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my radical judgement by roysianipar Vikysianipar can U walk alone with out Batak folk songs?Go viky go go go dont fall down bro Im always be with U.whatever/whenever reasons U are still my enemy/friends 2me. November 11, 2008 at 1:32 am (Uncategorized) (ambon, balata, balige, batak, bismarksianipar, charliesianipar, dairi, europe, ISLAM, israel, jews, karo, mandailing, menado, monangsianipar, pakpak, parapat, porsea, siantar, sidikallang, simalungun, sulawesi, sumatra, tarutung, tigadolog, tobadream, unitedstate, VIKYSIANIPAR)

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RELIGION IS CAN BE POISON TO HUMANS IF YOU ARE POOR AND UNEDUCATED but if you are rich and well educated your religion is PARTY all night.sex n wine. November 11, 2008 at 12:40 am (Uncategorized) (ambon, balige, batak, bataktoba, bismarksianipar, charliesianipar, dairi, danautoba, europe, french, india.arab, INDONESIA, ISLAM, islambatak, islamjawa, islamkatrok, islamterrorist, israel, JAKARTA, jews, jihad, karo, laketoba, menado, monangsianipar, pakistan, pakpak, porsea, robertmanurungdaltung, robertmanurunggobloksokjournalistpintar, ROYSIANIPAR, sahatsianipar, samosir, siantar, simalungun, sulawesi, sumatra, tarutung, terrorist, tobadreamor, unitedstate, VIKYSIANIPAR) Thursday, September 13, 2007 Islam Persecutes Minorities in INDONESIA LATEST NEWS from INDONESIA : http://www.christianpersecution.info/news/indonesia-sentences-41-christian-to-five-years-imprisonment-report/ JAKARTA, INDONESIA, 1 November 2007 — An Indonesian court has sentenced 41 Christian leaders to five years imprisonment on charges of blasphemy because they openly prayed that Muslims “come to know Christ,” local Christians and a

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Hello jawa islam kapankah kamu akan berhenti membenturkan kepalamu ke dunia Muhammad itu telah lama meninggalkan dunia.tugas mu sekarang hanya satu.hidup utk senang atau hidup utk sengsara?yg mana pilih satu tdk boleh dua. November 9, 2008 at 1:58 pm (Uncategorized) (africa, aran, batak, BATAKISLAM, europe, INDONESIA, JAWA, jawaislam, mandailingbatak, mandailingislam, pakistan, ROYSIANIPAR, slave, sumatra, unitedstate)

Bali bombers executed November 09, 2008 09: readfullstory Permalink Leave a Comment

THE WHOLE WORLD KNEW HOW BRUTAL AND SADISTIC JAVANESE HISTORY BACK GROUND .from the early history untill to day we can still find the javanese hasnt chaged.Batak people Bow to the javanese too.. October 14, 2008 at 2:34 pm (Uncategorized) (batak, europe, INDONESIA, javanese, ROYSIANIPAR, unitedstate, VIKYSIANIPAR) INDONESIA: 1965-1966 Massacre: Four Decades of Injustice

Fabian Junge

(Ed. note: A coup on Sept. 30, 1965, triggered an orgy of violence in Indonesia that killed hundreds of thousands, if not millions, of people within a one-year period—an event that eventually brought Gen. Suharto to power for more than three decades. In addition, hundreds of thousands of people were imprisoned and tortured during this period. Most of the victims were members of the Communist Party of Indonesia, or Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI), people accused of being Communist Party members or political opponents of the Suharto regime. The subjects of this story are survivors of this national tragedy. The author was a German intern with the Asian Human Rights Commission [AHRC] for approximately six weeks in 2005 in the AHRC office in Hong Kong and an additional six weeks in Indonesia. He has been involved with issues in Indonesia since 2001.) Ibu Surati: ‘My Only Hope Is for My Grandchildren to Lead a Normal Life’ Education and community work played a central part in the life of Surati Suparna binte Djaswadi, born in 1925 in East Java, and her husband. The two primary school teachers and their daughter, who was born in 1957, lived and worked in the Central Javanese city of Solo where they were wellrespected members of their community. To a large extent, this respect was due to the active role Ibu Surati played in the community. Together with fellow teachers, she taught illiterate adults. She also was an active member of the district council and the Indonesian Teacher’s Association, known as PGRI in Indonesia. Moreover, she was involved in the preparation of community and religious festivals every year.

Ibu Surati (Photo: Fabian Junge, AHRC)

Arrest and ImprisonmentThe harmonious life of Ibu Surati and her family was destroyed by an incident in far-away Jakarta that altered the fate of not only herself but of a large number of victims and of Indonesia as a whole. It began in early October of 1965 when she heard the news on the radio about the murder of six important generals by a so-called Sept. 30 Movement, allegedly an attempted coup masterminded by the Communist Party of Indonesia (Partai Komunis Indonesia or PKI). About 10 days later large numbers of army troops under the command of Col. Sarwo Edhie Wibowo arrived in Solo and began arresting ordinary men who were detained in the town hall. Among those arrested were many of Ibu Surati’s friends and fellow teachers. Although the mayor of Solo had informed Ibu Surati at a special meeting for teachers that the killing of the generals was an internal affair of the army and that she need not worry, the men were arrested for their alleged involvement in the coup attempt and affiliation with the PKI. She and her husband though did not worry about their own safety as they felt they had not done anything wrong. As they later discovered, however, they and millions of other people in Indonesia would all have reason to worry. At about 7 o’clock on the night of Oct. 16, a group of armed youth came to Ibu Surati’s house asking for her husband. As he was not home, they ordered her to immediately follow them to the subdistrict director’s office. With surprise, Ibu Surati noted that the youngsters were masked as she recognised all of them as her former pupils. The familiarity of the youngsters and her clear conscience gave her no reason not to follow the youngsters as she thought she had nothing to fear. When they arrived at the office, however, the subdistrict director was not there. Instead, several policemen in civilian clothes awaited her and took her to the sectional police station. There she was questioned by one of the officers with whom she was acquainted. He told her that she was here to be protected. “From what do I have to be protected?” she asked. “The situation now is not safe,” he said, “so we have to protect you. Tomorrow I’m going to bring you to the town hall.” Hence, on the next day, Oct. 17, Ibu Surati picked up her daughter, who had spent the night with a neighbour, and they were detained in the town hall. When she arrived, Ibu Surati’s husband had already been brought to the town hall. Although they were among the first to be detained, the town hall filled up quickly until, according to Ibu Surati, more than 1,000 detainees lived in its empty rooms. The detainees were mostly simple people: labourers, peasants and people who earned a living selling traditional medicine or food. The women and men were then separated. Among those detained were many other teachers she knew. Since they all felt they had done nothing wrong, they remained calm and had no fear. The detainees were guarded by paramilitary youth groups under the command of Col. Sarwo Edhie, the army colonel responsible for many massacres of alleged PKI members and conspirators in the coup attempt of Sept. 30, especially in Central and East Java. Soon after she moved into the town hall, Ibu Surati heard stories about the torture of male prisoners. According to what she heard, those tortured were forced to confess that they had been in Jakarta around Sept. 30 and were involved in the coup attempt and the PKI. With horror, she learned about the torture of a friend, the principal of a reputable senior high school, who was forced to confess his involvement in the coup. Moreover, he was asked to state the name of his president. His answer?quot;the great leader of the revolution, President Sukarno”—was followed by a severe beating with a sickle, for he was expected to utter the name of Gen. Suharto, the person who masterminded the massacres of 1965 and 1966 and who used them as a means to become president of Indonesia and rule the country until 1998. In addition to paramilitary groups, the prisoners were partly guarded by military officers. Ibu Surati recalls that one night an air force officer who guarded her room told her that he had received orders to kill all the prisoners in the town hall. “Ibu,” he said, “I have been assigned a task.” “What task?” she asked. “We have been ordered to execute all prisoners,” he replied. After this news, Ibu Surati and the other prisoners in her room lived in constant fear. Every day could be the day their execution was to take place. In the end, however, they heard from the same officer that he had talked to Col. Sarwo Edhie and that he had refused to fulfil his task. Consequently, the summary execution of all prisoners in the town hall was prevented. After she had been detained in the Solo town hall for one year, she was moved to a prison in Ambawara in Central Java where she was detained for about five years. The prisoners here consisted of other teachers, students as young as 12 years old, university lecturers and other members of the intelligentsia. During her whole detention, Ibu Surati was never brought before any court, was never found guilty of any crime and was never told why she was being detained. In the military-run camp, the detainees lived in poor conditions in barracks of 50 to 70 people. Ibu Surati and the other prisoners also suffered from the harsh treatment and arbitrary punishment of the guards. In addition, the barracks were dirty, and there were insufficient sanitary facilities. Moreover, the daily rations of food never satisfied the prisoners’ hunger. They survived mainly because some prisoners were sent food by their families and shared this with the other detainees. For Ibu Surati, who was sent food by her neighbours, parents of her former students and the illiterate people she had taught, it was this solidarity among the prisoners that made the hard life in Ambawara bearable. Soon after her arrival in Ambawara, Ibu Surati received news that all her property had been seized. Government officials had taken her furniture and other items, and the small petrol station she and her husband had run had been dismantled and taken away. She also learned that her house was now inhabited by a civil servant. Fortunately, some neighbours managed to save many of her important documents. Discrimination and Hardship after Imprisonment While Ibu Surati was detained until 1971, her husband, who had been moved from the town hall to the Sasanomulyo prison in Solo, was released in 1968. He and their daughter visited Ibu Surati as often as they could. They were allowed to see each other only from a distance. A barbed wire fence forced them so far apart from each other that they could communicate only by shouting. After her release in 1971, Ibu Surati was brought back to Solo by a government official. Since her house had been taken away from her, the small family had to rent a room in a boarding house. Her husband had not been allowed to return to his work as a teacher after his release in 1968 and now worked as a car washer. Upon her return, she was issued a special identity card that indicated she was a former political prisoner; and for several years, she was obliged to report monthly to the subdistrict director. Until today, she has to renew her identity card every five years unlike ordinary Indonesians aged 60 years old or above who receive a lifelong identity card. Meanwhile, Ibu Surati found, just like her husband, that she was not allowed to return to her former profession as a teacher, and thus, she had to find other ways to make a living. Fortunately, she did not share the fate of many other ex-political prisoners as her neighbours treated her as a friend and helped her in any way they could. In the beginning, for instance, they gave her food and money. Later they helped her find work—first by selling rice, then in a textile factory and later they supported her so she could open a small kiosk on the side of the street selling food and newspapers. Ibu Surati and her husband though struggled hard to support themselves and their daughter. Their efforts to support themselves were not made any easier when they discovered they had to pay higher school fees than other families for the primary education of their daughter. Moreover, during her first semester of secondary school, she was dismissed because of the background of her parents as former political prisoners. Even today the thought of this injustice saddens Ibu Surati. “They told me not to be angry,” recalls Ibu Surati, “but, of course, I was. This is unjust. I always treated the school staff with respect, and I fulfilled all my obligations as a good citizen. We are not PKI. I suffered; my child suffered. My only hope now is for my grandchildren to lead a normal life.” She and other former political prisoners, however, have not been able to fight against this injustice. The fear created by the massacres and the political imprisonment, the social stigma and pressure, forced her to remain silent. “They took my work, my house, my dignity, but I just remained calm,” she says. Although she was not allowed to return to her former workplace, Ibu Surati never received an official letter of dismissal. In 1980 or 1981, she wrote a letter to the minister of public welfare demanding her rights as a civil servant and teacher as well as official clarification of her status as a civil servant. She also asked the Dept. of Education and Culture, the village head and subdistrict director, but they all refused to be responsible for her. Today Ibu Surati lives in Jakarta together with other women who became political prisoners in the wake of the 1965-1966 massacres, and she is actively involved in the advocacy of her rights and those of other victims of this tragedy. When asked what justice would mean for her today, she stresses that “the government should rehabilitate us; compensation is not so important.” She wants to be treated equal before the law and administration, wants her status clarified and her reputation to be restored. Moreover, she wants to be cleared from the PKI stigma and hopes for equal opportunities for her grandchildren. She does not want another generation to face the same discrimination she has had to endure.

