Islamic Studies, Hamdard University, New Delhi.
References
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