Anwar Umar: ‘I Do Not Want to Die without Meaning in My Room or on My Mattress’Since he was young, Anwar Umar’s life centred around organisational and political activity. Born in 1929 as the sixth child of a farmer in a village near Lampung on the island of Sumatra, he went to the Lampung as a young boy. Here he soon began his political career. At the age of 16, he joined a military group during the Japanese occupation and after the end of World War II rose to the rank of sergeant during the independence struggle against Indonesia’s Dutch colonial master. In 1950, he went to Jakarta to seek his fortune. After working as a stenographer for two years, Umar accepted a civil service position in the newly established Transport and Communications Dept. He was married in 1951 and later became the father of eight children. Anwar Umar (Photo: Fabian Junge, AHRC) During his 14 years in Jakarta, Pak Umar joined various political organisations. He was active in an association of veterans of the independence struggle, became the secretary-general of a union of civil servants in the transportation sector and joined a movement demanding provincial status for Lampung. As a result of this latter involvement, he returned to Lampung in 1964 to work as an assistant to the governor of the newly established Lampung Province. Soon he was elected as the secretarygeneral of the Lampung division of Serikta Buruh Se-Indonesia (All-Indonesia Labour Union), a non-partisan trade union. Although he admits that the union’s interests were similar to those of the PKI, he stresses that he never formally participated in any political party. Through the events of Sept. 30 in 1965 in far away Jakarta, however, Pak Umar’s political activities were ultimately restricted, and the remainder of his life was relegated to the margins of society.Arrest and Imprisonment Soon after Sept. 30, 1965, the police and military began arresting alleged PKI members and functionaries in Lampung. Although Pak Umar was not a member of the party, a district leader close to him advised him to leave for Jakarta and go into hiding. Before he left, however, he signed a three-page document denying any affiliation or involvement with the PKI. On Oct. 23 that year, Pak Umar left for Jakarta to live in the area around the Government Printing Office. He arrived late at night, and a man identifying himself as a messenger from the rukun warga (neighbourhood office), or RW, shortly came up to him and told him to report to the person in charge of the neighbourhood. When Pak Umar entered the office, however, he was surprised to be met by a group of military officers and several other men who had been summoned. The officers ordered him to sit down at gunpoint, and one of them shouted, “Which one of you is Anwar Umar?” After the officer had shouted several times, Pak Umar stood up and identified himself. He was then taken to the Mis Tijijih Building in the Pasar Senen area of Jakarta where he was detained for one night without any food. This night was the beginning of an 11year nightmare of imprisonment under degrading and inhumane conditions. Not knowing why he had been arrested, he was moved to Jatinegara Prison the next morning, which was guarded by a unit of the military police. The first few nights he had to sleep in the open space of the prison yard with about 800 other detainees. When the number of prisoners swelled to about 3,000 during the next three days, Pak Umar was moved into a cell occupied by about 60 other prisoners. Because the cell was too overcrowded to lie down, no one could sleep. Some prisoners in the hot and stuffy cell even drank their own urine as no drinking water was provided. After several days, they were moved to Cipinang Prison. In the hot afternoon sun, they were ordered to strip down to their underwear and crawl into their cell on all fours. Whoever looked back was kicked by a guard with heavy military boots. Overcrowding was again a part of prison life with about 45 prisoners per cell. For one week, Pak Umar and his cellmates were left to themselves without any food or water. After one week, his family discovered where he was detained and visited him. They brought him food and water, but Pak Umar felt sad that there was not enough to share with all of his cellmates. His inhumane prison conditions, however, were not his only problem; for after several days at Cipinang, Pak Umar was physically tortured, an experience of intense suffering which would leave a wound on his mind for the rest of his life. On the day his torture began, as he passed through the prison yard, he could already hear the heart-wrenching screams of a woman in great pain. He was led into a separate room where police officers bound his hands with electric wire that was connected to a 20-volt battery. They then tortured him with electric shocks, causing such pain that Pak Umar screamed and cried and his whole body bounced up and down and trembled. After the electric shocks, he was ordered to sign a confession. Among other things, this confession stated that he was a courier for the PKI between Lampung and Jakarta and that he had conspired to murder five generals. Strangely, the document did not mention the names of these generals. Pak Umar was confused and did not understand what he was being asked to sign as he was not aware at this point in time of the events of Sept. 30. When he refused to sign the document, he was brought into another room where about 10 police and military officers, as well as a public prosecutor, awaited him. They started beating him heavily with their fists. One police officer named Ahmad also hit him with a chair until it broke under the weight of the blows. Another officer then grabbed his head and hit it against the wall several times. Bleeding, bruised and hardly able to walk, Pak Umar was brought back to his cell. There a friend, who was a member of the Central Committee of the PKI, whispered to him: “Sign it [the confession]. It is better than dying or being an invalid for the rest of your life. Later we will bring the case to court, and everything will work out fine for us.” In the end, when brought back to the torture chamber, Pak Umar took the advice of his friend and signed the confession. He was never brought before a court, however, and was never given an official, legal verdict. Instead, he was soon moved to Tangerang Prison where he was held until 1976. Like the other prisons where he had been held, conditions in this prison were also poor. The rice for the prisoners was mixed with glass splinters or sand so that many prisoners died of internal bleeding or malnutrition. “The food they gave us was only intended to make us die slowly,” recalls Pak Umar. In order to survive, he tried to clean his rice and separate it from the glass or sand. However, this was near to impossible, and soon his health deteriorated. When he was scheduled to be deported to Buru Island, it was only because he suffered from malnutrition, malaria and hepatitis that he did not end up in this infamous concentration camp. Instead, he was brought to a prison in Salemba where he received weekly health check-ups and medical treatment. After six months, he was returned to Tangerang Prison. Now he and his fellow prisoners had to work for a farming and animal husbandry project, the revenue of which was for the military. For his labour, Pak Umar received nothing except some extra food. Life after Prison Pak Umar was released on Sept. 26, 1976, after receiving a letter from the Komando Pemulihan Keamanan dan Ketertiban (Command for the Restoration of Security and Public Order), or Kopkamtib, signed by a person named Capt. Sudomo. For another three months, he was put under house arrest. Afterwards, he was not allowed to leave Jakarta for six months and had to report to the military police weekly. When the period of his house arrest concluded, he moved to Rawasari in East Jakarta. Although Pak Umar worked as a civil servant for more than 12 years, he never received a pension. His identity card bore the label Eks Tahanan Politik (Ex-political Prisoner), or ET, which branded him a Communist and traitor in the eyes of the State and larger part of society. Because of this status, he was denied access to further work in the public service sector and lost his right to a pension as well. Moreover, there was no social or public institution to take care of his welfare or others like him because of the hostility against him and other former political prisoners. Hence, after his release, Pak Umar’s hard and lonely struggle for survival at the margins of society began. In prison, he had learned how to do massage from a fellow prisoner; and for the first year after his release, he supported himself with this skill. Afterwards, he worked as an English-Indonesian translator in a small enterprise. Later, between 1982 and 1984, he was a scholar at an Islamic foundation, for, among other skills, he knew how to read Arabic, recite Koranic verses and pronounce the ritual prayers. When the elderly scholar who gave him this responsibility became sick and gave up his position, Pak Umar could not continue this job, however. It was clear that other scholars in the foundation would not want a former political prisoner who had been branded a Communist to work for them, although Pak Umar was always careful to conceal this stigma. Pak Umar was also denied his right to free assembly, to form organisations and was subjected to surveillance by the person responsible for his neighbourhood—the rumah tetangga or rukun warga (RT or RW)—the lowest administrative unit in Indonesia. For example, he had to report when he received visitors and was not allowed to receive or talk to foreigners coming to the neighbourhood. He faced discrimination not only from the person in charge of the neighbourhood but also from many of his former neighbours who related to him with distrust and hostility. The bitterest experience after his release, however, was the rejection of his family. He had missed them and craved to be with them for 11 years, and now, when the dreams of his days in prison were almost realised, he painfully found that his family, in effect, no longer existed. His wife had stopped visiting him in prison after several years. At the end of his house arrest, Pak Umar returned to his family and stayed with them for several days; but after the second night, he learned that his wife had married another man in the belief that he had been sent to the Buru Island prison camp and died there. She did not want him to live with her again though. In rage, Pak Umar was about to physically harm his wife when his eldest child and neighbours separated them. Since then, Pak Umar has lived alone and has had no contact with his wife, although they were never formally divorced. Pak Umar also deeply regrets that he was not able to even support his children’s primary education. Even sadder, his eldest son committed suicide in 1975 when Pak Umar was still in prison. Seeing no future in his life, he hung himself from a tree in front of his house. Pak Umar learned about this tragedy only after his release. Until today, Pak Umar hardly has any relationship with his children, which he blames on the long separation from them and the confrontation above with his wife. His life without a family though has made his struggle more difficult and lonely. The year 1998 was a time of great political turmoil and change for Indonesia. For Pak Umar, this was the moment to become politically active once again. He joined student demonstrations calling for Suharto to step down and even made a speech during one of them. In late 1998, after the downfall of Suharto, Pak Umar and other former political prisoners formed the Komite Aksi Pembebasan Tapol-Napo (Action Committee for the Release of Political Prisoners), or KAPTN, which seeks the release of individuals imprisoned for political reasons under Suharto. Because he has not been able to find work for a long time and did not receive support from his family, he now depends on the good will of people in his neighbourhood or at the human rights group Kontras (Commission for Disappearances and Victims of Violence) where he has worked as a volunteer for the past few years. Today Pak Umar, by all standards, lives a life of poverty. He occupies a room of only five square meters. He lives alone, has to cook for himself, clean and repair his own clothes and does not have a regular income. He can only rely on himself and does not want to be a burden to anyone, he says. Nevertheless, Pak Umar continues to struggle against political injustice, not only against him and other victims of 1965, but also on behalf of those who suffered for more than three decades during the Suharto regime. For himself, justice today chiefly means rehabilitation, which would include the end of all discriminatory practices against former political prisoners. For example, he wants a lifelong identity card, just like every other Indonesian citizen above 65 years of age, instead of being required to renew his identity card every five years. Moreover, he insists that the government clarify the historic events surrounding the 1965 tragedy so that he is no longer considered unpatriotic and a traitor by society. Lastly, he demands compensation for his life of suffering. To realise these demands, he vows to continue his search for justice: “I want to keep on fighting—for myself and for others. If I die, I do not want to die without meaning in my room or on my mattress. I want to die in the middle of struggle between my friends. This is my biggest hope. I do not desire anything else.” Sumimi: A Day at Work Ends in Nearly 10 Years in Prison Sumimi, daughter of a policeman and homemaker in a family of six, was born in Banyumas in Central Java and schooled in Sukabumi. With an education up to the secondary school level, she mostly held administrative jobs. She began her active role in Gerakan Wanita Indonesia (Gerwani), or the Indonesian Women’s Movement, in 1954 and even became the director of Gerwani’s office in Wonosobo. In 1959, she transferred to the education department of the organisation. Gerwani was an Indonesianwide women’s movement that concerned itself with giving free education to those who were illiterate and poor. After the coup of Sept. 30, 1965, Gerwani was labelled as a part of the PKI. Through radio and newspaper propaganda, Suharto spread the myth that members of Gerwani had mutilated and performed occultlike sexual rituals with the six generals and a colonel on the night before they were dumped into the well known as Lubang Buaya. This myth was used to instil in the Indonesian population an image of the PKI as something evil and to justify the subsequent cruel treatment of Gerwani’s members. A Decade of Detention A normal day in the Gerwani office in Wonosobo was interrupted on Nov. 17, 1965, by a visit by the district military command (KODIM). Tugiman, a KODIM officer, asked for her husband; but when the officer was told that her husband was in Bandung on a family-related visit, he requested Sumimi to come to the KODIM office to give her statement. He did not tell her though why he needed a statement. He assured her that she would be back home when her husband returned from his trip. Nov. 17 though was the first day of her detention, a period of imprisonment that lasted almost a decade. Although there was no viable grounds for her detention, Sumimi suspected that, since her husband was not available, she was detained instead. Her husband had been the secretary of Barisan Tani Indonesia, or BTI (Indonesian Peasant’s Front), as well as the leading representative of the peasant division of the People’s Labour Association. Sumimi met her husband in the same detention centre one-and-a-half weeks after her unlawful arrest. That was the last time she ever saw him though. During the following months, she heard he was transferred to Wonosari in Yogyakarta Province where Sumimi’s relative Pati in Wonosari was the last to see him. Sumimi’s husband and thousands of others were rumoured to have been discarded at the infamous Luwung Grubuk, a water drainage pipe that ran directly to the sea. No one was ever shot there but rather was blindfolded with their hands bound with wire, thrown into the luwung (drainage pipe) and then sucked into the ocean. Sumimi had her own plight to overcome, however. She and 21 others were transferred to Wirogunan in Yogyakarta Province on the back of a truck and then again months later to an all-female detention centre in Bukit Duri in Jakarta where she remained for nearly 10 years. The closest she ever got to a trial or any other process of justice was in the early days of her detention in Wonosobo when the prosecuting attorney of Wonosobo brought her to an orphanage to be interrogated. As an officer of Gerwani, she was capriciously accused of attempting to alter the state ideology of Pancasila that advocates a belief in one God, humanitarianism, nationalism as expressed in the unity of Indonesia, consultative democracy and social justice. She was also accused of taking part in a three-month military training programme in Lubang Buaya, the site where the seven high-ranking military officers had been killed by the so-called Sept. 30 Movement. Sumimi only offered negligible verbal opposition during her interrogation for fear of being tortured or raped or any of the other oft-heard notorious punitive actions. Moreover, she suffered from being separated from her family. Her children were not allowed to visit her. They were even told repeatedly that their mother had been killed after she was transferred from Wonosobo. It was only good fortune that Sumimi’s cousin worked at the same detention centre in Jakarta and helped inform her family that Sumimi was still alive. There were no other investigations to support Sumimi’s defence until February 1974 when officials from the World Health Organisation (WHO) probed into the matter and concluded that detainees in Jakarta, like Sumimi, only wanted to return home. Unfortunately, Sumimi’s experience was not unique. Many others who were only remotely linked to Gerwani faced a similar predicament, reflecting the pervasiveness of injustice following the tragedy of 1965. Life after Imprisonment Sumimi’s attempt to return to a life of normalcy became an arduous struggle. She had to deal with the loss of her husband, unemployment and social stigmatisation. She tried to search for her husband in several detention centres but to no avail. Her former civil servant registration number, or Nomor Induk Pegawai (NIP), as well as her job at the government office where she had previously worked before joining Gerwani was taken over by new personnel as though Sumimi did not exist anymore. She, however, never received any monetary damages for the loss of her position years ago, much less any compensation for her detention in prison. She had to set up a food stall by the street to sustain herself and her family, at least temporarily. The support she received from her extended family and fellow church members did alleviate some of her hardships, but life was never the same again. Sumimi lost a good portion of her life to the obscure and murky politics of the time. Indonesians under Suharto not only had to fear being labelled as Communists because that was not the only excuse for a person to be arbitrarily arrested and imprisoned. As Sumimi’s experience has shown, as long as one was regarded to have questionable political affiliations, they could unjustly suffer for years without any legal structure to protect their rights. Posted on 2006-01-30 Back to [Vol. 15 No. 06 NOV 2005 – Vol. 16 No. 01 JAN 2006] Remembering the Communist Party (PKI) in the post Suharto era. G30S PKI Under General Suharto, after 1984, every September 30th citizens, particularly schoolchildren, were obliged to watch Arifin C Noor’s propaganda film Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI (The Treason of the September 30 Movement and the Indonesian Communist Party), which portrayed the events of 1965, including the murders of six Indonesian Army generals on the night of the 30th, according to the official view, that is, that the murders constituted an attempt by the Communist Party to overthrow the government.

Pengkhianatan G30S PKI The Executive Director of the Institute for Public Studies (IPS), Fadli Zon, however complains that these days the traditional view of events is being attacked from all sides and ordinary people are becoming confused. The efforts to change the story of G30S/PKI and to make the PKI look like they were the victims and not the instigators keeps going on and is getting more and more intense. There were now at least five versions of the events of 1965, he said, some of which blamed the PKI for part involvement in a coup attempt, some exonerated the PKI entirely, and some blamed the CIA and MI6. Some of these alternative views managed to find their way into school history text books in 2004, which were later banned, and some of them then confiscated and publicly burned, as the authorities attempted to re-assert the primacy of the orthodox view of history. Fadli said the aim of the PKI was always to establish a dictatorship of the proletariat and they had attempted to do so three times, in 1926, 1948, and then 1965. [1] Kediri Akhyar, a resident of Kanigoro village in Kediri, remembers how on 19th January 1965 thousands of Communist Party members attacked a meeting of the Indonesian Islamic Students association, (PII, Pelajar Islam Indonesia) being held in a mosque in the village. Some of the students were tortured and killed, he said. Akhyar says however that after the events of September 30th local people had their revenge on the communists, and Kanigoro became a centre of anti-communist activity, with the bodies of murdered communists being buried in a mass grave, today called “Makam Parik”. [2] Madiun Madiun, like Kediri, was once known as a stronghold of the Communist Party, but the deputy mayor of the regency, Gandhi Yunita, said on 1st October, Pancasila Day, that he hoped this stigma had finally been erased. Gandhi said that in the 1940’s the PKI moved its base from Solo to Madiun and in 1948 staged a rebellion in the town, led by Amir Muso, in an attempt to establish a Peoples’ Republic. In the village of Kresek in September 1948 Gandhi says communists murdered many clerics, policemen, teachers, health workers, and journalists, before their rebellion was crushed by the Siliwangi division of the Army. [3] Even to this day the people of Madiun have not gotten over the psychological trauma of the PKI’s atrocities. ­ 1 antara ­ 2 antara ­ 3 tempo Tags: History ShareThis

33 Comments on “G30S PKI” Pages: [1] 2 »

Andrew Says: October 6th, 2007 at 3:52 am Millions of people disappeared following the G30S incident – allegedly murdered by the ORBA regime — is that fact or fiction? If that is fiction, then the horrible story of G30S PKI may just be another tale. In politics, right or wrong depends on which side you are on. Morality takes a backseat. Honesty has a new name.

Sylvester Says: October 6th, 2007 at 6:59 am Yup Andrew. Indonesia was a battleground for the US/NATO vs China/Soviet Union in the 60s. The US won it and with suharto’s help, took many indo natural resources afterwards. The Righteous Dude Says: October 6th, 2007 at 11:09 am Under General Suharto, after 1984, every September 30th citizens, particularly schoolchildren, were obliged to watch Arifin C Noor’s propaganda film Pengkhianatan G30S/PKI (The Treason of the September 30 Movement and the Indonesian Communist Party), which portrayed the events of 1965, including the murders of six Indonesian Army generals on the night of the 30th, according to the official view, that is, that the murders constituted an attempt by the Communist Party to overthrow the government. They also banned “The Year of Living Dangerously”, the 1983 Peter Weir film with Mel Gibson and Sigourney Weaver: IMDB page Wikipedia (English) (Indonesian, less detail) Fanpage persumably becaused it dared to challenge the official version of history, and to say some less than heroic things about Sukarno and the Indonesian military. It was allowed to be screened at Jakarta International Film Festival in 2000 under President Wahid, and was shown on Metro TV – minus a few scenes – in 2004.

Colson Says: October 6th, 2007 at 2:05 pm To learn about the truth of 1965 it seems to me to be worthwhile to read the entries of 30.9, 26.9 and 6.9 at http://www.overseasthinktankforindonesia.com/ To come to terms with the crimes against humanity by Suharto and his gang, Indonesia should recognize the facts and should follow the lead of South Africa: the culprits who are still alive, should be tried by some tribunal of reconciliation.

Sputjam Says: October 6th, 2007 at 9:21 pm Those cold war days. US and Soviets/china used remotes in third world country for domination. It was a fight between two systems and the battlefield stretched far and wide, from central america to South East asia. In Vietnam alone more than a million died, including 50000 american GIs. These 2 ideologies are no different from religious ideologies. since the fall of the soviets, it is the islamic ideology that is fighting the US, each convinced their system is better than the other. A day will come when all men will see the futility in ideologies. Every person should impose a self discipline to honesty, love and refrain from lewdness, evil and profiteering/greed. Beni Bevly Says: October 9th, 2007 at 1:00 am There is another movie shows how 30th September Movement and afterwards happened in Indonesia. The title of the movie is “Shadow Play” and here is the link http://www.thirteen.org/shadowplay/index.html . Ross Says: October 11th, 2007 at 9:03 pm Sputjam is surely wrong to equate democracy with other ideologies, as if they are commercial brands of toothbrush, equally useful. Communism, like its sister Nazism, was a homicidal dementia, which still has. sadly, many defenders even outside the remaining slave states where it holds sway. You can spot them by their almost invariable waffling when asked to condemn the marxist evil, always rubbishing on about ’social progress’ ( i.e. an irreligious anti-national ruling class replacing either free elections or a religious and patriotic ruling class), or often they give themselves away with open lies about Cuba’s great health services – which are of course reserved for Castor’s clique and foreign freedom-haters like Michael Moore. As for Islamist ideology, not to be confused with Islam as a religion, then we see what it means to impose on all nations – death to adulterers apostates, brutal floggings of kids and working men who dare to cuddle lovers or play cards, and banning mixed marriages. Let’s not kid ourselves. America’s way of life, and the West’s in general, has in the past been infinitely superior to any other system, and those non-West lands that have adopted it, South Korea, Free China, Japan, are much better off than any of their neighbours. As the Indonesians mentioned above clearly know, the PKI was a malignant cancer, just as any Communist party is, a current example being that in little Nepal. There the mainstream parties made the grave error of treating reds as normal politicians, despite their long record of terrorism. Now those Nepalese reds have realised they won’t win elections, so they have pulled out of the deal. They should be taken on and taken out. Like the PKI, who were excised and a good thing too. Oigal Says: October 13th, 2007 at 1:38 pm Still at it hey Ross,you blood thirsty old facist! Cute words “who were excised and a good thing too” as if we are talking about like banning a political party or something. Too bad they also mean that hundreds of thousands of barely literate, village people were slaughtered by roving gangs of thugs and their children’s children are still being harrassed today (of course, many of those slaughtered weren’t even “token” communists). Tell us Ross how many women and children had to die before the end didn’t justify the means anymore. As for Nepal ..yea far better they revert to the old Monarchy, dang Serf’s getting above their station. Or are you really going to pretend that Nepal was/is a just and fair democracy?

Sputjam Says: October 15th, 2007 at 10:20 pm I did not condemn democracy. If US is referred to, it meant capitalism. China embraced capitalism before England was formed, never mind the US. Capitalism flourished when a monetary unit was formed, making things easier to trade. Democracy has its flaws. In the US, the native indians were denied the right to vote until too late. If the voice of the majority is upheld, then what do the minorities do when they are subjected to unfair practices, such as in malaysia and singapore, or even in indonesia? In a multiracial settings, I think the vote of the majority will marginalised the minorities. Democracy works in a single ethnic entity, not in multiracial settings.Much like to european union, only by consensus will the minority voices be heard. The countries Ross mentioned as being successful have also eliminated religion from the government, as all government and mankind should, using common sense to promote good governance and a civil and caring society, and keeping the priests and dictators from enslaving the masses. Ross Says: October 17th, 2007 at 10:48 pm Well, ‘bloodthirsty old fascist’ (get your spelling right) is a step up from ‘frog, goose and dinsaur,’ as I was previously abused. I guess moving into political terminology from zoological is progress of sorts. Turning to serious commentators, Sputjam, I apologise if I misunderstood your views on America, and gladly accept your assurance that you believe in democracy. Whilst the free parts of Korea and China, and also Japan have no state-established churches or faiths, they do have freedom of religion and I rather think they operate in accordance with the religous/moral beliefs of the bulk of their citizens (though I am open to correction on this -no expert on Korean religion, among other things) As you say, the E.U. is incompatible with democracy, which Brits sense, and know from experience, hence their hostility towards it. ASEAN nations should beware siggestions that they imitate the Brussels Empire. Returning to the lunatic lefty Ogle… Nepalese politics may be worth arguing about, maybe, but the point I made was that the reds entered into a deal and left when they faced exposure to democratic elections. The other parties were, and are, unwilling to abolish the monarchy, wishing to transform their little nation into a constitutional kingdom, like Japan or Malaysia, which may not be perfect but are infinitely better and more free than any of Ogle’s pet tyrannies in Vietnam or Laos or Red China, which is what his ‘innocent’ PKI would have imposed on Indonesia. Yes, there were Indonesian peasants killed who shouldn’t have been, because they were conned by communist propaganda into PKI fronts. But the ‘intelligentsia’ knew very well what horrors lay in store if Adit and his comrades took power -why cry for them? ‘Bloodthirsty’ – you fellow-travellers never give up ignoring or making excuses (making omellettes, breaking eggs, etc) for the large and small holocausts in Thirties Ukraine and elsewhere or the Sachsenhausen and Buchenwald concentration camps (and I refer to the ones re-opened by Ogle’s Soviet ‘liberators’ in 1945 after the nazis had been evicted.) Oigal Says: October 18th, 2007 at 10:50 am It is simply impossible you isn’t Ross. We have spoken about mis-direction and mis quoting before its dishonest and really a sad portrayal of a pint of view. Now you have managed to jump around the globe and the era, but avoided the point ‘How many of those Indonesian peasants (such a yesterday term) had to be killed before the end did not justify the means anymore, a 100,000, 200,000 a million”? Ogle’s pet tyrannies in Vietnam or Laos or Red China, or his ‘innocent’ PKI When did I say PKI was innocent?? Could there be a sillier statements. Just because someone does not think its ok write off millions of people to support a far right tyranny does not make then a far leftist nor a communist. Here’s a tip Roscoe, just because some one finds your views on the world and your disregard of human life repugnant does not make them a leftist.

Ross Says: October 18th, 2007 at 5:30 pm Poor Wee Robbie Ogle! I offer riposte to his ignorant observation on Nepal and he flies off the handle, waggling his ‘Third Grade Debater’s Handbook’ and weeping over my sins of ‘misdirection.’ Mind you, his reference to a ‘pint of view’ may indicate a less than sober appraisal of other people’s opinions. Actually, this is a free forum and debate may go where it pleases, which makes its site much more interesting, but in any event, Oggly’s narrow focus is inherently misplaced, especially from a fellow-travelling lefty. (he is surely no righty!) because the marxist virus is a worldwide menace, and has been around for a long time. If we fail to put its Indonesian variant in a broad geo-political and historical context, we risk forgetting the nature and extent of its evil. Check your TGDH ,Oggle, and seek help for your problem of ‘repetition.’ I said already that it was not right that unlettered peasants should have been murdered. I see no need to repeat it again. Pity you don’t give a toss about the unlettered peasants murdered by Mao, Bela Kun, your dear old Uncle Joe and the others in your pantheon of dieties, not least the Kim Dynasty in North Korea, so admired by the PKI’s Aidit, who got what he deserved. Though of course your pink oggling heart is doubtless bleeding for him still.

Janma Says: October 18th, 2007 at 9:41 pm Ross, i think the communist threat is over… you can relax now…. the world has moved on. Remember two wrongs don’t make a right, but three lefts do.

Achmad Sudarsono Says: October 18th, 2007 at 10:26 pm Ross, Oigal’s not a lefty. Seriously. Even if he was, the chardonnay socialists weren’t great friends of Mao once they found out what he really did. More to the point: the reds debate is over, pal. No-one, including the reds think Marxist-Leninism is a good way to run an economy anymore. You’re about 40 years out of date. In terms of Indonesia, history’s being re-written because the G30-S-PKI as depicted in the movie was just bullshit. The truth is pretty ugly for the left. Peasants killed peasants, often over little more than an extra rice field they’d been arguing about for generations or because some neighbor got to marry the prettiest girl. But we just don’t know what drove the whole thing. The answers are lost in the shadows of 1965. We can, however, find them, through the light of scholarship and debate. But yammering away at cobwebbed arguments, my friend, isn’t helping anything, anyone, and is no credit to the memory of those lost in the night.

Sam Says: October 18th, 2007 at 11:30 pm Has this Ross been like down a well for the past two decades? I’d like to give him a news flash: It’s 2007. The Soviet Union no longer exists. China is only really communist in name only. Vietnam is opening up for trade. Castro is literally on his last legs and will die soon as will communism on that crumbling island. North Korea is an internationally recognized basket case which no country would like to emulate. No one gives a shit about Nepal. Better Ross finds some contemporary things to fear like radical Islam; for example.

Ross Says: October 19th, 2007 at 5:40 pm Well, three critics, but more articulate and infinitely less infantile than Ogle. Okay, Sam, so you think communism is a dead duck. I wish it were truly plucked but if you look at Latin America, Chavez is coercing Venezuela down the Castro road to tyranny, and others may be close behind. Communism of course is economic garbage, but the despotic political core holds firm in all CP-run countries. Prisons for dissenters, no free unions, no opposition press or parties -it hasn’t changed essentially, still denies its subjects what we often take for granted. Ogle doesn’t care about that, merely whines about the past, eager to have the PKI rats rehabilitated- that’s why I don’t let it drop, because Ogle’s type loves to paint vermin like the PKI as some kind of agrarian reformers- not so. They were vicious totalitarian hypocrites, like all CPs everywhere. And yes, I see the menace of Islamist fanatics. But most everyone does, whereas uninformed people might think PKI deserved sympathy, if Comrade Ogleski were to have his white-washing way. Achmad, and Jamma, you are too quick to count them out. There were thousands, millions of marxists around until the Berlin Wall fell- did they all just disintegrate? Universities were churning them out through the 60s and 70s and now those grads are the profs and professionals – of course some grew up, but a lot still evince every sign of ideological infection. Cultural marxist power-grabs would make a nice next topic! Achmad Sudarsono Says: October 20th, 2007 at 12:18 pm Ross, A better effort. And yes, since the Berlin wall fell, it’s been possible to be an intellectual Marxist. But as a way to run a society, it’s been discredited for a long, long time. Chavez’s antics are more populism than Marxism, who very few people have actually read, including you, my friend. Marx’s analysis of globalization, written 150 years ago was prophetic, quoted by the likes of arch-liberal Thomas Friedman in the World Is Flat just last year. Modern neoclassical economics hasn’t matched his analysis of recession and depression. Above all, it’s very unlikely the red-guard thugs of the PKI would have understood it. Pal, Oigal ain’t a communist. He ain’t. Oigal’s a gentleman skeptic and free thinker who’s sometimes conservative, sometimes liberal but never communist. We don’t know what happened in 1965. The CIA was probably involved. Suharto probably re-wrote history. The PKI probably couldn’t been as bad. Alot of neighbours killed neighbours for sure. We just don’t know. The answers are lost in the night, but as mentioned previously, squeezing the episode into cold war rhetoric won’t shed any light or uncover the lost history.

Achmad Sudarsono Says: October 20th, 2007 at 12:19 pm Correction: above should’ve read PKI probably would’ve been as bad, or killed as many people. Pakmantri Says: October 20th, 2007 at 2:00 pm Ha ha ha ………….. lol, rotf :-). I could not believe I am cheering for pak Achmad Sudarsono!!! Go Achmad go …… Peace.

Oigal Says: October 21st, 2007 at 1:05 pm Truely scary, AS on my side, tis but weird world! Now back to our neocon Ross. Sorry my spelling errors annoy you, wait …no I am not. Lucky I used “pint” instead of word litre as it is about 30 years to recent for you Rip Van Winkle. the marxist virus is a worldwide menace straight from the Salem Witch Trials in Actually what is a greater menace, is fanatics like you who believe its ok to slaughter thousands because they don’t support those “ism” that those in power do I do admire your squirming although how you equate todays Nepal into (the) Indonesian variant in a broad geo-political and historical context is feat that even David Blaine would be proud of. By the way the “pint” still stands if you are going to use Nepal as a example fo the red menace you really should be prepared to defend its alternative not duck away to Japan. Here’s a tip, stick with the Koreas, they make a far better (albeit hardly relevent as Nth Korea is a sick abberation of the norm) case for your dated debate. You are of course correct that Communism leads to Prisons for dissenters, no free unions, no opposition press or parties -it hasn’t changed essentially, still denies its subjects what we often take for granted. how is that different from the world you so desire, you have already stated that it was only a “shame” that a few peasants got slaughtered in 1965. In fact could you not say the same existed in Indonesia after the PKI was routed and those couple of hundred thousand peasants were killed. “Prisons for dissenters, no free unions, no opposition press or parties” sounds awfully post 65 Indonesia to me or are you going to quote the free press of Nepal to me. Do we really want to go into all the other despots raised and supported in the fight against the red menace. If you travel too far to the left or right the results are the same ..always the same. D Been a bit busy today do feel free to spell check if it makes you feel warm and fuzzy inside.

Ross Says: October 21st, 2007 at 7:15 pm ‘few people have actually read…including you my friend..’ Achmad, you may have great self-perceived qualities but being a dukun ain’t one of them. Please don’t assume too much in your attempt at intellectual machtergreifung. As a wise doctor studies disease, of course I studied marxism, to postgraduate level, though the mention of higher education will presumably provoke a resentful jibe from the Ogglet, who in turn obviously ain’t very well-travelled, as he’d know that pints are alive and well in the Mother Country. The comparison with Nepal today and Indonesia pre-1965 is pretty obvious, collaboration in coalitions as the PKi had been operating under Sukarno, not that far different from the pretence of fair play and democratic discussion in Nepal, until the Reds sussed they were on a loser if free elections were held. Now they are doing their best to scupper things. Poor Ogglet can’t get his head round the fact that we can talk to each other as liberals, conservatives, social democrats – but communists are a breed apart. Yes. they can see the light, become good citizens, but until that happens, they should be beyond the pale. Otherwise you just bring up another generation of gullible Ogglets who think reds are like normal folk. And whose literacy is such that they interpret ‘it’s a shame’ as ‘it’s okay’, Sorry Achmad, I am prepared to listen to your arguments but not accept that such a sad little rude-boy as the Ogglet qualifies as a ‘gentleman.’ You degrade the word by bracketing it with his ‘name.’ Achmad Sudarsono Says: October 21st, 2007 at 8:15 pm Ross, OK. Reading is different from understanding. Let’s not get waylaid into an arcane debate about what Marx really meant, but the fact is most people in academia don’t have either the technical knowledge or concentration to get through his economic arguments, which actually drew heavily on Adam Smith, believe it or not. But let’s take you on your word. As a humble ukele player and pencak silat teacher, I don’t know what machtergreifung. means. Please explain. Let’s cut to the chase: Why are you picking on Oigal ? He’s really a pretty fair-minded and decent chap and seriously, is no communist. Why are you whipping a dead horse (communism) ?

Oigal Says: October 22nd, 2007 at 10:32 am Ross makes a fine spokesman for the NEW (OLD?) Order, you don’t agree with my repression and summary imprisionments etc etc ergo you must be a far left communist! Edgar Hoover..Where are you??

Oigal Says: October 22nd, 2007 at 10:34 am Oh…and Ross…temper temper now.. Ross Says: October 22nd, 2007 at 8:46 pm Seriously, Achmad, I do not pick on people, unless they are very infantile people who mix into adult debate. They should be seen and not heard if they cannot hold a steady discussion without the sort of tantrums evinced in the post just above this. I do not let temper dictate my posts, but type them equably, addressing civilised critics in a civilised manner. However, I reserve the right to make exceptions of little reds like Ogglet, who first made my acquaintance with the greeting ’sac of pus’ in another thread. That was his sophisticated analysis of a theory supported by many historians, notably the Dutchman Dake, and which accords with all that’s known of communist practice everywhere. I must express surprise at your claim that he is not a commie, or fellow-traveller, but then, as you say, ‘reading is different from understanding.’ I shall take you at your word also, and assume you read all his gunk yet did not see the cultural marxist undercurrents. (like his last throwaway phrase on J. Edgar Hoover- types like Ogglet usually parrot the Comintern smear about Hoover, regardless of the fact it was a figment of some NKVD agents’s imagination.) Achmad Sudarsono Says: October 22nd, 2007 at 9:02 pm Ross, Well, if you want get obsessed with a debate that’s over for the time being go ahead. No one will stop you. But Oigal works for some sort of mining, oil and gas company, in a sector which at the moment is run on very capitalist principles, so unless he’s a well-pumper or minesite satpam, which I doubt, he’s probably in favour of the system that rewards him well – capitalism.

Sputjam Says: October 22nd, 2007 at 11:00 pm Communism activities in asia was backed by china. It was succesful in vietnam, as it has a very sizeable chinese population, and most chinese merely folllow the ideology of the motherland. In Malaysia, the radio broadcast of communist party of Malaya was from beijing. Even their leaders reside there, letting the peasant army of mostly chinese immigrants do all the fighting. I am not sure who the main backers of PKI are. But sukarno and zhou-En-lai were bossum buddies. During their time, the non-aligned movement were in their hands. I heard, after the downfall of PKI, millions of migrant chinese communities in indonesia either abandoned or fled to neighbouring countries or returned to china if they managed to escape persecution. There are chinese in china who still have the ability to speak bahasa indonesia. Communism did not get much support in the phillipines and thailand, probably because the chinese communities there fled communism. Oigal Says: October 23rd, 2007 at 9:37 am Ross, However outdated and silly your “pints” may be, it’s not nice to tell “big fat porkies” in order to belittle someone. “Ogglet, who first made my acquaintance with the greeting ’sac of pus’ in another thread.” Naughty man what was actually said was Does anyone with an ounce of education and free thought actually believe that crock of pus anymore. Belly laughs all round, except for the hundreds of thousands who were slaughtered to satisfy a certain someone’s lust for power of course. Tad different context, most would agree. Anyway you have become boring again till next time Wait thats not fair..not totally boring parrot the Comintern smear about Hoover, regardless of the fact it was a figment of some NKVD agents’s imagination Is an absolute classic which stands tall on its own paraniod and delusional merits.. Seriously well done.

Ross Says: October 23rd, 2007 at 7:58 pm Here he goes again, accusing his antagonist of lying because I used the word sac instead of crock. They are both containers, and he used the phrase to describe his opponent’s explanation of what happened in 1965. By his own age-ist account, he was probably not born then and so should read other people’s books (besides the Jakarta Post’s pin-up lefty authors)who have something useful to say. Achmad, many’s the red who battens on capitalist bucks to feed his face while subverting the system that feeds him. But, now, friends and comrades, far from being obsessed, I am bored witless with Ogletski’s ranting fury, and until there is a new and more interesting thread, I propose to bow out, leaving the minerals satpam/commissar to froth about delusions whilst he swallows red propaganda whole. Of course the Soviet Secret Services never smeared anybody, Ogski, they were just nice guys who enjoyed chess and torture. Bleat on, Og, or read the Venona Papers, or at least something other than the Jakarta Post’s poster-child authors.

Oigal Says: October 24th, 2007 at 7:13 pm laugh, lots of abuse but nothing of interest Mr Hoover, don’t let the door hit you on the arse on the way out. However, I do apologise for using crock of pus to describe your sad version of history, it was way too kind. Pages: [1] 2 » Permalink 1 Comment

Hello WORLD..still remember Mr Kennedy?got killed by sniper.Now Mr Obama rewrite the history again.may be He will get shot by sniper.dont believe me here one victim already.history and human always repeat it self.thats mean we R all stupid .wanted to be intelligent. October 9, 2008 at 1:30 am (Uncategorized) (charliesianipar, INDIA, INDONESIA, ISLAM, JAKARTA, ROYSIANIPAR, unitedstate, victoriasianipar, VIKYSIANIPAR)

A

when the gunman confronted him and glared at the top, which carries an image of the Democrat US presidential candidate underneath the legend ‘Believe’.

The man then launched into a tirade of racist slurs, shouting ‘I f***ing hate n*****s’ and urging 36-year-old Mr Egwuatu to leave the shop with him. The man then left the shop but when Mr Egwuatu re-emerged, the attacker was waiting for him in broad daylight with a threatening-looking dog and holding a gun behind his back. Realising what had sparked the increasingly violent assault, the terrified Mr Egwuatu zipped up his jacket to cover the image of Mr Obama and walked to his car. But the shaven-headed man, who was white, followed Mr Egwuatu and after pulling open the passenger door pointed the gun at him. After pleading with the man to leave him alone, the married former street warden put the keys in the ignition and turned the engine on. The attacker then fired the gas-powered ball-bearing pistol three times, hitting the civil servant in the face, hand and shoulder. Fearing for his life and bleeding heavily, Mr Egwuatu raced away in his car and found somewhere safe to call for help. He was taken to hospital and later sent to have a piece of metal removed from his jaw. Mr Egwuatu, a data analyst with Croydon Council, said: ‘The venom in his voice was frightening. ‘He was telling me that he was going to kill me. ‘I couldn’t believe it was happening – and just because I was wearing an Obama T-shirt. He was trying to make me walk somewhere quieter, saying: ‘I’ve got something for you,’ and ‘I’m going to kill you.’ He added: ‘Obama inspires me, his educational track record alone is quite unbelievable – that is why I was wearing the T-shirt. ‘I did not think for one minute it could stir up such powerful feelings of hatred and I never said a word to him.’ Mr Egwuatu’s wife, Angela, 35, said neither of them had experienced anything like it during their childhood in Nigeria. Mrs Egwuatu, an immigration officer, said: ‘At first my feelings were pure horror and now it is pure anger. ‘If he had been carrying a real gun I would have been a widow. It is just ridiculous. ‘I don’t know how a person’s mentality works. Why would a T-shirt get you to the point where you want to shoot someone.’ To the untrained eye, ball-bearing guns like the one used in the attack look every bit like a real firearm. The potentially lethal weapons are often converted by criminals to fire real bullets, and can be bought easily in high-street shops and on websites. The Met said it was investigating the incident, which took place in South Norwood, and that police searched a nearby house which the attacker was seen going into. No one has been arrested.

Possibly related posts: (automatically generated) NEW BARACK OBAMA HIP-HOP T-SHIRTS October 8, 2008 Categories: Barack Obama, Signs The World Is Coming To An End, What in Tarnation? . Tags: Barack Obama, MAN SHOT IN RAP BATTLE, racism . Author: illseed 10 Comments 1. Comment by trackstar on October 8, 2008 3:21 am Wow…. this is really depressing, the human race will surely wipe out itself if this type of senseless

violence goes on. 2. Comment by meekorouse on October 8, 2008 4:30 am that’s truly sad; Obama is inspiring a lot of good in the US and there are many of us hoping he’ll be our next President. He is trying to foster goodwill with everyone and repair the damage that our reputation has taken in the International community. That anyone would get injured sharing the positive spirit that Obama engenders is very sad. I hope that Mr Egwuatu is on the mend very soon! 3. Comment by dj t.e.c.h. on October 8, 2008 5:05 am DAMN WHITE PEOPLE ALWAYS ON SOME SHIT I GUESS SOME WHITE PERSON WILL GO CRAZY OVER HERE NEXT WHEN OBAMA WINSDAMN DUDE CAN’T EVEN VOTE FOR THE MAN AND HE GOT SHOT WHAT U THINK THEY GOING DO OVER HEREOBAMA NEEDS TO WATCH EDDIE MURPHY’S DELIRIOUS TAPE SO HE KNOW WHAT TO DO GIVING HIS FIRST SPEECH AS PRESIDENT LOL 4. Comment by Flipmode on October 8, 2008 6:51 am Wow, some crazy ass skinheads. In broad daylight too over a damn t-shirt? Another world is coming to an end story i think illseed. 5. Comment by reddman_00_99 on October 8, 2008 1:49 pm WE HAVE TO BE MORE CAREFUL, WE ALL KNOW THAT RACISM IS STILL OUT HERE. I DON’T KNOW HOW SOME PEOPLE, (MOSTLY WHITE), CAN TRUTHFULLY SAY THAT AMERICA IS NOT A RACIST COUNTRY. I KNOW IT DIDN’T TAKE PLACE HERE BUT IF IT CAN HAPPEN IN LONDON YOIU KNOW IT CAN HAPPEN HERE. I THINK THE SOONER WE JUST ACCEPT THE TRUTH ABOUT THIS COUNTRY HISTORY WE CAN REALLY BEGIN TO FIX OUR COUNTRY’S “BIRTH DEFECT”. ITS GONG TO HAPPEN, OBAMA WILL WIN JUST FACE IT AND MOVE ON. ITS NOT LIKE HE PLANS TO WIPE OUT WHITE AMERICA ONCE HES IN OFFICE. WE HAVE HAD OVER 40 WHITE PRESIDENTS AND THERE CAN’T BE ONE WHO HAS SOME BLACK IN HIM. AFTER THE LAST 8 YEARS I WOULD TAKE SOMEONE FROM ANOTHER PLANET. 6. Comment by bknewstash on October 8, 2008 1:54 pm i wouldve knocked that craccer out inside the store.Soon as he wouldve said the N word I wuldve crushed his face with a 2 piece . 7. Comment by bigga on October 8, 2008 2:34 pm Thats Crazy but nowhere in the article is a qoute from the shooter that he shot this guy because of his T-shirt. The shooter said he hates black people and the guy who got shot was black. so how can you say its because of an obama shirt when its not in there??? SMH 8. Comment by Jhazzai on October 8, 2008 2:42 pm That’s a got damn shame mayne! I would’ve taken that Obama t-shirt off and hung his azz! 9. Comment by galfromGeorgia on October 8, 2008 2:46 pm I think we all need to remember that racism exists in ALL races. I have friends of every color since I was a child, and have seen the hardships they face but have also been privy to their own form of reverse racism against white Americans because they feel oppressed by them. I think if we realized that we are all the HUMAN RACE and dealt with those issues that face us ALL then just maybe we could start moving forward instead of concentrating so much energy on negativity and hatred. Thank God this man is alright, and hopefully the police will find the shooter. I’ve heard several threats by people here is Georgia about the KKK rising again if Obama is elected….I guess they forget if they kill him they will be killing his WHITE half as well as his BLACK half. How do you separate one from the other? How do you ever call murder justifiable, especially in the name of God? Republicans seem great at spewing hate and fear speech…calling Obama “THE ONE”, the Antichrist, and the latest…a sleeper cell terrorist from the genius Mrs. First Dude, Sarah Palin. Ignorance will lead to mankinds own distruction…Education of others lives and cultures is the only way to survive as the HUMAN RACE! Obama/Biden have our votes…haven’t been undecided in the household since Feb. 2008 and I don’t see how there are still hold outs. 10. Comment by illseed on October 8, 2008 3:04 pm i think people forget the true definition of racism. its a system of oppression based on a race of people and the notion that one race is better than another. the kkk doesnt consider any white in obama when they plot killing him – they prob dont cosider him white at all. thats racism. if you are a bigot, you are a bigot, but racism is systemic…people that have the power to suppress, oppress, terrorize…. Comments RSS TrackBack Identifier URI Leave a comment Permalink Leave a Comment

ORANG-ORANG JAKARTA dan putra Batak islam/kristen DI BALIK TRAGEDI MALUKU.jendralSilalahi putra Batak berlumuran darah dan dosa hak azasi manusia di ambon dan masih banayak putra batak yg ikut terkontiminasi dosa dan korupsi besar di Indonesia as you can see any christian batak took the job in Indonesia they had to wear islam hat to show the obidient to the islam and javanese system. October 6, 2008 at 3:47 pm (Uncategorized) (aceh, africa, ambon, batak, europe, germany, italy, JAWA, maluku, poland, RUSSIAN, sumatra, sweden, swiss, unitedstate)

ORANG-ORANG JAKARTA DI BALIK TRAGEDI MALUKU George J. Aditjondro Pengantar --------Tragedi kerusuhan sosial di Maluku, menurut dosen Fakultas Psikologi Universitas Indonesia, Ichsan Malik, dalam dua setengah tahun terakhir telah menelan lebih dari 9000 korban jiwa. Ia menyebutnya sebagai 'tragedi kemanusiaan terbesar di Indonesia' belakangan ini (Kompas, 30 Maret 2001). Pandangan umum yang beredar di Indonesia adalah bahwa konflik itu murni timbul karena persaingan antara kedua kelompok agama - Kristen dan Islam - di Maluku, atau karena ulah 'sisa-sisa kelompok separatis RMS' di sana. Berbeda dengan pandangan umum itu, penelitian kepustakaan dan wawancara-wawancara penulis dengan sejumlah sumber di Maluku dan di luar Maluku menunjukkan bahwa tragedi itu secara sistematis dipicu dan dipelihara oleh sejumlah tokoh politik dan militer di Jakarta, untuk melindungi kepentingan mereka. Dalam makalah ini, penulis akan menggambarkan bagaimana konflik itu dipicu dengan bantuan sejumlah preman Ambon yang didatangkan dari Jakarta, lalu mengalami eskalasi setelah kedatangan ribuan anggota Lasykar Jihad dari Jawa. Intensitas konflik dipelihara oleh satu jaringan militer aktif dan purnawirawan, yang terentang dari Jakarta sampai ke Ambon. Selanjutnya, penulis juga akan mengungkapkan agenda militer dalam memelihara kerusuhan-kerusuhan itu. Akhirnya, dalam kesimpulan penulis akan mengajukan beberapa usul untuk penyelesaian kasus Maluku. Jaringan Preman Ambon ---------------------Pada tahun 1980-an, seorang preman Ambon beragama Kristen di Jakarta, Ongkie Pieters membangkitkan rasa hormat dan ketakutan di kalangan kaum muda Ambon, tanpa menghiraukan agama mereka. Meskipun penghidupan mereka didapatkan lebih dengan menggunakan otot ketimbang otak, para preman Ambon di Jakarta masih menghormati tradisi pela (persekutuan darah antara kampung Kristen dan kampung Islam). Kalau berkelahi, mereka sering memakai ikat kepala merah, yang lebih merupakan simbol ke-Ambon-an yang berakar dalam kultur Alifuru ketimbang lambang agama Samawi yang mereka anut. Hal ini secara radikal berbeda dengan makna yang kini diberikan terhadap 'merah' sebagai simbol Kristen dan 'putih' sebagai simbol Islam. Tidak berapa lama, seorang preman Ambon yang lain, Milton Matuanakotta muncul ke tengah-tengah gelanggang. Ia memiliki banyak pendukung di kalangan kaum muda baik di kalangan Ambon Kristen maupun Muslim, dan dengan cepat menjadi lebih populer di kalangan preman Ambon di Jakarta daripada pendahulunya. Pada saat itu, orang-orang Ambon Muslim beranggapan perlu memiliki 'pahlawan' mereka sendiri, maka mereka memilih Dedy Hamdun, seorang Ambon keturunan Arab. Figur ini agak kontroversial, sebab di satu sisi ia aktif berkampanye untuk PPP, tetapi di sisi lain suami artis Eva Arnaz itu juga bekerja untuk membebaskan tanah bagi bisnis properti Ibnu Hartomo, adik ipar bekas Presiden Soeharto. Entah karena aktivitas politik atau bisnisnya, di awal 1998 Deddy Hamdun diculik bersama sejumlah aktivis PRD, Aldera, dan PDI-P oleh satu reguKopassus bernama Tim Mawar yang berada di bawah komando Jenderal Prabowo Subianto, menantu Presiden Soeharto waktu itu. Hilangnya Hamdun setelah 3 1/2 bulan dalam tahanan Tim Mawar (Siagian 1999: 20-21) mengubah peta politik preman Ambon di Jakarta. Kepemimpinan pemuda Muslim Maluku diambilalih oleh Ongen Sangaji, seorang preman Maluku Muslim yang juga anggota Pemuda Pancasila. Secara ironis, dalam bersaing untuk loyalitas di kalangan kaum muda Maluku di Jakarta kedua pemimpin preman itu juga bersaing dalam mendapatkan akses ke bisnis keamanan pribadi anak-anak Soeharto. Milton memperoleh akses ke mereka melalui Yorris Raweyai, wakil ketua Pemuda Pancasila yang berasal dari Papua Barat dan dekat dengan Bambang Trihatmodo. Selain itu, Milton adalah ipar Tinton Soeprapto, pimpinan arena pacuan mobil milik Tommy Soeharto di Sentul, Bogor. Sementara itu, Ongen lebih dekat ke Siti Hardiyanti Rukmana alias Tutut melalui Abdul Gafur, bekas Menteri Pemuda dan Olahraga di zaman pemerintahan Soeharto. Anak buah Ongen terutama berasal dari desa-desa Pelauw dan Kalolo di Haruku. Menjelang Sidang Istimewa MPR November 1998, ketika B.J.Habibie berusaha mencari mandat untuk melegitimasi kepresidenannya, sejumlah politisi, jendral dan usahawan menciptakan kelompok paramiliter baru untuk menangkal aksi-aksi demonstrasi mahasiswa yang menentang pencalonan kembali Habibie. Kelompok Pam Swakarsa ini antara lain terdiri dari preman-preman Ambon Muslim yang direkrut oleh Ongen Sangaji. Dukungan keuangan untuk kelompok ini berasal dari keluarga Soeharto dan seorang pengusaha keturunan Arab, Fadel Muhammad, yang dekat dengan keluarga Soeharto. Sementara dukungan politis untuk kelompok itu berasal dari Jenderal Wiranto, Menteri Pertahanan waktu itu, Mayor Jenderal Kivlan Zein, Kepala Staf KOSTRAD waktu itu, Abdul Gafur, Wakil Ketua MPR waktu itu, dan Pangdam Jaya Mayjen Djadja Suparman. Untuk meningkatkan militansi para milisi yang miskin dan berpendidikan rendah itu, mereka diindoktrinasi bahwa para aktivis mahasiswa adalah "orang-orang komunis" yang didukung oleh jendral dan pengusaha Kristen. Dengan demikian banyak anggota PAM Swakarsa beranggapan bahwa mereka ber'jihad' melawan "orang kafir". Kenyataan bahwa bentrokan yang paling sengit antara para mahasiswa dan tentara terjadi di kampus Universitas Katolik Atmajaya, hanya karena kedekatan kampus itu dengan gedung parlemen, memberikan kesan kredibilitas dari propaganda sektarian dan anti komunis ini. Dalam kerusuhan Semanggi menjelang Sidang Istimewa MPR itu, empat orang anak buah Ongen yang berasal dari Kailolo (Haruku), Tulehu dan Hitu (Ambon), dan Kei (Maluku Tenggara), dibunuh oleh penduduk setempat yang berusaha melindungi para aktivis mahasiswa dari serangan kelompok milisi Muslim itu. Maka terbukalah peluang untuk menghasut preman-preman Ambon Islam itu untuk melakukan balas dendam. Konyolnya, balas dendam itu tidak diarahkan terhadap para aktivis mahasiswa, tetapi terhadap sesama preman Ambon yang beragama Kristen. Kesempatan itu timbul ketika terjadi kerusuhan di daerah Ketapang, Jakarta Pusat, pada hari Minggu dan Senin, 22-23 November 1998. Apa yang dimulai adalah percekcokan antara para satpam Ambon Kristen yang menjaga sebuah pusat perjudian dan penduduk setempat segera berkembang menjadi kerusuhan anti Kristen di mana lusinan gereja, sekolah, bank, toko, dan sepeda motor dihancurkan. Ternyata, kekuatan-kekuatan dari luar dikerahkan untuk mengubah konflik lokal itu menjadi konflik antar-agama. Kekuatan-kekuatan luar ini mencakup sekelompok orang yang mirip orang Ambon, yang menyerang lingkungan Ketapang pada jam 5.30 pagi. Mereka dibayar Rp 40.000 ditambah makan tiga kali sehari untuk menteror orang-orang Muslim setempat. Meskipun salah seorang dari mereka yang tertangkap adalah orang Batak yang kemudian disiksa dan dibunuh oleh penduduk setempat, namun mayoritas preman ini adalah orang Ambon anggota PAM Swakarsa bentukan Gafur. Mereka yang menyerang semua penduduk setempat yang terlihat melintas di sekitarnya dan membakar semua sepeda motor yang diparkir di depan mesjid setempat yang menyebabkan jendela-jendela mesjid itu pecah. Dipicu oleh kabar angin bahwa sebuah mesjid telah dibakar oleh 'orang-orang kafir', penduduk Muslim setempat balik menyerang orang-orang luar tadi dengan dukungan para anggota Front Pembela Islam (FPI) yang didatangkan dari berbagai tempat di Jakarta. Selama kerusuhan ini, enam orang meninggal korban main hakim sendiri oleh penduduk Muslim setempat dan para anggota FPI. Tiga orang dari korban itu adalah orang-orang Kristen dari Saparua dan Haruku. Memang tidak jelas apakah rangkaian pembunuhan terhadap para preman Ambon di Senayan dan Ketapang itu telah dipersiapkan oleh sekutu-sekutu politik Soeharto. Yang jelas, kerusuhan di Ketapang mengukuhkan monopoli sebuah pusat perjudian lain di jalan Kunir, Jakarta. Pusat perjudian itu dikelola oleh Tomy Winata, mitra bisnis Bambang Trihatmodjo dan teman dekat Yorris Raweyai dari Pemuda Pancasila. Terlepas dari motif di balik pembakaran pusat perjudian di Ketapang, pembunuhan terhadap para preman Ambon Muslim dan Kristen itu mengakibatkan kedua kelompok itu bertekad melakukan balas dendam terhadap satu sama lain di kampung halaman mereka di Maluku. Dengan menggunakan kerusuhan Ketapang sebagai alasan, aparat keamanan di Jakarta menangkap semua orang Maluku yang tidak memiliki KTP, dan menaikkan mereka ke kapal penumpang sipil maupun Angkatan Laut yang berlayar ke Ambon. Menurut seorang sumber penulis yang berlayar dengan KM Bukit Siguntang ke Ambon pada bulan Desember 1998, sekelompok preman Ketapang yang menumpang di geladak kapal dengan suara keras menggembar-gemborkan niat mereka untuk membalas dendam terhadap musuh mereka di Ambon. Di mata orang awam, langkah-langkah aparat keamanan ini tidak tampak mencurigakan, karena banyak orang Ambon Kristen pulang ke kampung halamannya untuk merayakan Natal, sementara banyak orang Ambon Muslim juga merencanakan untuk melalui bulan puasa dan liburan Idul Fritri bersama sanak keluarga di kampung mereka. Baru kemudian tersebar berita bahwa antara 165 dan 600 pemuda Ambon telah berlayar pulang ke Ambon selama akhir tahun 1998. Di antara mereka terdapat preman Ambon Kristen yang terlibat dalam serangan fajar di Ketapang, maupun Sadrakh Mustamu, kepala keamanan di pusat perjudian Ketapang. Ongen Sangaji dan Milton Matuanakotta juga termasuk preman Ambon yang pulang ke Ambon pada akhir tahun 1998, untuk menyulut kerusuhan di sana. Preman Ambon yang datang dari Jakarta, segera melebur ke dalam kalangannya masing-masing. Di kotamadya Ambon yang berpenduduk hampir 350 ribu jiwa itu, dunia preman dikuasai oleh dua orang tokoh yang berbeda kepribadiannya, Berty Loupati yang masih muda lebih merupakan seorang preman profesional, serta Agus Wattimena yang tua, seorang penatua (anggota Majelis Gereja) yang juga jago berkelahi. Berty Loupati adalah pemimpin kelompok 'Coker' yang didirikannya awal 1980-an di daerah Kudamati dekat RS Dr. Haulussy setelah ia pulang dari "berguru" ilmu kriminalitas kelas teri (petty crime) di Surabaya. Kelompok ini adalah hasil peleburan kelompok-kelompok preman yang lebih kecil di Ambon, seperti Van Boomen, Papi Coret, Sex Pistol. Anggota kelompok preman gabungan itu kurang lebih seratus orang, Nasrani maupun Muslim. Walaupun anggotanya ada juga yang perempuan, Coker semula merupakan kepanjangan dari "Cowok Keren" ('Handsome Boys'), walaupun kemudian ada yang mempelesetkan arti Coker menjadi Cowok Kerempeng ('Skinny Boys'), karena kebanyakan anggotanya memang kurus kerempeng. Di kemudian hari, setelah konflik antar-agama mulai berkecamuk di kota Ambon, majalah mingguan Tajuk (April 1999) mengubah arti Coker menjadi 'Cowok Keristen' ('Christian Boys'). Singkatan "Cowok Kristen" itu kemudian dipopulerkan oleh media massa yang mendukung kehadiran Lasykar Jihad di Maluku. Di luar struktur Coker, Agus Wattimena mendirikan Lasykar Kristus, khusus dibentuk untuk berperang melawan kelompok milisi Islam asli Ambon sertaLasykar Jihad yang datang dari luar Ambon. Jagoan yang sering menyandang pistol Colt kaliber 45 mengaku punya 60 ribu anak buah (Hajari 2000). Tidak jelas seberapa jauh kebenaran klaim Agus itu. Yang jelas, adanya dua kelompok yang sama-sama mengklaim membela kepentingan masyarakat Ambon Kristen menimbulkan rivalitas yang sangat tajam antara Berty dan Agus, apalagi setelah beredar kabar burung bahwa Berty mulai condong ke kepentingan penguasa dari Jakarta. Tidak lama setelah nama Agus Wattimena diumumkan sebagai "Pimpinan Akar Rumput" (Grassroots Leader ) Front Kedaulatan Maluku (FKM), yang diproklamasikan oleh dokter Alex Manuputty dan kawan-kawannya pada tanggal 18 Desember 2000, riwayat Agus tampaknya sudah tamat. Hari Selasa malam, 20 Maret 2001, Agus Wattimena tewas tertembak di rumahnya sendiri, dengan dua lubang tembakan di jidat dan lengan kirinya (Jakarta Post, 22 Maret 2001). Menurut sumber-sumber Lasykar Jihad (Laskarjihad.or.id, 21 Maret 2001), "Agus ditembak oleh pesaingnya, Berty Loupatty, kepala geng Coker (Cowok Kristen), yang satu daerah dengan Agus. Berty dan Agus memang akhir-akhir ini sudah tidak akur dan pernah terlibat baku tembak melibatkan seluruh anak buah mereka di kawasan Kudamati beberapa bulan lalu". Namun melihat pola adu domba antara sesama kelompok sipil yang semakin sering dilakukan oleh kelompok-kelompok militer di berbagai penjuru Nusantara, bisa saja Agus Wattimena ditembak mati oleh seorang sniper profesional. Soalnya, ia baru dibunuh setelah melibatkan diri secara langsung dalam sebuah organisasi yang terang-terangan memperjuangkan kedaulatan rakyat Maluku yang diproklamasikan oleh RMS tahun 1950. Jadi saat itu ia bukan lagi sekedar panglima satu kelompok milisi yang semata-mata memperjuangkan keselamatan separuh penduduk kota Ambon yang beragama Kristen. Kendati demikian, buat kebanyakan orang Ambon yang beragama Kristen, kematian laki-laki setengah ompong berumur 50 tahun itu tetap dihargai sebagaimana layaknya gugurnya seorang pahlawan. Ia dikuburkan di tengah-tengah 400 orang anakbuahnya yang telah meninggal terlebih dahulu di kota Ambon. Kematiannya tidak hanya diperingati di kota Ambon, tapi juga oleh masyarakat Ambon Kristen di Jakarta, dihadiri oleh sejumlah artis terkenal. Sementara itu, Ongen Sangaji dan Milton Matuanakotta sudah sama-sama bersembunyi untuk menghindarkan diri dari kemarahan masyarakat Ambon di Jakarta. Ongen kabarnya telah bersumpah untuk tidak akan terlibat lagi dalam proyek kerusuhan di tempat-tempat lain di Indonesia, sedangkan Milton kabarnya disembunyikan atas perintah Jenderal (Purn.) Wiranto, yang peranannya akan dibahas kemudian dalam makalah ini. Eskalasi dua tahap ------------------Setelah dipicu oleh para preman Ambon dari Jakarta, konflik di Maluku dapat dibagi dalam dua tahap. Tahap pertama mulai Januari 1999 sampai dengan akhir April 2000, dan ditandai oleh saling menyerang antara penduduk Kristen dan Muslim yang sebagian besar menggunakan senjata primitif buatan sendiri, termasuk bom rakitan. Ada keseimbangan kekuatan antara kedua belah fihak. Selanjutnya, fase kedua mulai dari bulan Mei 2000, yang ditandai oleh kedatangan orang non-Maluku, yang sebagian besar adalah orang Muslim dari Jawa, Sulawesi, dan Sumatera, yang dikenal sebagai Lasykar Jihad. Mereka membawa senjata modern dan bersekutu dengan personil militer Muslim yang berjumlah 80% dari pasukan yang ditempatkan di kepulauan rempah-rempah itu. Perkembangan ini secara total menghancurkan keseimbangan sebelumnya, dan menciptakan perimbangan kekuagan yang menguntungkan orang Muslim. Selama tahap pertama, ketika secara relatif jumlah orang yang terbunuh masih sedikit dan tingkat kebencian antaragama belum mencapai klimaksnya, maka operasi intelijen direncanakan secara cermat untuk mengkondisikan kedua komunitas menerkam leher satu sama lain, segera setelah kerusuhan sosial dipicu. Operasi-operasi intelijen ini mencakup penyaluran pamflet-pamflet provokatif di kalangan penduduk dan penyaluran handie-talkie di kalangan pemimpin kelompok-kelompok setempat agar kerusuhan dapat dipicu secara simultan dalam jangkauan yang luas. Beberapa pamflet tanpa nama yang disebarkan di Ambon menjelang kerusuhan bulan Januari dan Februari 1999, memperingatkan kedua belah pihak, bahwa pihak lain sedang merencanakan untuk membakar rumah-rumah ibadah mereka, dan memperingatkan sebuah kelompok etnik bahwa kelompok etnik lain sedang merencanakan untuk membinasakan mereka. Pamflet-pamflet serupa disebarkan di kalangan kaum Muslim di Maluku Utara, menjelang kerusuhan bulan Agustus dan November 1999. Ditandatangani oleh para pemimpin gereja Protestan di Ambon, isi pamflet-pamflet itu mendesak orang Kristen untuk membinasakan semua orang Muslim. Salah satu pamflet jatuh ke tangan aparat desa di Tidore. Sebuah pertemuan diadakan dan ketika pendeta setempat, Ari Risakotta, tidak muncul untuk menjelaskan isi surat itu, ia diserang dan dibunuh di rumahnya. Mengingat bahwa pertarungan yang masih berlangsung di Ambon, rasanya sangat tidak mungkin bahwa ada pemimpin gereja menginginkan konflik itu merambat ke daerah lain di kepulauan itu. Jadi dapat disimpulkan bahwa pamflet-pamflet ini dibuat oleh para agitator yang sangat profesional, yang mengenal masyarakat Maluku Utara dengan sangat baik. Akhirnya, setelah perang saudara berlangsung beberapa bulan dan kedua belah fihak telah banyak saling membunuh, seruan jihad dikumandangkan oleh organisasi-organisasi militan Muslim yang didukung oleh sejumlah politisi Muslim dalam tablig akbar pada tanggal 7 Januari 2000 di Lapangan Monas Jakarta, yang menjadi platform untuk memobilisasi kekuatan-kekuatan Lasykar Jihad, untuk dikirim ke Maluku. Sepintas lalu, semua perkembangan ini tampak berlangsung secara spontan. Tetapi di bawah permukaan, ada dua jaringan yang saling berhubungan, yakni jaringan militer dan jaringan Muslim militan, yang masing-masing punya agenda sendiri, tetapi dipersatukan oleh tujuan bersama untuk menyabot tujuan pemerintah untuk menurunkan kekuasaan militer dan untuk menciptakan masyarakat yang terbuka, toleran, dan bebas dari dominasi suatu agama. Jaringan Militer -----------------Jaringan militer yang menjembatani kedua tahap itu terentang dari Jakarta sampai ke Ambon, dan terdiri dari perwira-perwira aktif maupun purnawirawan yang bekerja keras untuk memprovokasi orang-orang Muslim dan Kristen untuk bertarung. Mereka termasuk dalam faksi militer yang dengan kuat menentang pengurangan politik dan kepentingan bisnis militer, atau ikut dalam jaringan ini untuk menyelamatkan diri mereka sendiri dari sorotan dan kemungkinan pengadilan atas pelanggaran hak-hak asasi manusia serta kejahatan melawan kemanusiaan. Dua orang jendral purnawirawan, tiga orang jendral aktif, dan seorang pensiunan perwira TNI/AU, terlibat dalam jaringan ini. Mereka terdiri dari Jendral (Purn.) Wiranto, Mayor Jenderal Kivlan Zein, Letjen (Purn.) A.M. Hendropriyono, Letjen Djadja Suparman, Letjen Suaidy Marasabessy, Mayjen Sudi Silalahi, dan Mayor TNI/AU (Purn.) Abdul Gafur. Wiranto adalah Penglima Angkatan Bersenjata yang bertanggungjawab atas pestapora kekerasan dan kehancuran pasca referendum di Timor Lorosa'e pada bulan September 1999, dan juga bertanggungjawab atas pecahnya kekerasan di Ambon, delapan bulan kemudian. Nama Kivlan Zein, pernah dikemukakan sekali oleh Abdurrahman Wahid, walaupun dengan secara agak tersamar, yakni "Mayjen K" (Tempo, 29 Maret 1999: 32-33). Menurut informasi yang saya peroleh, Kivlan Zein, yang saat itu menjabat sebagai Kepala Staf KOSTRAD, memang ditugaskan oleh Wiranto untuk mengamankan Sidang Istimewa MPR bulan November 1998. Tugas itu antara lain dilaksanakan dengan pembentukan PAM Swakarsa, yang sebagian besar beragama Islam. Untuk melakukan tugas-tugas counter-insurgency semacam itu, Kivlan Zein punya satu sumber dana yang luarbiasa, yakni kelompok perusahaan Tri Usaha Bhakti (TRUBA), di mana ia duduk sebagai komisaris (Kompas, 3 November 2000). Awal November tahun lalu, anggota Komisi I DPR, Effendi Choirie dari Fraksi Kebangkitan Bangsa mendesak Departemen Pertahanan dan Markas Besar TNI agar secara serius menindaklanjuti hasil auditing BPK (Badan Pemeriksa Keuangan) terhadap sejumlah yayasan milik TNI, yang baru saja dilaporkan ke DPR. Di situ termasuk bisnis Yayasan Kartika Eka Paksi, pemilik seluruh saham TRUBA itu. Sayangnya, seruan politisi PKB itu tidak ditanggapi oleh pemerintah maupun para anggota DPR yang lain. Djadja Suparman adalah Pangdam Jaya yang ikut bertanggungjawab atas pembentukan PAM Swakarsa. Setelah dipromosikan menjadi Pangkostrad, ialah yang memerintahkan pasukan Kostrad di Makassar untuk terbang ke Ambon, hanya satu jam setelah bentrokan antara seorang pengendara angkutan umum Ambon Kristen dan seorang penumpang Bugis Muslim pecah di Ambon pada tanggal 14 Januari 1999. Belakangan ini ada sinyalemen di Jakarta, bahwa korupsi sebesar Rp 173 milyar di lingkungan yayasan-yayasan Kostrad ketika kesatuan militer elit itu masih berada di bawah Djadja Suparman (Tempo, 24-30 April 2001, Laporan Utama), ada hubungan dengan kerusuhan di Maluku. Sebagian dana itu digunakan untuk membiayai pelatihan dan pengiriman 6000 orang anggota Lasykar Jihad ke Maluku. Paling tidak, begitulah yang dipercayai oleh para anggota Kongres AS, yang menolak normalisasi kerjasama militer antara AS dan Indonesia. Seperti yang telah disinggung di depan, Abdul Gafur yang mantan Menteri Pemuda dan Olahraga di bawah Soeharto itu ikut terlibat dalam pembentukan pasukan PAM Swakarsa tersebut, khususnya kelompok preman Maluku Muslim yang diketuai oleh Ongen Sangaji. Di kalangan orang Maluku di Jakarta, ia dikenal sangat tekun berusaha memecah-belah masyarakat Maluku berdasarkan garis agama. Pada 15 Mei 1995, ketika komunitas Ambon di Jakarta memperingati pemberontakan Pattimura melawan Belanda pada tahun 1817, Gafur memboikot perayaan orang Maluku di Gedung Joang di lingkungan Menteng di mana dua pemuka agama -- Kristen dan Muslim -- memanjatkan doa mereka. Ia sebaliknya mengorganisir perayaan eksklusif bagi orang Maluku Muslim di Taman Mini Indonesia Indah dengan mengorganisir lari membawa obor. Pada kesempatan lain, Gafur mengatakan bahwa Pattimura beragama Islam, bertentangan dengan pandangan umum bahwa pahlawan nasional itu, yang sesungguhnya bernama Thomas Matulessy, beragama Kristen. Setelah kerusuhan meletus di Ambon, dan propinsi Maluku dipecah dua menjadi Maluku Utara dan Maluku, Gafur yang beradarah campiran Ternate dan Acheh itu segera berkampanye untuk menjadi kandidat Gubernur Maluku Utara, memanfaatkan koneksi-koneksi Golkarnya. Ketua DPP Golkar yang juga ketua DPR-RI, Akbar Tanjung, mendukung pencalonan Gafur oleh Golkar, yang menguasai kursi terbanyak di DPRD Maluku Utara (Gamma, 17-23 Jan. 2001, hal. 39; Mandiri, 28 Febr. 2001), namun sejumlah cendekiawan asal Maluku Utara menentang pencalonan orang yang selama ini sangat bersikap menjilat pantat Soeharto dan keluarganya. Tidak lama setelah kerusuhan meletus di kota Ambon, mulai beredar kabar-kabar burung bahwa kerusuhan itu didalangi oleh orang-orang Maluku Nasrani, yang ingin menghidupkan kembali 'Republik Maluku Selatan' (RMS) yang pernah dicetuskan di Ambon pada tanggal 25 April 1950, dan meneruskan perjuangan mereka lewat gerilya bersenjata di Pulau Seram hingga tahun 1964. Tuduhan itu, di mana cap 'RMS' selanjutnya dipelesetkan menjadi 'Republik Maluku Serani', yang akan dibahas tersendiri di bagian ini, sejak dini ikut disebarluaskan oleh Letjen (pur) A.M. Hendropriyono, mantan Menteri Transmigrasi dalam pemerintahan Habibie. Dalam sebuah pertemuan publik pada tanggal 19 Maret 1999 dengan gubernur Maluku, para pemimpin agama dan informal lain, serta para mahasiswa dan pemuda di Ambon, Hendropriyono melontarkan tuduhan itu. Seorang jendral purnawirawan lain, Feisal Tanjung, yang pernah menjadi Pangab dalam kabinet Soeharto, segera menggarisbawahi tuduhan Hendropriyono itu. Hendropriyono, memang punya kepentingan praktis untuk menyebarluaskan tuduhan itu. Soalnya, setelah Soeharto dipaksa turun dari takhta kepresidenannya, peranan Hendropriyono dalam tragedi Lampung yang menewaskan sekitar 250 jiwa - termasuk perempuan dan anak-anak - pada tanggal 7 Februari 1989, mulai dibongkar oleh berbagai kelompok hak asasi manusia di Indonesia. Kolonel Hendropriyono waktu itu adalah Komandan Korem 043 Garuda Hitam Lampung yang memimpin operasi gabungan tentara, polisi, dan Angkatan Udara, ke sebuah perkampungan para migran dari Jawa, yang dicap sebagai Islam fundamentalis (Awwas 2000).Cap itu, oleh berbagai pengamat, telah dianggap terlalu berlebihan. Sebab konflik antara pemerintah dan perkampungan Islam itu, lebih berakar pada permasalahan pembebasan tanah, yang lebih jauh lagi berakar pada sejarah pembukaan daerah Lampung oleh Belanda untuk kepentingan para transmigran dari Jawa (Wertheim 1989) Dengan mengalihkan perhatian ke Maluku, dengan cara-cara yang seolah-olah merangkul kepentingan umat Islam, Hendropriyono untuk sementara waktu berhasil mengurangi sorotan para korban tragedi Lampung. Suaidy Marasabessy, seorang veteran dari perang Timor yang kemudian menjadi Pangdam Hasanuddin di Sulawesi Selatan, yang menyetujui pengiriman pasukan Kostrad dari Makassar ke Ambon, kendati mereka secara emosional berpihak untuk menentang Ambon Kristen dan membela para migran Bugis dan Makasar di Ambon, karena didorong oleh solidaritas etnik. Sebagai konsekuensinya Marasabessy dipindahkan ke Markas Besar Angkatan Darat dan dipromosikan menjadi Kasum TNI oleh Presiden Abdurahman Wahid. Baik promosi Marasabessy maupun Djadja Suparman didasarkan pada rekomendasi dari Wiranto, waktu itu masih menjadi Menko Polkam. Wiranto kemudian mengangkat Marasabessy untuk mengepalai Team 19 yang terutama terdiri dari para perwira Maluku untuk mengadakan investigasi latar belakang dari kekerasan di Maluku dan menyarankan cara-cara penyelesaian persoalan itu. Selama kedua fase konflik itu, Sudi Silalahi menjadi Pangdam Brawijaya di Jawa Timur, dan telah bertanggungjawab atas pengiriman pasukan Brawijaya - berdampingan dengan pasukan Kostrad - yang ikut meningkatkan kekerasan antaragama di Maluku. Dalam kapasitasnya sebagai Pangdam Brawijaya, ia juga membiarkan ribuan anggota Lasykar Jihad untuk berlayar dari Surabaya ke Ambon, meskipun Presiden Wahid menghimbau kepada seluruh jajaran TNI dan Polri untuk menghalanginya. Harap diingat bahwa di awal bulan-bulan kekerasan, seluruh Kepulauan Maluku masih berada di bawah Kodam Trikora yang bermarkas di Jayapura, Papua Barat. Berarti sebenarnya Wiranto dapat mengirim pasukan Trikora dari Papua Barat ke Ambon, ketimbang mengirim pasukan dari Jawa dan Sulawesi Selatan, yang kebanyakan beragama Islam, untuk menghadapi kerusuhan di Maluku. Baru pada tanggal 15 Mei 1999, setelah puluhan batalion tentara tersebar di Kepulauan Maluku, status Korem Pattimura ditingkatkan menjadi Kodam. Di Maluku sendiri, dua orang kolonel yang waktu itu berkedudukan di Ambon ikut mengipasngipas api kebencian antara orang Kristen dan Islam. Asisten Teritorial Pattimura, Kol. Budiatmo, memupuk hubungan dengan para Preman Kristen, khususnya Agus Wattimena, untuk mempertahankan kemarahan mereka terhadap para tetangga mereka yang Muslim, sementara Asisten Intelijen Kodam Pattimura, Kol. Nano Sutarmo, menjaga agar api tetap menyala di kalangan perusuh Muslim. Dua orang kolonel itu, yang sudah ditempatkan di Ambon ketika Suaidy Marasabessy menjadi Komandan Korem Pattimura, juga memiliki teman-teman di kalangan atas di Jakarta. Saudara laki-laki Nano Sutarno, Brigjen Marinir Nono Sampurno, adalah komandan pengawal keamanan Wakil Presidan Megawati. Ini membuat Megawati secara praktis "tertawan" oleh agenda militer, meskipun ia justru adalah orang yang ditugaskan Presiden Wahid untuk menyelesaikan masalah Maluku. Selain kedua orang kolonel itu, yang di akhir tahun 2000 telah dipindahkan dari Maluku, beberapa orang purnawirawan dan perwira aktif dan masih tinggal di Ambon juga memainkan peran dalam mengipas-ngipas api permusuhan antaragama. Mereka adalah Brigjen (Purn) Rustam Kastor dan Letkol (Pur) Rusdi Hasanussy. Lahir di Ambon pada tanggal 9 Juli 1939, Rustam Kastor adalah mantan Komandan Korem Pattimura, mantan Kepala Staf Kodam Trikora (Papua Barat), dan telah ditempatkan di Markas Besar di Jakarta. Barangkali dialah yang paling tepat dijuluki sebagai 'bapak ideologis' dari kekerasan Maluku. Ia memberikan pembenaran 'pseudo-ilmiah' untuk mengundang Lasykar Jihad ke Maluku, konon untuk menyelamatkan orang Muslim dari pembinasaan yang dilakukan oleh orang-orang Maluku Kristen, dengan menuduh orang-orang Kristen mencoba menghidupkan kembali pemberontakan 'RMS' tahun 1950 s/d 1964. Tidak hanya Gereja Protestan Maluku, tetapi juga PDI-P Megawati Sukarnoputri cabang Maluku dituduh terlibat dalam pemberontakan itu, yang bertujuan untuk menciptakan negara Maluku yang berasas Kristen, di mana tidak ada tempat bagi orang Maluku yang beragama Islam, menurut buku Rustam Kastor (2000) yang menjadi best-seller di kalangan pendukung Lasykar Jihad di Jawa. Sesungguhnya, teori konspirasi ini pertama kali dikemukakan pada 28 Januari 1999 dalam konperensi pers yang diorganisir oleh dua organisasi militan Muslim, KISDI (Komite Indonesia untuk Solidaritas Dunia Islam) dan PPMI (Persatuan Pekerja Muslim Indonesia). Teori konspirasi ini segera disebarluaskan oleh Letjen (pur) A.M. Hendropriyono, seperti yang telah dijelaskan di depan. Seorang jendral purnawirawan yang lain, Feisal Tanjung, bekas Pangab dalam kabinet Soeharto dan terakhir menjabat sebagai Menko Polkam dalam kabinet Habibie, ikut menggarisbawahi tuduhan Hendropriyono. Teori ini kemudian menyebar seperti api yang membakar ranting-ranting kering setelah disiarkan oleh sebagian media massa di Indonesia, di mana singkatan RMS diplesetkan menjadi 'Republik Maluku Serani'. Plesetan itu mendistorsi kenyataan seolah-olah semua orang Ambon Kristen mengambil bagian dalam mendirikan gerakan kemerdekaan ini, dan seolah-olah orang Ambon Islam semuanya menolak pemberontakan itu. Disertasi Richard Chauvel tentang pemberontakan itu (1990) menunjukkan ketidakbenaran pelesetan 'Republik Maluku Serani', dan bahwa RMS bukan bertujuan membentuk negara Kristen. Chauvel jelas-jelas membeberkan bagaimana salah seorang pemimpin RMS yang diperiksa oleh TNI setelah pemberontakan di Ambon berhasil ditumpas adalah Ibrahim Ohorella. Raja (kepala desa) Tulehu itu malah menjadi tuan rumah rapat-rapat persiapan proklamasi RMS, mengerahkan sebagian besar warga desanya untuk menghadiri proklamasi RMS di alun-alun kota Ambon yang dihadiri sekitar 9000 orang, dan memasok kebutuhan sagu senilai Rp 25 ribu (waktu itu) untuk makanan para serdadu Angkatan Perang RMS sebelum Tulehu diduduki oleh TNI. Sebaliknya, masyarakat Kristen di Ambon serta orang Ambon Kristen di luar Ambon juga tidak sepenuhnya mendukung proklamasi RMS. Sinode Gereja Protestan Maluku (GPM) sendiri, bersikap netral terhadap proklamasi itu. Seorang tokoh Ambon di Jakarta yang kemudian menjadi Wakil Perdana Menteri, Dr. J. Leimena, dipercayai oleh Sukarno untuk berunding dengan pencetus RMS untuk mengakhiri gerakan mereka. Setelah hampir setahun disebarkan oleh berbagai media di Indonesia, teori ini diabadikan oleh Rustam Kastor ke dalam bentuk buku (2000), yang telah menjadi paling laku, tidak hanya di lingkungan Muslim tertentu di Maluku, Jawa dan Sulawesi. Selain dari bahasa Provokatifnya tentang orang Kristen, buku itu menuding aksi demonstrasi mahasiswa Ambon secara besar-besaran pada bulan November 1998, sebagai tahap 'pematangan situasi' bagi pemberontakan RMS yang didukung oleh GPM dan PDI-Perjuangan cabang Maluku. Menurut Kastor, demonstrasi itu merupakan upaya yang sadar untuk memperlemah militer, sehingga mereka tidak akan dapat menghancurkan 'pemberontakan RMS' selanjutnya yang bertujuan untuk membersihkan Maluku dari penduduk Muslimnya. Kastor juga menuduh orang-orang Kristen memanipulasi gerakan reformasi yang dipimpin mahasiswa untuk menghancurkan perekonomian Indonesia, dan dengan demikian mempromosikan disintegrasi Republik dengan memisahkan provinsi-provinsi yang didominasi Kristen di Indonesia bagian Timur -- termasuk Timor Lorosa'e --, yang kemudian dapat membentuk negara baru yang didominasi Kristen dengan sumber-sumber daya alami yang fantastik, karena negara itu akan meliputi Papua Barat dan provinsi Maluku yang sekarang. Apa yang diabaikan Kastor dalam bukunya adalah kenyataan bahwa gerakan kemerdekaan Timor Lorosa'e dan Papua Barat ikut dipimpin oleh tokoh-tokoh Muslim setempat, seperti Mar'i Alkatiri yang kini menjadi Menteri Ekonomi dan sumberdaya Alam dalam pemerintahan transisi di Timor Lorosa'e, serta Thaha Mohamad Alhamid, Sekjen Presidium Dewan Papua yang kini sedang ditahan oleh pemerintah Indonesia di Papua Barat. Alkatiri dan Alhamid tentu saja tidak berjuang untuk menciptakan suatu aliansi negara Kristen di Timur Indonesia. Di samping itu, kehendak untuk memisahkan diri dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia bukanlah merupakan monopoli Kristen sebagaimana ditunjukkan oleh rakyat Aceh. Selain menulis buku untuk membenarkan perang antaragama di Maluku, Kastor terlibat aktif mempersiapkan kedatangan Lasykar Jihad di Maluku, dan memupuk fanatisme mereka melalui khotbah-khotbah yang membakar. Tokoh selanjutnya, H. Rusdi Hassanusi, mungkin merupakan satu-satunya perwira polisi aktif yang memimpin sebuah cabang Majelis Ulama Indonesia. Pada bulan Juli 1999, ketua MUI Maluku itu pergi ke Makassar untuk merekrut enampuluh orang anggota Muhammadiyah dan mengapalkan mereka ke Ambon untuk bergabung dengan milisi Muslim lokal (TPG, 1999). Secara ironis, ia kehilangan anaknya, Alfian ("Eki") Hassanusi (10), sersan polisi yang secara fatal dilukai oleh penembak gelap pada hari Rabu, 17 Mei, 2000. Dengan begitu banyak tokoh militer yang terlibat dalam menghasut kekacauan di Maluku, maka tidaklah mengherankan jika para serdadu itu dapat beroperasi dengan bebas di kedua provinsi kembar itu, di mana sampai Mei 2000, 70% dari para korban di kedua belah pihak dibunuh atau dilukai dari tembakan senjata organik militer dan polisi. Pada dasarnya, tiga kesatuan tentara dan satu kesatuan polisi telah mengambil bagian dalam pembunuhan besar-besaran itu, yakni pasukan-pasukan Kostrad, Brawijaya, Kopassus dan Brimob. Keterlibatan Kopassus tidak begitu kentara sebagaimana tiga kesatuan lain, yang telah didokumentasikan dengan baik oleh para jurnalis asing. Para tentara Kopassus sering menyamarkan dengan menggunakan jubah Arab dan jenggot palsu sebagai ciri Lasykar Jihad, atau menggunakan kaos-kaos Lasykar Maluku sebagai ciri dari milisi Kristen. Beberapa orang dari mereka ditangkap sebelum mencapai Ambon, sebagaimana terjadi ketika empat orang tentara Kopassus berambut panjang ditahan di atas kapal KM Lambelu, pada 5 Agustus 2000, kira-kira 70 orang perwira Kopassus dilihat oleh para jurnalis dan para relawan kemanusiaan meninggalkan Ambon dengan menumpang pesawat terbang militer Hercules, dengan mendorong sebuah peti kayu besar yang berisi perlengkapan mereka ke dalam pesawat terbang. Mereka memakai seragam loreng, lengkap dengan lencana Kopassusnya. Kehadiran para anggota Kopassus di Ambon itu sudah diketahui oleh para jurnalis sejak Januari 1999. Kehadiran Kopassus di antara Lasykar Jihad dapat disimpulkan dari ketrampilan tempur mereka yang khas -- seperti menembak dan melempar granat dari dalam drum minyak yang kosong yang digelindingkan oleh anggota Lasykar Jihad ketika menyerang kampus UKIM (Universitas Kristen Indonesia Maluku) -- atau dengan kelaziman dari para penembak gelap, yang sering bertindak secara tenang dan berhati-hati untuk menetapkan jumlah korban yang setara bagi kedua komunitas, dalam setiap konfrontasi antaragama. Memang tembakan kepala yang fatal tidak merupakan monopoli anggota Kopassus, dan telah dikuasai pula oleh pasukan-pasukan khusus Angkatan Darat memiliki waktu dan kesempatan yang lebih lama untuk mengembangkan keterampilan yang mematikan ini selama masa tugas mereka di Timor Lorosa'e dan berkat latihan bersama para penembak jitu SAS di Australia. Tanpa dukungan militer ini, Lasykar Jihad sendiri pada tanggal 21-22 juni 2000 tidak mungkin menghancurkan markas Brimob di Tantui, Ambon, membakar asrama yang dihuni kirakira 2.000 orang anggota Polri dan anggota keluarga mereka, menghancurkan dua gudang amunisi, dan mencuri 832 pucuk senjata, 8.000 butir peluru, dan lusinan seragam Brimob. Jaringan Muslim -------------------Berbicara tentang Lasykar Jihad membawa kita pada jaringan Muslim militan, yang bekerjasama dengan jaringan militer yang diuraikan sebelumnya, untuk mengirimkan enam ribu orang pemuda Muslim ke Kepulauan Maluku diharapkan dapat 'membebaskan saudara lakilaki dan perempuan Muslim mereka dari para penindas Kristen mereka'. Kebanyakan pemimpin massa yang direkrut untuk mengobarkan Jihad di Maluku berasal dari arus kaum militan Muslim baru, yang mengikuti ajaran gerakan Wahhabi. Gerakan internasional ini bertujuan untuk kembali kepada Islam dari generasi awal yang didanai oleh para anggota dinasti Saud. Gerakan itu dinamai dengan nama pendirinya, Muhammad bin Abdul-Wahab (1705-1787), yang ajarannya diterapkan oleh Ibnu Saud, ketika ia mendirikan monarki Saudi pada tahun 1925. Di Indonesia, mereka berkembang pesat di luar dua organisasi Muslim yang paling besar -Nahdatul Ulama dan Muhammadiyah -- dalam gerakan Tarbiyah, yang membentuk jamaah salaf di kalangan mahasiswa di beberapa universitas negeri yang bergengsi, seperti ITB. Tujuannya adalah untuk mendirikan negara Islam, karena itu mereka juga dikenal sebagai gerakan 'neo-NII', untuk membedakan mereka dari gerakan bawah tanah yang pernah dihubungkan dengan operasi intelijen almarhum Jendral Ali Murtopo. Seorang aktivis 'neo NII' adalah Al-Chaidar, berasal dari Aceh, yang mengorganisir tabligh akbar yang dihadiri antara 40.000 sampai 10.000 Orang di Monumen Nasional Jakarta pada tanggal 7 Januari 2000. Tabligh akbar yang menghimbau agar orang Muslim berjihad ke Amdon dihadiri oleh Amien Rais, ketua MPR, Hamzah Haz, mantan menteri dalam kabinet Wahid, Fuad Bawazier, mantan menteri dalam kabinet Soeharto, serta 22 organisasi Muslim militan, termasuk KISDI, PPMI, FPI dan Asosiasi Muslim Maluku yang dipimpin oleh Ongen Sangaji. Keterlibatan dari tokoh-tokoh politisi Poros Tengah seperti Amien Rais, Hamzah Haz, dan Fuad Bawazier itu, tidak terlepas dari perbedaan pendapat mereka dengan Presiden Abdurrahman Wahid soal peranan Islam dalam kehidupan bernegara di Indonesia. Dirintis melalui ICMI di bawah pimpinan BJ Habibie, para politisi Islam itu mengkampanyekan "demokrasi proposional" dalam sistem politik dan ekonomi Indonesia. Maksudnya, karena umat Islam merupakan mayoritas penduduk Indonesia, maka mereka harus mendominasi pemerintahan, tentara, parlemen, dan ekonomi Indponesia, yang menurut mereka saat itu masih didominasi oleh golongan minoritas Kristen dan Tionghoa (Hefner 2000: 141-142., 147-148. 150, 212). Sikap itu justru bertolakbelakang dengan sikap politik Abdurrahman Wahid. Makanya ia menampik tawaran masuk ICMI dan sebaliknya ikut mendirikan Forum Demokrasi (Fordem) bersama sejumlah cendekiawan non-Muslim (Hefner 2000: 162). Sikap itu dilanjutkannya setelah dipilih menjadi Presiden dengan dukungan Poros Tengah, Golkar dan militer. Tak ketinggalan, Wahid pun menganjurkan rekonsiliasi dengan kaum kiri di Indonesia dengan mengusulkan pencabutan Ketetapan MPR No. 25 Tahun 1966 yang melarang penyebaran faham Marxisme-Leninisme di Indonesia. Berbagai 'penyimpangan' ini - di mata para politisi Poros Tengah, Golkar dan militer - mendorong munculnya aliansi untuk mendongkel Wahid dari kursi kepresidenannya dengan antara lain menggunakan kerusuhan Maluku sebagai tongkat pendongkel. Kembali ke mereka yang bergerak di garis depan, patut digarisbawahi bahwa komandan Lasykar Jihad di Maluku, Ustadz Ja'far Umar Thalib, juga berasal dari gerakan Wahhabi. Ia adalah imam gerakan Salafi di Indonesia yang berkiblat ke Arab Saudi. Alumnus pesantren Persis di Bangil itu melanjutkan sekolah ke Maududi Institute di Lahore, Pakistan, dan dari sana bergabung dengan gerilyawan Taliban di Afghanistan (1987-1989). Keterlibatan Lasykar Jihad berperang melawan kaum Kristen di Maluku itu karena turunnya sebuah fatwa, awal 2000 yang lalu, dari salah seorang Imam Salafi di Yaman yaitu Syaikh Muqbil Bin Had Al Wadi'. Fatwa itu dikeluarkan khusus untuk berjihad di Maluku, tidak di seluruh Indonesia. Di Maluku Utara yang dominan Muslim, ada ikatan yang kuat antara Lasykar Jihad dan Partai Keadilan, melalui ideolog partai itu, Drs. H. Abdi Sumaiti alias Abu Rido. Mantan dosen agama Islam ITB itu, yang kini Wakil Ketua Majelis Pertimbangan Partai Keadilan, pernah kuliah di Universitas Madinah, di mana ia bergabung dengan gerakan Wahhabi. Abu Rido juga menentang sekte-sekte Islam lain yang dirasakannya tidak mengajarkan doktrin yang benar. Majalah Sabili yang dimulainya ketika gerakan 'neo-NII'-nya masih di bawah tanah, merupakan salah satu corong Lasykar Jihad. Sementara itu, dukungan politis bagi Lasykar Jihad di dalam Angkatan Bersenjata tidak hanya berasal dari faksi Wiranto di TNI/AD. Gerakan militan Muslim ini juga menikmati dukungan diam-diam dari berbagai faksi di Polri dan Angkatan Laut. Meskipun Presiden Wahid memerintahkan seluruh jajaran TNI dan Polri untuk mencegah pasukan Lasykar Jihad meninggalkan Jawa, namun Kapolda Jawa Timur waktu itu, Mayjen Da'i Bahtiar, membiarkan saja mereka berlayar dengan kapal Pelni, KM Rinjani, dari Surabaya ke Ambon. Ini barangkali ada hubungannya dengan pernyataan komandan Lasykar Jihad, Ja'far Umar Thalib, yang mengklaim punya 'hotline' langsung ke Panglima TNI, Laksamana Widodo (Fealy 2001). Kenyataannya, para anggota Lasykar Jihad juga dibiarkan mengapalkan senjata mereka dengan kapal lain, KM Tanto Sakti, yang disembunyikan dalam kotak-kotak sabun dalam 200 buah peti kemas, yang mencapai Ambon setelah kedatangan pasukan itu. Di Ambon, aparat keamanan membiarkan saja peti-peti kemas penuh senjata itu diturunkan di pelabuhan Yos Sudarso yang dikuasai komunitas Muslim di Waihoang, bukan di pelabuhan Angkatan Laut di Halong. Agenda Militer --------------Dilihat dari langgengnya pembunuhan antaragama di Kepulauan Maluku, penyebaran Lasykar Jihad yang cepat di kedua provinsi kembar itu, keberfihakan sejumlah besar anggota TNI dan Polri dengan fihak-fihak yang bertikai, serta ketegaran para perwira dari faksi Wiranto, di mana tidak seorang pun telah diajukan ke pengadilan atau bahkan diselidiki keterkaitannya dengan konflik berkepanjangan di Maluku, orang tidak dapat lagi mempercayai retorika resmi di Indonesia bahwa yang terlibat hanyalah "oknum-oknum pembangkang" (rogue elements). Makanya, penjelasan mengenai kerusuhan yang berkesinambungan di Kepulauan Maluku harus ditemukan dalam kepentingan-kepentingan militer yang lebih sistemik. Dengan menganalisis data dan mengkaji cara berfikir dan operasi militer, dapatlah dikatakan bahwa ada lima agenda militer dalam melanggengkan konflik di Maluku. Agenda yang pertama dan paling langsung adalah membalas oposisi para mahasiswa terhadap dwifungsi ABRI dengan mengalihkan konflik vertikal menjadi konflik horisontal; agenda yang kedua adalah mempertahankan konsep Wawasan Nusantara; agenda yang ketiga adalah mempertahankan struktur teritorial TNI, khususnya Angkatan Darat; agenda yang keempat adalah mempertahankan kepentingan bisnis militer; sedangkan agenda yang kelima yang tidak kalah pentingnya ketimbang semua agenda di atas adalah mencegah pemeriksaan dan peradilan para perwira tinggi dan purnawirawan ABRI yang dituduh terlibat kejahatan korupsi serta pelanggaran hak-hak asasi manusia. Pertama-tama, pemicuan konflik horisontal di Maluku dan di tempat-tempat lain di Indonesia sengaja dilakukan oleh militer untuk membelokkan perhatian jauh dari tuntutan para mahasiswa untuk penghapusan dwifungsi ABRI. Ini telah dicapai, tidak hanya dengan penghancuran dua kampus di mana para mahasiswanya berada di front depan dalam gerakan reformasi di Maluku, tetapi juga dengan menimbulkan perpecahan agama antara para mahasiswa Muslim dan Kristen di provinsi itu, dan dalam tingkat tertentu, di Indonesia pada umumnya. Kedua, penarikan diri aparatur negara Indonesia secara terpaksa dari Timor Lorosa'e telah meninggalkan satu lubang yang rawan dalam rantai pertahanan di wilayah Indonesia timur. Menurut doktrin pertahanan TNI yang dikenal dengan istilah Wawasan Nusantara, pulaupulau berpenduduk berfungsi untuk membentengi laut pedalaman (territorial sea), dalam hal ini Laut Banda. Maka, dengan lepasnya Timor Lorosa'e, di mata TNI rantai kepulauan untuk pertahanan negara di kawasan timur Indonesia telah diperlemah secara serius. Maluku, yang terletak di sebelah utara Timor Lorosa'e, secara langsung berhadapan dengan ancaman potensial dari Selatan, khususnya ancaman yang dirasakan oleh TNI dengan kehadiran ribuan pasukan PBB, yang didominasi oleh angkatan bersenjata Australia, di Timor Lorosa'e. Selain dari putusnya rantai pertahanan geo-strategis akibat lepasnya setengah pulau Timor dari wilayah NKRI, sebagian besar penduduk Kristen di Maluku dipandang kurang dapat dipercaya di mata militer untuk mempertahankan sisi Tenggara NKRI, karena diyakini bahwa mereka mungkin memiliki kecenderungan separatis yang sama sebagaimana rakyat Timor Lorosa'e yang mayoritas beragama Katolik. Dari sudut militer perlu penyesuaian demografik strategik di Maluku berupa pengiriman ribuan anggota Lasykar Jihad yang akhirnya diharapkan menetap di kepulauan itu dengan membawa keluarga mereka dari Jawa dan pulau-pulau lain. Pertukaran penduduk Maluku itu diharapkan dapat mencegah Maluku dari mengikuti contoh Timor Lorosa'e untuk memisahkan diri dari Negara Kesatuan Republik Indonesia. Agenda militer yang ketiga, yakni mempertahankan struktur teritorial TNI, dapat ditunjukkan dari keputusan Jendral Wiranto meningkatkan Korem Pattimura menjadi Kodam, sehingga dengan demikian membenarkan penempatan pasukan yang lebih banyak di Maluku. Untuk mengklarifikasi hal ini, kita perlu memahami struktur territorial Angkatan Darat, di mana garis komando terentang dari Kepala Staf Angkatan Darat ke Panglima Kodam, dengan komandannya adalah jendral berbintang dua. Setiap Kodam terdiri dari empat sampai enam Korem yang dikepalai oleh seorang kolonel. Di bawah Korem adalah Kodim yang dikepalai oleh letnan kolonel. Setiap Kodam memiliki sejumlah batalyon yang mewakili spesialisasi pelayanan yang berbeda-beda di dalam Angkatan Darat. Batalyon-batalyon yang dikomandani oleh seorang mayor atau letnal kolonel itu merupakan tulang punggung struktur teritorial Angkatan Darat. Akhirnya, di samping unit-unit yang berdasarkan wilayah ada batalyon-batalyon dengan kemampuan tempur khusus, yakni Kopassus dan Kostrad. Di bawah Panglima Angkatan Bersenjata Jendral Wiranto, Angkatan Darat merencanakan untuk membangun kembali tujuh belas Kodam, yang oleh pendahulunya, Jendral Benny Murdani, telah dikurangi menjadi sepuluh. Menurut rencana Wiranto, selain dari menghidupkan kembali Kodam Pattimura yang lama, Kodam-Kodam lain yang pernah ada antara tahun 1958 dan 1985 juga akan dihidupkan kembali. Untuk menemukan dasar pemikiran dalam menciptakan kembali komando-komando daerah militer yang terbengkalai perlu ditunjukkan bahwa pasukan-pasukan itu dibutuhkan untuk menghadapi keresahan di wilayah-wilayah itu. Lalu, setelah pasukan itu disebarkan, mereka perlu ditempatkan secara permanen di sana. Dengan kata lain, untuk membenarkan kehadiran para pemadam kebakaran itu, maka kebakaran harus ditimbulkan. Pentingnya struktur teritorial ini tidak dapat diremehkan, karena inilah tulang punggung militer untuk melaksanakan fungsinya sebagai kekuatan politik, di samping fungsinya sebagai kekuatan pertahanan, yang dikenal dengan doktrin 'dwifungsi ABRI'. Struktur teritorial ini sejajar dengan struktur pemerintah, semacam negara di dalam negara, di mana instruksi mengalir dari puncak (ibu kota nasional) ke dasar (kecamatan), sementara uang suap untuk memudahkan promosi sebaliknya mengalir dari dasar ke puncak. Berbicara tentang uang suap adalah berbicara tentang agenda keempat dalam melanggengkan kekerasan di Maluku, yakni untuk mempertahankan kepentingan ekonomi militer. Ada perwira aktif maupun purnawirawan yang merasa terancam oleh prospek desentralisasi. Jika rencana otonomi daerah dan pembangian pendapatan daerah mulai diwujudkan tahun ini, maka parlemen-parlemen daerah akan memiliki kekuasaan untuk membatalkan atau menolak untuk memperbaharui kontrak yang menguntungkan perusahaan yang didukung militer di bidang perikanan, kehutanan dan pertambangan. Kerusuhan-kerusuhan di daerah akan menunda kerugian-kerugian semacam itu. Maluku sesungguhnya sarat dengan kepentingan bisnis militer, yang sebagian besar diperoleh dari konglomerat yang beroperasi di Maluku. Kepentingan ekonomi ini juga tidak terbatas pada Angkatan Darat, tetapi juga pada Angkatan Laut dan Angkatan Udara. PT Green Delta, adalah sebuah Perusahaan yang dimiliki oleh Angkatan Udara, yang memasok kayu glondongan dari konsesi mereka seluas 74.000 hektar di pulau Morotai untuk penggergajian perusahaan Barito Pasific di pulau lain di Maluku Utara. Memang, Maluku bukan satu-satunya wilayah yang sarat kepentingan bisnis militer, karena ini merupakan fenomena yang berlingkup nasional. Soalnya, sekitar 75 persen dari pengeluaran militer diperoleh dari bisnis Militer dan cara-cara lain. Kegiatan penghimpunan dana ini biasanya tidak Tunduk pada penelitian publik yang cermat: para komandan militer memiliki Akses terhadap sejumlah besar uang yang dapat digunakan untuk membiayai manuver-manuver politik di masa depan. Skandal korupsi Rp 189 milyar rupiah di Yayasan Dharma Putera Kostrad, yang berhasil dibeberkan oleh Letjen. Agus Wirahadikusumah, hanyalah merupakan puncak gunung es. Setelah membeberkan skandal itu, Wirahadikusumah serta merta digeser dari jabatannya sebagai Pangkostrad. Celakannya bagi rakyat kecil di Maluku, ketika kekerasan di sana sudah memperoleh momentumnya sendiri, pasukan yang tersebar di Maluku mulai menemukan caranya untuk mengeruk keuntungan bagi dirinya sendiri. Di Ambon, para serdadu memberikan 'jasa perlindungan' bagi pengusaha dan orang-orang yang harus melewati rute-rute berbahaya, misalnya melalui desa-desa yang sedang berperang atau dari dan ke pelabuhan udara dan pelabuhan laut. Anggota Batalyon 321 Kostrad dilaporkan menyerang tiga bank di Ambon pada hari Minggu, 16 Juli, 2000, dan menganiaya satpam bank-bank itu, ketika mereka tidak diberi kunci tempat penyimpanan uang kontan. Di Maluku Utara, serdadu Brawijaya mencuri kelapa dari para petani Muslim, dan memaksa para pekerja Kristen untuk mrmproduksi kopra yang akan diekspor oleh para serdadu ke Manado. Dan di kedua provinsi, militer menjadi sumber utama mengenai persenjataan dan amunisi bagi kedua belah pihak yang berperang. Mereka juga menjadi penembak bayaran bagi siapa yang memberikan upah paling tinggi. Akhirnya, agenda militer yang kelima didasarkan pada observasi bahwa pertempuran di Maluku sering berkobar kembali manakala interogasi terhadap mantan Presiden Soeharto mengenai korupsinya, atau interogasi terhadap mantan Jendral Wiranto mengenai perannya dalam kekerasan pasca referendum di Timor Lorosa'e sedang dijalankan. Celakanya, militer tidak tampak ingin mengurangi peran mereka. Sebaliknya, Pangdam Pattimura, Brigjen I Made Yasa secara terbuka menyatakan bahwa TNI sedang mempertimbangkan untuk membentuk Kodim-Kodim baru untuk dua kabupaten baru di Buru dan Maluku Tenggara Barat. Kesimpulan & Saran-saran ------------------------Kekerasan antaragama yang berkesinambungan di Kepulauan Maluku dimatangkan dan dipertahankan oleh jaringan militer yang didukung oleh sebagian politisi Poros Tengah. Jaringan militer dan kaum militan Muslim yang jalin-menjalin ini mengeksploitasi etnoreligius yang membara di Maluku, dengan menggunakan preman Ambon untuk memicu kekerasan komunal, dan kemudian menyebarkan ribuan militan Muslim setelah pertempuran internal di Maluku agak mereda. Dalam fase konflik ini, sifat kekerasan beralih dari konflik antardesa menjadi perang terbuka, di mana desa-desa Kristen harus mempertahankan diri dari serangan ribuan anggota Lasykar Jihad, yang secara terbuka didukung pula oleh militer aktif. Situasi ini paralel dengan perang antara pejuang pro-kemerdekaan dan milisi pro-Indonesia yang didukung oleh TNI dan Polri, sebelum dan sesudah referendum yang diawasi PBB di Timor Lorosa'e. Sementara di Timor Lorosa'e ABRI memilih untuk mendukung kekuatan paramiliter Timor Lorosa'e yang beragama Katolik, di Aeh mereka berkolaborasi dengan mantan gerilyawan Aceh, sedang di Maluku militer memilih untuk bekerjasama dengan kaum militan Muslim yang didatangkan dari Jawa dan kepulauan lain. Kerusuhan sosial di Maluku memenuhi beberapa tujuan strategis dari ABRI, yang pada akhirnya bermaksud mengkonsolidasikan kekuasaan politik dan ekonomi mereka, yang sedang terancam oleh gerakan reformasi serta desentralisasi politik ke daerah-daerah. Mungkin sekali bahwa Lasykar Jihad dan para politisi pendukung mereka di DPR menyadari sifat 'sementara' dari aliansi taktis mereka dengan tentara, dan sedang mencoba untuk memanfaatkan aliansi ini demi keuntungan mereka, dengan menggunakan keresahan di Maluku untuk memperlemah kemampuan pemerintahan Abdurrahman Wahid dan Megawati Sukarnoputri. Namun sesungguhnya, kartu terakhir masih berada di tangan militer, sebagaimana dibuktikan dalam Sidang Tahunan MPR di mana jangka waktu fraksi TNI/Polri bukannya diperpendek, melainkan diperpanjang lima tahun lagi. Dengan mempertimbangkan bahwa rezim di Jakarta telah dibajak oleh kekuatan yang menolak mengakhiri kekerasan di Kepulauan Maluku, tampaknya tidak ada pilihan lain selain menggunakan tekanan internasional terhadap Pemerintah Indonesia -- khususnya terhadap ABRI dan para pendukung mereka di DPR -- oleh PBB dan semua badan terkait, termasuk Komisi HAM di Jenewa dan Dewan Keamanan di New York, untuk mengakhiri penderitaan rakyat di provinsi kembar Maluku dan Maluku Utara. Tekanan politik ini harus dibarengi dengan tekanan terhadap sumber-sumber keuangan militer Indonesia, untuk mengurangi kemampuan ABRI mengadudomba rakyat sipil di wilayahwilayah yang jauh dari Jakarta, dari Acheh sampai ke Maluku dan Papua Barat. Kepustakaan ------------Aditjondro, George J. (2001a). "Guns, pamphlets and handie-talkies: how the military exploited local ethno-religious tensions in Maluku to preserve their political and economic interests." Dalam Ingrid Wessel & Georgia Winhoefer (eds). Violence in Indonesia. Hamburg: Abera, hal. 100-129. ---------- (2001a). "Di balik asap mesiu, air mata dan anyir darah di Maluku." [Behind the smoke, tears and blood in Maluku]. Dalam Zairin Salampessy & Thamrin Hussein (eds). Ketika semerbak cengkeh tergusur oleh asap mesiu, air mata dan anyir darah. Jakarta: Team Advokasi Penyelesaian Kasus (TAPAK) Ambon, pp. 78-108. Awwas, Irfan S. (2000). Trauma Lampung berdarah: Di balik manuver Hendro Priyono. Yogyakarta: Wihdah Press. Fealy, Greg (2001). "Inside the Laskar Jihad." Inside Indonesia, Januari-Maret, hal. 28-29. Hajari, Nisid (2000). "A wasteland called peace." Time, 24 Januari, hal. 36-37. Hefner, Robert W. (2000). Civil Islam: Muslims and democratization in Indonesia. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Siagian, F. Sihol (1999). Pius Lustrilanang menolak bungkam: Kesaksian korban penculikan rezim Orde Baru. Jakarta: Grasindo. Wertheim, W.F. (1989). "The Lampung affair: A personal perspective." Inside Indonesia, April, hal. 20-21.

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Sejarah HKBP October 5, 2008 at 11:39 pm (Uncategorized) (Add new tag, batak, europe, hkbp, manurung, samosir, siallagan, SIANIPAR, sirait, sumatra, unitedstate)

.: History Sejarah HKBP HKBP sebagai salah satu gereja dengan jemaat terbesar di Asia dan merupakan wadah persekutuan umat Kristen dari suku Batak yang memiliki dinamika di dalam sejarah perkembangannya dari masa ke masa. Dengan berakhirnya krisis HKBP dan penyatuan kembali jemaatnya kiranya dapat menjadi pemacu untuk pelaksanaan pelayanan dan pekabaran Injil bersama-sama dengan jemaat Tuhan lainnya, agar semua suku, kaum dan bangsa yang berada di wilayah Indonesia dan di seluruh dunia mendapat baptisan di dalam nama Allah Bapa, PuteraNya Yesus Kristus dan Roh Kudus. 1825 – 1829

Perang Bonjol : Tuanku Rau menyerang bangsa Batak

1834

Datangnya Pdt. Munson dan Pdt. Lyman utusan Kongsi Zending Amerika (Boston), tetapi mereka berdua tewas terbunuh di Lobupining.

1840

Junghun, seorang antropolog datang ke tanah Batak. Melalui kedatanagannya orang Eropa dapat mengenal orang Batak.

1824

Penginjil yang pertama datang ke tanah Batak, yakni Burton dan Ward

1849

Tuan Van der Tuuk dari Amsterdam – Belanda, utusan Kongsi Bible Netherland yang merupakan pembuka (perintis) jalan untuk pelayanan zending kepada suku Batak. Beliau menterjemahkan sebagian isi Alkitab ke dalam Bahasa Batak, menulis tata Bahasa Batak dan membuat kamus Bahasa Batak – Belanda beserta ceritacerita rakyat.

1853

Akibat perlakuan yang tidak simpatik dari suku Banjarmasin terhadap pendeta, maka Dr. Fabri pimpinan dari Rheinische Zending – Belanda memutasikan para pendeta dari Banjarmasin ke Tanah Batak, setelah membaca surat yang datang dari Tanah Batak tentang pekabaran Injil yang baru dirintis di Tanah Batak.

1857

Pdt. Van Asselt dari Ermelo-Belanda, utusan Ds. Witteveen, melakukan pelayanan di Tapanuli di Desa Pardangsina (Selatan)

31 Maret 1861

Sebagai tanda diterimanya pekabaran Injil di Tanah Batak dimulai dengan adanya baptis perdana yang dilakukan oleh Pdt. Van Asselt terhadap dua orang suku Batak (Jakobus Tampubolon dan Simon Siregar) di Sipirok.

Pelayanan Rheinische Mission dari Jerman dimulai di Tanah Batak dan merupakan 7 hari lahirnya Huria Kristen Batak Protestan (HKBP), ditandai dengan Oktober berundingnya empat orang Missionaris, Pdt. Heine, Pdt. J.C. Klammer, Pdt. Betz dan 1861 Pdt. Van Asselt membicarakan pembagian wilayah pelayanan di Tapanuli. 1862

Berdirinya Jemaat di Sarulla dan Pangalaon Pahae

20 Mei Pdt. I. L. Nommensen membangun gedung di dusun Dame I yang terletak di Desa 1864 Saitnihuta Ompu Sumurung, kemudian dinamakannya Godung Huta Dame. Pdt. I. L. Nommensen mengadakan kebaktian minggu pertama di Godung Huta Dame, dan meresmikan gereja pertama yang dibangunnya di Tanah Batak, yaitu HKBP Saitnihuta (Huta Dame Saitnihuta) dan HKBP Pearaja (Kedua gereja ini satu 29 Mei kepanitiaan dalam merayakan Pesta Jubileum. Pada tanggal 20 Mei 1964, HKBP 1864 Pearaja merayakan Pesta Jubileum ke 100 tahun, tetapi untuk selanjutnya, tanggal 29 Mei merupakan tanggal resmi Pesta Jubileum yang akan dilakukan oleh kedua gereja ini). 25 Des Pembaptisan Pertama kepada 3 orang di Gereja Sipirok, yaitu Thomas Siregar, 1864 Pilipus Harahap dan Johannes Hutabarat. 27 Agustus Pembaptisan Pertama kepada 13 orang di Silindung 1865 1867

Berdiri jemaat HKBP Pansurnapitu

1868

Berdiri Sekolah Guru di Parau Sorat Sipirok: Murid pertama berjumlah 5 orang, yaitu: Thomas, Paulus, Markus, Johannes dan Epraim. Guru mereka adalah Dr. A.Schreiber dan Leipold

1870

Permulaan berdirinya Jemaat di Sibolga dan Sipoholon

1872

– Berdiri Sekolah Normal Pemerintah di Tapanuli Selatan – Berdiri Jemaat di Bahal Batu

1877

Berdiri Seminarium di Pansurnapitu, jumlah murid pertama 12 orang

1878

– Pdt. I. L. Nommensen menerjemahkan Injil ke Bahasa Batak dalam aksara Batak dan aksara Latin. – 306 Desa di Lembah Silindung masuk dalam pemerintahan Kolonial Belanda

1879

Pdt. Dr. A. Schreiber menterjemahkan Perjanjian Baru kedalam bahasa Batak Angkola

1881

– Diresmikan HKBP di Balige. – Penyusunan Aturan Dasar dan Aturan Rumah Tangga HKBP, dan Pdt. Dr. I. L. Nommensen diangkat menjadi Ephorus HKBP

1883

Sekolah Pendeta Pertama dibuka dan 4 orang putera Batak pertama untuk Sekolah Pendeta, yaitu : Johannes Siregar, Markus Siregar, Petrus Nasution dan Johannes Sitompul. Tetapi, Johannes Sitompul wafat sebelum menyelesaikan studinya.

19 Juli Pemberkatan Pendeta Batak yang pertama di HKBP Pearaja, yakni : Johannes 1885 Siregar, Markus Siregar, Petrus Nasution. Diutus RMG Nona Hester Needham (23 Januari 1885 – 12 Mei 1897) melayani kaum 13 Juli ibu dan wanita. Ini menjadi awal pelayanan kepada kaum wanita dan anak-anak di 1889 Tanah Batak. Pelayanan Nona Hester Needham dibantu oleh Nona Thora di Silindung dan Nona Nieman di Toba. 1 Jan 1890

Terbit Surat Parsaoran Immanuel (Jurnal Gereja)

8 Dimulai Nona Hester Needham melayani anak-anak, kaum perempuan di Januari Pansurnapitu, serta turut membimbing murid-murid Sekolah Pendeta di Seminari 1890 Pansurnapitu. 1893

Sekolah Zending mendapat subsidi dari Pemerintah

1894

Perjanjian Lama di terjemahkan ke dalam Bahasa Batak oleh Pdt. P.H. Johannsen

16 Juli 1895

Nona Hester Needham ditemani seorang gadis Mandailing, Domi, mengadakan perjalanan ke Muarasipongi Kotanopan.

3 Mei – 26 Juli 1896

Nona Hester Needham melayani di Malintang, menginjili di tengah-tengah penganut agama lain di Mandailing Nametmet. Juli, Nona Hester Needham melayani di Maga hingga akhir hayatnya, serta di makamkan di tanah yang telah dibelinya sebelumnya.

1898

Terbit untuk pertama kalinya Kalender Gereja

1899

Dimulai “Pardonaion Mission Batak” yang didirikan orang Kristen Batak serta dipimpin Pdt. Henock Lumbantobing menginjili di daerah yang belum disentuh Injil, yakni: Pulo Samosir, Simalungun dan Dairi.

1900

Berdiri Sekolah Anak Raja dengan pengantar Bahasa Belanda di narumonda Toba. Guru Pohing dan Pdt. Otto Marcks. Sekaligus berdiri di tempat yang sama Sekolah Tukang.

2 Juni 1900

Berdirinya Rumah Sakit di Pearaja, yang di tahun 1928 pindah ke Tarutung (RSU Tarutung Sekarang)

5 Sep 1900

Berdiri Perkampungan penderita Kusta di Huta Salem Laguboti.

1901

Seminari Pansurnapitu pindah ke Sipoholon

1903

– Pemberitaan Injil ke Tanah Simalungun dimulai. – Sekolah anak Raja di Narumonda menjadi Seminarium – 7 Oktober Pesta Peringatan Kekristenan yang pertama di Tanah Batak.

1907

Berdiri Jemaat di Pematangsiantar

27 April Hari lahirnya Jemaat di Sidikalang. 1908 1911

Berdiri Distrik di HKBP, yakni : Tapanuli Selatan (dh. Angkola), Silindung, Humbang, Toba (termasuk Samosir), Sumatera Timur (Simalungun – Ooskust).

1912

Pendeta HKBP Pertama di tempatkan di Medan

1917

“Hatopan Christen Batak” berdiri di Tapanuli sebagai organinasi masyarakat.

23 Mei 1918



Pdt. Dr. I.L. Nommensen meninggal dunia di Sigumpar

1918

Pdt. V. Kessel menjadi Pejabat Ephorus hingga tahun 1920

1919

Holland Inland School (HIS) Zending berdiri di Narumonda

1920

Pdt. Dr. J. Warneck dipilih menjadi Ephorus HKBP.

1922

– Pendeta HKBP pertama di tempatkan di Jakarata – Guru Jemaat HKBP pertama di tempatkan di Padang – 20 Juni: Sinode Agung (Sinode Godang) I di HKBP

3 Des 1923

– Dimulai pelayanan diakonia di Hepata

1927

– Berdiri MULO Kristen di Tarutung – Pelayanan kepada kaum Muda yang dipimpin Dr. E. Verwiebe. Pada Juni 1952 dalam rapat Pemuda di Sipoholon ditetapkan menjadi NHKBP, dan menjadi awal minggu kebangkitan NHKBP (Parheheon)

1930

Berlaku Aturan Gereja (AD dan ART) yang baru.



11 Juni HKBP diakui pemerintah dengan Badan Hukum (Rechtperson) No. 48, yang tertulis di Staatsblad Tahun 1932 No. 360 1931 1932

Pdt. P. Landgrebe dipilih menjadi Ephorus.

1934

-Berdiri Sekolah Tinggi Teologia di Jakarta, utusan HKBP yang pertama adalah : T.S. Sihombing, K. Sitompul, O. Sihotang dan P.T. Sarumpaet. – Pendeta HKBP pertama di tempatkan di Kutacane, Tanah Alas. -Berdiri Sekolah Bibelvrouw (Penginjil Wanita) di Narumonda yang dipimpin Zuster Elfrieda Harder. Tahun 1938 Sekolah ini pindah ke Laguboti.

1935

Pentahbisan Bibelvrouw yang pertama

1936

Pdt. Dr. E. Verweibe dipilih menjadi Ephorus.

1940

1942

– 10 Mei semua Pendeta Jerman yang melayani di HKBP dipenjarakan Pemerintah Belanda – Bulan Mei s/d Juli Ds. de Kleine menjadi Pejabat Ephorus. – 10-11 Juli : Sinode Godang, Pdt. K. Sirait dipilih menjadi Voorzitter (Ephorus ) yang pertama dari Pendeta Batak. – Pdt. Justin Sihombing dipilih menjadi Ephorus. – Tanggal 25 Nopember berdiri Distrik Samosir – Distrik Jawa Kalimantan berdiri

1945

Kemerdekaan Republik Indonesia

1946

– 2 Februari : Berdiri Distrik Dairi. – Sekolah Guru Huria (SGH) dibuka kembali di Seminarium Sipoholon

1947

Berdiri kembali Sekolah Pendeta di Seminarium Sipoholon

1950

1951

– 4 Nopember : Berdiri Sekolah Teologia Menengah di Sipoholon – Pdt. Justin Sihombing dipilih kembali menjadi Ephorus HKBP dan Ds. K. Sitompul menjadi Sekretaris Jenderal melalui Sinode Godang. – Universitas Bonn menganugerahkan gelar “Doktor Honoris Causa” kepada Pdt. J. Sihombing. – 29 Nopember : Beridiri Distrik Sibolga dan Medan Aceh. – Ditetapkan Sinode Godang Konfesi HKBP – Berdiri Percetakan HKBP di Pematangsiantar

1952

– Berdiri SMA dan SGA di Tarutung – HKBP menjadi Anggota LWF (Lutheran World Federation)

1954

– Pdt. B. Marpaung diutus Zending Batak menginjili di Pulau Mentawai – 7 Oktober : Peresmian Universitas Nommensen di Pematangsiantar, sekaligus perpindahan Pendidiakan Teologia dari Seminarium Sipoholon ke Pematangsiantar. – Nopember : Berdiri Distrik Toba Hasundutan. – 15 Desember Penyerahan Rumash Sakit HKBP dari Pemerintah ke HKBP.

1955

– 13 Februari : Berdiri Panti Asuhan Elim di Pematangsiantar – 25 Agustus : Berdiri Sekolah Puteri di Sipoholon

1957

– 17 Maret : Kirchentag (Kebatian Raya) di Pematangsiantar

1959

Pdt. Justin Sihombing dipilih menjadi kembali Ephorus HKBP dan Ds. T.S. Sihombing menjadi Sekretaris Jenderal. .

1961

-Berdiri Sekolah Tekhnik di Pematangiantar – 7 Oktober : Jubileum 100 tahun HKBP di Tarutung

1962

1963

1965

– 3-7 Oktober : Sinode Godang Istimewa di Seminarium Sipoholon – Ds. T.S. Sihombing dipilih menjadi Ephorus dan Ds. G.H.M. Siahaan menjadi Sekretaris Jenderal. – Ditetapkan Aturan Peraturan (Ad & ART) yang baru. – Konferensi Kerja HKBP yang pertama. – 1 September : HKBP Melepaskan HKBP Simalungun menjadi Gereja Kristen Protestan Simalungun (GKPS). – Awal dari Penginjilan di Sakai Kandis Riau. – Kursus kaum Ibu yang pertama di Sipoholon. – 7 Februari : Peresmian Asrama Diakones HKBP “Kapernaum” di Rumah Sakit HKBP Balige. – 9 April : Asrama Bibelvrouw di Sinaksak Pematangsiantar dimulai pemakaiannya, dan diresmikan tanggal 9 Juli 1967.

1966

– 6 Februari : Peresmian Youth Center “Jetun Silangit”

1967

– 2 April : Peresmian Asrama Pniel di Rumah Sakit HKBP Balige

1968

– 19 Februari : Peresmian Gedung-gedung di FKIP Universitas HKBP Nommensen di Pematangsiantar. – 17 Mei : Pendidikan Diakones dibuka di Balige. – 17 Mei : Pembaptisan pertama kepada orang Rupat (daerah Penginjilan) sebanyak 136 orang yang dilayankan oleh Pdt. A.B. Siahaan, dkk. – 11 Desember : Peresmian Asrama Bethel dan Betania di Rumah Sakit HKBP Balige. – 28 Mei : Peresmian Perkampungan Pendeta Pensiun dan Kantor Departemen Diakonia Sosial di Pematangsiantar. – Ditetapkan Aturan Peraturan (ADT & ART) yang baru – 30 Desember: Berdiri Distrik Tanah Alas – Universitas Wittenberg menganugerahkan gelar “Doktor Hanoris Causa” keda Pdt. T.S. Sihombing. – 31 Juli : Berdiri Distrik Asahan Labuhan Batu – Pdt. G.H.M. Siahaan dipilih menjadi Ephorus HKBP dan Pdt. Dr. F.H. Sianipar menjadi Sekretaris Jenderal. – 2-3 Nopember : Jubileum 75 tahun Zending HKBP.

1971

1972

1974

1976

– 27 Januari: Peresmian Pendidikan Diakones HKBP di Balige – 2 Agustus: HKBP memandirikan HKBP Angkola.

1978

– 23-27 Januari: Sinode Godang Istimewa di Simanare Sipoholon – Fakultas Theologia Universitas HKBP diputuskan menjadi Sekolah Tinggi Teologia (STT) HKBP. – Pdt. P.M. Sihombing, MTh terpilih menjadi Sekretaris Jenderal HKBP

1979

– 24 Juni: Peresmian Distrik Simarkata Pakpak

1980

– 11 Juni: Kursus Ketrampilan Pria berdiri di Parparean Porsea – 11 Agustus: Kursus Ketrampilan Wanita berdiri di Doloksanggul

1983

– 24 Februari: Persemian Distrik Tebing Tinggi Deli – 28 Agustus: Penahbisan Diakones Pertama di HKBP Balige

1985

– Februari: Peresmian Distrik Sumatera Bagian Selatan (Sumbagsel)

1986

1987

– 27 Januari: Peresmian Auditorium HKBP di Seminarium Sipoholon – 27 Juli: Penahbisan Pertama Pendeta Wanita di HKBP, Pdt. Norce P Lumbantoruan, STh – 14 Agustus: Peresmian Kantor Induk HKBP di Pearaja Tarutung – 27-31 Juni: Sinode Godang ke 48 – Pdt. Dr. S.A.E. Nababan, LLD. dipilih menjadi Ephorus HKBP dan Pdt. O.P.T. Simorangkir, SmTh. menjadi Sekretaris Jenderal.

1988

– 23 Mei: Berdiri Distrik Humbang Habinsaran – 10-15 Nopember: Sinode Godang Ke 49 menetapkan Garis-garis Besar Kebijaksanaan Pembinaan dan Pengembangan (GBKPP) HKBP

1990

– 20 – 9 Juli: Perkemahan Kerja Pemuda HKBP di Sipirok – 10 – 15 Juli: Konferensi Pemuda di Sipirok – 18 – 21 Juni: Konsultasi Teologia di Parapat

1991

– 9 – 12 April: Sinode Godang Ke 50

1992

– 23 – 28 Nopember: Sinode Godang Ke 51. Ada 3 agenda di Sinode Godang ini, yaitu; Penyelesaian Kemelut HKBP, Periode Fungsionaris dan menetapkan Aturan Peraturan (AD dan ART) HKBP untuk tahun 1992 s/d 2002. Sinode berhasil memutuskan: Tim Penyelesaian Kemelut dan Aturan HKBP 1992 – 2002 (AD) tanpa Peraturan (ART). Pemilihan Fungsionaris HKBP tidak terlaksana, terjadi keributan dan perpecahan di tubuh HKBP hingga tahun 1998.

1993

– 11 – 13 Februari: Sinode Godang Istimewa di Medan melalui undangan Pejabat Ephorus. Di Sinode ini terpilih Pdt. Dr. P.W.T. Simanjuntak sebagai Ephorus dan Pdt. Dr. S.M. Siahaan sebagai Sekretaris Jenderal.

1994

– 29 September – 1 Oktober: Sinode Godang ke 52 menetapkan Aturan Peraturan (AD & ART) tahun 1994 – 2004. – 23 Oktober: Peresmian HKBP Distrik Indonesia Bagaian Timur (IBT)

1995

– 16 – 17 Juni: Sinode Godang Penyatuan HKBP Simarkata Pakpak Otonom dan GKPPD – 6 agustus: HKBP memandirikan Gereja Kristen Protestan Pakpak Dairi (GKPPD) – 24 September: Peresmian HKBP Distrik Jawa Barat, Jawa Tengah dan Yogyakarta (Jabartendy)

1996

– 17 – 22 Nopember: Sinode Godang ke 53 membicarakan Konfesi HKBP

1998

– 26 Oktober – 1 Nopember: Sinode Godang ke 54 di Pematang Siantar / Balige. Pdt. Dr. J.R. Hutauruk terpilih sebagai Pejabat Ephorus dengan tugas menyelenggarakan rekonsiliasi selambat-lambatnya enam bulan. – 17 Nopember: Pernyataan bersama yang ditanda tangani Ephorus Pdt. D. Dr. S.A.E. Nababan, LLD dan Pejabat Ephorus Pdt. Dr. J.R. Hutauruk di Gereja HKBP Sudirman Medan, menentukan rekonsiliasi melalui Sinode Godang Rekonsiliasi tanggal 18 – 20 Desember. – 18 – 20 Desember: Sinode Godang HKBP di Kompleks FKIP Universitas HKBP Nommensen Pematangsiantar. Pdt. Dr. J.R. Hutauruk terpeilih sebagai Ephorus dan Pdt. W.T.P. Simarmata, MA terpilih sebagai Sekretaris Jenderal

2000

– 26 Juli: Konfrensi Nasional HKBP di Convention Center Jakarta – 21 – 24 Nopember: Sinode Godang di Seminarium Sipoholon nemetapkan ” Kebijakan Dasar Pendidikan HKBP” (KDP-HKBP)

2002

– 30 September – 1 Oktober: Sinode Godang di Seminarium Sipoholon menetapkan Aturan Peratutan (AD&ART) yang baru, berlaku 1 Januari 2004, dan Distrik : Jakarta 2, Kepulauan Riau, Jakarta 3, Riau, Langkat, Wilayah Tanah Jawa, Jambi.;



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“BATAK LAND/SOCIETY” BEING ATTACTED BY CHEMICAL BLEACH IN INDORAYON AND METAL DUST AND CHEMICALS FROM DAIRI PAKAPAK & CORRUPTED RELIGOUS BATAK PEOPLE ISLAM/CHRISTIAN. September 24, 2008 at 5:17 am (Uncategorized) (ambon, batak, europe, HKBP.PARMALIM, ISLAM, JAWA, monangsianipar, ROYSIANIPAR, unitedstate, VIKYSIANIPAR)

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DO U REALLY BELIEVE ALL THESE BATAK PARTOBA STILL VIRGIN? look like bunch of cock teaser 2me September 15, 2008 at 8:04 am (Uncategorized) (balige, batak, germany, gobatakradio, INDONESIA, lapobatak, medan, siantar, unitedstate)

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br. Gultom na lilu….. Ini Dj kita yang selalu menemanin anda dari Jerman

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[Feb 27, 2006 at 02:53 PM]

jegez

anggo photo i attar di baen close up ate unang tardia mokmok



[Feb 28, 2006 rusgultom at 02:35 AM] bah ido da, ikkon patuduhon do iba na bagak…datung tingki roa…ido kan ito Jegez… [Feb 28, 2006 gobatak5 at 04:16 AM] Rus landong mi ma nian bah …. sehira naeng ummaon nantang tuh tai lalat heheheh cool gilr [Feb 28, 2006 jegez at 11:08 AM] ito mell .. nai ben ibana do i pake spidol asa songon rano karno hahahahhahahahahhahahahhahahhaha maup ma au [Mar 12, 2006 sahabat at 07:34 PM] horas ito hasian, songon na sombong do ito sonari [Apr 01, 2006 gobatak5 at 06:56 AM] dangna sobbong ibana ito na lagi rtepot do mamikkiri masa depanni negara on hahaha…. [Jun 20, 2006 hasian at 06:51 AM] Bohado landong i boi do digalmit saotik heheheheh muruk annon nampunasa ateee iban … [Jul 16, M 2006 & at M 09:36 AM] Horas eda, wajahnya ama suaranya sama-sama lembut. pinjem landongnya boleh…. [Sep 12, 2006 rusgultom at 12:40 AM] Eda M & M, wajah dan suara ku lembut yah maksud nya kaya lembu, hahhaa…wah pinjam landong juga boleh, datang lah kerumah ku, biar kita operasi an aja, di tempel ke eda aja landong ini, kadang juga aku bosan dgn landong ini ok eda, mauliate ma di pujia na i…lemut do hira sude, molo lagi las roha ..molo lagi muruk, bah dang sanga be lembut… [Sep 12, 2006 rusgultom at 12:41 AM] ito hasian, galmit aja lah,ise muse do na muruk…..pambaheni ma sude [Sep 16, 2006 nirwanpasaribu at 11:14 PM] Salam kenal ito…..kebetulan kantorhu di Wuerzburg….ito didia…….bisa ketemu donk……?! [Sep 21, 2006 surftime at 07:11 AM] Horas ito rus,,,, holan landongi do mambahen tamba bagak ito lol [Sep 30, 2006 rido at 10:23 AM] Horas ito..senyumnya maniz lho..apalg landongnya dibawah bibir. Katanya ada artinya kalo landong dibawah bibir…. , Salam kenal ito ya! [Oct 16, 2006 rusgultom at 04:51 AM] horas ito nirwanpasaribu, kalau mau ketemu boleh aja, jauh kali ito yah uda nanti kasih tau aja klo mo datang…kapan2 kita makan sangsang ..melde dich mal ito ) [Oct 16, 2006 rusgultom at 04:53 AM] holan langgong ( ido mambahen bagak, boha ma i ito surftime, molo mago laggong i, gabe roa ma au ate, mudah2an dang mago laddong i ba, asa tetap bagak. molate [Oct 16, 2006 rusgultom at 04:54 AM] ito rido, dang huboto aha artina bah, paboa ito ma jo, asa binoto dabah, malu awak yang punya laddong g tau artinya …hehehe [Oct 21, 2006 jgultom at 10:39 PM] ito hasian… bagak nai ho… gultom gitu loh.. salam dari temanku Marga Nadapdap. [Oct 30, 2006 pauba72 at 07:11 PM] horas ito boi do masitandahan au di jawa barat do ito bagak do landong ni ito [Nov 03, anthony 2006 maruli at gultom 04:14 PM] Anthony Maruli Gultom salam kenal buat Namboru atau kakak di Jerman [Nov 04, anthony 2006 maruli at gultom 10:13 AM] Namboru rus lagi dimana, kok tidak dibalas. anthony tinggalnya di belgia. salam dari mama dan papa. [Nov 05, 2006 gobatak5 at 02:12 PM] ito , Rusma masih chatting di batam 7 hahahaha…. keamanan portibi dia di sana [Nov 06, 2006 rusgultom at 09:30 AM] ito anthony…horas ito ku, sorry gak cepat balas, lalap sipata au =)) oh ito aku di jerman, kak melita uda cerita klo ito ada di Belgia…aku lagi kuliah di jerman ito ku.doakan lah biar sukses. Datanglah ito ke jerman..kami kemarin ke Belgia jadinya cuman jalan2 tanpa ito… yah coba dari dulu kenal sama ito …tarhona ito ni halak mandongani mardalani, hape adong do ito ku disan. ok ito, horas ma..salam tu inang dan amang. [Nov 06, 2006 rusgultom at 09:34 AM] ito gobatak …hidup batam 7..keamanan bah disana…mantap do batam 7 sipata, molo si jagur dohot si keong tukang boot dang beraksi…Sipata heran do au, aha lapatanni i sude, iya tumagon ma songon gobatak on..adong tarida na di ula…tul kan??? Gobatak maju maju… [Nov 06, anthony 2006 maruli at gultom 09:52 AM] Namboru Rusma anthony mau kirim foto ke Namboru di Jerman tapi lewat emailnya Namboru biar lihat anthony, emailnya namboru adalah [email protected] kalau ok. nanti anthony kirim deh. Sayang ya tidak ketemu di Belgia, Salam. GBU [Nov 07, anthony 2006 maruli at gultom 05:45 AM] Hello Namboru, saya kirim email ke [email protected] kok enggak dibalas, lagi sibuk ya, sorrylah jadi mengganggu. kalau sempat balas ya. Salam. [Dec 14, 2006 NANIARZIX at 02:18 PM] au sai tarbayang do bah molo hu ingot jerman masa lalu di jerman jalan2 ke st paul [Dec 14, 2006 NANIARZIX at 02:23 PM] ito rusma pernah ga jalan2 ke hamburg ada supermarket halak hita disisi marga simamora namanya warung abadi [Dec 20, 2006 mernatalia at 02:18 PM] salam kenal [Jan 19, 2007 cauffman4586 at 11:48 AM] [URL=test.google.pl/]google.pl[/URL] [Feb 16, 2007 rusgultom at 02:36 AM] sorry buat semua , krn lama kali aku jawab nya….hahhahahahha, lagi repot dgn keamanan di batam 7 hahhaha …klo kalian mau chat ato ketemu..sering2 lah datang ke batam 7 , ada id xoxo disana ito lah si boru gultom..ato add id : rusgultom, biar kita bisa cerita2…cu soon..mmwah!. [Mar 18, 2007 swandye at 02:33 PM] jumpang lagi kita ito di sini ..hehehhee [Mar 21, 2007 surftime at 11:14 AM] horas ito , senang bangt kalo ito ini lagi dj, nya radio gobatak radio [Mar 30, 2007 rusgultom at 12:24 AM] ito swandyeeeeeeee, eh tahe…ketemu terus kita di semua web ya ito ..hahahahaha. nampak kali browsing maniak. hihiih [Mar 30, 2007 rusgultom at 12:25 AM] ito Mansur, makasih..senang jg karena ito salah satu pendengar radio yang setia [Mar 30, 2007 gobatak5 at 02:12 PM] si mansur Dia do si mansur penyanyi dangdut ido ? hehehehe… [Nov 30, Marada 2007 Hutagalung,S.Th at 02:47 AM] Hiiiiii…..! Boi marsitandaan ito? (Could I Know you, please?) [Dec 01, 2007 elang at 03:08 AM] [Jan 12, 2008 mr.DR at 11:59 PM] ai kuliah di pakultas dia do ho di jerman ito boru gultom?? [Jan 13, 2008 mr.DR at 12:01 AM] sa pakultas do ho dohot si habibi, alai dang bibi da .. [Jan 30, SURYA 2008 TIMBUL at BUTARBUTAR 06:42 PM] YM: [email protected]. fs saya: [email protected] Powered by Coppermine Photo Gallery

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BATAK ARE YOU SMART ENOUGH TO PLAY INTERNATIONAL MIND GAME?or just few CORRUPTED BATAK/JAVANESE TOOK ALL YOUR LAND RIGHT ROYALTY MONEY? September 13, 2008 at 3:49 am (Uncategorized) (america, batak, california, dairi, germany, holland, INDIA, japan, korea, unitedstate)

Look at the DUST it could be danger to health or to the lake toba water .is it really? Stop being a fool wake up …people says so many batak lawers but none helping the poor uneducated batak land right royalty from mining or other industry read more? Permalink Leave a Comment « Previous page · Next page »

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